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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Bought with the income
ofthe
ALFRED E, PERKINS FUND

¦2-

THE HISTORY
OF THE
STATE OF GEORGIA
From 1850 to 1881,

EMBEACING THE

THREE IMPORTANT EPOCHS :
The Decade Before the War of 1861-5 ; The War;
The Period of Reconstruction,
WITH
PORTRAITS OF TIIE LEADING PUBLIC MEN
OF THIS ERA.

By i. W. AVERY.

COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME.

NEW YORK :
BROWN & DERBY, PUBLISHERS,
21 PARK PLACE.

PREFACE

Whatever may be thought of the estimate of men or dis
cussion of events in this book, the fact will stand unchal
lengeable that no volume ever had richer material for the
Historian's pen. It has been a labor of love to portray
this dear and powerful mother State of ours, and I have
felt that no one could do a better service to her people than
to show her to the world as she is. There is no true Geor
gian who will not thrill with pride at the portraiture of
individual manhood and state majesty. And whatever of
criticism may be justly due to an imperfect execution of a
good aim will be tenderly softened by the home reader's
perception of the author's conscientious desire and faithful
attempt to present the great reality of our matchless com
monwealth. The general reader, lacking the stimulus of state interest,
can yet find an ample theme, for study and admiration in
the decisive agency of Georgia upon those massive questions
of slavery, secession and reconstruction, which have shaped
the affairs of this nation for the last half century. No na
tional record of the colossal events, belonging to that mo
mentous period of human civilization, can be complete or
intelligible that lacks the potential impress of Georgia act
and statesmanship. That this State furnished the molding

PREFACE.

spirits of the Southern Confederacy, and that the stupend
ous endeavor at an independent nationality expired upon
Georgia soil, must ever give to our Commonwealth the un
fading interest and profound thought of all philosophical
students of history.

CONTENTS. PART I.
THE DECADE BEFORE THE WAR OF 1861-65.
CHAPTER I. Pagh.
Georgia an Imperial Commonwealth, .... .... :i
CHAPTER II.
The Start of Governor Brown's Stro.vg Life, . . _ .... 7
CHAPTER in.
Governor Brown's Marked Career AS A State Senator IN 1849, . . 16
CHAPTER IV.
Herschell v. Johnson as Governor, . .... . .24
CHAPTER V.
Governor Brown's Scratch Nomination for Governor in 1857, .... 31
CHAPTER VI.
Brown Defeats Ben. Hill in a Hard Canvass,  . 39
CHAPTER VII.
Brown's Election as Governor the Precdrsor of a Striking Era of
Change, .... • ¦ ,  47
CHAPTER VIII.
The Fiery Battle of the Banks,  58
CHAPTER IX.
The Wat Governor Brown Gashed into old Customs,  68
CHAPTER X.
The Spirit of 1858 in Georgia  . .... 76
CHAPTER XI.
Gov. Brown's Superb Public Endorsement and Renomination, ... 84
CHAPTER XII.
The Gubernatorial Tussle between Gov. Brown and Warren Akin, . . 9,3
CHAPTER XIII.
A TIoT Chapter of Gathering Revolution, ... . .... 10,1

yi^ CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XIV. Page.
The Fatal Split of the National and Georgia Democracy IN 1860, . . 114
CHAPTER XV.
The M0.MENTOUS Close of the Last Year of Pisace, 1860, . .... 124
CHAPTER XVI.
The Stubborn Battle in Georgia over Disunion,  135
CHAPTEE XVII.
The Most Vital Chapter of Georgia History— Her Secession from the
Unio.v,  143
PART II.
THE BLOODY HARVEST OF WAR.
CHAPTER XVIII.
The Princely Prosperity Georgia Staked on the War, . . ... 161
CHAPTER XIX.
The Rape of the Guns,  171
CHAPTER XX.
The Birth OF THE Confederacy and the Shadow of War,  180
CHAPTER XXI.
The Blazing War Fever OF THE FIRST OF 1861,  . . . 191
CHAPTER XXn.
The Precedent of a Century Overthrown, and Brown made Governor
THE Third Time,  201
CHAPTER XXIII.
Gov. Brown's Stormy Time with the Legislature op 18S1-2, . . . . 212
CHAPTER XXIV.
The Organization of State Troops under Major-GeJneral Henry R.
Jackson,  224
CHAPTER XXV.
Brown and Davis in their Great Tussle over Conscription, .... 232
CHAPTER XXVI.
A Gloomy Chapter of War's Ravage,  .... 246
CHAPTER XXVII.
The Increasing War Fever of 1863,  ,58
CHAPTER XXVIII.
The First Half of the Most Thrilling Year of Georgia Annals, 1864 268

I
CONTENTS. IX
CHAPTER XXIX. Page.
Sherman Tears Atlanta from Hood,  281
CHAPTER XXX.
Sherman's Peace Effort and Famous March to the Sea,  300
CHAPTER XXXI.
The Closing Throes op THE Revolution, AND the Tragic End, .... 317
PART III.
THE RECONSTRUCTION TRAVESTY AND A SUPERB
REHABILITATION. CHAPTER XXXII.
The Transition Period of Puke Bayonet Rule,  335
CHAPTER XXXIII.
The Organization of the State Government under President Johnson's
Plan,  345
CHAPTER XXXIV.
The Second Iron-Handed and Whimsical Phase op Reconstruction, . . 357
CHAPTER XXXV.
A Throbbing Chapter of Reconstruction Harlequinade, Ending with
Gov. Jenkins' Removal,  369
CHAPTER XXXVI.
The Feverish March of Events in 1868,  381
CHAPTEE XXXVII.
The Famous Legislative Expurgation of the Blacks,  394
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
Gov. Bullock's Desperate Endeavor to Ee-enact Reconstruction, . . . 407
CHAPTER XXXIX.
A Burning Chapter of FoLLT AND Shame,  419
CHAPTER XL.
The Twin Infamies of Prolongation and Financial Mismanagement, . . 438
CHAPTER XLI.
The Downfall op the Reconstruction Regime, and Bullock's Resigna
tion AND Flight  . . . . ¦ 452
CHAPTER XLII.
The Final Act of Joyous State Redemption, . . , , , . , 464

i CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XLni. Page.
Georgia's Famous Expurgation of Fraudulent Bonds,  475
CHAPTEE XLIV.
The Administration op Gov. James M. Smith,  ^^^
CHAPTEE XLV.
Gov. Alfred H. Colquitt and his Magnificent Majority,  515
CHAPTER XLVI.
Gov. Colquitt's Brilliant Financial Administration,  528
CHAPTEE XLVII.
The Extraordinary Crusade of Hostility to Gov. Colquitt, . ... 537
CHAPTER XLVIII.
The Powerful Historic Georgia Triumvirate, Colquitt, Gordon, and
Brown  553
CHAPTER XLIX.
Gov. Colquitt Recommended for Governor by the Most Extraordinary
and Exciting Political Convention op Georgia Annals, . ... 568
CHAPTEE L.
Gov. Colquitt's Overwhelming Re-election,  589
CHAPTEE LI.
The Journalism and Literature of Georgia,  609
' CHAPTER Ln.
The Railroads, Resources and Future of Georgia, . ,  631
APPENDIX.
A. — Georgia Officers who Served in the Civil War in the Confed
erate Service,  657
B. — Correspondence between Jefferson Davis, President of the Con
federacy, AND Joseph E. Brown, Gov. of Georgia, on Conscrip
tion,  695
C, — Original Communication of Mrs, Mary Williams, to the Columbus
(Ga,) Times, Suggesting the Decoration Day Custom, . . . 715

ILLUSTRA.TIONS.

LIST OF STEEL PLATE PORTRAITS. Page.
1. I. W. Avery, (Frontispiece.)
2. Joseph E. Brown, J£t. 29,  23
3. Jos. Henry Lumpkin,  54
4. C. J. McDonald,  76
5. Howell Cobb,  Ill
6. H. V. Johnson  125
7. KoBERT Toombs,  140
8. Geo. W. Crawford,  150
9. Alex. H. Stephens,  181
10. E. A. NisBET  209
11. Henky R. Jackson  227
12. Jefferson Davis,  233
It. B. H. Hill  255
14. W. T. Sherman,  274
15. Joseph E. Johnston,  280
16. James B. McPherson,  282
17. W. J. Haedek,  313
18. C. J. Jenkins,  3.52
19. Joshua Hill,  398
20. O. A. Lochr.\ne  456
21. Hiram Warner,  ,493
22. Thos. M, Norwood  494
23. Alfred H. Colquitt,  519
24. Campbell Wallace,  554
25. Joseph E. Brown,  , 563
LIST OF ENGRAVED PORTRAITS.
26. W. H. Stiles  34
27. John E. Ward,  51
28. Mrs. M. Williams  242
29. A. R. Lawton,  294
30. Thos. Hardeman,  351
31. R. E. Lester,  400

12

illustrations.

32.33.34.35.36.37.38.39.
40.41.42.43.44.45.46. 47.48.49. 50.51.52.53.51.55. 56.
57.

" Augusta Chronicle and Constitutionalist'. i Group, 610

PAGE.
J. B. Gordon  506
James Jackson, 1
Martin J. CiiAWFonD, J- Supreme Court Group,  515
Alex. M. Speer, J
A. O. Bacon,  523
L. J. Gartrell,  557
L. JST. Trammell  574
Patrick Walsh,
A. R. Wright,
Jas. R. Randall,
Henry C. Moore,
James Gardner,
N. P. T. Finch, ]
W. A. Hemphill, y Atla,nta, Constitution Group,  614
Evan P. Howell, J
Chas. H. Smith, " Bill Arp."
Joel Chandler Harris, " Uncle Remus."
W. T. Thompson, " Major Jones."
R. M. Johnston, Author "Dukesboro Tales," etc.
C. C. Jones, Ju 
E. W. Cole,
E. p. Alexander,
Wm. M. Wadley,
J. P. King,
L. P. Grant,
G. J. Fobeacre,

Humorists, . 623

625

- Georgia's Railway Kings,  637

PART I.
The Decade before the War
OF 1861-5.

CHAPTER L
GEORGIA AN IMPERIAL COMMONWEALTH.
A Leader in the august Sisterhood of States. — Ilei- Superior Individuality. — Her
Adventurous Citizenship.— The Theater of Great Events.— The Most Potential
Southern State iu the War of 1861.— Her Affluence of Public Men in the Last
Quarter of a Century. — The Leading Instrumentality of Joseph E. Brown.
The annals of no State in this expansive Union will show a record
more illustrious, and also more picturesque in coloring, than our goodly
Commonwealth of Georgia. She was one of the original colonies, the
historic thirteen, that won independence in the forever famous revolu
tion of 1776, and formed the basis of our present marvelous nationality.
Founded in 1733 by that noble English gentleman, Sir James Oglethorpe,
and embracing the princely scope of territory extending from the
Atlantic coast to the Mississippi river, from which has been cut and
formed several of our finest Southern states, Georgia has from that
early day to the present maintained the luster of her origin, and
illustrated in peace and war, in arts and arms, in achievement and states
manship, in population and progress, the virtue, independence and
power of a free, intellectual and Christian people.
Among all of the great commonwealths of the Union, there. is, per
haps, no single one as royally endowed by nature as Georgia. There
are larger states, there are states surpassing her in individual lines
of production, but in the possession of a lavish variety of resource,
Georgia is the foremost. Whether we regard her versatile agricultural
fertility, her varied mineral wealth, her manufacturing possibilities or
her commercial advantages, she has them all in affluent profusion; and
superadding to these a healthy climate ¦ ranging from the purest of
mountain air to the fresh buoyancy of her ocean border, a prodigal
possession of crystal springs and rivers, ahd scenery variedly picturesque,
and it is no exaggeration to claim for her a leading position in the
august sisterhood of the United States.
Her career has had. a romantic character, befitting her superior
individuality. Hers has been a continuously dramatic destiny. Georgia,
from her founding in 1773, has made a luminous chronicle of eventful
emprise and stirring incident. There seems to have been from the first

4 GEORGIA S BRILLIANT PUBLIC MEN.
an adventurous quality in her citizenship that has shown itself in unusual
accomplishment. She has exerted a marked influence in every line of
her growth and phase of her progress. She has been the theater of
startling surprises and great operations. Both in military and in civil
matters she has had uncommon prestige and achieved striking experi
ences. Especially in the wars that have convulsed the country has
Georgia been conspicuous and brilliant. In both revolutions of 1776
and 18G1 her soil was the arena of momentous and deicisive movements,
that gave her renown and imparted vital direction to the final result.
In the great civil war, so fresh in our memories, she played a role that,
take it all in all, was in some respects the most striking and eventful of
any Southern state.
It has been her fortune, both before and during the late war, to
have conflicts of argument, involving fundamental principles in our
government, with the national administrations, that have alike given
the state celebrity and illustrated the independence of her state authori
ties. The fact is that Georgia has antagonized every measure of the
Federal Government, that has in her judgment encroached upon con
stitutional law or individual liberty.
The last thirty years, extending from 1850 to the present, have been
a marked era in her history — an era remarkable for the momentous and
tragic incidents crowded into the brief period of a little more than a
quarter of a century. The agitation of the slavery question, that finally
culminated in the attempted dissolution of" the Union and its tragic
consequences, may be said in the compromise measures of 1850, to have
taken -its first serious steps to the terrible end that came. It is the
philosophy of compromise to procrastinate evil without curing it. And
an inevitable conflict loses nothing of its savagery by abortive patch
work. The decade from 1850 to the civil crash of 1861, was a period of
unconscious preparation for the mighty struggle. And as no state took
a larger or more vital part in the conflict than Georgia when the con
flict came, so no state contributed more potentially to the influences
preliminary to it in the ten years of seething revolutionary preface.
Among the public men of national fame Georgia furnished some of the
most daring thinkers, and famous orators of the day,— statesmen of
large ability apd powerful public influence. Through her whole history
Georgia has been particularly affluent in brilliant public men. It is
doubtful whether she ever shone more resplendently in this wealth of
gifted characters, than during the thirty years to which reference is made
Our state affairs were, in the decade before the war, manao-ed with

JOSEPH E. BROWN. 5
unusually brilliant skill, while in the national councils we had represent
atives of surpassing prominence and force.
Marking as this period of thirty years does, an era alike in the history
,of our state and the nation, distinctive and dramatic, in which there
was not only a revolution of arms of vast magnitude, but an even
greater revolution of thought and social and political systems, I have
selected it for the theme of this book. Looking at the large number of
able and influential men of Georgia who have figured and led in this
important and dramatic period, the man above all others who has beeq
more closely identified with the great events of this memorable epoch in
Georgia and whose masterful individuality has ,been the most conspic
uously impressed upon these events, is the calm face and slender figure
of Joseph E. Brown. His public car.eer for a quarter of a century has
been the history of his state. There is no year in this long episode of
thriUing event that his instrumentality could be dropped out without
creating an important blank in the picture, while no incident of the
romantic record could be properly narrated that lacked the recounting
of his powerful agency. From the day that, absolutely unheralded and
almost unknown to the state, he was by a mysterious stroke of fortune'
placed at the helm of state, he has been the moving power in public
matters. If his ideas have been temporarily vanquished he has seen
them ultimately triumphant. Affluent as the state has been in remark
able men, it is a matter of material doubt if the annals of the common
wealth can show a character of more brain and will than Brown — a
public career more valiant and dramatic than his. Bold, able, clear
headed, aggressive, placid, with unequaled powers of management, and
an invincible method with the popular masses, he seized the public mind
and impressed himself upon public affairs with as much force as any
public man Georgia has ever had. Coming into public life when the
state had a brilliant host of public men, illustrating her magnificently in
eloquence, statesmanship and influence, "Joe Brown," as he has been
familiarly called, immediately stepped in the very front, and has been
ever since an imperious dominating leader. ' His public career has been
a continuous surprise, bristling with dramatic alternations of popular
admiration and odium, and almost uninterruptedly marked by triumphs
of power clutched by marvelous exhibition of management in desperate
political contests, largely flavored with the most earnest personal spirit.
In all the varied vicissitudes of Georgia's history with some of the most
impressive characters to dazzle public attention, it is doubtful if any
public man of her annals has filled a larger measure of public thought,

JOSEPH^ E. BROWN.

or has taken a stronger hold upon the measures and times with which
he has been connected, than this indomitable type of equipoised judg

ment.

In view of Gov. Brown being the central figure of the last quarter of
a century of Georgia matters, I have deemed it not inappropriate to
devote a couple of chapters to his early life, not only for the interest of
the work, but to throw upon the heavy facts of our grave history the
illustration of so vital an agency during this thrilling period.

CHAPTER II.
THE START OF GOV. BROWN'S STRONG LIFE.
His Progenitors. — Born of Fighting Sires. — Gameful by Heredity. — A Boyhood of Toil
and Close Living. — His Immigration to Historic Gaddistown. — The United States'
Senate and Gaddistown. — The Famous Plow Bull. — Schooling in South Carolina. —
A Pair of Steers for Board. — Remarkable Progress. — A Country School Teacher. —
-Beads Law iu Resting Hours. — Dr. Lewis. — Brown's Fidelity to Friends — Admitted
"to the Bar. — Goes to Yale College Law School. — A Practitioner of Law.
The full name of Senator Brown is Joseph Emerson Brown. He is not
a native Geprgian, but was born in the adjoining state of South Carolina,
in Picke.ns., District, on the 15th day of April, 1821. He was therefore
si.xty years of age April 15; 1881. His birthplace was near the home of
John C. Calhoun, that apostle of the doctrine of States Rights. It was
here that young Brown had imbibed with the tenacity of his determined
nature Calhoun's theory of state government. And it will be seen how,
when he became Governor of Georgia, these decided views of state
sovereignty molded his official conduct, and led him to controversies
that have become historic.
It is not by any means uninteresting to trace in the life of this gentle
man the ancestral qualities that came to him legitimately by hereditary
transmission. His remote progenitors on the paternal side were Scotch-
Irish Presbyterians, and way back in those dismal days of English
history, when civil strife would seem to have culminated its horrors in
the time of James the Second,* they faithfully adhered to the fortunes
of William anfi Mary. Their home was in the vicinity of Londonderry,
Ireland, and when that place was subjected to the cruelties of a length
ened siege, the ancestors of Joseph E. Brown vindicated their courage
and their fidelity by an unmurmuring participation in the sufferings of
that occasion. In an exceedingly vivid sketch comparing " Joe Brown
and Bob Tombs," " H. W. G," in the Constitution newspaper, thus
alludes to Brown's progenitors :
" Joe Brown and Bob Toombs ! Both illustrious and great— both powerful and
strong- and yet at every point, and from every view, the perfect opposites of each
other. " Through two centuries have two different strains of blood, two conflicting lines of
thought, two separate theories of social, religious and political life, been working out

o BEOWN AND TOOMBS.
the two types of men, which have in our day flowered into the perfection of contrast —
vivid, thorough and pervasive. For seven generations the ancestors of Joe Brown have
heen restless, aggressive rebels — for a longer time the Tooml)3 have been dauntless and
iutolerant followers of the king and kingliness. At the siege of Londonderry — the
most remarkable fasting match beyond Tanner — Margaret aud James Brown, grand
parents of the James Brown who came to America and was grand-parent of Joe Brpwn
_ — were within the walls, starving and fighting for William and Mary; and I have
no doubt there were hard-riding Toombs outside the walls, charging in the name
of the peevish and unhappy James. Certain it is that forty years before the direct
ancestors of General Toombs on the Toombs estate were hiding good King Charles in
tlie oak at Boscabel, where, I have no doubt, the father and uncles of the Londonderry
Brown, with cropped hair and severe mien, were proguing about the place with their
pikes, searching every bush, in the name of Cromwell and the psalm-singers. From
these initial points sprang the two strains of blood — the one affluent, impetuous, prod
igal — the other slow, resolute, forceful. From these ancestors came the two men — the
one superb, ruddy, fashioned with incomparable grace and fullness — the other pale,
thoughtful, angular, stripped down to brain and sinew. From these opposing theories
came the two types — the oue patrician, imperious, swift in action and brooking no stay
— the other democratic, sagacious, jealous of rights and submitting to no imposition.
The one for the king — the other for the people. It does not matter that the elder
Toombs was a rebel in Virginia against the- fat George, for that revolt was kingly of
itself, and the Virginian cavaliers went into it with love-locks fiying and care cast to the
winds, feeling little of the patient spirit of James Brown, who, by his Carolina fireside,
fashioned his remonstrance slowly, aud at last put his lifeupon the issue."
In 17-45, Brown's ancestors emigrated to America. This was some
thirteen years after the settlement of Georgia by Oglethorpe. They
flrst settled in the colony of Virginia, but subsequently removed to
South Carolina, where they became worthy citizens, keeping up their
stern fidelity to patriotic duty. Joseph Brown, the grandfather and
namesake of Senator Brown, was a resolute Whig in the days of the
Revolution of 1776, and did his part gamefully in that memorable strife.
He fought in many leading engagenjents, including Camden, Kings
Mountain and others. He was true to the rebel instincts of the blood,
and upheld the colonial cause until independence crowned the long and
weary contest.
Of the family of Joseph Brown the revolutionary sire, Mackey Brown,
the father of Joseph E. Brown, when quite a young man sought a home
in the state of Tennessee, in the middle section of that commonwealth
of bountiful products. Following the intrepid impulses that came to
him from his Londonderry progenitors, Mackey Brown enlisted in the
war of 1812 in the brigade of General Carroll. He went with this com
mand to New Orleans, and shared actively in all of the campaigns of
that war, finally fighting with " Old Hickory " in the celebrated battle
of the Sth of January, 1815, which resulted in the death of General

GADDISTOWN. 9
Packenham, the British commander ; the defeat of the British army,
and the election of General Jackson as President. It will thus be seen
that Joe Brown comes of a fighting stock, and the unyielding combative-
ness that has constituted one of the staple ingredients of his character,
and a leading feature of his political life, is a quality of long-transmitted '
inheritance, perpetuated through generations of resolute blood and
fiery trial.
Mackey Brown returned from the war to Tennessee and married
Sally Rice, whose people came from England and, settling in Virginia,
emigrated to Tennessee. After the marriage, Mackey Brown and his
young wife moved back to South Carolina to Pickens District, where,
in the quiet pursuit of an agricultural life, eleven children were born,
the oldest of whom was Joseph E. Brown.
The early life of Joe Brown was uneventful. His parents were in
moderate circumstances, and he grew up accustomed to farm labOr. He
was educated in those simple habits of living, temperate, abstemious
and healthful, from which in all the elevations of his extraordinary
career he has never deviated. From the early age of eight he did
steady farm work until he was nineteen years old, filling in the intervals
with the ordinary country schooling. Before he was grown, however,
Mackey Brown left South Carolina and emigrated to Union county,
Georgia, where Joseph E. Brown made the humble beginning of his
wonderful career in this state. The little valley near which they settled
was called Gaddistown.
Men make localities famous. It is the province of genius to thus
emulate great events in conferring celebrity upon places. The-obscure
little country place of Gaddistown has earned immortality through the
poor uneducated boy that arrived there in his 'teens over forty years
ago. When at the close of the most protracted political and personal
campaign ever held in Georgia, in which he was a leader and factor, this
penniless and unlettered boy become a millionaire in wealth, all won by
his own strong industry and enterprise, grasped in his powerful hand
the glittering honor of a United States Senatorship by such a majority
as the most fortunate of men rarely get, the wondering populace, caught
from its rural hiding place in the mountains of Georgia, far away from
the whistle of the steam car, the modest locality of Gaddistown and
made it a household word forevermore. Such is the spell of genius.
In the badinage that flashed about the marvelous victory, Gaddistown
bloomed into fame as the spot where the millionaire Senator plowed his
historic bull in the days of his penniless youth, and made the modest

10 Iin.I. ARP'S EEMINISCENCE.
starting of his miraculous career. The papers rang with the name of
Gaddistown. In the brilliant breakfast room of the Kimball House,
where a large number of Senator Brown's friends gathered to dine in
honor of his overwhelming election that day, the Gaddistown Club was
oraranized in tribute to the henceforth immortal Gaddistown.
During these years of his youth up to the age of nineteen, young
Brown learned nothing but the three R's, — reading, 'riting and
'rjthmetic, and these very limitedly. He worked laboriously, plowing
his now historic bull, hauling wood to Dahlonega, selling vegetables in
a basket to the hotel and others that would buy, and aiding in the
frugal support of his father's large family. " Bill Arp," in one of his
inimitable letters to the Constitiiticm., narrates the following interesting
incident of the period of Brown's life, told him by Gen. Ira Foster:
" When he got to talking about Joe Brown he stretched forth his arm and said that
man is. a miracle. I knew his parents before he was born. They were exceedingly
poor. His aunt Sidney did my washing when I was a young man living in Dahlonega
some fifty years ago.
" Joe .cultivated a little scrap of hillside land with a pair of bull calves, and everv
Saturday hauled to town some potatoes or cabbages or light wood or other truck in
trade, and took back something for the family. In 1839, I think it was, I was riding to
Canton in a buggy, and I overtook a young man walking in a very muddy lane. He
had a striped bag hung over his shoulder and looked very tired. I asked him if he
would not take a seat, and he looked down at himself and said he was too muddy, and
that he would dirty up the buggy. I insisted and he broke off a splinter from a rail
and scraped his shoes and got in. I learned from him that his name was Joe Brown,
and he was going to Canton to get something to do. I have kept an eye on him for
forty years. He is a wonder to me."
But there was a something in the youth that impelled him irresistibly
to a higher and broader life, and his strong intelligence realized the
necessity of a better educational equipment. There is no doubt how
ever that in these years of youthful work were laid the foundation of
those inestimable habits of patience, pains-taking industry, frugality,
self-control, and a knowledge of and sympathy with the laboring masses
that have so marked his career, and aided in his exceptional success.
In the fall of 1840 he obtained his father's consent to make a new
departure and gratify his craving for education. All that his father
could do for the 'boy who was to carve out for himself so wonderful a
fortune, was to give him some home-made clothing and a yoke of steers.
With this modest endowment of worldly goods the youth went back to
Carolina and entered the Calhoun academy in Anderson district prob
ably drawn there by his reverence for the name and doctrines of
Calhoun. The steers paid for eight months' board. The tuition was

BROWN A LAAV STUDENT. 11
obtained on credit. It can be well imagined that a spirit so determined
upon an education improved this oiJjDortunity to the fullest measure of
an uncommon intellect. Returning to Georgia in the fall of 1841, the
earnest youngster taught school for three months to get the means to
continue his schooling, and went back in January 1842 to Calhoun
academy, pursuing his studies by incurring debt for his tuition and
board, A very successful and eminent teacher, Mr. Wesley Leverett,
was in charge of Calhoun academy, and the bond of sympathy between
him and his remarkable pupil was such, that when Mr. Leverett left tlie
academy and removed to another school that he established' near
Anderson Court House, the wise youth followed him and enjoyed his
instruction during that year. The progress of young Brown in his
studies was very rapid and marked. His strong practical mind, with its
'keen hunger for knowledge and its native superiority of application and
mental labor, achieved astonishing results, delighting his preceptor. Liis
money with which to pay board early gave out, but he readily obtained
it on credit, there being no lack of friends to trust and encourage a
spirit so bent upon an education. The extraordinary progress he made
can be understood when it is known that in two years' study from the
groundwork young Brown had fitted, himself to enter an advanced class
in college. He had to forego college education, however, because he
had not the means.
In January 1844 Mr. Brown, at the age of twenty-two, returned to
Georgia and opened an academy in Canton, Cherokee county. He had
to repay the debts incurred in his education, and he fully realized the
obligation that rested upon him. He opened his academy with six
scholars, the number rapidly increasing to sixty as his admirable
capacity for teaching was demonstrated. The school was popular. He
taught the year through, devoting his days to his pupils and his even
ings and Saturdays to laborious study of the law.
This earnest young man wasted no hours. His mastery of the law
was thorough and close. A methodical division of his time with the
intensest attention while . at study enabled him to accomplish large
results. As a teacher he wAs unusually, successful, and had he pur
sued that vocation he would have made an eminent instructor. His'
placid temper, great patience, .determined will, admirable tact and
practical clear methods, fitted him finely to teach and control scholars..
At the end of the year he had made and saved enough money to pay
off the entire debt incurred in Carolina for his education, and with that ,
scrupulous regard for his obligations that has distinguished the man

12 . BEOWN A YOUNG LAAVYER.
always, he, made a special trip to that State and repaid to the last dollar
every liability due for board and tuition.
During the year 1845 he continued his law studies in Canton, teach
ing the children of his friend and patron. Dr. John W. Lewis, for his
board. The relations between Dr. Lewis and young Brown were very
close and tender. It illustrates , a strong quality of Senator Brown's
nature that in after years, when he became influential and had patronage
at his disposal, he remembered his early benefactor and delighted tO
honor him. Fidelity to his friends is a crowning quality of the man,
and has been a large factor in his success. He ajjpointed Dr. Lewis
Superintendent of the State Road, and afterwards Confederate State's
Senator, when there was a vacancy in that high office. Gratitude is
golden, and it belongs to Joseph E. Brown in a; remarkable degree.
In August 1845, Mr. Brown was, after a searching examination
of several hours, admitted to the bar. The jjresiding judge compli
mented him highly ujjon his proficiency. He is said to have answered
incorrectly but one question put to him by the examining committee of
. lawyers, who seeing that they had an unusually well-informed applicant
to 'test, made the ordeal as critical as they could. At this same term of
the court the young lawyer made his flrst speech and won a host of
encomiums alike from the bar and the audience. In that maiden effort
he, according to the traditions of that day, gave specimen of the simple
style of effective talk that made him afterwards so potential in speech
while claiming no pretensions to oratory. He had a clear method of
presenting his cause, a faculty of putting the irresistible common sense
of the subject, and a homely, direct power of reaching the hearts of his
hearers that proved wonderfully successful.
Talking in Spring Place, Murray county, in 1866, at a term of the
Superior Court there, with an old citizen and admirer of Brown, who
had often seen him in the trial of cases, the citizen said that in many
respects Brown was the most remarkable young lawyer he had ever
known. He said he had never seen a young lawyer, nor an old one
either, that did not some time lose his equilibrium. In the ups and
downs of a trial, the most experienced were thrown off their balance by
some unexpected testimony or some sudden and crushing reverse. But
nothing could disturb Brown. His composure and self-possession were
immovable. The worst disaster in a trial found him as cool and placid
as a summer morn, with every wit sharpened to nulhfy it. This game
quality impressed others profoundly, and gave him a great advantage
in forensic battles.

BROWN AT YALE COLLEGE. 13
Mr. Brown was now twenty-four years old, and had studied the law
nearly two years and passed a rare examination in his admission to the
bar. He was better equipped for practice than the majority of young
lawyers. But he was not satisfied with his preparation. Having an
exalted standard of professional success before him, and appreciating
that to be a great lawyer a man must broaden and liberalize his mind,
as well as be thoroughly initiated , into the fundamental principles of
law and government. Brown resolved to enlarge and perfect his legal
education. His staunch friend. Dr. Lewis, loaned him the money to
carry out his purpose, and in October 1845, he entered thfe law school
at Yale College and remained there until June 1846.
His year of study at Yale was very valuable. His hard digging ft
the law in the mountains of Georgia stood him in good stead in round
ing off his legal education at venerable Yale. The mountain youth
stood at no disadvantage with the youngsters of wealth at the old
college. He took the lead easily in his classes. He found it a light
matter with his strong native powers, fortified by two years of close
legal application in his quiet rural home, to take all of the studies of the
three classes, and keep up with them, and yet in addition, attend many
of the lectures of the professors in other departments, as Professor
Silliman on Chemistry and Geology ; Dr. Taylor on Mental Philosophy ;
'Dr. Knight on Anatomy, and others. He graduated at the commence
ment in 1846 in the law school, but did not remain to take his diploma
in person. In that practical spirit that governed him in all matters, he
requested permission to stand his examination and leave in June, in
ord&r that he might get the business benefit of attending the fall courts
at home in Georgia. His diploma was sent to him. He located in
Canton, and at the ripe age of twenty-five years he began the practice
of his cherished profession of the law, and soon built into a lucrative
business. Looking at Senator Brown's course preliminary to his beginning the
practice of the law, there is a fine example for poor yottng men and a
marked exhibition of that native sagacity that has governed his life.
Commencing at nineteen years of age with but a light country school
ing, he, of his own wise impulses, devoted six years to his education.
His rare natural abilities were in the vigor of a youthful healthy man
hood. He was ripe for the very best acquisition of learning and the
most profitable training of his faculties. His powerful young mind was
just in that age of maturity of the learning capacity, that made his
studies doubly useful. This poor country youth was ^ tardy beginner

14 BROWN MARRIED.
of life's practical business at twenty-five years of age, but he in reality
possessed a perfection of equipment that few beginners have. Purity
of habit and principle that secluded country life gives, habituation to
severe ordeals of physical and mental labor, a long course, of legal
education finished at the finest law school in the country, and a social
and mental intelligence of unusual grasp capped and widened and
polished by the collisions, the culture and worldly knowledge of a year
at a cosmopolitan college, all were young Brown's, when he started life
in the country village of Canton, in the sunny summer of 1846. And it
is not by any means a surprising matter that he succeeded. Such
powers, such knowledge and such methods as he had were bound to
succeed. There was nothing brilliant about him. But he made the
progress ever achieved by hard and continuous work. He never lost a
client. He lived as he had been raised, moderately and helpfully, and
his habits continued simple. He made 11,200 the first year, and then
pushed up slowly but steadily to $2,000 and $3,000. He never went
backward. He made no blunders. His investments were all safe and
judicious. He very early paid $450 for a piece of land which after
wards turned out handsomely for him, a half interest in a copper mine
thereon bringing him $25,000, which he invested in farms, and which
was the basis of his afterwards immense fortune.
The next wise and fortunate step that this rising young man took
was to marry a good wife. In 1847 he was united in marriage to Miss
Elizabeth Gresham, the daughter of the Rev. Joseph Gresham, a Baptist
minister of South Carolina. He made a happy marriage, his wife shar
ing congenially the eventful fortunes of his remarkable life, presiding
well over his happy home, and raising admirably the large family of
intelligent and worthy children that she has brought to him.
As a lawyer, as can be conceived, Mr. Brown immediately took a
foremost rank. Instantaneously prompt and punctual, giving immedi
ate attention to all matters entrusted to his care, untiringly industrious,
working up his cases thoroughly, examining legal questions to the
bottom, exhausting authorities, carefully correct in judgment, full of
the resources of pleading and practice, and an earnest and convincing
speaker, he had every quality needed to give him both reputation and
practice. A gentleman had a claim against a farmer residing in ten or twelve
miles of Canton. He arrived there in the afternoon and was referred to
Mr. Brown. He put the matter in Brown's hands, who told him to call
the next morning. Brown rode out to the house of the citizen that

BEOWN AS AN ADVOCATE. 15
very evening, managed to get the money, returned to his office, and
when the gentleman called by appointment early the ne.xt morning,
paid him his money. He stopped at no trouble or labor in his business,
and his swift promptness and tenacious attention to ihis cases wrought
their inevitable results. Every lawyer in large practice can point to
his hard forensic battles and romantic victories, won by clever strokes
of legal strategy and skillful operations of professional acumen. Mr.
Brown had an unusual number of such struggles and triumphs. A
plain man and severely practical, lacking the flash of oratory and mak
ing no glittering personal display, yet there was a romance and dramatic
effect in his management of some of his legal skirmishes, that surpassed'
the achievement of more showy solicitors. Some of his legal contests
were surprises of skill and boldness. A very earnest man, of indomit
able will and unswerving purpose, he was a hard hitting forensic fighter.
Secretive as to his plans, he sprung damaging traps upon his opponents
and he pursued a defeated- antagonist unrelentingly. Hon. L. N. Tram- '
mell, speaking of his power as a lawyer, said his influence over a jury
was extraordinary. While not an orator, his speeches were irresistible.
Says Mr. Trammell, " Gov. Brown's speeches to juries were marvels
of effect. They were as clear as a, siinbeam. They exhausted practical
sense, and reason, and put his side of a case so .strongly and logically,
that he always carried conviction."

CHAPTER III.
GOV. BROWN'S MARKED CAREER AS A STATE SENATOR
IN 1849.
His Early Drift to Politics. — Runs for Senator. — The Temperance Issue — His Election.
 The Legislature of 1849 noted for its Fierce Political Controversies. — Andrew J.
Miller and Joe Brown the Leaders. — The Veteran and the Neophyte. — Brown Leaps
to the Front.— Brown and Alfred H. Colquitt.— A Curious Coincidence.— The Per-
souelle of that Body. — The Judges of that Day. — Hiram Warner. — H. V. Johnson. —
Mrs. Johnson. — Henry R. Jackson. — Aug. HanseU. — James Jackson. — Gartrell's
Resolutions. — The Heat upon Slavery. — Dissolution of the Union Intimatbd. — Chas.
J. Jenkins.— Chas. J. McDonald.— Miller's Hobby.— The " Woman's Bill."— Gov.
Brown against all the New Fangled Ideas. — Richard H. Clarke. — Thos. Butler
King. — 0. A. Lochrane.
But while Gov. Brown was and is a great lawyer, the dominant ten
dency of his nature was political. A profound and able jurist, his forte
was politics. His greatest capacities drove him to public Ufe. He took
to it as a fish does to water. His popular tact was unerring, his fitness
, for political contest perfect. Admitted to the bar in 1846, he drifted
into politics in 1849. At that time there were forty-seven Senatorial
Districts in the state, each furnishing a Senator. Forty-six of the Dis
tricts were composed of two counties each, and Mr. Brown Uved in the
forty-first, which was composed of Cherokee and Cobb counties. He
received the Democratic nomination. Opposed by Col. John M. Edge,
the canvass was an active one and resulted in his triumphant election.
The temperance issue was raised against Mr. Brown, he being a member
of the order of the Sons of Temperance. With his usual positiveness
he took square temperance ground when assailed. The objection was
made to him that he was against the liquor traffic. He accepted it
boldly, refused to treat to liquor in his canvass, and in his speeches
broadly announced that he would treat no one, though the refusal might
cause hig defeat by thousands of votes. In a rural mountain section
where the distillation of spirits is largely carried on, it might well be
supposed that such a declaration would be perilous. The custom of
candidates using Uquor freely in their campaigns was general. He had
the courage t9 break the custom, and after a warm contest he was
decisively elected.

THE LEGISLATURE OF 1849-1850. 17
The legislature of 1849 and 1850 was a right memorable one.
Georgia then had the system of biennial sessions, which she discarded
soon, and then re-adopted in 1877, after she had forgotten the experi
ence of a quarter of a century previous. The session was eighty-five
days in length. The same policy was carried out that has prevailed in
the biennial sessions of 1878 and 1881, of having an adjourned term.
And Senator Brown voted against it in 1849, as he did against every
daily adjournment, nearly, his disposition being to get through his leg
islative work in the quickest possible time.
Among the more notable men of this Legislature were Andrew J.
Miller and David J. Baily of the Senate, and Augustus H. Kenan, Wm.
T. Wofford, Thomas C. Howard, Gen. Harrison W. Riley, Parmedus
Reynolds, Charles J. Jenkins, Linton Stephens and Lucius J. Gartrell,
of the House. Joseph E. Brown was a new member and a new man in
Georgia politics. This Legislature was noted for its fierce controversies
upon poUtical questions. Andrew J. Miller was the leader of the Whigs.
Representing the powerful constituency of Richmond county, a lawyer
of acknowledged ability, a ready debater, of ^ool imperturbable temper,
high integrity and unflinching firmness, he stood very high. Joseph E.
Brown leaped to the leadership of the Democrats in spite of his youth
. and inexperience, and the two names that figure most frequently in the
journals of the Seriate during that racy session are Miller and Brown.
The young mountain novice tackled the old city veteran gamely and
successfully. And the Democratic measures went through steadily
under the firm leadership of this raw but powerful young neophyte.
Brown was put on the Judiciary committee in recognition of his legal
ability, that in three years' practice had established itself, and he was
made chairman of the penitentiary committee. In addition he was put
upon nearly every important special committee to consider special mat
ters of moment. Among these were, committee to enquire into repeal
of laws in regard to introduction of slaves into this state : committee
on bill to protect public worship : committee on bill to abolish costs
in Supreme court: committee to re-organize the Judicial circuits : and
other committees, in most of which Brown was chairman.
It is matter of curious note that the assistant secretary of the Senate
was Alfred H. Colquitt, who thirty years later made Joseph E. Brown
United States Senator, and was united with him in the political cam
paign of 1880, the most savage public contest ever witnessed in Georgia,
which resulted in the re-election of Colquitt as Governor of Georgia,
and the election of Brown as United States Senator. And it is also
2

18 THE JUDICIARY OF 1849.
another curious fact that of the two speeches reported during the
session of 1849-1850 one was a. speech made by Brown, and it was
reported by Mr. Colquitt for that strong journal, the Macon Telegraph,
which at that time was only a weekly paper.
Gov. Geo. W. Towns was the executive of the state. The state road
was in running order to Dalton, was graded to Chattanooga and the track
laid to within seven miles of that place. The benefit of that road is shown
by the fact that the business had increased for 1849 over forty-seven
per cent, more than in 1847. At this time the judges were elected by
the General Assembly, though an act was passed submitting to the peo
ple whether judges should be elected by the Legislature or the people.
The people decided in their own favor, and after this the judges were
elected by the people of their respective circuits. This Legislature
elected Hiram Warner Judge of the Supreme Court, and Judges of the
Superior Court as follows: — Eli H. Baxter, Northern circuit; Henry R.
Jackson, Eastern circuit; Augustin H. Stansell, Southern circuit; James
Jackson, Western circuit; Ebenezer Starnes, Middle circuit; Herschel
V. Johnson, Ocmulgee circuit; Jas. H. Stark, Flint circuit; Alfred
Iverson, Chattahoochee circuit; John H. Lumpkin, Cherokee circuit.
Of these gentlemen a number became distinguished. H. V. Johnson
and Alfred Iverson were made United States Senators; H. V. Johnson,
Governor; Hiram Warner and James Jackson, Congressmen and Chief
Justice of the Supreme Court; E. Starnes, Judge of the Supreme
Court; H. R. Jackson, United States Minister to Austria. There has
perhaps never been a more brilliant array of judges in the history of
the state. Judge Warner has been almost continuously on tho bench
since, resigning the Chief Justiceship of the Supreme Court in 1880.
Judge Warner is in many respects a remarkable man. He came from
New England. A tall, erect, muscular person of great decision" of char
acter, high order of ability, and extensive legal erudition, he has main
tained a striking hold upon the people of Georgia in spite of a decided
lack of social feeling and generous sentiment. A fearless utterance
of his views, an iron resolution and a rigid integrity, have upheld him
in popular confidence, notwithstanding the severity of demeanor and a
sort of determined rancor of prejudice. Cold and stern, he was able
and believed to be honest. Alfred Iverson was a man of much power
a small person in stature, but of considerable speaking ability.
Governor Johnson was the ablest of these men. There has been no
public man in Georgia in the last quarter of a century the superior in
brain power of H. V. Johnson. A powerful thinker, a strong speaker

MES. H. V. JOHNSON. 19
possessor of an exquisite style of writing, the chastest and most vigor
ous master of language we have ever had in the state, he is one of
our fev/ public men that could be called great. He was a timid and a
gloomy man, however, and in his manners a brusque person. The
contrast between the bluntness of his ways and speech, and the classic
elegance of his writings, was something ine.xplicable. His state papers
were models of statesmanship and polish. Judge, afterwards Governor
Johnson, married a niece of President Polk, the most exquisitely beauti
ful and intellectually gifted woman of her day when young. After he
became executive she made the state house famous by her entertain
ments. Of exquisite figure, with features of faultless beauty, clear-cut,
intellectual and of the most classic Grecian type, with a complexion' as
clear and rose-tinted as a healthy infant's, she added conversational
powers of surpassing brilliancy, and an attractive sweetness of manner
irresistible. She was a notable housewife and devoted mother, yet she
was profoundly read in the political, scientific and religious literature
of the day, and could talk upon these matters with wonderful power
and genuine eloquence.
Henry R. Jackson was one of the most gifted of these men, a magical
orator, a true poet and an able lawyer. And added to this was a chiv
alric, personal courage and a fiery scorn of anything small. Judge
Hansell is still Judge of the Superior Court, and preserves those high
characteristics of manhood that marked him then. James Jackson was
a most promising young man, belonging to and constituting a typical
member of the famous family of Jacksons that have filled so large a role
in Georgia annals, whose founder was one of the early Governors and
a United States Senator; a man of iron force of character, who burned
the records of the great Yazoo fraud with a sun glass. It has been
something for Joseph E. Brown to have outstripped these gifted aristo
crats of Georgia civilization. In the election of these judges the
Southern Rights question entered. Lumpkin, James Jackson and H.
R. Jackson were Union Democrats, and came near defeat on that account.
James Jackson wrote to Alex. Stephens asking his influence, appealing
to his well-known proclivity to help young men. Through Mr. Stephens
his brother Linton voted for Jackson, though Linton was a Whig.
The chief battle in this General Assembly was over some Democratic
resolutions, originated mainly by Lucius J. Gartrell and W. W. Clayton,
declaring for strict state rights; for a national territory equaUy slave
and free, and branding the Wilmot proviso as unconstitutional. The
report of the committee on the state of the Republic, introductory of

20 DISUNION FOEESHADOWED.
these warm resolutions, was written by Col. Thomas C. Howard, the
chairman of the House committee, regarded then as the most promising
young man in the state. An inimitable conversationalist, flashing,
witty and fervent, there is no man in Georgia that has ever surpassed
him as a talker. He was then and is to-day a remarkable man. His
report on these resolutions was a brilliant piece of writing. The debates
over these resolutions were sharp and at times stormy. In the Senate,
Miller and Brown had numerous skirmishes. Governor Colquitt told
the writer that the Democrats had a sense of security when Brown had
charge of the Democratic side that they had under no other leader.
His speeches were to the point, clear and forcible, and hisTeadiness and
resources equal to any occasion. The resolutions were finally passed.
Among them is the following:
" sth Resolved. That the people of Georgia entertain an ardent feeling of devotion
to the union of these states, and that nothing short of a persistence in the present sys
tem of encroachment upon 6ur rights by the non-slaveholding states can induce us to
contemplate the possibility of a dissolution."
These resolutions provided for calling a State Convention in certain
contingencies. They illustrate the inflammatory agitation that was
convulsing the country upon the subject of slavery, and the contempla
tion of a severance of the union as an ultimatum that came ten years
later. On the final passage in the Senate the vote stood thirty-five yeas
to three nays, Andrew J. Miller being one of the nays. In the House
the vote stood ninety-two yeas and twenty-eight nays. Charles J.
Jenkins was the leader of the union party in the House. Mr. Jenkins
has been one of the purest and ablest public men the state has ever had.
He afterwards became Governor and Judge of the Supreme Court, and
President of a Constitutional Convention of 1877. Possessed of punc
tilious integrity and high ability, known for an adamantine firmness and
courage, patriotic and pubUc-spirited, no man in the state has enjoyed
a larger measure of respect than Mr. Jenkins. He has been a citizen of
which any commonwealth could be proud.
In connection with these resolutions the general assembly elected C.
J. McDonald, M. H. McAllister, C. Dougherty and William Law as
delegates to a convention of the people of the slave-holding states of
the union to be held on the first Monday in June, 1850, in Nashville,
Tennessee, called in conformity with a recommendation of the people
of Mississippi, to take some harmonious action in defense of the in
stitutions of slavery and the rights incident to it under the Constitu
tion of the United States. C. J. McDonald had .been governor of the

ANDEEW J. miller's " WOMAn's BILL." 21
state from 1839 to 1843, and was a gentleman of ability who possessed
to a large degree the confidence of the people. M. H. McAllister was
a citizen of Savannah, looming up prominently for public honor, but
who injudiciously sacrificed the sure promise of distinction in Georgia
by removing to California. C. Dougherty and WilUam Law were both
lawyers of fine ability. Dougherty was a citizen of Athens, of bright
mind, member of a gifted family. He was defeated for governor on a
close vote by McDonald. Law was a citizen of Savannah, and became
a distinguished judge.
One of the notable battles in this legislature was over a measure that
became in those days known as the hobby of Andrew J. MiUer, called
his "Woman's bill." The object was to secure to married women their
own property independent of the husband. Miller was sent to the
legislature time and again, and at every session he introduced this
measure, only to be repeatedly defeated. It finally became the law,
and its success was due to the persistent agitation of the persevering
Miller. Joseph E. Brown had the old-fashioned notions of the marital
relation and fought all of these new-fangled ideas. Miller's Woman's
bill was defeated by a vote of twenty-one yeas to twenty-three nays in
the Senate, Brown voting no. A bill to limit the liability of husbands
for debts of wives incurred before marriage, did pass the Senate, how
ever, and Brown vindicated his consistency by voting against it.
During the consideration of the Woman's bill Judge Richard H. Clark
offered an amendment submitting the Woman's bill to a popular vote at
the governor's election in 1851. Senator Woods proposed an amend
ment allowing females between sixteen and fifty years to vote. The
amendments were both rejected by only a small majority. Judge Clark
has been a well-known figure in Georgia matters. A delightful gentle
man socially, a writer of exquisite culture, a thorough lawyer and yet
with a decided bias to literature. Judge Clark has held a high position.
He has been one of the codifiers of the Georgia statute law, and a judge
of admitted ability. He is now judge of the city court of Atlanta.
At this session of the legislature important legislation was had on
the divorce law. Joseph E. Brown, as may be expected, fought every
proposition widening the domain of divorce, and maintained rigid
adherence to all of the strictest ideas of marriage sanctity. He was for
striking out as grounds of divorce intermarriage within the Levitical
degrees, desertion for three years, and conviction for crime, and finally
voted against the bill. An effort was made to incorporate the Grand
Division of the Sons of Temperance, and referred to a special committee

23 THOMAS BUTLER KING.
with Brown as chairman, who was known to be an ardent temperance
champion. He made a strong report against it, arguing that any legis-
ktion of the sort would injure the cause of temperance, which was
making progress, and should depend for success upon inherent moral
influence. Senator Brown gave a marked instance of his thoughtfulness of the
interest of his immediate constituents, and his successful method of
doing things in a little post route matter. Mr. Boyd offered resolutions
for mail arrangements to be secured between Marietta and the towns of
Roswell and Cumming. Brown moved and carried the motion to strike
out RosweU and Cumming and substitute Canton therefor.
As illustrating the temper of the people on the subject of slavery, an
episode occurred in the Senate which deserves mention. Among the
marked and influential public men of that day was the Hon. Thomas
Butler King. He was a wealthy planter on the coast, a gentleman of
aristocratic family, of high social influence and very strong ability. He
was a Congressman and went later as Commissioner to Europe. Senator
Brown introduced resolutions reciting that it was reported that ilr.
King had resigned his seat in Congress and was in California, alleging
that he represented the cabinet at Washington, and was seeking to
become a Senator from California under a Free-soil Constitution, and
resolving that it was derogatory to a Sputhern representative in Con
gress to advocate the admission of California into the Union as a free
state, and still more derogatory to such an individual to accept a seat
in the National councils purchased by moral treason to that portion of
the Union that has fostered him, and that Mr. King's conduct met the
unqualified disapprobation of the General Assembly.
The resolutions were taken up by a vote of twenty-one to sixteen, and
made the special order for a future day, among those voting in the
affirmative being Senator Thomas Purse of Savannah. Final action
was never taken on them, they being based upon misapprehension of
Mr. King's real attitude. As a further exemplification of the temper
of the times upon this absorbing question it may be stated as an incon
gruous attempt to embody the spirit of the people that a military com
pany in Lagrange was incorporated as the " Georgia Constitutional
Guards of Troups."
This legislature passed a special act allowing a young man to practice
law, who has occupied a large portion of the public attention since, Mr.
Osborn A. Lochrane. A poor Irish youth, he began his career in this
country as a drug clerk in Athens, Ga. He made a speech in a debating

miller's PROPHECY OP BEOWN. 23
society that attracted the attention of Chief Justice Lumpkin, who
advised him to read law. He did so, and has been a noted person in
Georgia matters. He culminated his profession by a seat on the
Supreme Court as Chief Justice. Judge Bleckley said of him to the
writer, that he possessed a dual intelligence ; one, a flashing surface
sparkle of froth and pleasantry, and underneath a strong, industrious,
logical mind, searching, original and vigorous. He has built into for
tune and national repute as a lawyer. The friendly bonhommie of his
nature has made enmity to him impossible. Tolerant to all political
creeds, genial and humorous, full of business capacity, a thinker and an
orator. Judge Lochrane has been a conspicuous example of unusual
success, achieved by a capable intelligence sun-shining itself through
the world.
Senator Brown's career as a state senator was a noted step in his
upward progress. It was too limited an arena and too short an episode
to give him a state repute. It enlarged his local fame and home influ
ence. It formed a valuable part of his public education. It brought
him into acquaintance with many of the leaders of thought in the state.
It strengthened his confidence in his own powers and resources. And
it was a curious piece of discernment, prophecy and candor in his
venerable and distinguished opponent and rival in leadership, Andrew
J. Miller, to have used this remark :
" Joe Brown will yet stamp the impress of his greatness upon the future history of
the state.''

CHAPTER IV.
HERSCHELL V. JOHNSON AS GOVERNOR.
Howell Cobb and C. J. McDonald in 1851.— The Union Victorious over Southern
Rights.— H. V.Johnson and C. J. Jenkins in 1853.— Alfred H. Colquitt makes
Johnson Governor.— Southern Rights Triumphant.— Brown an Elector.— The Whig
Party Riven.— C. J. Jenkins for Vice-President.— The Tornado of Know-Nothing-
ism.— A Mad Flurry and a Hard Fight.— Alex. Stephens and His Political Shroud.-
The Triangular Contest for Governor.— H. V. Johnson, Garnett Andrews and B.
H. Overby.— Brown's Race for Judge against David Irwin.— An Acrimonious
Battle.— Young Brown Victorious.— Brown is a Perilous Political Fighter.- Gad
distown Stands to Brown.- Brown a Rare Judge —Racy Anecdotes of His Judicial
Administration.— Brown Comes to the Edge of His Destiny.
Returning ho.me to the practice of law, Mr. Brown gave his atten
tion with all the vigor of a decided nature and strong abilities to his con
genial profession. He continued practice until the fall of 1855, when
he took his chances before the people of his circuit for election to the
office of judge.. The method of selection of judges had been changed
from election by the legislature to election by the citizens of each judicial
circuit. During the intervening period Howell Cobb had been elected Gov
ernor of Georgia, and served from 1851 to 1853, beating ex-Governor
McDonald in a well-contested race. The Southern Rights question had
been made an issue, and Mr. Cobb, representing the Union party, had
whipped the fight. Mr. Cobb was one of the really great men of the
nation. Entering political life young, he had been almost uninterrupt
edly successful. As a representative in Congress, a United States
senator and a Cabinet minister, he had reflected luster upon his state,
and made a national reputation for statesmanship. Wise, conservative,
able, resolute, amiable and social, Mr. Cobb was one of the most popular
and esteemed public men Georgia has ever had.
In 1853, Herschell V. Johnson was elected Governor, beating Charles
J. Jenkins by a small^majority in one of the closest and sharpest cam
paigns of Georgia annals. The Southern Rights party had received a
black eye in the defeat of its candidate, ex-Governor McDonald, by
Howell Cobb in 1851, and it was claimed that the issue was settled.
But the Southern Rights men made a new effort in 1853, under H. V.

ALFRED H. COLQUITT ELECTS JOHNSOX. 25
Johnson, and this time they succeeded, though by a close shave.' It was
in this race that Alfred H. Colquitt made his first important political
fight. He took the field as the nominee of the Democratic Southern
Rights convention for Congress against James Johnson, the Union can
didate. The Union men in this district, the second, had a majority
of fully three thousand. It looked like a forlotn hope to overcome it.
But young Colquitt and that other bright youngster, Thomas C. Howard,'
took the stump, canvassing through the congressional district for two
months, riding in a buggy and making daily speeches. It was a lively
battle and proved to be the crucial point of the gubernatorial contest.
Young Colquitt had all the prestige of his gifted father's wonderful
name and popularity. He was handsome, genial, able and eloquent.
Added to this was the guidance of his father, who was an unprece
dented political leader. The result was a surprise of effective work.
Young Colquitt swept the district triumphantly, carrying the guber
natorial guerdon on his strong shoulders, and he had the glory of not
only winning his own election by a reversal of the heavy majority
against his party, but of securing the success of his party candidate for
Governor. Tbe only political part that Joseph E. Brown took very actively in
these contests, was that in 1852 he was nominated on the Democratic
electoral ticket for Pierce and King, and kept up his practice of politi
cal success by receiving the highest vote of any on the ticket, though
he was its youngest member. It will recall an interesting fact of that
campaign to state that a convention held in Macon nominated Daniel
Webster for President and Charles J. Jenkins for Vice-President. Mr.
Jenkins had declined to support either Pierce, the Democratic candidate,
or Gen. Scott, the Whig candidate for the presidency. The national
controversies on the slavery question had played the wild with parties
in the South, and especially in Georgia. The Whigs were driven from
their national party alignments. Robert Toombs and Alex. H. Ste
phens, the chief Whig leaders in Georgia, had declared the Whig party
north unsound on slavery, so dear to them, and came to the Democratic
party. A number of the Whig leaders in our state found it hard to
yield their old antagonism to the Democracy. It was a mixed state of
things among the Whigs, some supporting the Democracy, some sup
porting the Whig candidate, Scott, and some in the middle and southern
parts of the state refusing to support either. Another issue split both
Whigs and Democrats in Georgia, and that was the Union and Southern
Rights question. But its effect was more disastrous to the Whig

26 knoav-nothingism.
organization. Mr. Jenkins' attitude in the presidential campaign lost
him strength in his gubernatorial race.
Right upon this disintegration of the Whig party was sprung a new
political question, that furnished a new distraction for the seething po
litical elements. It swept the country like a prairie on fire. In the
history of political agitations there never has been an instance of a
¦more sudden or furious public storm than that created by " Know-
Nothingism." Crushed in the national contest and hopelessly riven in
the Southern states, the Whig party found a temporary refuge in this
new-fangled American party. It had a large following in Georgia for
a while and a respectable one too. It was bitterly fought. Ex-Gov.
McDonald, HoweU Cobb, Alex. H. Stephens, Robert Toombs and Hiram
Warner wrote strong letters against it, while Mr. Stephens made some
of the ablest speeches of his career on this subject. The term of Mr.
Stephens in Congress was out. He was uncertain of running again.
He wrote a letter to Judge Thomas W. Thomas against Know-Noth-
ingism in response to a request for his views. He was vigorously
assailed, and declared to have made his political shroud, when, with
that defiant audacity that has marked his life, he announced his can
didacy and proceeded to test the issue of his " political shroud. "
His speeches were masterpieces, and he converted the shroud into
a wreath of political laurels, returning to Congress by a majority of
over 2,000.
The gubernatorial issue was Know-Nothingism. H. V. Johnson was
almost unanimously re-nominated by the Democratic convention, of
which Tames Gardner was president. The candidate of the Know-
Nothii.gs was Garnett Andrews, and the temperance men ran B. H.
Overby. The contest was sharp and animated. Johnson was re-elected,
his vote being 54,476 against 43,750 for the American candidate, and
6,261 for the temperance man, and his majority 10,726 over Andrews,
and 4,465 over both of the other candidates. The American party
showed a surprising strength, and iUustrated how Know-Nothingism
had clutched the country. Mr. Charles J. Jenkins, as in the presidential
contest, foUowed a peculiar course. In a short and characteristic letter,
he stated, " Being neither a Democrat nor a Know-Nothing there is no
place for me in this contest."
As the reader wiU readUy divine, Joseph E. Brown was a decided Anti-
Know-Nothing. Its secrecy, its religious proscription, its warfare upon
foreigners, little suited his republican tastes and political liberaUty. He
was too thoroughly imbued with the spirit of our free institutions to

BROWN AND lEWIN. 27
encourage ideas and theories so antagonistic to the genius of our demo
cratic government. In his race for judge of the Blue Ridge Circuit the
Know-Nothing issue was sprung against him, though Judge David Irwin,
his opponent, claimed not to be a member of the order. Judge Irwin was
one of the leading citizens of our state, and is living to-day respected
and honored for his abilities and worth. He was in active political life
in 1840, an ardent Whig. He was a candidate for elector on the Clay
ticket in 1844. He was a decided Union advocate in the Southern
Rights contest of 1850, and the years following. He had, to a large
degree, the confidence of the people of his section. He had been
elected to the bench in 1857, and was seeking re-election at the hands
of people who knew and esteemed him in endorsement of a just and
able administration of the law. It will thus be seen that a more for
midable opponent young Brown could not have had.
The contest was lively and became acrimonious. Judge Irwin's friends
attacked Brown savagely. Brown's friends were not slow to strike
back without gloves. The press was kept warm with attacks ^and
counter-attacks. The new county of Pickens, which was formed at the
previous session of the legislature through the active agency of that
well known legislator, L. J. Aired, and with the aid of Mr. Brown,
gratefully remembered the latter, and at a meeting of the Democracy in
.lasper in June, gave a ringing endorsement of Brown's candidacy.
Irwin's friends charged that Brown was a partisan candidate and pull
ing down the bench into political mire ; that Brown had sometime worn
unlawful weapons, etc., etc. Brown's friends retorted that Irwin was a
Know-Nothing ; that he was slow in dispatching business, and had
allowed the dockets to get behind ; that he was afraid to keep order in
the court ; that he had always fought the Democracy, etc. The cam
paign showed how, in a hot struggle, good men can be belabored and
lampooned. Brown gave his popular and powerful competitor a striking
defeat. He had a reasonable majority to start with. But the fight
strengthened Brown largely. He had the same methods then he has
used since. He was aggressive, vigilant, untiring, arousing an impas
sioned interest in his friends, and recriminating with all the vigorous
audacity of his nature. The truth is that Georgia has never had a more
fearless and potential political fighter than Brown. Woe be it to his
adversary who goes at no-quarter hitting and has a weak record. Cool,
resourceful, relentless, our public annals show no more perUous political
opponent than he has proven himself in such a multiplied variety of
desperate battles as demonstrate that his masterly powers were natural.

28 BROWN AS A JUDGE.
Of the eleven counties in the judicial circuit Irwin only carried three by
smaU majorities, Campbell, Cobb and Polk. The aggregate majority in
the three counties was only 68 ; Cobb, Irwin's own county, only giving
him two majority. The remaining seven counties, Cherokee, Fanning,
Forsyth, GUmer, Lumpkin, Paulding, Pickens and Union, gave Brown
2,898 majority; Union with her now historic Gaddistown standing gal
lantly to her young son by adoption with his famous bull-plowing expe
rience, and rolling up for him a good solid majority of 517 in a vote of
1,000. It was a remarkable victory, especially in view of the strong
man Judge Brown had to defeat. It was a fair, square fight too, even,
equal and honestly won.
Judge Brown's administration of the bench was in many respects the
most extraordinary phase of his public career. Though he had served
only two years when he was called to a higher place of trust, his brief
period of judicial presiding was eventful, and is a tradition of power
and success in these mountain counties to this day. Numbers of anec
dotes are current illustrating his salient qualities and positive manage
ment. He kept perfect order and an unbroken discipline. For years
there had been a sort of steady drift to a loose, easy governing of the
courts, so much so that it was a matter of complaint that it retarded the
dispatch of business. Lawyers had acquired a large latitude of free
dom. Much of the power of the judge had been gradually yielded in
criminal matters, the injurious practice having grown of allowing solicit
ors to compromise the grade of verdicts oji the basis of certain agreed
amount of fines fixed beforehand. This of course tended to make the
administration of criminal justice a matter of pecuniary accommodation
to the prosecuting officer. Judge Brown was just the man to remedy
these matters and he did remedy them. He had nerve for anything.
He tackled these practices promptly. He instituted perfect order in
the court-room, which aids the rapid dispatch of business. He drove
through the dockets until he cleared them. He kept counsel to the
point, and stopped legal discussion when his conclusion was reached.
He made his mind up with that decisiveness that has marked him in all
things. The opinion is universal in his circuit that he was the best
judge they ever had. If he had any fault it was a leaning to severity.
He kept juries and court officers to their duty. Jurors and counsel
were always on hand to the minute.
At one of the mountain courts the Solicitor General got on a spree.
The Judge promptly appointed a soUcitor for the time in his place.
The intoxicated solicitor started to rebel, when the Judge coolly

ANECDOTES. 29
stopped the insubordination by quickly informing the officer that upon
any further demonstration he should order him to jail.
At another court a drunken fellow, a very desperate rowdy and defi
ant of the authorities, came into the court room and made a good deal
of noise. The Judge promptly fined him. The fellOw paid the fine and
started out staggering noisily, and making much fuss with his creaking
boots. The Judge determined to make an effective example of him,
and ordered the Sheriff to collect another fine for the noise he made
in going out with his creaky boots. Thoroughly subdued and despair
ing of getting out noiselessly, the fellow slipped down on his knees
and crawled out of the court house, humbly deprecating the Judge's
wrath. The incident created much amusement and satisfied the people
that Judge Brown meant to have order in his court. His iron will
brooked no resistance to his legal authority. It must be held in mind
that off from the railroads, in the rude mountain sections, men are more
inclined to be impatient of restriction. There seems to be something in
the mountain air that makes its citizens wilder when insubordinate. At
the same time it is true that in those regions there is a very large meas
ure of reverence given to the majesty of the law, as embodied in the
Judge. He is a sort of an autocrat, and regarded with high respect as
the powerful agent of the resistless and awful genius of the law.
In the intellectual and legal qualifications of a judge, perhaps there
has never been in Georgia one to surpass Judge Brown. An analytical
mind of unusual strength, close discrimination, patient research, quick
legal intuitions, an exhaustive study of authorities, a logical power of
argument and a clearness of statement extraordinary, constituted an
array of elements of fitness for judicial duty rarely equaled. An un
usually small proportion of cases in his ridings were taken up to the
Supreme Court, and his decisions were 'rarely overruled. A firm, an
honest, and an able Judge, he made the court honored as a model tri
bunal of justice. Frowning down unnecessary delays, he enabled suitors
to get speedy trials. Adamantine in his stand against crime and crimi
nals, he administered the criminal law with a resolute hand. He al
lowed no compromises with wrong, but struck down vice and violence
whenever they showed themselves. Absolutely impartial, he was gov
erned by neither favor nor prejudice, and decided the right as he honestly
saw it, irrespective ' of personal considerations. A man of christian
character, he held in earnest keeping the good of society and the pres
ervation of morals. Possessing a business sense of marvelous practi
cality, he carried into the management of his courts that system, dis-

30 BROWN AS A JUDGE.
patch and energy, that have given him his steady and phenomenal suc
cess in his worldly matters.
This placid, positive, capable gentleman made a remarkable reputation
as a Judge in his circuit, a reputation that in the land of telegraphs and
railroads, mails and daily newspapers, would have carried his name
broadcast, and made him a state fame. But, " cribbed, cabined and
confined," in the remote hills of North-east Georgia, whatever his merit,
he had little chance to be known outside of his hidden bailiwick. There
he achieved a celebrity very marked. There was an iron force of char
acter and a positive way of doing things thaJ made the administration
of this slender, quiet-mannered, calm-spoken Judge, a highly dramatic
one. He had come, however, to the edge of his destinies, that enlarged
sphere of public duty for which nature had lavishly fitted him. And
the transfer came curiously.

CHAPTER V.
GOV. BROWN'S SCRATCH NOMINATION FOR GOVERNOR
IN 1857.
James Gardner, J. H. Lumpkin, and H. G. Lamar in Gubernatorial Conflict. — Gardner
Wrecked by a Youthful Indiscretion — L. N. Trammell's eye on Brown. — ^Incident
of Trammell and S. J. Smith. — The Famous Convention. — Its PersoneUe. — Linton
Stephens. — A Long and Heated Balloting. — A Dead-Lock for Three Days. —
Gardner's Nemesis. — Experimental Voting. — The Slaughter of Gardner keeps on
to the Others. — Fillibustering without Limit. — A Committee of Conference. —
Colquitt's Graze at Governor. — A Chapter of Surprises. — The Gubernatorial
Lightning Strikes Joe Brown, while he was Binding Wheat in the Mountains. — An
Incident in 1880. — Dick Clarke's Speech.
The gubernatorial campaign of 1857 was a very memorable one in
Georgia poUtics. It was marked by much personal heat, it ended in a
protracted convention, and had an utterly unexpected result. It finally
settled the gubernatorial aspirations of some very prominent and dis
tinguished men, and brought to the front by one of those scratches that
sometimes occur in politics, an almost unknown individual who from
that day to- this has been the leading factor in public matters, who is
to-day the most powerful citizen of our State, and whose future, if he
lives and has his health, is big with great possibilities.
There were five prominent gentlemen for the high position of Georgia's
chief magistrate, James Gardner of Augusta, Henry G. Lamar of Macon,
John H. Lumpkin of Rome, Wm. H. Stiles of Savannah and Hiram
Warner of Merriwether county. James Gardner, as editor of the
Augusta Constitutioncdist, had achieved a remarkable influence. A
smaU, quiet-mannered gentleman, without any capacity for public speak
ing, he was possessed of more political writing ability than any editor
we have ever had in Georgia. Bold and able, coming of a family known
for their courage and decision, Gardner made himself a power irl
Georgia politics, and his paper yielded a tremendous influence. He
was, however, a romantic instance of how youthful folly can wreck a
strong man's greatest hopes. Gardner in his youth had been guilty of
an indiscretion with a young lady, whose family was powerful enough
to make him feel their resentment. The ghost of this folly followed him
relentlessly. It was exaggerated and used like an avenging Nemesis.

32 THE governor's RACE OF 1857.
It defeated him for the Democratic nomination for Governor, and
blighted his political ambition.
John H. Lumpkin was the candidate of North Georgia, which sec
tion vigorously claimed the right to have the Governor. Lumpkin had
been a Congressman and Judge of the Superior Court, and was a
gentleman of excellent ability. Henry G. Lamar was one of the
famous and briUiant Lamar famUy^ that have been so conspicuous in the
annals of State and Nation. It has been a family of genius and cour
age, a famUy adventurous and eloquent. Judge Lamar was a strong
member of this notable and gifted blood. He, like Lumpkin, had been
Judge and Congressman. Wm. H. StUes of Chatham, was a stately
and aristocratic gentleman, a writer of exquisite culture and a silvery
tongued orator. He frequently served in the State Legislature. He
possessed excellent abilities. Judge Warner we have spoken of. In
addition to these, the name of Alfred H. Colquitt was also discussed,
who became Governor in 1877, twenty years later.
A few friends of Judge Browji in his section, among them L. N.
Trammell, Wm. Phillips and Sumner J. Smith, 'had their eyes upon him
and determined, if there was any chance to do so, to press him for Gov
ernor. But the general mention of his name for tho place even in his
own section was not made, Judge Lumpkin being tho accepted candi
date of the section. Mr. Trammell told the writer that he and Smith
rode down to the convention as delegates in a buggy together, and were
united in the purpose to push Brown if possible. Col. Trammell has
been a strong factor in State politics for twenty-five years. He was
quite a young man then, with only ordinary facilities of education. His
father was a gentleman of great force of character. Young Trammell
has shown a remarkable capacity for political management, and as will
be seen, in this very campaign he gave evidence of his power. Col.
Smith was a large, powerful man, of extraordinary vehemence and volu
bility in speaking. In the Legislature, when he got into a controversy
with any one, he had a habit of springing to his feet suddenly, rushing
over in the vicinity of his opponent, pouring out the most fiery torrent
of declamation with vigorous gestures, and then stopping suddenly, he
would stalk back to his seat and drop into it with a startling suddenness.
Tatum, of Dade county, a great wag, put a rousing laugh upon Smith
in one of these controversies by rising and pointing his long finger at
the rapidly retreating figure of Smith, exclaiming with mock solemnity
the scriptural quotation, " The wicked fleeth when no man pursueth."
The convention of the Democratic party to nominate a Governor met

THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OP 1857. 33
in Milledgeville, the 24th of June, 1857. There were 107 counties rep
resented, with 399 votes. The President of the convention was Tenant
Lomax of Columbus, the editor of the Times, a gentleman of fine
attainments. Counties with two Representatives cast five votes, and
other counties I'.iree votes. Among the delegates were Judge R. H.
Clarke, O. A. Lochrane and James A. Nisbet of Macon ; Alfred Austell
of Campbell, now a wealthy banker of Atlanta ; George A. Gordon
and Philip M. Russell of Savannah; the latter a potential controller
of Chatham county politics for the last quarter of a century ; Wm.
Hope Hull of Athens, now dead; Hugh Buchanan of Coweta county.
Judge Thomas W. Thomas of Elbert, E. W. Chastain of Fannin,
Judge Augustus R. Wright, J. W. H. Underwood and Daniel S.
Printup of Rome, Thomas Morris of Franklin, John W. Duncan of
Fulton, W. H. Dabney of Gordon, Linton Stephens of Hancock, F.
H. West of Lee, C. J. Williams and Peyton H. Colquitt of Muscogee,
Herbert Fielder of Polk, T. L. Guerry of Randolph, Julian Cumming
and Geo. T. Barnes of Augusta, E. W. Beck of Spaulding, W. A.
Hawkins of Americus, S. J. Smith of Towns, L. N. Trammell of Union,
Geo. Hillyer of Walton, B. D. Evans of Washington, E. H. Pottle of
Warren, D. B. Harrell of Webster.
Mr. Lochrane married a daughter of Henry G. Lamar; Judge Thomas
of Elbert was in that day one of the pronounced and foremost men of
the state. Judge Wright of Rome was one of the brightest thinkers and
most sparkling orators we had, but an embodied independent. Col:
Printup became afterwards a Vealthy railroad lawyer. A smart little
gentleman was John W. Duncan, whose regret was that he was foreign
born, thus excluding him from being President. Col. Dabney was a
profound lawyer, and since the war was well known as having been
defeated for congress by the doughty Parson Felton, who so long polit
ically ruled the seventh congressional district. The most powerful man
intellectuaUy in this convention was Linton Stephens, brother of Alex
ander H. Stephens. A nervous, sinewy person, there was an intrepid
audacity of brain in Stephens, and a muscular vigor of logic that few
men have. His nature was jagged and aggressive. He worked badly
in joint harness. His unmalleable spirit illy brooked government, and
was not suited to harmonious cooperation. Positive and independent
he had his own views of things, and was unbending in his convictions.
We have had few men in Georgia the superior intellectually of Linton
Stephens, but he was too uncompromising and outspoken to succeed
by popular favor. He became judge of the supreme court, appointed by

34 THE CONTEST FOE GOVERNOE.
Gov. Brown, and was afterwards elected and went to the legislature, but
he never could get to Congress, where he would have been a conspicu
ous figure. Gen. C. H. Williams of Columbus became a gallant soldier
of the war and a warm friend of Gov. Brown. Peyton H. Colquitt,
brother of Gov. Alfred H. Colquitt, was a splendid physical specimen of
a man, was rising rapidly when the war broke out, and but for his death
in the bloody battle of Chickamauga at the head of his regiment would
have gone up to high political preferment. Herbert Fielder moved to
Randolph county and has been a leading figure in state politics since
the war, having been pressed for Governor and United States Senator.
Col. E. W. Beck was sent to Congress. E. H. Pottle and D. B. Harrell
both became judges. Augusta has furnished a rare family of men, of
which Julian Cumming was the most gifted. He had glittering charms
of mind and speech, but died young. Another gentleman of unusual
powers was WiUis A. Hawkins, one of the most electrical talkers, and a
superb advocate. He reached the Supreme Bench. Such was some of
the material of this memorable convention.
A committee on resolutions was appointed, with Judge Thomas W.
Thomas as chairman. Gen. C. H. Williams put in nomination Lamar;
Samuel Hall, Esq., nominated Ga,rdner; Thomas Morris presented the
name of Lumpkin; D. B. Harrell nominated Stiles, and R, J. Willis
presented Hiram Warner. The first ballot resulted as follows : Lump
kin 112, Lamar 97, Gardner 100, Warner 53, and Stiles 35. Gardner
showed a clean pair of heels and steadily rose to 141 on the sixth ballot,
with Lumpkin 124 and Lamar down to 46. A sharp fight was made
over the right of alternates to vote, and resulted in their being allowed
to do so. After the eighth ballot, Lamar having fallen to 35 with
Gardner at 152 and Lumpkin 122, Lamar's name was withdrawn, and
the ninth ballot resulted with Gardner 172, Lumpkin 127, and Warner
64. Mr. George Gordon then practically withdrew the name of Wm. H.
Stiles in a neat speech, saying that it was not the purpose of the Chat
ham delegation to present the name of Stiles at the opening of the
convention, hoping if no selection could be made from the more promi
nent candidates the convention would unite on him. A delegate from
another county had put in Col. Stiles, and the Chatham delegates could
not withdraw him, but he begged those who had been supporting him
to feel at liberty to vote for any one else. No one but a Savannah man
could have made this diplomatic speech. By this time the convention
had become thoroughly heated up. The alignments were distinctly
drawn. The fight on Gardner became desperate. The Nemesis of that

''^^^

<i^.

c^:^^'c.

<4^-^^^co^

HON. WM. H. STILES, Ex-U. S. Minister to Austria.

GAEDNER SLAUGHTERED. 35
youthful indiscretion stalked openly and importunately into the battle.
Experimental- votes were shot in for one after another of new men,
Henry R. Jackson, Joseph Day, T. W. Thomas, J. H. Howard, H. Cobb
of Houston, E. Starnes and J. N. Bethune.
Gardner's friends made a tremendous effort on the tenth ballot and,
strained his vote to 173, but it was the top notch that he reached. On
the eleventh ballot he tumbled to 151, and it was evident that he was
slaughtered and his chances gone. After the thirteenth ballot a short
patriotic letter from Gardner to Col. Clanton, the chairman of the Rich
mond county delegation, written on the 19th of June, five days before, '
was read. It was a ringing little letter, characteristic of Gardner. It
said that a contingency might arise where his nomination was impracti
cable ; that a harmonious union on a candidate was indispensable, and he
regarded party harmony as above the success of any member of it ; if
it became necessary he authorized the withdrawal of his name. And
his name was taken out, and his gubernatorial hopes were forever dead.
He was out, but a spirit had been raised that would not down. The
slaughter continued, and Gardner's friends prolonged the funeral.
Thomas hoped his friends would not vote for him.
The name of Lamar was re-introduced by Gen. WilUams. The four
teenth ballot was taken amid a suppressed but fiery excitement. A
solid legion of 151 votes were turned loose, and the seething body was
burning to see where lightning would strike. Lumpkin bounded
to 179, Lamar had 137, Warner took his original 53 with three more,
Stiles received 4 and Alfred H. Colquitt plumped in with 10. Lump-
kins' friends became almost delirious. It looked as if his chances were
sure at last. Their enthusiasm was unmeasured. The announcement
of the ballot brought a storm of applause from them, and the next
ballot was taken with feeling at fever heat. Mr. Harrell withdrew the
name of Stiles, and the fifteenth ballot was taken, showing that Lump
kin had gained four votes, standing 183, Lamar 140, Warner 61, and
Stiles 4. Lumpkin had reached in this ballot his highest point. On
the next ballot he fell off, and though he rallied to 179 again, there was
an unmistakable dead-lock. The balloting went on to the twentieth,
extending the session of the convention to the afternoon of the third
day. The feeling was intense, and seemingly implacable. The Gardner
men stood resenting his treatment and immovable. New names were
flung into the contest but unavailingly. Votes were skirmished upon
W. W. Holt, Geo. A. Gordon, J. W. Lewis, H. V. Johnson, E. J. Har
den, A. R. Wright of Floyd, John E. Ward, and even throe were

36 A CURIOUS SCRAP OF HISTOEY.
thrown On the nineteenth ballot to Jos. E. Brown. There was fillibus
tering without limit. Strong speeches of appeal in behalf of each can
didate were made, but there was the hot dead-lock unbroken and unbreak
able. Col. Pottle futilely moved the abandonment of the two-thirds rule.
On the nineteenth ballot Warner was withdrawn. One more ballot was
taken as a final test. It stood Lumpkin 179, Lamar 175, Warner 1, H.
V. Johnson 11, Wright of Floyd 5, John E. Ward 3, J. E. Brown 3.
The realization was universal that there could be no nomination in
the continuance of the conflict. No man had even reached a bare ma
jority, much less a two-thirds majority. The convention was wearied
and ripe for compromise. Mr. Wm. Hope Hull of Athens moved that
a committee of three from each District, to be selected by the delegates
from the District, be appointed to report a mode in which the conven
tion oould be harmonious, and a nomination be made. This was done.
That quick-witted and unequaled political manager. Col. L. N. Tram
mell, saw his opportunity for Brown, and in the meeting of delegates of
the 6th District he moved the selection of the chairman and then
promptly moved that three gentlemen, whom he knew to be Brown
men, be appointed as the committee men from his district. The com
mittee of 24 were as follows :
1st District, R. Spaulding, G. A. Gordon, Wm. Nichols. ,,
2d District, C. J. WUliams, N. McBain, J. A. Tucker.
3d District, R. H. Clark, J. A. Ramsay, B. F. Ward.
4th District, H. Buchanan, W. T. Thurmond, W. PhUlips.
5th District, J. W. H. Underwood, E. W. Chastain, W. Shropshire.
6th District, S. J. Smith, J. E. Roberts, W. H. Hull.
7th District, L. Stephens, Wm. McKinley, J. M. Lamar.
Sth District, I. T. Irwin, A. C. Walker, E. H. Pottle.
The committee retired. Wm. H. Hull and J. A. Tucker, both dead,
are responsible for the following extraordinary scrap of secret historv.
In the committee it was first proposed that a ballot be taken, each one
writing his preference on the ballot. The ballots were written and depos
ited, but before they were read, Linton Stephens stated that such a
formality was not necessary, and moved that Judge Joseph E. Brown of
Cherokee be selected as the compromise man, which was prompth'
carried by voice, and his name reported to the convention. Throuo-h
curiosity the written ballots were counted, and Alfred H. Colquitt was
found to have had a majority of one. It was a close shave to becoming
the Governor of a great state at the youthful age of 31. Had the
ballot have been examined and announced, what a change of result.

BE0\\'N NOMINATED WOEKING IN HIS WHEAT-FIELD. 37
It is curious to follow out the incident. Joseph E. Brown thus unwit
tingly defeated Alfred H. Colquitt for Governor after Colquitt had
been really nominated. Twenty years later, Colquitt became Governor
of Georgia, winning in an easy fight the place that he held in hie grasp
by an accident so long before. Twenty-three years later Colquitt, as
Governor, appointed as United States Senator Governor Brown, who
took the governorship from him so many years ago. And this was
followed by Gov. Brown aiding Gov. Colquitt to a re-election as Gov
ernor in 1880, in the fiercest and most protracted personal and political
battle ever witnessed in Georgia. The matter certainly 'contributes a
singular and romantic chapter of accidents, surprises and coincidences.
Judge Hawkins, who was in the convention, told the writer that Colquitt
had a strong following for Governor then.
But to Joseph E. Brown fell the glittering prize, dropping to him
like heaven-descended manna, unsolicited, unexpected, the outcome of
a heated struggle, and a providential gift born of a state political con
vulsion. Not the least curious of the incidents of this remarkable nom
ination is the undoubted fact, that at the very hour when this magnifi
cent honor was being conferred. Judge Brown was working in his
wheat-field on his farm, far away from the telegraph and railroad, in the
quiet, distant county of Cherokee, unconscious of his exalted prefer
ment. The incident keeps up the romantic character of the nomina
tion, as well as preserves the consistency in the dramatic career of this
homespun man. In the fall of 1880 the following incident took place
as narrated by the Atlanta Constitution, which furnishes Gov. Brown's
own testimony to the fact.
" Gov. Brown on his way to Canton -a, few days ago, remarked to some men who
were near Canton : ' That is the field, gentlemen, that I was tying wheat in the
day I was first nominated as Governor of Georgia,' pointing out -a, field laying along
Town Creek. ' 'I was then Judge of the Blue Ridge Circuit,' he continued, 'and
I came home one day, and after dinner I went to the field to see how my hands
were getting along with their work. I had four men cutting wheat with com
mon cradles, and the binders were very much behind, and I pulled off my coat and
pitched in, about half after 2 o'clock p. m., on the 15th of June, 1857. The weather
was very warm, bnt I ordered my binders to keep up with me, and I tell you it made
me sweat, but I pushed my binders all the evening. About sundown I went home, and
was shaving myself and preparing to wash myself for supper, when Col. Sam'l Weil,
now an attorney in Atlanta, but then living iu Canton, rode up rapidly to my house.
He came in and said excitedly to me : ' Judge, guess who is nominated for Governor at
Milledgeville t ' I had no idea that I was the man, but I thought from what I had
heard that John E. Ward was the most prorainent man, so I guessed him. ' No,' said
Col. Weil, 'it is Joseph E. Brown, of Cherokee.' Col. Weil was in Marietta when the
telegram came announcing my nomination. I subsequently ascertained that the nomi-

38 EESOLUTIONS ABOUT KANSAS.
nation had been made about three o'clock that day, and at the very time I was tying
•wheat iu this field. They say in Canton that two or three men have been trying to
buy this field latterly. They want to sow it in wheat year after next."
Mr. I. T. Irwin of Wilkes, chairman of the committee of 24, re
ported to the convention the action of the committee, in a neat speech.
Richard H. Clark of Bibb made the following characteristic and admi
rable speech in support of the report of the committee: ¦
" Unlike the gentleman who preceded him, he was acquainted with Hon. Joseph E.
Brown, had served Avith him in the Senate, knew him to be a man of sound principles,
clear head, unquestioned ability, and speaking powers of the first order. The reputa
tion made by him as a member of the legislature was of the first order. He is a man of
unexceptionable character, in every respect, private or public. He is young enough for
the services of the campaign, and for a long career of usefulness, and not too young for
a matured judgment, and prudent counsels. His fellow-citizens have promoted him to
the Judgeship of Blue Ridge Circuit, in Wliich position his reputation as a man of intel
lect and integrity, has steadily increased. He comes from Cherokee, the stronghold of
Democracy, and the balance of the state take pride in nominating him as a proper
tribute to them, and will take greater pride in electing him."
This was a graceful and merited tribute from a high source to Judge
Brown. The nomination was made unanimous. Resolutions reported
by the committee on business, were passed, commending the adminis
tration of James Buchanan as President, and H. V. Johnson as Gover
nor, and the course of our United States Senators, Hon. Robert
Toombs, and Hon. Alfred Iverson. The main resolution, h6wever, was
one condemning the inaugural address of Governor Walker, of the terri
tory of Kansas, which prescribed the terms on which Kansas should be
admitted into the Union as a state, and expressed the opinon that Kan
sas would be a free state; and the resolution declared Gov. Walker's
course a gross departure from the principles of non-intervention and
neutrality established by the Kansas bill, and expressed confidence that
!Mr. Buchanan would recall Gov. Walker.
The convention adjourned, having appointed a committee to notifj'
Judge Brown of his nomination.

CHAPTER VI.
BROWN DEFEATS BEN HILL, IN A HARD CANVASS.
" Who is Joe Brown ? fhe Query of the State— The Know-Nothing Convention.— Its
PersoneUe.— Dr. H. V. M. Miller, tha " Demosthenes of the Mountains."-" Ranse
Wright." — B. H. Hill Nominated. — An Earnest Campaign. — Brown's Practical
Speeches.— The Calico Bed Quilt, and the Cherokee Girls.— The Real Issue
'Know-Nothingism. — Great Gatherings. — Southern Conventions. — Brown aud Hill
lock Horns. — A Tilt between Severe Common Sense and Splendid Rhetoric. —
Brown's Phenominal Development. — Sharp Sparring. — Brown, " D  d sound in
his Doctrine." — Porter Ingram's Retort. — The Mountain Plow Boy Judge elected
Governor over his briUiant Rival. — Know-Nothingism buried forever in Georgia. —
Gaddistown Triumphant. — ^^The Man for Revolutions had come.
Who is Joe Brown ? was the earnest inquiry that rang over the state
upon the adjournment of the Convention. It came sneeringly from the
opposition press. It v/as echoed interrogatively by the Democratic
papers. The paeans of local fame in the mountain countries, unpene-
trated by the iron track, had not sounded beyond their borders. A
brief service in the State Senate was easily forgotten in eight years of
stirring public event, when one remained in the back ground out of
sight. In a lively sketch in the Constitution, " H. W. G." thus refers
to this matter:
"General Toombs when in Texas, hearing that Joe Brown was nominated for Gov
ernor, he did not even remember his name, and had to ask a Georgia-Texan ' who the
devil it was.'
" But the next time he met him he remembered it. Of course we all remember when_
" Know-Nothings " took possession of the whig party, and Toombs and Stephens seceded.
Stephens having a campaign right on him, and being pressed to locate himself, said he
was neither whig nor democrat, but " was toting his own skillet," thus introducing that
homely but expressive phrase into our political history. Toombs was in the senate and
had time for reflection. It ended by his marching into the democratic camp. Shortly
afterwards lie was astounded at seeing the standard of his party, upon the success of
which his seat in the senate depended, put in the hands of Joe Brown, a new campaign
er, while the opposition was led by Ben Hill, then as now, an audacious and eloquent
speaker, incomparable on the stump. Hill and Brown had had a meeting at Athens, I
believe, and it was reported that Brown had been worsted. Howell Cobb wrote Toombs
that he must take the canvass in hand at once, at least until Brown could learn how to
manage himself. Toombs wrote to Brown to come to his home at Washington, which
he did. General Toombs told me that he was not hopeful when he met the new candi
date, but after talking to him a while, found that he had wonderful judgment and
sagacity. After coquetting with Mr. Hill a while, they started out on a tour together.

40 .THE KNOW-NOTHING LEADEES.
going to south Georgia. General Toombs has talked to me often about this experience.
He says that after two or three speeches Governor Brown was as fully equipped as if he
had been in public for forty years, and he was amazed at the directness with which he
would get to the hearts of the masses. He talked iu simple style, using the homeliest
phrases, but his words went home every time. There was a sympathy between the
speaker and the people tliat not even the eloquence of Toombs could emphasize, or the
matchless skill of Mr. Hill disturb. In Brown the people saw one of themselves — ^lifted
above them by his superior ability, and his unerring sagacity — but talking to them com
mon sense in a sensible way.' General Toombs soon saw that the new candidate was
more than able to take care of himself, and left him to make his tour alone — impressed
with the fact that a new element had been introduced into our politics and that a new
leader had arisen.''
The American or Know-Nothing party held a convention. Fifty-sev
en counties were represented. The gentlemen most prominently spoken
of for the American nomination were Dr. H. V. M. Miller, J"udge
Robert Trippe, B. H. HUl, A. R. Wright of Augusta, General J. W. A.
Sanford, Judge Baxter, and Col. John Milledge, a uright, brainy, elo
quent galaxy of men. Dr. Miller, though a physician, had won the
soubriquet of the " Demosthenes of the Mountains " in his innumerable
political encounters, for which he had the same passion that the Irishman
is popularly beUeved to have for a " free fight." Deeply versed in con-
.stitutional law and political lore, a reasoner of rare power, and as fine
an orator as we have ever had in Georgia, capable of burnino- declama
tion and closely-knit argument, he was the peer on the stump of any of
the great political speakers of the last half century in Georgia;. Unfor
tunately for him, he had two perUous peculiarities, a biting sarcasm that
delighted in exhibition of its crushing power, and that spared neither
friend nor foe, and a contemptuous and incurable disregard of party af
filiations. He never in his life worked in harmony with aiiy party, or
swallowed whole, any single party platform. And no man ever had
more stubborn independence and self-assertion.
Ranse Wright, as he was caUed famUiarly, was another brUliant per
son, a strong impassioned speaker, with a. high order of mind. He was
at times too self-willed and combative. He could not temporize
enough, often raising unnecessary antagonisms. But he was a very
gifted man, a powerful writer, an effective orator, and a rare lawyer. He
made the Augusta Chronicle a newspaper power. He was a lono- time
disappointed in poUtical preferment, but he finally received the promo
tion he so richly deserved, and was elected to Congress, but died soon
after, just when long delayed gratification of his ambition was especially
dear to him, and his ripe maturity of mental gifts gave large promise
of brUliant public usefulness. He was a very handsome man of the

BENJAMIN H. HILL NOMINATED. 41
blonde order. He was offered the Know-Nothing candidacy for Gov
ernor, but finally declined. Among the other leading Georgians who
were members of this party, were, F. S. Bartow, Jas. Johnson, N. G.
Foster, A. J. MiUer, Wm. H. Crawford, Washington Poe, E. G. Caba-
niss, James Milner, F. H. Cone, Jno. McPherson Berrien, C. Peeples,
C. A. L. Lamar, J. A. BUlups,  Stapleton, E. A. Nisbet, Thomas
Hardeman, and others.
The American Convention put out Mr. Benjamin H. Hill as its nom
inee. Mr. HUl in some respects is as wondrously endowed a public
man as the state has ever known. Tall and of commanding presence,
with a marvelously mobile face, he has never had a superior in oratory
and pure mental power in the commonwealth. It falls to the lot of few
men to have such magical potency of speech, such irresistible mastery
of assembled masses of men. A mind clear as a sunbeam in its intel
lectual perceptions, operating with a grand simplicity and invincible
strength, and a capacity of expression so fluent, so luminous, and so
intense as to be perfect, form a brace of qualities that make the man a
demi-god in brain and eloquepoe. But he has somehow lacked the
steady purpose and cool judgment that belonged so richly to Governor
Brown, and Mr. Hill has not been what could be called a successful polit
ical leader, though he has won valuable victories. A pyrotechnical poli
tician, he has had hosts of impassioned admirers, and generally an
ardent minority following in the state. His superb abilities have won
him office, in spite of defects that would have been fatal to a less gifted
man. He is now in the Senate, where he has it in his grasp to achieve a
great fame. His nomination by the Americans in 1857, created a sen
sation, and his party exulted in his certain triumph over his plain and
unknown competitor.
The campaign became an earnest one. Judge Brown was greeted
with a ratification meeting at Canton, his home, and made a strong,
sensible speech, fuU of practicality. He referred modestly to his past
career. He discussed the Kansas matter, condemning the course of
Gov. Walker and upholding Mr. Buchanan. He touched upon State
matters, foreshadowing his purpose to make the State road a paying
enterprise — a purpose carried out with signal success. He promised to
caU around him safe counsel, and administer the State government for
the best interest of the people. His letter of acceptance of the nomi
nation was brief, and a model of good taste and sound statesmanship.
It was like the man, clear and wise, and it excellently typified his intel
ligence. Two parts deserve reproduction. He said:

42 THE CALICO BED-QUILT.
" The circumstances of my nomination preclude the idea that I have made any prom
ises either express or implied ; aud I shall neither make nor intimate any, to any one,
as to the distribution of executive patronage in the event of my election. If your
nomination voluntarily tendered, should be ratified by my fellow-citizens at the ballot
box, I shall enter upon the discharge of the duties of the important official trust which
may be committed to me, perfectly free and independent of personal obligations; I
shall exercise all power I shall have uuder the constitution and laws according to my
best judgment, with an eye singfe to the promotion of the public interest, holding as I
do, that those powers are granted for the sole purpose of upholding and advancing
the rights aud interest of the people."
The following paragraph is a remarkably fine one, and embodied in a
nutshell the Democratic creed:
" The Union is the effect of the Constitution. We value it. We cherish the Con
stitution as its foundation, and because it provides the wisest plan of government for
confederated States, aud secures, if properly administered, the blessings of civil, relig
ious and political liberty to the people. With hearts of patriotism we are devoted both
to the Constitution and to the Union."
The committee of notification were C. H. Williams, Geo. N. Phillips,
E. D. Tracy, Wm. PhUlips, Lawson Fields, W. Hope Hull, R. M.
Johnston and Wm. Schley.
Much amusement was created and an infinite dea;l of fun was expended
by the opposition press over the fact that the ladies of Cherokee Co.
presented Judge Brown with a calico bed-quilt in honor of his nomina
tion. The Democratic press turned the matter effectively in Brown's
favor. The incident took with the rural masses. Says the MiUedge-
ville Union, concluding a witty article on the subject:
" All we have to say is — go ahead gals — give Joe Brown just as raany calico bed-
quilts as you please — it will be a compliment to the Mountain Boy, and save the state
some hundreds beside. Hurrah for the girls of Cherokee, the plough-boy Judge and
the calico bed-quilt."
The Cherokee girls and their calico bed-quilt became a slogan of vic
tory for Brown.
Mr. Hill was notified of his nomination by a committee composed of
Hines Holt, R. J. Morgan, and J. W. Jones. His letter of acceptance
was confined almost to an elaborate discussion of the W'alker-Kansas
matter, and a rasping indictment of President Buchanan, and said very
little on State matters, and that merely a general expression of opposi
tion to the Democracy.
The Georgia Democracy was divided upon the subject of Walker's
inaugural in Kansas, and the resolution of the Democratic convention
condemning Walker had created some spirited discussion in the Demo-

THE KNOW-NOTHING ISSUE. 43
cratic press. The Know-Nothings hoped to profit by this division.
They very adroitly assaulted Walker, but held Buchanan responsible,
and assailed him and the National Democracy.
The real issue of this gubernatorial race was a tapering continuation
of the ephemeral but fiery Know-Nothing agitation. It was a stormful
flurry while it lasted. The people of Georgia especially took the swift
epidemic hard, and had a tumultuous paroxysm of it. Along in 1856
there were mammoth mass meetings running up into the tens of thou
sands. October 17th and 18th, 1856, there was a vast Democratic gath
ering in Atlanta, fully 15,000 people present. Thursday the 17th, John
A. Calhoun, W. A. Wright of Newnan, George HiUyer of Walton
county, and R. J. Moses of Columbus, spoke. And on Friday the 18th,
Robert Toombs, Alex. H. Stephens, B. C. Yancy, Hiram Warner, Thos.
P. Saffold and L. .1. Gartrell made speeches. Col.. James Gardner was
chairman of the huge affair. A banner was given to Newton county as
the one sending the largest delegation.
In October, Toombs spoke in Augusta against Know-Nothingism in a
noisy tumult. Savannah had upon this inflammable question the hottest
municipal struggle she had experienced in years. The Democrats nom
inated Dr. Jas. P. Screven ; and the American party Col. E. C. Ander
son — both representative citizens. Dr. Screven was a stern, slender,
wealthy little gentleman, a most positive and influential leader. Col.
Anderson was a large, genial, frank-mannered gentleman of a worthy
and powerful family of the old and honored inhabitants of the place, a
man of independence and brain. This fine old city was convulsed with
this contest. It was a clos4 race, the two mettled racers running nip
and tuck. But the Democratic candidate came in on the home stretch
with 1,101 votes against 971 for the Knovv-Nothings.
The Democratic mass meeting in Atlanta was followed by an equally
huge convocation of the earnest Americans. This was October the 2nd,
1856. The lowest estimate of the number present was 12,000. Hilliard,
Alford, Hill, Miller, Trippe, Wright and others spoke. At this meeting
an ominous, incident occurred. In raising a flag on a lofty pole, John
McGehagan, a delegate from Morgan county, fell from the pole eighty
feet to the ground and died in a few minutes.
In December, 1856, the Southern convention, called in the interest of
Southern prosperity, met in Savannah. It had assembled in Richmond
in February, 1856, and adjourned to meet in Savannah. Southern con
ventions were held at Macon, Augusta and Charleston in 1838 and 1839,
Memphis in 1845 and 1849, Baltimore in 1852, New Orleans in 1851 and

44 ¦ BEOWN AND HILL IN DISCUSSION.
1854, and in Charleston in 1855. Among the objects of these conven
tions were the valuable ones of enlarging Southern industries and diver
sifying Southern agriculture. Upon these industrial questions both
parties were united, but upon the policy as to guarding Southern politi
cal rights the two were very widely apart, and the gubernatorial battle
involved largely the national issue. The Georgia Know-Nothings were
getting uneasy about their name, and showed some anxiety to get rid of
this objectionable designation and establish their title as the American
party. Linton Stephens, who was nominated in the seventh district, in
his letter of acceptance made the most incisive and trenchant presenta
tion of the issues.
The discussion between Judge Brown and Mr. Hill began at Newnan.
It would be difficult to conceive two more radically different men in
mind and methods. • Mr. HiU was and is a hard foeman to tackle on the
stump. He is both showy and strong. He had brilliant repute as a
political controversialist. Judge Brown was unshowy, conversational
and unknown. Both were bold men. Hill was imprudent sometimes.
Brown never. Brown was just the man to puncture imaginative rhet
oric. When the heat occasioned by Hill's entrancing declamation had
passed off. Brown had the faculty to put the common sense of the situa
tion in a clear, direct, unanswerable way. Brown was cool, wary and
ready-witted. In his first speeches alone he did not pass for his real
worth. His conversational talks disappointed expectation. But he
grew wonderfuUy. And discussion drew out his power. HUl made
some inaccurate statements. Brown used these inaccuracies with tre
mendous effect. Hill was magnificently mature. Brown improved with
an accelerating rapidity every trial. It was with him a constant and
marvelous development. Every discussion added tohis controversial
capacity. He never winced under a blow no matter how severe, and the
harder he was hit the harder he struck back. Without humor he yet
had a grim perception of incongruity that he put so plainly that it was
like humor. The Democratic press crowed lustOy over some of Brown's
strokes at HUl. At Newnan, Brown said that the Federal government
should act slowly. Hill replied that Buchanan was too sloio a President
for him, that he believed in a, fast government, and he was afraid Brown
would make too slow a Governor. Brown retorted very happUy and
tellingly upon his bright rival.
" It was true he was not a fast man. Mr. Hill was a Fast Young Man, he was a Fast
Candidate, and if elected would doubtless make a Fast Governor. As for himself he
was a slow man, and if elected would make a slow Governor. .He liked ilr. Buchanan

THE CONGEESSIONAL CONTESTS. 45
for his slowness and prudence in deciding upon great questions affecting the people.
Every President, holding iu his grasp the destinies of a mighty nation like ours, should
be cautious and slow to act." ,
The applause was lively over this palpable hit, and no little badinage
was used at Hill as the " Fast Candidate," afterwards. At Columbus
they met. Columbus is a very fastidious place, used to city manners
and college graces. Mr. Hill therefore suited better the ideas of such
an audience with his more showy declamation and impassioned utter
ances. Judge M. J. Crawford tells the good anecdote that while the
Know-Nothing side was endeavoring to depreciate Brown for his plain
ways and homely talking, Mr. Porter Ingram came to the rescue and
turned the tables by saying earnestly that Brown was " d — d sound in
his doctrine," unconsciously putting the invincible excellence of the
man into the terse brevity of an axiom. The two candidates did not
have many discussions. They each had their separate appointments, and
there was a good deal of sparring about being afraid to meet the other.
Judge Brown in all of his appointments invited Mr. Hill to be present.
The result was a foregone conclusion before the election. The Ameri
can party only claimed that they would reduce the Democratic majority.
There were several exceedingly racy Congressional contests go
ing on that added considerable piquancy to the gubernatorial fight.
The two Stephens brothers were both running for Congress and
both on the stump making effective speeches. Linton Stephens' oppo
nent was Joshua HiU, a gentleman of very superior abUity. HiU's
letter of acceptance was a model of political satire. He made a happy-
use of the Democratic predicament in condemning Walker but approv
ing Buchanan whose appointee Walker was. Linton Stephens and
Joshua HiU were marked opposites, one vehement and intense, the
other placid and plausible. In the First District, James L. Seward was
the Democratic nominee against that most brilliant Savannah gentle
man, Francis S. Bartow. Seward was cool, adroit, managing. Bartow
was eloquent, impulsive and whoUy artless. The other Democratic
candidates for Congressmen were, Martin J. Crawford, L. J. Gartrell,
James Jackson, David J. BaUey, A. R. Wright of Rome.
A leading issue in the canvass was the sale of the State road, Mr.
Hill being for its unconditional sale, and Brown advocating its dis
position only upon advantageous terms to the State. The road had
been a source of expense to the State, and there was a good deal of
desire that the State should dispose of it in some way.
The election resulted in the success of Judge Brown over h^s gifted

46 . THE MAN FOE THE TIMES.
competitor by an increased Democratic majority over the majority in
1855. The mountain plow-boy Judge ran with a nimble pair of heels
and came in over" 10,000 votes ahead. Alex. Stephens beat T. W. Miller
easily for Congress. Joshua Hill left out Linton Stephens by a close
shave of 275 votes. Robert Trippe, the Know-Nothing, beat David
J. Bailey by a small majority. James L. Seward whipped out both
Gaulden and Bartow. L. J. Gartrell, A. R. Wright and James Jackson
went in over Tidwell, Tatum and Simmons by large majorities. And a
Legislature was elected overwhelmingly Democratic. It was certainly
a crushing victory for tho Democracy, and it buried Georgia Know-
Nothingism forever out of sight. It was the practical end of that
short-lived but animated political doxy. After this, with a few mild
flickers, it disappeared out of Georgia politics. Graver issues were
rising, that involved something more than mere party success. The
shadow of great events, drifting to an awful culmination, was darkening
the country. Mightier matters than political changes were pending.
The spirit of revolution, cruel and implacable, was surely preparing for
its colossal work of rupture and upheaval. And amid the marked forces
of that vast civil convulsion, was the young plow-boy of the Georgia
mountains, the hero of the calico bed-quilt, slender, obscure and homely,
who had just won in a gallant battle the glorious Governorship of his
great State. Talk of Providence and romances ! Both were united in
the philosophical chances of this pivotal election. The man for the
times had come, iron-willed and fitted for revolutions.

CHAPTER Vn.
BROWN'S ELECTION AS GOVERNOR THE PRECURSOR OF
A STRIKING ERA OF CHANGE.
The Drift to a Stately Regime Checked. — A Popular Revolution. — The Antithesis of
Gov. Johnson and Gov. Brown. — The Aristocrat and the Man of the People. —
Brown's Inauguration. — His Appearance. — The Bank Suspension. — Brown's Decla
ration of War ou the Banks. — The General Asserably of 1857. — Its PersoneUe. —
John E. Ward. — John W. H. Underwood. — Robert Toombs. — Joseph Henry Lump
kin. — Toombs the Genius of the Impending Revolution and its Providential Instru
ment. — An Analysis of the Great Slavery Issue Pending. — A Conflict between
Legally Fortified Wrong and Unconstitutional Right.
The inauguration of Gov. Joseph E. Brown stamped the beginning
of a new era in Georgia. In the course of state progress and individ
ual advancement, families of talent, decision and wealth had become
aristocratic and dominating. The cities had steadily grasped control
ling power, representing culture and accumulations of bank capital and
corporate influence. In the executive administration there was a ten
dency to costly display and court entertainment, far removed from the
Republican simplicity supposed to belong to our free institutions.
Men of high family connections and polished manners had the best
chances for public honors.
In this drift of things to a stately and aristocratic regime, the elec
tion of a simple man of the people Uke Gov. Brown, representing to
the fullest extent popular customs and ideas, was a decisive check to
this tendency. Coming direct from the country people, and the mountain
country at that, symbolizing severe simplicity of life and utter absence
of social display. Gov. Brown's elevation to the chief magistracy of our
great and growing commonwealth was a shock to the dominant public
men and their -views and practices. It meant serious innovation upon
existing customs. It meant a grave warfare upon powerful institutions
and cherished influences. It betokened an important revolution in
well-established prejudices. It foreshadowed a severe struggle between
conflicting theories of both social and financial government. And it
seemed as if fortune had hit upon the right agent to conduct such a
contes-t — an agent embodying the ideas he championed — an agent,
earnest, firm-nerved, with unerring, intuitive popular discernment.

48 BEOWN AND II. V. JOHNSON CONTEASTED.
The writer at that time was just about grown, had been closely famil
iar with administrations for several years previous, and was well situated
to be impressed with the new regime. Gov. Johnson, who preceded
Gov. Brown, was an aristocrat intellectually and socially. He did
everything in a royal way. He had little popular tact, knew nothing
of popular influences, and how to reach the masses. To strong intellect
he added classic culture, and attached great value to courtly proprieties.
He paid a large measure of deference to custom and social and intel
lectual authority. Gov. Brown was the- opposite — socially a democrat;
looking under the garb forthe throbbing heart and breathing humanity.
He did everything simply and plainly, disliking display and averse to
forms. He was full to the brim of popular ideas, had an almost infalli
ble popular tact, knew wisely every popular influence, and had the
keenest power of reaching the masses of any public man we have
ever had in Georgia. His powerful mind sought nothing from orna
ment, dealt in no rhetorical finish, and was disregardful of ceremony.
He was free from any sentiment of reverence for custom or authority
unless his judgment approved. He gave no homage to power, and
never hesitated to tackle it boldly. Social influence and official prestige
affected him not at all. And yet Gov. Brown was under the strong
despotism of old-fashioned and primitive ideas of moral government.
But for either social glitter or the glamour of official distinction, he
cared nothing. Whether fighting banks, legislature, the press, or a
Confederate administration, this simple, plain-mannered man of the
masses took up the wager of battle with a cool confidence in hiraself,
and an invincible, unyielding spirit that was something dramatic. He
was certainly a native-born belligerent. Nature had endowed him with
powers of inteUectual combat that few men possess. He showed him
self at once a positive influence and a new and acknowledged success
ful leader on a large arena.
His inauguration, in 1857, is weU remembered. He was thirty-six
years of age. His figure was boyishly slender and fragUe, but very
erect. His face was cleanly shaven, rather square-shaped and oblong,
having no comely attractiveness about it, and yet a pleasant, placid
countenance, with a mUd expression in marked contrast with his iron
temper and combative disposition. His mouth was wide and thin-
lipped, something like Henry Clay's, though not so extensive, and
to a close observer indicating in its set the firmness of the man. His
eyes had a gentle expression that in his smiling moods threw some
sunshine over an otherwise rather expressionless face. His forehead

GOV. brown's peesonal appeaeance. 49
was very high and a good demonstration of the phrenological theory
that the brain is symboled in the formation of the head. His hair was
dark and lay close to his head and behind his ears, leaving a clear out
line of the pale, bloodless face. His composure was perfect, though his
manners, while not easy, were not awkward. There was about the man
the quiet, steady calm of conscious brain power and self-reliant man
hood, but none of the grace of the man of society. His country raising
was distinct, and in his very clear and not at all musical voice there was
the peculiar accent, long and tending to a rather drawling tone, with an
emphasis on the concluding syllable of words that marks rural pronun
ciation. His use of the word jndgmeiit for instance, with a perceptible
accent upon the syllable " ment," has given rise in connection with his
wonderful possession of the golden quality of practical sense to the
soubriquet of " old judgment," alike in recognition of his clear brain
and his method of speaking. His garb was a plain black without
attempt at fashionable fit, neat and simple. His very appearance and
country marks but rendered him the more observable in his high pro
motion, and created a varied commentary upon him. His canvass had
somewhat introduced him to the people, but he was still generally un
known. He was emphatically a new man, with his appearance unfavor
able in impressing upon strangers his genuine power, and giving no
indication of his uncommon qualities of will and ability. Those who
knew him well staked confidently upon his being equal to the new situa
tion of responsibility. Those who did not know him, and they were the
overwhelming majority, underrated him wofuUy. And, supplementing
the impression made by his appearance with the accident of his nomi
nation, they rated him low. Nor did his brief inaugural allow much
room for display of power. Yet brief as it was, and purely formal as
it generaUy is. Gov. Brown threw out in his quiet way and in a few
deliberate words an utterance that fell like a bomb-sheU upon the State,
that occasioned one of the toughest and most dramatic public battles of
his career, and that gave a startled State a pretty fair example of the
extraordinary raettle of this untried and youthful country Governor.
Before Governor Brown's inauguration and during Governor John
son's incumbency the banks had suspended specie payment. Gov.
Johnson in his message stated that " in the midst of prosperity and
remunerating prices for the products of agriculture our banks have
generally suspended specie payments, resulting in panic, broken confi
dence and general stagnation in commerce."
He stated further that he had taken no action, as the banks claimed

50 brown's war against suspending banks. '
to have acted in self-defense against heavy drafts on their coin from the
North, and he thought it prudent to submit the matter to the Legisla
ture soon to assemble, and he left it to them whether they would legal
ize the suspension ; and he cautiously intimated that perhaps it would
be better to do so, first, however, instituting rigid inquiry to ascertain
the sound banks. At this time the banks of Georgia had 812,040,000
of capital with $5,663,000 circulation, and were in a fine condition.
Enthroned in the cities, representing the available money of the State,
animated by the shrewd and cultured financial intelligence and wisdom
of the successful capitalist, these banks constituted a formidable power,
and any interference with them was a tremendous responsibility. Gov.
Johnson, always a cautious man, handled the vast subject tenderly, and
finally threw the grave responsibility on the Legislature.
Estimating the question properly, its magnitude and consequences,
some conception may be formed of how the placid young, rustic Gov
ernor stirred the State by announcing in his provincial accents, that in
their unimpassioned utterance gave no indication of the grim nerve and
intelligent purpose that lay behind them, that in his judgment the sus
pension was unnecessary, and he should at once begin proceedings
under the law to forfeit their charters. At first men thought it was a
meaningless menace, uttered in ignorance of the subject, and even if
intended, the colossal influence of the banks and their friends could bring
such pressure as would turn the inexperienced executive right. But it
was no hap-hazard announcement. And circumstances proved the
country Governor to be the least malleable of metal, and rock-firm
against any pressure. The excitement soon created, upon the realiza
tion that the Governor was in earnest, was overwhelming. Capital is
easy to be terror-stricken. It is the most tremulously impressible of all
the mighty powers of the world. And this potential mass of twelve
millions of solid Bank capital of Georgia became alarmed and aroused
to frenzy. And it focalized its thunder upon the country Governor,
who met the storm, the combative commencement of his eventful admin
istration, as cool and game and eager as a gladiator.
Before giving this remarkable Battle of the Banks, it is necessary to
present some idea of tho General Assembly that Gov. Brown had to
deal with. The Legislature of 1857 and 1858 was a very strong one,
especially in its Bank representatives. It consisted of 154 Representa
tives and 115 Senators. The Senatorial representation had been changed
since Governor Brown was Senator in 1849 and 1850, when there were
forty-seven Senators to a system that gave a Senator to each county.

HON. JOHN E. WARD, Ex-U. S. Minister to China.

JOHN E. WAED. 51
The joint assembly consisted of 269 members, a very large body. In
its men the legislature was strong. John W. H. Underwood of Rome
was Speaker of the House, and John E. Ward of Savannah, President of
the Senate, both brilliantly able men. Mr. Ward was one of the most
sparkling of our public leaders, a fluent, graceful speaker, a logical
tliinker, capable of effective effort though an indolent man, of inimita
ble tact, delightful manners and sweet temper, a charming companion,
generous, hospitable, genial, and withal, shrewd, able, practical and
ambitious. Mr. Ward was a born leader of men, and led wherever he
went. He was strikingly handsome, and a magnificent type of the
courtly Southern gentleman. He was president of the National Dem
ocratic convention that nominated Buchanan, and was United States
minister to China at the beginning of the war, and conducted the diffi
cult diplomatic relations with that country connected with our Chinese
troubles of those days. He had capacities for anything, and was one
of our most promising Southern men at the commencement of the war.
He was a rare advocate, in the lead of his profession of -the law, ranking
among the foremost in the able and brilliant bar of Savannah. He
opposed secession; he had no confidence in the success of the South in
the war; he was very quiet during the war, and after the surrender
moved to New York to practice law, thus removing from the most flat
tering prospects of public distinction at the hands of his native state.
It was a cruel sacrifice of rare political promise. Mr. Ward had made
several fortunes at the bar, but spent them in his lavish hospitality. He
was the leader of the Bank men in the legislature, and a consummate
one. In illustration of Mr. Ward's wonderful tact, it may be said that he
did more to break down the powerful sectional prejudice that a long
time existed among the up-country Georgians against the people of the
sea-coast, and especially against the citizens of Savannah, whom they
regarded as " stuck up," to use a homely phrase of those days. There
was a sort of aristocratic assumacy, or the people of Upper Georgia so
thought in the low country folk, that rendered them very unpopular, and
raised constant antagonism. It was perilous to any measure in the
General Assembly to originate from a Savannah man. The extent of
this feeling cannot be conceived now when it has entirely disappeared.
Mr. Ward, with his wonted sagacity, struck it down by a course of kind
ness and concUiation, and he gained a wonderful hold upon the up-
country members.
Col. Underwood, the Speaker of the House, was a very bright young

52 COL. JOHN UNDEEWOOD.
man, who has since been a Congressman and a Judge of the Superior
Court. His father was a noted wag, who is said to have given his son
John a letter of recommendation sealed, which the young man took the
precaution to read before delivery, and which, to his dismay, stated that
" My son John is introduced by this letter as having the largest aspirations
and smallest qualifications of any young man I know." The letter, tradi
tion says, was not delivered. In spite of the waggish father's badinage
young Underwood possessed both large aspirations and very considera
ble qualifications. A racy talker, a fluent, effective speaker and a good
lawyer, with a portly, fine presence and manner, he would have made a far
more commanding figure in Georgia politics, even, than he has with the
possession of a greater quota of stability. Among the more notable
men of the House were Augustus H. Kenan of MiUedgevUle, Thomas
Hardeman of Bibb county, H. J. Sprayberry of Catoosa county, George
A. Gordon of Savannah, R. L. McWhorter and M. W. Lewis of Greene,
D. W. Lewis of Hancock, I. L. Fannin of Morgan, Wm. Luffman of
Murray, Wm. A. Reid of Putnam, John Milledge of Augusta, B. H.
Bigham of Troup, George Hillyer of Walton. In the Senate were L.
H. Briscoe of Milledgeville, Peter Cone of Bullock, Hugh Buchanan of
Coweta, Jared I. Whitaker of Atlanta, Joel A. Billups of Morgan, Ran
dolph Spalding of Mcintosh, James Edmondson of Murray, Permetus
Reynolds of Newton, William Gibson of Richmond, T. L. Guerry of
Randolph, Wm. W. Paine of Telfair, A. G. Fambro of Upson, and W.
A. Harris of Worth.
Col. George A. Gordon, of Savannah, was chairman of the House
Committee on Banking, an ambitious, talented young lawyer, who be
came a colonel of infantry in the war, moved to Alabama and died there
after the surrender. Augustus H. Kenan was a stately, imperious
gentleman, a despotic power in middle Georgia local politics. Thomas
Hardeman of Macon went to Congress, served briUiantly in the war, has
been a prominent candidate for Governor, has served repeatedly as
Speaker of the House of Representatives and President of Democratic
State Conventions, and is one of the most popular and eloquent pubUc
men in Georgia. H. J. Sprayberry of Catoosa county was a character ;
a grotesque, keen-witted, rough backwoods lawyer, with a homely,
homespun way of talking to rural juries that was wonderfully success
ful. He died several years ago. Dave Lewis of Hancock, as he was
caUed, was quite a power in those days, a capital speaker. He is now
president of the Dahlanego college. A bright youngster fuU of talent
was George Hillyer of Walton, barely out of his teens, who made an

LEADING LEGISLATORS. 53
entrance into politics and gave high promise of usefulness. He
wisely after this retired from politics as an unprofitable business for
young men, moved to Atlanta after the war, -vvas State Senator, is now
a Judge of the Superior Court and growing in fame and fortune. M.
W. Lewis of Greene county, was a lawyer of much influence, was nomi
nated for the present State Senate and died shortly after. R. L. ]Mc-
Whorter has been a power in Greene county, controlling it politicaUy like
a local king. During the stormy days of reconstruction he was a mem
ber of the Georgia RepubUcan party, and one of the ablest, boldest and
shrewdest of its leaders. He was Speaker of the House. He is a
large, powerful man of uncommon capacity for' political management.
He is a member of the Senate in the present General Assembly, and
will be a force in politics while he lives.
Old Peter Cone of Bullock county was another county king, an odd,
blunt, comical old fellow, who in spite of his oddities had the respect
of everybody for his honesty and good sense. He is dead. Hugh
Buchanan of Coweta was one of the most prominent men of that Sen
ate — a m,an of sterling character and fine ability. He has been judge
of the Superior Court and recently elected to Congress in the Fourth
District. Of the men who were strong in those days perhaps none has
had such m-arked vicissitudes of fortune as Jared Irwin Whitaker of
Atlanta. Wealthy and influential, the proprietor of one of the leading
papers, the Atlanta Intelligencer, representing his county in legislatures
or conventions whenever he wished, member of the State Democratic
Executive committee and State Commissary General during the whole
war, handling millions, he was a recognized political power in the State.
Losing his fortune, then his influence, illy fitted to be a poor man,
taking to drink, falling lower and lower, drifting down socially and
pecuniarily, he is to-day to those who knew him in his better days a sad
spectacle, seedy, impecunious and pitiful. Col. J. A. Billups of Morgan
county, was a strong man in the Senate of 1857, and is to-day a gentle
man of high character and standing. Randolph Spalding of Mcintosh,
James Edraondson of jMurray, and Perraetus Reynolds of Newton are
dead. Spalding was a good liver, luxurious, aristocratic, but a rare fel
low; Edmondson- and Reynolds were both men of note. William
Gibson' of Augusta was a very able raan, a gallant colonel in the Con
federacy, and a Judge of high repute since the war. He is still living.
T. L. Guerry of Randolph was a strong spirit in that legislature, and
had large promise of political promotion, but since the war seems to
have retired into quiet privacy. W. W. Paine of Telfair, a practical

54 JOSEPH HENEY LUMPKIN.
useful member is now living in Savannah. He has been to Congress
and to the legislature since the war. W. A. Harris of Worth, bluff
hearty Bill Harris as he is known, will always be a strong influence in
politics while he lives. A positive, one-sided man, a true friend and an
implacable enemy, fighting open handed for or against men or measures,
he has been delegate to state conventions. State Senator, and repeatedly
Secretary of the Senate, and is prominently spoken of for Congress
from his district. John Milledge of Richmond was a notable man in
that day, of ancient and honored blood, his father having been Governor
of Georgia from 1802 to 1806. He was a stout blondish person of most
genial manners and address, a gentleman of the old school. He died a
few years ago, leaving a bright son to wear the distinguished name, who
is a prominent young lawyer of Atlanta.
The legislature of 1857-8, was a strong body, made up of men of
mark and it did important legislation. It was a fitting legislative ac
companiment to the new Governor. A body of ability and decision, it
was a worthy opponent for the combative young Executive. This gen
eral assembly re-elected Hon. Robert Toombs to the United States Sen
ate, and put Joseph Henry Lumpkin on the Supreme Bench. These
were two notable men, who will live long in the memory of Georgians.
Lumpkin was the most genial hearted public man we have ever had in
the state, and the most liberal in his culture. To the sweetest nature he
added an exquisite learning. To the most gracious benevolence he sup
plemented intellect of the highest order. He was a beautiful old man,
with such grace and dignity as rarely falls to men. He wore his hair long,
which set off his gentle, handsome, intelligent face, and well proportioned
figure. He was well grounded in the rigid principles of the law, and yet
he 'broadened their application with a magnificent erudition. His mind
was buoyant with vital force, and was strengthened and ornamented by
great learning and a robust, healthy imagination. He loved young men,
and his kind words have cheered many a struggling young spirit.
Robert Toombs was one of the princely-brained men of the Union,
the kingUest character the commonwealth has gloried in, the man of all
the most affluent in personal gifts. Gov. Brown states that he first met
him in MiUedgevUle in 1849, when he was State senator and Toombs
was a Whig congressman, idolized by his party, and with a national
fame for eloquence. Toombs, he said, was the " handsomest man he
ever saw. His physique was superb, his grand head fit for a crown, his
jiresence that of a king, overflowing with vitality, his majestic face illu
mined with his divine genius." Toombs was about forty years of age,

^^^^^^^

ROBEET TOOMBS. 55
and in the very prime of his magnificent manhood. He had a figure
like an Antinous, the very perfection of- manly svmraetry, and an impe
rial grace of carriage that sat upon him well. His face was noble and
superbly handsome, with great luminous dark eyes full of flashing soul,
every feature perfect, a royal forehead, a matchless dome of thought
that gained in power, through the rich glossy black hair that hung about
it straying carelessly over its marble front, suggesting rather than reveal
ing its extent. His skin was clear with health. He talked constantly,
his mobUe countenance Ut with an irradiating smile, or intense with
sorae dominating and fiery impulse. His conversation was a torrent of
striking thoughts, strikingly expressed. His vivacity never flagged.
The man's mind and spirit were absolutely perennial. He never seemed
to have a moment of mental or physical weariness. He scattered hu
mor, wit, "wisdom, with a limitless prodigality. He started in life mu
nificently equipped in fortune and education. His father was rich, and
he had every advantage. He succeeded right away at his profession,
making, it is said, 850,000 in five years, achieving success easily. It is
rare that men so brilliant and impulsive as Toombs have the faculty of
business. His pecuniary sagacity has been a marvel like his other gifts.
No man has been a more careful manager of money, making it wisely,
spending it in a jjrincely way, yet handling it carefully and prudently.
He bought immense tracts qf Texan land, of which he has a hundred
thousand dollars profit, and has enough to realize a quarter of a
mUUon raore. In poUtics he was as swiftly successful as at the law.
He went to the Legislature, then to Congress, and then to the Senate,
grasping these honors by a sort of easy, natural right. He was lordly,
grand, irresistible. Nothing could daunt, nothing vanquish hira.
Toombs had genius, and men recognized it. He was like an inspired
man in his speeches. He reveled in public life and intellectual con
flict. No man ever tripped him in debate. He was as ready and
deadly as Ughtning. A rival on the stump threw up to him a very un
popular vote he had made in the Legislature. " Yes," thundered the
quick-witted and audacious Toorabs, " it was a d — d bad vote ! ^^'^hat
have vou got to say of it ! " And the storm of cheers from the crowd
told how weU he had baflled a wound. In a period of crazy contention,
and when the pubUc pulse was perUously inflamed, the opposition at a
pubUc meeting resolved he should not speak. Weapons flashed in the
sunUght. Blazing with indomitable fire, declaring they raight kUl, but
they should hear him, the man awed down the infuriate mob and forced
a listening to his bold words.

56 SLAVEEY.
General Toombs was born for a revolutionary era. No other man did
as much to precipitate the war as he did. Notwithstanding he came of
a blood that had the hereditary instinct of loyalty to the crown, he has
shown a wild tendency all of his tumultuous life to rebellion. He be
gan it at college ; he continued his destructive instinct upon the Union ;
he was a defiant officer in the army ; he split frora the Confederate
authorities in fierce altercation ; and since the surrender he has gloried
in being the single untamed and unappeasable rebel against Federal
rule. Believing as the writer does, that in the mighty scheme of human
progress a Providential power fashions the order of things, and that
great events like our colossal civil war, long preparing and long con
tinuing, and long lasting in great result, are part of the divine plan of
philosophical advancement, it is but a second step of belief to note that
human agencies suitable to such crises are furnished by the sarae over
ruling intelligence that fraraed the gigantic evolution of history.
Slavery was a wrong for which the South was not responsible. Its ex
tinction was inevitable. And some such convulsion had to tear it up
from its terribly strong rooting. We of the South, had become blunted
by hereditary training and education of centuries to the proper human
repulsion at the awful fact of property in huraan souls. A striking ex
ample of the natural sentiment of humanity upon this, occurred in the
writer's family a short while ago. A little daughter of eight years of
age in her reading carae across the word " slave " and asked its defini
tion. Her look of horror, as she understood it, was a revelation alike,
that a thing that inspires such a feeling in the impartial instincts of a
pure nature must be appallingly wrong, and that the public condemna
tion of the non-slaveholding world would never cease to wage war upon
the wrong until it was extirpated from christian civilization.
Toombs was one of the Providential agencies of this inevitable revolu
tion, the creature of what was so happily called the " irrepressible conflict"
between freedom and slavery, and its resultant emancipation. He was
a superb type of the Southerner, the " corner stone " of whose social and
political system was slavery. He was careless, imperial, deflant, auda
cious, volcanic. Toombs represented alike a kingly race of raen devoted
to their institutions, and the grand principle of chartered rights. He
was aggressive, denunciatory, taunting. He struck for disunion, be
lieving that safety lay alone in the severance, and the bond would make
unceasing strife. Looking at the situation as pregnant with an inevit
able issue of attempted separation, and the cure by a storm of an evil
Toombs was the man for the work. He inspirited the South and he

PEOVIDENCE AGAINST SLAVEEY. 57
angered the North. The South was not responsible for slavery, and
had for it the sacred guarantee of the "Constitution. The North had
put slavery upon us and was under bond to protect it. The South had
legal rights in a great wrong. The North could only do its duty to
civilization by breaking its obligations. To stimulate the South to de
fend its rights, to incense the North in its aggression upon the evil of the
Union that was its reproach in the eyes of the world, was the work that
Toombs and his compeers well performed. It was a conflict between
legally fortified wrong and unconstitutional and high-handed right.
And Providence gave the victory to civilization against the forms of
law, heroic devotion to a beloved duty and as grand a chivalry as the
world .ever knew. Toombs was the genius of the revolution, and will
so live in history.

CHAPTER VIII.
THE FIERY BATTLE OF THE BANKS. '
Brown and Toombs.— Howell Cobb, Alexander Stephens, Pen Pictures. — The young
country Governor defies the capital and its leaders. — The Tremendous Pressure. —
Brown single-handed. — Bank Suspension legalized. — Brown's hard-hitting Veto. —
A striking instance of Nerve. — The white-heated Excitement. — The great Speech
of Mr. Ward, President of the Senate. — The Veto overwhelraed. — Doggerel of the
Day. — " Balanced to a Quarter of a Cent." — The Issue remitted to the People. — A
hot Campaign of Ridicule, Abuse and Passion. — " Who is Brown f " — '" A d  n
fool." — Brown Solidly Endorsed. — An Irresistible Torrent of Public Approval for
Brown. — A Universal Victory over the colossal Moneyed Power for the new rock-
willed "People's Governor."
GovEENOE Beo-w'N and Gen. Toombs have been dramatically con
nected through this long period of Georgia history that constitutes the
theme of this work. The election that put Brown in the Executive
chair, placed Toombs again in the Senate of the United States. Dur
ing the war, Toombs stood by Brown in his controversies with the Con
federate authorities. After the surrender, they were in a deadly antag
onism, -which nearly resulted in a duel. And in this progressive era of
the state and nation, in 1881, they represent antipodal ideas and con
flicting public theories.
In. 1857, of which time we write, there were two others of Georgia's
gifted sons that wielded a large national influence. Howell Cobb was
Secretary of the Navy in the cabinet of President Buchanan, and thus
had the ear of that official in aU of the Presidential poUcy of those dis
tracting and momentous public events that so soon were to culminate
so dramatically. Cobb was an ardent Union man, whUe intensely
Southern. He was a wise, conservative man, and firm. If any one
could have used official opportunity in administrative position to keep
a harmonious Union, he was the one. He had carried the state trium
phantly on the Union issue, against extreme Southern Rights, in 1851.
He was powerful at home, and honored beyond. He had uncommon
statesmanship and extraordinary personal tact. But the drift of events
was beyond the power of men to control. A higher power was at work
in its own raysterious ways. The revolution was pending, and its genius
was the destructive Toombs, and not the conservative Cobb.

ALEXANDEE H. STEPHENS. 59
Another vital personality was that remarkable man, Alexander H.
Stephens. He too was a Union raan. It is hard to write about Alec
Stephens. He has been all of his life a human miracle. His advent
into public life nearly half a century ago was, and his career ever since
has continued to be, a wonder. Antithesis has been exhausted in de-
scribmg the man, and yet there is no adequate portraiture of Ijim. For
forty years and more Mr. Stephens has held a foremost place in the
affairs of the state and nation, and his name and speeches, overleaping
the bounds of the continent, reached the old world, rendering him
famous and illustrating Georgia. His purity of Ufe, public spirit,
stainless integrity, devotion to principle, love of truth, simplicity of
character, munificent charity, lofty patriotism, independence of popular
prejudice, sincerity of conviction, indomitable courage, magnetic elo
quence and vigorous statesmanship have all been continuously displayed
in his long, useful and brilliant public career, and forra a noble exaraple
for the imitation of our ambitious youqg men.
That a raind so powerful and a spirit so knightly should inhabit a
body so diseased and frail, has been the miracle of his conspicuous life.
At any time during his laborious and honored e.xistence, his death
could not have surprised. Yet his physical frailty never ' impaired his
public usefulness. Nearly seventy years of age, he is still at his post
of duty, filling, in his own unequaled way, the place in which he has
won his proudest triumphs and raost lasting fame — a Congressman from
Georgia, a representative of the people and chosen by the people —
Georgia's great Commoner. The people that he has loved so well, and
the state that he has so faithfully served and resplendently illustrated,
delight to honor him and hold his solid fame as one of her most pre
cious heritages.
Mr. Stephens, too, was one of the strong union men, and to the very
last his potential voice was heard eloquently protesting and unanswera
bly arguing against secession. Mr. Stephens has been a statesman and
an orator, but the quaUty that more than all others has tended to give
him his vast public influence has been his wonderful moral intrepidity.
It is a rare quality, heaven-born and God-Uke, — such moral courage as
he has shown all of his Ufe long. No adverse public opinion has had
any terrors for this fearless statesman. Majorities have been utterly
powerless to sway him. No unpopularity, no prejudice, no popular
frenzy has ever moved his firm soul one hair's-breadth from any con
viction or prevented any utterance he deemed the truth. This . is
remarkable praise, but it is due to the man. But even the miraculous

60 THE BATTLE OF THE BANKS.
Stephens was unable to stera the revolution. The storra was coming,
and Toombs was its genius.
Recurring to the battle of the Banks, from which digression has been
made to fill out the personal features of this important period of Georgia
history, there probably has never been witnessed a more stubborn and
heated contest in legislative walls than was fought in the Georgia Legis
lature of 1857, over the bank question. It was soon found that Gov
ernor Brown was in deadly earnest in the resolve to hold the banks to
their fuU legal responsibility. The 'lobbies were thronged . with bank
men and their friends. The cool young country Governor met the
issue unquailingly. Every argument and influence was brought to bear
upon him, but vainly. It was a crucial test of his nerve. Even a very
brave and firm man would have wavered. It was boldly claimed that
he would ruin the state and shock irreparably the public weal in thus
warring upon the banking capital of the commonwealth. Neither
appeal nor menace moved him .from his position. It was a fearful
responsibility that he assumed, but he never shrank from it. It involved,
too, an appeal to the people, and public condemnation if he failed in
the contest. It portended a no-quarter fight with capital and leader
ship and commercial power. He defied them all. He had announced
his purpose in his ringing inaugural to hold the banks to the law, and
he stuck to his purpose. A bill was introduced, and after infinite and
elaborate discussion, passed, suspending forfeiture proceedings against
the suspended banks for one year. The act went to the Governor.
Few believed that ¦he would dare to veto the act. The vote in the
House was 68 yeas and 33 nays ; in the Senate 58 j'eas and 27 nays.
The excitement was very great. While it was true that the bill had
passed both houses by a two-thirds majority, which, if it could be held,
would render an Executive veto a nullity, yet in the heated teraper of
the Assembly and the changing influences of the time, there was no
telling what might happen. A change of two or three votes would'
alter the result. It was represented to Governor Brown that he had
made a fair, brave fight, and after a full discussion the legislature had
given a two-thirds majority, and he could well rest the matter there.
These importunities fell like water upon a rock. The placid and rural
Executive was in no terror of majorities, and then, as later, failed to
learn the lesson of yielding his convictions to any pressure. He gently
waved aside these advisers, and smilingly ignored counsel that he did
not want, and shutting himself up in his quiet, he fulminated one of
the boldest state papers he ever wrote, in sharp and unqualified veto of

GOVEENOE BEOWN AND THE BANKS. 61
the act. Reading- that veto message in the Ught of all of the surround
ings, and testing it by cool criticism, lifted above the heat of the strug
gle, it is a very reraarkable document. Gov. Brown, it must be reraera
bered, was bred up far from commercial influences and habits. He had
little practical experience of banks. He had known little of .capitalists
and had few dealings with capital. His views were not the cultiva-ted
experiences of the commercial world, but they were the instinctive
notions of an uncommonly sharp mind, entirely unprejudiced, and look
ing at the matter with a keen vision of the equities of the great subject,
and seeking abstract justice at any cost. The views of his message
clad in this light, are remarkable. He never wrote a more sinewy, even-
handed and abstractly logical paper, while his personal attitude was
romantic in the extreme, and eminently characteristic of his self-reliance
and intrepidity. Take a youthful countryman, unused to the dazzle of
such high station, with its bewildering accompaniraents, and put him
in Gov. Brown's place in this raatter, subject to the pressure of every
powerful influence of social splendor and worldly prestige, and his flrm-
ness in pursuing his convictions to their conclusion, unbacked as he was
by any support whatever, and perplexed by the gravity of result that
hung upon his action, was a striking exhibition of personal firmness
and official duty. It illustrated the raan perfectly. It demonstrated
his superlative fiber. It stamped his exalted power of leadership indis
putably. He raight be wrong, and doubtless in a calm review of his
views then uttered so incisively, raade now in the light of a quarter
of a century of unusual practical experience, he would recall much
that he said then. But the fact still stands out saliently that his
attitude was one of grand courage, and put him at one bound as an
established force in the state. His veto was a brave appeal to the
august tribunal of public opinion, against one of the ablest legislative
bodies Georgia has ever had, and he struck the popular judgment with
masterly power and a keen discrimination. There is in the message,
too, a plain, direct, ungloved style of speech that was far removed from
the diplomatic politeness of the accustomed state papers. The veto
indulged in no regrets or Pickwickian expressions, but it handled the
vital matters touched upon with simple practicality, and gave facts
and views in unmincing words.
The veto was j, lengthy and elaborate one, discussing the subject
fuUy. It began by contrasting the money privUeges of banks and those
aUowed individuals. The citizen could only loan money, dollar for dol
lar, at seven per cent. The bank could issue three doUars for one and

62 GOVEENOE BEOWN's BANK VETO.
use all four, realizing from thirty to fifty per cent. The privilege was
unreasonable, and he branded banking as a " legalized systera of specu
lation, oppression and wrong." After using their unlimited privileges
to amass fortunes, the banks in a pressure suspend, close- doors, lock
up specie, let their bills depreciate, buy thera up at a discount, make
further distress, and then when the storm is over, step out with in
creased wealth amid general disaster. It was not right. Thfe banks
could pay specie by buying it at a small premium with their large earn
ings. Why did they not resume. Because it was to their interest not
to do so. They raade money out of the suspension. Warming up, the
plain-spoken Governor said that the banks that had suspended, and so con
tinued were guilty of a " high commercial, moral and legal crime," depre
ciating the value of property, causing pecuniary depression, injuring the
public credit, and violating the law of the state. Private citizens had
to meet their obligations. Banks should do so. The citizen could not
suspend. The banks should not.
Since the establishment of the Banking system in Georgia, several
periods of distress had occurred, in which the banks made money, while
the people bore the loss. The banks clairaed to be obliged to suspend,
but it was because of their speculations. The merchant that overtrades,
gets no sympathy when trouble overtakes him. The banks suspended
as a speculation. In 1840 there was a financial crisis, when the bad con
duct of the banks caused the passage of the very law of forfeiture for
suspension that was sought to be set aside now. The banks were
wealthy and powerful, and illustrated the growing power of corpora
tions.. Who doubts that they could, by a little sacrifice, have avoided
suspension at the present, have bought gold and redeemed their prom
ises. Instead of doing this they set the law at defiance, relying upon
their power. They demand legalization of the wrong, threatening in
jury to the public interest unless it is done. The issue was boldly ten
dered. In liis opinion the richest corporation should be compeUed to
obey the law like tlie humblest citizen. He was resolved to know no
man or association of men, and that all should bow to the authority of
the law without regard to wealth, power or influence.
He alluded to the fact that numbers of banks in other states, and
. four or five in Georgia had not been obliged to suspend. He answered
the point that our specie would be drawn out from the North by saying
that too few of our bills were held North to injure us in this way. The
further point was made that our banks had suspended in response to
the suggestion of public meetings. His sharp reply was that bank men

JOHN E. WAED's GEEAT SPEECH. 03
could easily get up such meetings. The people generally did not want
suspension. Their hundred dollars fell to ninety in value by suspension.
Every point ingeniously made for suspension he as ingeniously met in
his sledge-hammer way, running through the whole paper an adroit
comparison of the advantages the banks had over the citizen. He
struck hard. His last point was that there was a contract between the
banks and the people to redeem their bills in specie on demand or pre
sentation, and this had been violated. The law legalizing suspension
was a law impairing the obligation of contract, and therefore unconsti
tutional. He wound up this caustic and aggressive message with these
words :
" I feel it to be my duty I owe the people of Georgia, to do all in my power to avert
the evils which would follow the passage of an act legalizing the suspension of the
banks. All solvent banks will doubtless soon resume specie payment. I shall do all
which the law makes it my duty to do, to have the charters of such as do not resume
forfeited, and their assets placed in the hands of receivers, and converted into money
and paid to their creditors as soon as possible. No serious inconvenience will follow, as
it is believed most of them are solvent, and will resume. Those which are not solvent
will be wound up, and the sooner the better for the people."
The reading of the message created an intense feeling in both
branches of the General Assembly. Mr. Ward, the President of the'
Senate was the bank leader in that body. The veto made a keen sense
of alarm among the bank men. It was known that it was coming. Mr.
Ward was selected to reply to it. He sat up all night preparing a
speech. The message made a sensation. Its exhaustive, coramon sense
discussion of the subject, and its determined views, feU upon the body,
engendering dismay. Mr. Hill of Harris raoved to take up the message
and read it. After the reading Mr. Spalding moved to take up the
vetoed biU. The yeas and nays were called on this raotion, and resulted
in sixty-one yeas and twenty-one nays. This was an orainous vote for
the anti-bank men, being a loss of six votes from the twenty-seven that
voted on its passage against it. Mr. Young of the negative voters then
moved to adjourn, fighting for time. Upon this the yeas and nays were
caUed, yeas nineteen, nays fifty-nine. This was a stiU farther loss on
the anti-bank side. Mr. Ward had come from the President's seat and
he took the floor. He made a speech of great power and eloquence, an
adroit, persuasive, subtle speech, by long odds the best of the session on
any subject. With wonderful effect he sought to put the Governor in
a position of hostiUty to the cities, and then proceeded to defend the,
cities, blending a careful indignation with a judicious pathos. His
eulogy upon the banks and his picture of the bad results of ir.tsrference

64 BANK DOGGEREL.
with them, were drawn with eloquent vividness. Every utterance of
this admirable speech was conciliatory and plausible. It was a model of
elocution and at the same time the very perfection of argument and
appeal. It made Mr. Ward great reputation in the state. He closed
his speech by moving the passage of the vetoed bill and upon that
motion called the " previous question " to cut off reply. The vote stood
on this fifty-six yeas and twenty-four nays, a small gain for the anti-
bank men. The vote upon the passage of the bill was then taken and
stood sixty-one yeas to twenty-two nays, a loss of five votes from the
nays on its original passage — a loss due to Mr. Ward's powerful speech.
In the House the vote stood the sarae as on its first passage, showing no
change. A classification of the voting raade a month afterwards in the heated
discussion the matter continued to evoke, showed that in the House,
where the vote stood sixty-eight yeas to thirty-four nays, forty-eight
raembers voted "yea" both times and twenty-nine "nay" both times;
that thirteen merabers voted nay first and yea afterwards; that two
voted yea first and then nay; that fourteen voted yea at first and did not
vote afterwards; that eight voted nay first and did not vote afterwards;
and that one voted against and three for the bUl on its second passage
who did not vote first. And forty-four members did not vote at aU on
the perilous question. On the last ballot sixty, or more than a third of
the House, dodged a vote.
The following piece of doggerel took the public attention at t'ue time,
and had a wide circulation :
A LEGISLATIVE LAY.
EY BILL VETO BANKS, ESQ.
On a night before Christmas when all through the " house "
Not a meraber was stirring, not even a mouse ;
The Sec'taries stood at the Desk in great awe.
As if 'twas the Devil himself that they saw.
The members all nestled down close in their chairs ;
Their hearts alternating with hopes and -n'ith fears;
When up from the Senate arose such a clatter.
The Speaker sent " Jess " to report on the matter.
Away to the Senate he flew with a chill —
He heard that the Senate had passed the Bank bill.
Then T — e came in, and the House got so still, —
His hair stood erect like the porcupine's quill.
He read what the Senate had done, in the aisle,
Then bowed himself out with such a sweet smile I

BANK BOOK-KEEPING. 65
I knew by the walk, 'twas the ".Cherokee brave,"
The Divil may take me, if he could desave .'
But the fun was not yet over, not by a half.
Which I'll tell you directly, provided you laugh.
•¦ As leaves that before the wild hurricane fly,"
Swept clear thro' the House, Bill Vetos' wild cry.
Confusion at once seized the House with a vim.
And the shout went around, " up Bankey, at him .' "
Then the Secretary called the roll over with care,
While tlie friends of dear Bankey sank deep in despair ;
For none in that House could certainly know,
The result which the ayes and the noes would soon show.
Not a breath of disturbance the quietness stirred.
Not a hem, nor a cough, nor an audible word,
The roll being called and the vote counted out.
The Speaker said, passed, then as if in doubt.
Said no, it was lost ; and then in the Mess,
Some man changed his vote, and settled the fuss.
And then such a shout ! Ye Gods and small fishes!
What rattling it made among Cunningham's dishes !
So Bankey -vvhipped Veto — and winks at his foes,
And wiggles his thumb at the end of his nose ;
He exclaimed as he left in the cars the next night,
Happy Christmas to all and Bill Veto good night !
But Bankey will find before he 's much older,-
The people will turn him a very cold shoulder.
Unless he behaves like honest raen should.
And ceases to speak in the imperative mood.
But the matter was not ended. The legislative storm was but child's
play to the public agitation. The young country Governor had
awakened a popular tornado. Abuse and ridicule were heaped upon
him. The use of the expression that the bank accounts " balanced to a
quarter of a cent " was the theme of unlimited raillery over the alleged
ignorance of the Governor, of Bank book-keeping. The bank cham
pions had stated as a reason for legalizing the suspension, that the peo
ple owed the banks twenty-two millions, and the banks only owed the
'people five railUons. In response to this argument the Governor said
in his message that the sworn returns of the banks made to the Execu
tive Department showed that the assets and liabilities of the banks
" balanced to a quarter of a cent," a proper phrase to render the an
tithesis striking.
The bank question becarae a veritable sensation. The agitation was
warm enough in the legislature. It grew hotter with its transfer to the
tribunal of the entire state. The Milledgeville Federal Union at first
5

66 THE STATE ON THB BANK QUESTION.
was the Governor's only newspaper advocate. The Augusta Chronicle
and the Savannah Republican were the two champions of the bank side
of the question. One after another the state press took sides with the
Governor. The papers were full of it. And the discussion was bitter.
The Augusta Chronicle thus fulminated :
" Never have we witnessed in all our experience such a display of stupidity, igno
rance, and low groveling demagogism as Gov. Brown has made in his veto message. It
is throughout the low and miserable effort of a most contemptible demagogue, to array
the prejudices of the poor against the rich. * * *
" In conclusion we cannot but congratulate the Democracy on their triumphant success
in finding out thus early, ' Who is Brown ? ' This was a question which excited no little
solicitude iu the outset of the late Gubernatorial canvass, and the faithful in this region
were very much exercised to ascertain its true solution. Now when asked, ' Who is.
Brown ? ' they unhesitatingly respond, ' a d — dfool 1 ' "
The Savannah Rep>ublican was no less savage. Said this paper:
" The friends of the Governor should hang their heads -svith mortification and shame,
while the author himself should forthwith besubjected to the surgical operation recom
mended by Benton to Cass, viz, to be ' cut for the simples' "
But to the supreme astonishment of the Bank raen, the people of the
state rallied to the Governor in almost solid array. Public meetings
were held on the subject, and the Governor endorsed by strong resolu
tions. A meeting for instance, in Carroll county presided over by "W. W.
Merrell, passed unanimously resolutions denouncing the suspension act
as " unwise and lawless legislation." In "\^^Ukinson county Dr. R. J.
Cochran offered a resolution that was passed without a dissenting voice
declaring the Governor's veto " elaborate, full, clear and unanswerable;"
and a resolution was also passed unqualifiedly condemning Hon. John
E. Ward for caUing the previous question, and depriving the anti-bank
men of a chance to reply to him. Whitfield county had a rousing meet
ing and passed a strong set of resolutions reported by a committee com
posed of W. H. Stansel, C. B. Wellborn, Wm. J. Underwood, Dr. B. B.
Brown and Rpv. John M. Richardson. These resolutions commended
the " Jacksonian firmness " of Gov. Brown. Even Bibb countv en
dorsed the Governor. In Monroe county resolutions were passed de
manding that the state Constitution be altered so as to prevent the'
passage of laws legaUzing bank suspensions. A meeting at CuUoden
presided over by W. Rutherford declared that Gov. Brown deserved the
raore credit because he did his duty in the very teeth of his own party.
A Pickens county meeting denounced the papers abusing Gov. Brown
as "hireling bank organs." A CampbeU county meeting resolved that
Gov. Brown was " under all circumstances the friend of the people when

"who is JOE BEOWN " ANSWERED. 67
their rights are threatened." Wesley Camp was chairman of this meet
ing. A Cherokee county meeting declared its pride in Gov. Brown as
a Cherokee citizen. Clinch county went ahead of all in declaring that
the members who supported the suspension bill after hearing the
Governor's veto were not deserving support a second time by their
constituency. These public expressions of opinion taken at random from the action
of meetings in all parts of the state will give some idea of the emphatic
unanimity of endorsement that Gov. Brown received from the people.
It is not ascertainable that a single public meeting sided with the banks
and condemned the Governor. In spite of the colossal moneyed power
of the Banks the Executive single handed carried popular sentiment
overwhelmingly. It constitutes a remarkable victory, and it put Gov.
Brown, at the very inception of his career, solidly entrenched in the
hearts of the masses as the friend of the people's rights, a position frora
which no effort was ever able to shake hira until the fiery days of recon
struction, but which he has regained since then in the most marvelous
manner. No man could ask after this the sneering question, " Who is Joe
Brown ? " He had answered the query himself in no uncertain lan
guage. He had shot himself like a cannon ball into the very heart of
the state. In every hamlet the people knew him as a man of brain,
rock-willed, and the people's friend. He became as exaltedly elevated
in public esteem as he had been unexpectedly thrown into high office
from obscurity. He demonstrated the fact that his promotion " was the
inevitable outcome of his young life — disciplined so marvelously, so
fuU of thought, sagacity and judgment."

CHAPTER IX.
THE WAY GOV. BROWN GASHED INTO OLD CUSTOMS.
The Abolition of Levees. — No Wine at His Table. — Interference by the Legislature
with Pardons boldly Tackled. — The case of .Tohn .Black. — Old time Ideas of Mar
riage. — State Aid. — Salaries Increased. — Peterson Thweatt. — The State Road, and
a Vigorous Policy. — The Coincidence of Gov. Brown and the State Road. — The
Southern Commercial Convention. — A summary of Georgia's Leaders,- Mark A.
Cooper, A. H. Chappell, William Dougherty, Junius Wingfield. — The Philosophy
of Southern Conventions. — Powerful Instrumentalities of Sectional Division. —
Legacies for the Impending Revolution.
The installation of Joseph J^. Brown as Governor of Georgia was
truly an establishment of an era of change. The very social features of
the executive administration were sweepingly altered by this simple-
raannered and resolute young countryman. It seeraed as if no institu
tion that he deemed to need correction was sacred against his deter
mined hand. And there was no fuss in his reforms. He quietly up
rooted long-established customs in a way that evoked the horror of the
reverential worshipers of venerable follies. It had been the custom for
governors to begin their terms with a huge popular Levee, when the
dear people were aUowed to come uninvited in masses. Magnificent
supper was provided at tremendous cost. It was a festivity of mash
and gluttony and plunder. Crates of crockery were broken. The ple
beians came in swarms as their one social opportunity to mingle in hio-h
life, and they gorged their stomachs and stored their pockets with del
icacies. One who has never witnessed one of these hideous levees cannot
conceive of their character. Floors were ruined, table ware lost, and toil
ets wrecked. It was jam and crush. It was becoming yearly worse,
larger crowds, more disorder, increased destruction, and less regard for
good manners. The rabble looked forward to, and improved it. The
custom was old, and supposed to be the very symbol of our democratic
principles. It was the practical incarnation of equality religiously
cherished by the poor and the humble. Of aU men. Gov. Brown, the
representative of popular privileges, would have been supposed to guard
such a custom. His practical intelligence, on the contrarv, saw it was
an occasion of license and rabble disorder, and not what it was raeant
to be, the tribute of aU orderly citizens to a new Chief Magistrate. He
swept it out of existence, declining to conform to the ancient precedent.

GOV. brown's COLLISIONS WITH THE LEGISLATUEE. 69
He instituted in its place a series of Friday night receptions, which
proved very pleasant.
Another change he made that drew upon him much bantering com
raent, was abolishing wine from his festal board. He was a temper
ance man, and carried out his temperance principles practically. But
the Governor quietly persisted in his plain temperance ways, and the
people learned that ridicule or abuse were unable to raove him.
He had several collisions with the General Assembly, in every case
maintaining his views and asserting the prerogatives of his position in
the straight-forward sort of way that was characteristic of the man.
The Legislature passed a joint resolution requesting the Governor to
pardon forthwith two female convicts. He vetoed the resolution
proraptly, and his message is a stinging rebuke. Adverting to the
fact that no reason was given in the resolution for such clemency, and'
quoting the section of the constitution that gives the pardoning power
to the Governor, he said that he understood that other resolutions of a
similar character had been introduced, and gave his decision upon the
matter in these incisive words:
"As a general rule, in my opinion, it would be better to leave all these cases where
the courts and juries have left thera. There are a few excepted cases, and for the pur
pose of finding them out, it is often necessary to investigate the evidence, and' the cir
cumstances of the trial. The constitution has assigned the duty of investigation to the
Executive Department of the Government, without dividing the responsibility with the
General Assembly, and as it would greatly lengthen the sessions, and consume much of
the time of the Legislature, which could be as well employed in the consideration of
such matters as the constitution has confided to that branch of the government, I would
respectfully suggest that it might be better for each departraent of the government to
he content to confine itself within the sphere of action assigned to it by the constitu
tion." This message put the Governor's views on the subject of the Legisla
ture interfering with pardons in a pointed and unraistakable raanner,
but it did not settle the matter. The members were somewhat taken
aback at the sharp terms the Executive used, but the practice of going
to the Legislature when the Governor would not interfere in criminal
cases had ripened into too fixed a precedent, and was too convenient
to be readily abandoned. It was a pernicious practice and plainly
illegal, yet it had been permitted. Gov. Brown was resolved to check
and if possible stop it entirely. The Legislature clung to the custom.
A man by the name of John Black had been convicted of murder and
sentenced to be hung in Habersham. The Legislature passed an act
commuting the death penalty to life imprisonment. The Governor

70 STATE AID.
vetoed the bill in a lengthy message of remarkable ability. The Legis
lature in changing the penalty fixed by law to a crime committed in
violation of the law, after the courts had finally passed upon the criminal,
made an assumption of the functions of the Judicial by the Legislative
branch of the government, and it was unconstitutional. To annul the
judgment of the court and pronounce another judgment was a judicial
and not a legislative function. The constitution forbids the exercise of
the powers of one by the other. The Governor went into the question
elaborately, quoting largely from the authorities to show that the legis
lative power to pardon in murder cases did not carry the power to
commute. They either had to pardon entirely, or not at all. The
message was closed with a reference to the facts of the case, and to the
considerations of public policy involved. If the Legislature was allowed
to commute as -well as pardon, all murder cases would be brought before
the body, and there would be no more punishments by death for the
most flagrant murders. The bill was lost in the house after the Gov
ernor's veto by a vote of 27 yeas to 55 nays.
Among other vetoes that illustrate the Governor's views, was one of
a bill allowing a number of married women to run business on their own
account, on the ground of its destroying the unity of marriage. He
clung to his old-fashioned ideas which he had so strenuously advocated
and voted for in the Legislature of 1849 when he was a State Senator.
""jrhe subject of state aid,.to railroads was very fully discussed by this
Legislature, but finally voted down. The state aid leaders were Mr.
—Speaker Underwood, D. W. Lewis, Mr. Smith . and Col. Hardeman.
The anti-state aid leaders were Mr. Bigham, Col. A. H. Kenan, Mr. G
A. Gordon and Col. Jno. MUIedge. At that time the aid of the state
had already been pledged^o the Main Trunk and Brunswick, railroads""
to a million of dollars. The removal of the state penitentiary from
Milledgeville to Stone Mountain was fully argued, but finally defeated
after an able speech against it by Senator L. H. Briscoe, a very brilUant
young fellow who had been a secretary of- the executive department
under Gov. Johnson. The new counties were created of Wilcox, White,
Schley, Pierce, Mitchell, MUton, Glasscock and Dawson. The salaries
of the following officers were increased: Governor from $3,000 to $4,000;
Judges of Supreme Court, $2,500 to $3,500; Judges of Superior Court,
$1,800 to $2,500. The practice of biennial sessions was also changed
back to annual sessions, which had been the law before 1840, and the
sessions were limited to 40 days, unless lengthened by a two-thirds vote
of the Legislature.

PETEESON THWEATT. 71
.- 
The Legislature had elected as state house officers, J. B. Trippe,
Treasurer; E. P. Watkins, Secretary of State, and Peterson Thweatt as
Comptroller General. Mr. Thweatt deserves special mention. Before
his administration the reports of the comptroller had been very meager
affairs. He instituted a system of statistical' returns that have been
invaluable. He improved the collection of taxes, very largely increasing
the return of taxable property and the revenue of the state. His
administration of his office was conspicuously able. He is a short,
very stout little gentleman with some oddities of manner, such as vocif
erous whispering to his friends, and a wonderful faculty for hearty
laughter; and he was sometimes very irascible, but withal a true-hearted
and generous gentleraan, and as capable and faithful a public officer as
the state ever had. He was comptroller a long time, but was defeated
after the war, and could never get his consent to do anything else.
His soul was in his office, and he clung for years to the' hope of return
to it, but vaiiily. He had taken his salary during the war in Georgia,
war notes, which were repudiated, and he spent years getting the legis
lature to let him sue the state for his notes. Legislature after legislature
refused him the privilege, but with indomitable persistence he kept on
until he succeeded only to have his suit dismissed. Some of his annual
addresses to the members were remarkable papers, ' exhausting the
printer's fonts of quotation marks, italics and capitals; and indulging
in such a labyrinthine net-work of parentheses as to make his documents
rhetorical puzzles.
In his inaugural Gov. Brown devoted much attention to the state
road. In 1856 it had paid into the state treasury $43,500. Necessa
rily large amounts had been used in equipping the road, but still the
people grumbled that it was not a source of more revenue to the state.
On the 1st of January, 1858, Governor Brown ^pointed John W.
Lewis. hi° .-^iriliitbilll '*^ri''.nd,i "^^ -superintendent., of the_rpad, under an
orderjifiinarkaiile, f oruts-CQnciae-Gompjghensiyeness pf reform and man-
agernent. It directed cutting expenses, dismissing every supernum
erary, reducing salaries the same as on other roads, requiring absolute
subordination, discharging dissipated employes, using economy, demand
ing trip settlements from conductors and weekly settlements from
depot agents, and paying every doUar of net earnings monthly into
the treasury. Lewis faithfully carried out his instructions. During
, his administration Gov. Brown paid as high as $400,000 in a single year
into the treasury. An amusing incident is related that soon after the
appointment of Dr. Lewis as superintendent, he and Gov. Brown were

73 THE STATE EOAD.
seen walking the track, picking up the iron spikes that were scattered
and wasting along the line of road. The incident was circulated at
the time in derision of the picayune economy of the new regime. Of
course there was no truth in the story, except that the ;track hands
were made to not only pick up the large quantity of loose spikes that had
^een left to rust along the line of the road, but all of the waste iron
was gathered and advertised for sale, and brought the handsome sum
of $20,000. The incident illustrates Governor Brown's watchfulness
of the public interest, and to what an extent his vigilance ran to
details. There was between six and seven hundred tons of this loose
scrap iron thus collected and sold.
It forms a curious coincidence of Governor Brown's lifa-lhat_this
state road which he managed so successfully for the state while hejvas
Governor, and whose brilliant and profitable handling made, so ragfked
a-£eature.of his gubernatorial administratiojn, shouLd_have_come_ under his
control as president of a leasing company that rented, it from the state.
-The road seeras to have been destined to become an iraportant factor
in his career. He is to-day the president of the lease— company, and
the road is most ably managed. It is a strange fact that the road has
never paid much to the state except under his management. As
Governor he made it pay from three to four hundred thousand dollars a
year. And its regular rental is now $300,000 a year.
One of those mammoth concerns that filled so large a share of South
ern attention, but never seemed to have resulted in any practical benefit,
a Southern Commercial Convention, asserabled during this year in
Montgomery, Alabama, on the second Monday in May. Gov. Brown
appointed the following delegates which we give in full, as showing who
were the leading men of the State at this time :
Delegates from the State at Large. — WUson Lumpkin, George R.
Gilmer, Wra. Schley, Geo. W. Crawford, H. V. Johnson, H. Warner,
Hines Holt, Thomas W. Thomas, C. J. Jenkins, Wm. H. Stiles, Jas..
Gardner, B. H. HiU, F. H. Cone, L. Stephens, E. A. Nisbet, M. A.
Cooper, D. J. Bailey, A. H. Chappell, Joel Crawford.
First District.— K. H. Hansell, P. Cone, E. J. Blackshear, Charles
Spalding, J. H. Cooper, F. S. Bartow, J. P. Screven, G. P. Harrison,
Jno. W. Anderson, A. R. Laraar.
Second District.— 'Wm. Dougherty, T. Loraax, J. N. Bethune, J. .
A. Jones, Jr., Jno. A. Tucker, R. H. Clarke, L. M. Felton, A. H. Col
quitt, W. A. Hawkins, W. M. Brown.

THE SOUTHEEN COMMEECIAL CONVENTION. 73
Third District. — W. Poe, O. A. Lochrane, W. K. De Graffenried,
P. W. Alexander, D. P. HUl, C. Peeples, A. F. Owen, Geo. R. Hunter,
J. D. Watkins, A. R. Moore.
Fourth District. — E. Y. Hill, L. H. Featherstone, A. J. Boggess, B.
H. Overby, J. W. Duncan, Robert J. Co wart, "J. O. Gartrell, W. C.
Daniel, Wra. A. Harris, H. Buchanan.
Fifth District. — Jno. H. Lumpkin, H. V. M. MiUer, S. Fouche, Jno.
A. Jones, W. T. Wofford, Lindsay Johnson, Joseph Pickett, G. J. Fain,
C. B. Wellborn, Elisha Dyer.
Sixth District. — Sumner J. Sraith, Robert McMillan, Asbury Hull,
Wm. L. Mitchell, John Billups, Wm. A. Lewis, Jas. P. Simmons,
Samuel Knox, W! Boyd, S. Reid.
Seventh District. — Augustus Reese, George R. Jesup, P. Reynolds,
MUler Grieve, Sr., S. N. Boughton, R. M. Orrae, Sr., David W. Lewis, J.
W. Burney, Robert R. Slappey, Junius Wingfield.
Eighth District. — Isaiah T. Irwin, Jno. Milledge, Jas. T. Nisbet,
W. Gibson, Thomas Barrett, A. J. Lawson, A. R. Wright, E. H. Pottle,
Robert Hester, Dr. W. WilUngham.
Of these gentlemen WUson Lumpkin, George R. Gilmer, Wm.
Schley, Geo. W. Crawford and H. V. Johnson had been Governor of
^the state. Judge F. H. Cone was the founder of the Know-Nothing
party in Georgia, a man of great power in his day, who had a desperate
personal conflict with Alexander H. Stephens, in which he cut Mr.
Stephens badly with a knife. Mark A. Cooper was a wealthy iron
manufacturer, who was very prominent in Georgia politics. Jle^ -was
one of the, famous trio of.. Colquitt...-Cooper. and-Black. that in 1840
revolutionized the politics of the state, and, esta,blished the .Democratic
party inpower. He was a leading candidate for Governor at one time.
His large fortune was ruined by the war, and for many years he has
been passing his old age in quiet retirement. A. H. Chappell was a
noted man for many years, a distinguished Congressman. He was
known for his long speeches, which tradition says he used to recite in
advance of their delivery to his faithful horse in his rides horseback.
It is also told of him that in a courtship after he was sixty years of age,
while visiting in Monroe county, where the lady lived, he engaged in a
game of " blind man's buff " with her. The incident is probably not
true, as Mr. Chappell was a very stately, dignified gentleman, and it
was likely invented as a piece of campaign badinage. A. R. Lamar has
been for the last twenty-five years one of the conspicuous editors of

74 JUNIUS WINGFIELD.
the State, conducting the Savannah Georgian and Columbus Times.
Few men can equal him in. his command of a pure, forcible and elegant
stvle of writino-. He has been one of the men who have labored long
for party without reward. Wm. Dougherty, who is dead, was the great
lawyer of his day — a -man of wonderful legal ability. He took little
interest in poUtics, devoting himself, unseduced by any charm of public
station, to his profession. He was a strikingly handsome man. W.
K. De Graffenreid was a lawyer of ability, rauch above mediocrity.
He is dead. Cincinnatus Peeples became a judge. He was a large,
genial gentleman, possessed of unusual speaking talent, with a rich
vein of humorous Ulustration. His warm heart and generous impulses
made him very popular. P. W. Alexander was a power as a journalist,
editing the Savannah Republican. Asa war correspondent he was the
most famous one we had in the South. His war letters were models of
critical accuracy, and clear, forcible descriptiveness. Of all of these
leading Georgians of two decades back, none of thera recall tenderer
memories of a beautiful manhood than Junius Wingfield of Putnam
county. He was a gifted lawyer, possessing both high ability and a
profound knowledge of the law. But the charra of the raan was in his
pure, gentle, lovable nature and spotless moral life. His domestic
qualities were exquisite. He was one of the few men who to manliness
and intellect added an almost womanly tenderness of character. He
died a few years ago.
/ Of the hundred gentlemen above recorded seventy of them have
passed away, and many of them who were conspicuous persons in their
day, are almost wholly unknown now. Individuals of brain, culture,
influence and fame as they were then, they have lapsed out of recollec
tion, their names buried in unused records of iraportant events. The
learned judge, the eloquent advocate, the famous orator, the influential
leader, the honored statesman, the illustrious Chief Magistrate, have
alike been rewarded with the same undiscriminating forgetfulness.
The Southern Convention that met in Montgoraery in 1858, like its
predecessors, did nothing tangible. Resolutions by the wholesale were
passed, but no practical scherae was inaugurated for increasing Southern
power and enlarging Southern independence. Tennessee, Virginia, the
two Carolinas, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, Texas, Jlississippi, Louisiana
and Delaware were repreagnted. Mr. A. P. Calhoun of South Carolina
was made President, and; Mark A. Cooper of Georgia) one of the Vice
Presidents. Mr. Spratt of South Carolina set the convention wagging
fiercely upon a proposition to reopen the slave trade. This inflamma-

SOUTHEEN CONVENTIONS AGENCIES FOE DISUNION. 75
ble issue, and another equally perilous condemning the conference bill
for the admission of Kansas as a state in the Union, which the entire
Southern delegation in Congress had taken as the best they could do,
were the two main topics of discussion. Looking back to that day in the
calm philosophical retrospection of this, these conventions were simply
potential agencies for driving sectional differences to an inevitable rup
ture and the logical war that foUowed so swiftly. Wm. L. Yancey of
Alabama, and Mr. Rhett of South Carolina were the moving spirits of
this convention. While its members were patriotic, its objects, its delib
erations, its conclusions were sectional, irritating and defiant. Compar
ing these Southern movements with the Northern abolition aggressions,
we can see now what we could not realize then, that the Northern cru
sade, while fanatical and unreasoning in its zeal, was without local benefit
to its zealots and embodied the protest of all disinterested civilization
against slavery. The natural resistance of the South to these extra-
constitutional assaults upon the chief institution of Southern wealth
and labor, and the prop of the Southern social polity, was based upon
local interest, looked to horae prosperity. Southern independence of the
Union, and the withdrawal of Southern business patronage frora the
North. Not only were they thus practically antagonistic to Northern
interest in their objects, but in their spirit and language they were bit
ter against Northern sentiment. They siraply therefore fed sectional
hostility and division. It would be irapossible to conceive of more
powerful instrumentalities of sectional strife. Not so intended by us
or so regarded by the North, they yet thus resulted. They were an ef
fective part of the preface to the great struggle in which Providence
had doomed slavery. They were the concentrated utterance, intense,
open-voiced, impassioned and majestic, of Southern resentment
against Northern aggression upon slavery, and they both stimulated
and foreshadowed the inevitable conflict that was poming so soon.
Even though their final action was legitimate, that could not remove
the effect of the fiery sectional deliberations that frenzied the very
fanaticism sought to be thwarted. This Convention met, argued, acted
and adjourned, but its only legacies were fuel for the impending Revo
lution.

CHAPTER X.
THE SPIRIT OF 1858 IN GEORGIA.
The State Judiciary.— Its PersoneUe —Judge W. B. Fleming and D. F. Hammond only
Survive in 1881.— H. L. Benning.— The Bank Cases.— E. G. Cabaniss.— A New
Fight of the Banks.— What Gov. Brown did as a Bank Reformer.— Brown as a
Foeraan.— The Cotton Planters' Convention.— The State Newspapers.— Wm. T.
Thompson.— Joseph Clisby.— A. R. Lamar.— Deceased Journalists.— Legislative
Dots.— The State Road and Brown's Sweeping Reforms —John A. Tucker —John
E. Ward. — Henry R. Jackson and his magnificent address upon the Expansion of
American Empire and its effect on Southern Institutions.
The composition of the Georgia judiciary in 1858 was as follows :
Supreme Court. — Joseph H. Lumpkin, Chas. J. McDonald, Hpnry
L. Benning.
Superior Courts. — Brunswick Circuit, A. E. Cochran; Blue Ridge
Circuit, Geo. D. Rice; Chattahooche Circuit, E. H. WorreU; Cherokee
Circuit, R. Trippe; Coweta Circuit, O. A. BuU; Eastern Circuit, W. B.
Fleming; Flint Circuit, E. G. Cabaniss; Macon Circuit, A. P. Powers;
Middle Circuit, W. W. Holt; Northern Circuit, James Thomas; Ocmulgee
Circuit, R. V. Hardeman; Pataula Circuit, David J. Kiddoo; Southern
Circuit, Peter E. Love; South-western Circuit, Alex A. Allen; Talla
poosa Circuit, Dennis F. Hammond; Western Circuit, N. L. Hutchins.
Of these officials all of the gentlemen who were Justices of the
Supreme Court are dead, and fourteen out of the sixteen Superior
Court Judges. The only living ones of this array of judicial talent
are Judge W. B. Fleraing, who is now Judge of the Eastern Circiiit,
and very old, and Dennis F. Hammond, who lives in Atlanta, in fine
law practice and vigorous health. Judge Hammond is a gentleman of
peculiar and original character, and has been perhaps as strong a man
physically as we have ever had in Georgia. A thick-set, raassive
frame of iron strength, backed by a most resolute will and a raost
reraarkable volubility of words in talk, belongs to hira. While he is a
preacher as well as lawyer, he belongs to the church militant, and has
been ever ready to enforce his spiritual expoundings upon refractory
subjects with a physical drubbing. The anecdotes of his ready and
irresistible combativeness are numerous and racy. Nature never made
a sincerer or kinder or a more stubborn spirit. Judge Fleming has
been an upright and able Judge, and has the gratification of serving on

OF OFA.'J!.i'L-i

HENEY L. BENNING. 77
the bench of the Eastern Circuit, while he has a son equally able and
respected, who presides in the Albany Circuit, Judge William O.
Fleming. Judge Henry L. Benning, of the Supreme Bench, was a very
raarked man in Georgia. He made a gallant record as a Brigadier
General in the late war. He won for himself the sturdy soubriquet of
" Old Rock." He was a man of absolutely crystal truth. He had a
candor and directness proverbial. He spoke with a low, guttural tone
and a syUabic precision, that heightened the idea of his manly force of
character, He was able to take unpopular positions without loss of
respect, so strong was the confidence in his sincerity. A very strong
effort was made in the Gefieral Assembly of 1858 to strike down " Old
Rock." The suit of Beall vs. Robinson, from Muscogee county, was a
case involving the liabUity of the stockholders of a broken bank for
bills that had been issued. Judge Benning was the son-in-law of Col.
Seaborn Jones, a stockholder, and had been attorney for Gen. D.
McDonald, another large stockholder of another bank. He presided
in the case and gave decision against the biU-holders. A petition was
presented to the General Asserably urging the body to take some
action against Judge Benning, and a resolution was introduced in the
Senate advising and requesting Judge Benning and McDonald to
, resign their offices. The matter created a good deal of feeling, but the
Senate voted to lay the resolution on the table for the balance of the
session by a vote of 67 yeas to 45 nays. Judge Benning had been
urged not to preside in the case, as it was similar to cases in which his
client and his father-in-law had been interested. He presided because
he deemed it his duty not to shirk his responsibUity, and in the decis
ion he explains this very urgency of his duty. The famous lawyer,
Williara Dougherty, was the moving power in these cases, and he
inspired the hostile proceedings in the legislature. The incident
unjustly did great injury to Judge Benning a long time, which he
keenly felt. And after the war, when he was defeated for the Supreme
Bench in the legislature by Dawson -A. Walker, it was through the
active agency of Mr. Dougherty on account of this very decision,
Dougherty declaring that he would support Benning for Governor, or
anything else, but he should not go on the Supreme Bench if he could
help it. Benning, who was a man of sensitive honor, though of
anbending will, afterwards declined to allow Gov. Smith to appoint
him Jndge of the Supreme Court, because he considered the action of
the legislature in defeating him as a condemnation of his course in the
Beall-Robinson raatter.

78 CONTINUED BATTLE OP THE BANKS.
Of the judges mentioned Judge E. G. Cabaniss had a high measure-
of public esteera and influence. He was a very conservative public man
of solid sense, and the personal consequence that belongs to careful
judgment and scrupulous conscience. He belonged to that class of
citizens known as " safe " men, clear-headed and calm-tempered.
Judge Powers of the Macon Circuit soon resigned, and Gov. Brown ap
pointed in his place for the interim Henry G. Lamar, who had been so
prominent in the gubernatorial contest that resulted in Gov. Brown's
nomination. During the year 1858 the banks resumed specie payment long before
the time specified for resumption in Novembfer, but sorae twenty of the
banks failed to raake the semi-annual return on the 1st of June required
under the law of the suspension. Upon the failure of the banks to do
this the law required the Governor to issue proclamation publishing the
names of the delinquent banks, and notifying the Treasurer not to re
ceive their bills. This the Governor did, and when the Legislature met
in November his message was largely taken up with a continued dis
cussion of the Bank question. The battle of the Executive with the
banks had not ended. Popular sentiment had overwhelmingly backed
the Governor, but the banks were strong and defiant, and in the exist
ing condition of the law they were powerful and independent. There
was no formidable penalty attached to their disobedience of executive
authority, and they had under 'the statutes as they were, in some cases
issued as high as fifteen dollars for one, or at least previous returns so
showed. Gov. Brown has always been a perilous foeman, never hold
ing up while he could strike upon a resisting antagonist. If the bank
authorities supposed for a moraent they could successfuUy and with
irapunity defy him in his official authority they were sadly mistaken.
He came back with renewed vim. He discussed the whole question
with great ability. He urged that the banks be required to pay a pen
alty of two per cent, a month upon their capital stock whUe they dis
obeyed the statute, which is now the law. He also held up to light im
perfections of the banking system, which needed correction. Reviewing
this acrimonious agitation, recalling the abuses that had crept into our
bank system, and estimating the value of the reforms made in conse
quence of the stubborn fight of our resolute young Executive
against the combined capital of the state in that memorable session of
1857-8, it wUl be seen that a very large amount of good was accom
plished and a substantial service was rendered to the people. Before
this the state treasury had suffered a loss of over half a raiUion of dollars

COTTON PLANTEES' CONVENTION. 79
on account of the Central bank and Darien bank. Besides, numerous
financial panics in which the banks were controlling agencies had
brought upon the citizens of the state individual loss. Gov. Brown was
the direct cause of a wholesome and sweeping reform in our whole
scheme of banking, a reform going to the very. vitals of our prosperity,
affecting commerce and agriculture. He so clearly and forcibly brought
to light the evUs of the then existing systera, and he was so unyielding
in pressing their reform, that a permanent change for the better was
effected through his powerful instruraentality.
During the year 1858 a Cotton Planters' Convention was held in
Milledgeville on the 8th of June, of which Howell Cobb was President,
and Gen. B. H. Rutherford and Gen. J. W. Armstrong, Vice-Presi
dents. This convention illustrates the spirit of the South in that day
to organizations for Southern benefit. Mr. Cobb addressed the conven
tion, stating its objects. Committees were appointed on the following
subjects, comprehensive enough, it must he admitted: 1. The Cotton
Power. 2. Cotton Power as an American Power. 3. Cotton Power as
a Southern Power. 4. Cotton Power as a Union Power. 5. Cotton
Power as a Peace Power. 6. Cotton Power as an anti- Abolition Power.
7. Direct Trade with Foreign Countries. The cooperation of other
states was invited, and the convention adjourned to September, when it
re-assembled in Macon. Some reports were made, and the convention
adjourned subject to the call of the chairman without any action.
Araong the leading papers in the state at this time were the Savannah
Xeics, W. T. Thompson, editor; Savannah Republican, J. R. Sneed;
Macon Telegraph, J. Clisby; Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, Wm.
Smythe; Augusta Constitutionalist, James Gardner; Columbus Times
and Sentinel, P. H. Colquitt and James W. Warren; Federal Union,
S. M. Boughton; Southern Recorder, R. M. Orrae; Atlanta Intelli
gencer, A. A. Gaulding; Griffin Empire State, J. H. Steele; Macon
State Press; Calhoun Georgia Platform; Cartersville Express; Cass-
viUe Standard; Griffin Independent South; Wire Grass Reporter,-
Columbus Eiquirer, John H. Martin; Savannah Georgian, A. R.
Lamar; Athens Watch.man; Newnan Banner and Sentinel; Albany
Patriot; Columbus Comer Stone, Gen. J. N. Bethune; Bainb ridge
Argus; Lagrange Reporter, C. H. C. WiUingham; Madison Family
Visitor; Bainbridge Southern Georgian; Dalton Times, T. R. Chris
tian; South- 'West Neios; Lumpkin Palladium, Dr. J. C. C. Blackburn;
Temperance Crusader; Athens Banner; Sumter Republican, C. y\\
Hancock. Of the editors then ruUng the Georgia press there are Uv

80 THE GEOEGIA PEESS IN 1858.
ii^g, W. T. Thompson, still in charge of the Savannah News; J. Clisby,
yet at the head of the Macon Telegraph; James W. Warren is Sec
retary in the Executive Department and a most polished writer; J. H.
Martin, A. R. Lamar and Gen. J. N. Bethune are out of journalism;
Dr. J. C. C. Blackburn is editing the Madisonian at Madison; J. R.
Sneed is in tbe city of Washington, filling the place of Assistant Post
master of the Senate. Col. Thompson won an enduring farae as a
natural humorist by the publication of that inimitable book, " Major
Jones' Courtship." But he had more than humorous power. A gen
tleman of strong convictions and decided views, he was an able polit
ical editor. Jos. Clisby of the Telegraph is one of the raost versatile
and graceful writers of the Georgia press. Some of his writings have
been marked by a remarkable grace and a vein of delicate humor. A.
R. Lamar was one of the purest writers of English that we have ever
had on the Georgia papers. J. H. Martin has wielded a siraple but vig
orous style, and been noted for a judicial sort of conservatism in polit
ical commentary. Dr. Blackburn was a facile writer, and flourishes a
ready sparkling pen to this day. C. W. Hancock is stUl publishing the
Sumter Republican, one of the best papers in the state, and is a vigor
ous and versatile editor. Mr. C. H. C. WiUingham is now editing the
Cartersville Free Press, and is to-day as he was twenty-five years ago
one of the boldest and most graceful writers in our state journalism.
Of the deceased editors, Jas. Gardner, Wra. Sraythe, S. M. Boughton,
R. M. Orme and J. H. Steele were all editors of state repute as experi
enced, aggressive and capable poUtical controversiaUsts, — raen that bore
themselves gallantly in the memorable campaigns of those days, giving
hard blows and upholding their respective sides with bright capacity and
rare vigor. The MiUedgevUle papers, though weeklies, were powers
then, having large and general state circulation, and wielding great
influence. Both Mr. Boughton of the Union and Mr. Orme of the
Recorder were editors of unusual abUity, and their bouts were marked
by incisive force and a fine grasp of political argument.
The session of the General Assembly of 1858 has been touched upon
in connection with the bank matter. Among the changes that had
taken place in the body, Mr. Cumbie, the representative of Baker
county, had been cut off in the formation of the new county of MitcheU
and Alfred H. Colquitt, the present Executive of Georo-ia, was elected
as the representative from Baker. In the middle of tlie session, Mr.
John E. Ward, the senator from Chatham county, and the president of
the senate was appointed the United States minister to China and re-

RELIGION ON THE STATE EOAD. 81
signed his place. Mr. T. L. Guerry was elected president, and Mr.
Wm. H. StUes was returned from Chathara county, as its senator.
The new counties of Banks, Brooks, Johnson, Echols and Quitman
were created at this session, making thirteen new counties formed by
this General Assembly. A bilLsai§fc-iiitroduaad.and excitedly .discujsefl
to_lea|aJJie .stata, road.-. It is a curious coincidence that in hia mes
sage. Gov. Brown, in discussing the state road, maintained .its, great
value and reraunerativeness, and javowed that as a private citizen, he
would be ready to lease the road and bind himself to pay .$25,000 a
montnto the state for a long texenoi years. This very arrangement he
afterwards consummated and is now executing. In spite of Gov.Brown's
successful management of the road, the opposition press fought him
savagely upon it. He persisted in his policy, cutting down every ex
pense, keeping the road in good order, and paying monthly into the
treasury large sums, until the opposition were silenced, and reluctant
enmity was obliged to accord to him a great practical triumph of raU
road government.
Every species of detraction was employed against hira. He had ap
pointed as soUcitor general of the Cherokee Circuit, in the place of J. C.
Longstreet, deceased. Col. J. A. R. Hanks, who belonged to the Bap
tists and sometimes preached. .^ howl was raised against- Gov. JBiosvn,
on the ground-tbat-he was giving a monopoly of his official patronage fo
his Baptist brethren, and the charge yra§,,i]ag4.^„thai^ik.e„had,,gtocked^
state road with this favored persuasifln. Some statistical employes of
the state road undertook to vindicate the Governor from this accusa
tion, and pubUshed a table showing the religious complexion of the road
force. There were 7 Lutherans, 60 Missionary Baptists, 12 Primitive
Baptists, 5 Campbellite Baptists, 31 Presbyterians, 57 Methodists, 8
Episcopalians, and 15 Catholics. This exploded the charge. There
were many personal inducements for opposition to the Governor, in his
administration of the road. HeJiajljiiadeuaDLfinlixe change_Di manage-
ment_in_tlig_,lQICe-f£«»>' «np&i!J.n±a.n.d&n.t..-d.own., t;b,PS OrR/i-*',ina;_^Mi.iT'J"'aflSfi
enmity in the discbarfyed employes. The public complaint because the
road had paid so little money into the treasury, under previous admin
istrations had been so great, that the Governor deemed it best to estab
lish a new regime. -A^ain, the leading politicians of the, state, had
enjoyed the privilege of free passes_uppnjhe road, and Gov. ficoao-Cut
off this, to the great dissatisfoption,. of the favored ^satleroen. In se
lecting officers~to run the road, he appointed men solely on his
knowledge of their qualifications, and without regard to application or
6

82 SPEECH OP GEN. HENEY E. JACKSON.
endorsement, frequently tendering places to men who had not applied.
The claraorj)|_ disappointed ..appUcants thu.§..Addgdj^oluine to the oppo-
sition. But the Governor had resolved to make the road a paying in
stitution, and he pushed this purpose to completion, with his accustomed
judgment and decision. The petty fuss against his reform, was soon
lost in the great current of popular appreciation of his genuine public
service. " Nothing succeeds like success " has a profound truth in it.
A state income from the road of $200,000 the first year, and $300,000
the second, and $400,000 the third, was an arguraent well calculated to
silence grumblers and please the people. ,
The Governor in every matter that came under his control had an eye
to promoting the State's interest. There was a large amount of the state
school fund lying idle in the treasury. He deposited it with the Bank
of Savannah until the time came to pay it out under the law, under an
arrangement that brought the nice little sum of $6,000 interest into the
treasury. Under previous administrations, beginning with Gov. Geo. W.
Crawford, a Whig executive, some twelve years before, who set the prec
edent, the practice was to publish executive proclamations in only one
of the papers at the seat of government, selecting the organ of the
party in power. Gov. Brown broke this custom, giving the proclama
tions to both papers.
It was during the year 1858 that a gentleman of very considerable
repute, John A. Tucker, of Terrell county, comraitted suicide. He was
a man of strong natural talent, without culture, of great local influence
and state prominence. He took his own life in one of the moods of
melancholy superinduced by occasional dissipation to which he was
addicted. It was also during this year that a very general cattle dis
ease prevailed, a sort of sore tongue among cows, that seized every
thing, but was not very fatal.
This year saw a distinguished Georgian, Hon. John E. Ward, selected
as the United States minister to China, while another equaUy distin
guished Georgian, Hon: Henry R. Jackson, had returned to his horae in
Savannah, after briUiant service as United States rainister to Austria. -
Mr. Jackson was invited to address the Legislature on public raatters,
and did so on the evening of the 33d of November, 1858, in a speech of
remarkable eloquence and power, on the therae of the " Extension of
American Empire, and its Effect on Southern Institutions." It was a
masterly vindication of the idea of territorial expansion, and abounded
in passages of impassioned and beautiful rhetoric. The Federal Union
in speaking of the address, said, " that golden thread of poesy, which

SPEECH OF GEN. HENEY E. JACKSON. 83
in other days linked his soul to the beautiful and the good of earth,
still shines through the inner, and sways the sweet influences of the
outer man." The following passage will give an idea of the exquisite
eloquence of this address :
"First and foremost among men, Washington, decUning to place a crown upon his
own brow, immaterialized the principle of government, taking it out di raaterial forras
and placing it in the abstract law. There it stands, cold yet pure, unsympathizing yet
incorruptible, a crowned abstraction, holding the scepter of empire in its pulseless hand,
the constitution of these United States. (Cheers.) Sublime reflection! that the
American citizen is the subject only of thought. Exalting prerogative ! that wherever
or whoever he may be, whether seated in the executive mansion, the nation's chief, or
following his plow iu the broad blaze of the noon-day sun in the solitude of the Western
wilderness, he recognizes no material medium between himself and the soul of all
thought, of all law, of all truth, and that when he kneels he kneels alone to his God !
(Cheers.)" He thus concluded in a storm of applause :
" Not yours the vast commercial emporium with its countless temptations to corrup
tion and crime ; not yours the ancient capitol, enriched by the accumulated hoards of
lapsed ages of enervating time ; not yours tire luxurious palace, adorned with the works
of serai-sensual art ; but yours at last is The State, in the simple words, but sublime
thought of the poet :
' What constitutes a State f
Not high-raised battlement, nor labored mound,
Huge walls nor moated gate.
Nor cities proud with spire, and turret-crowned ;
Nor starred and spangled courts
Where low-born baseness wafts perfume to pride,
But men, strong minded men.
Men who their duties know, but know their rights,
And knowing, dare maintain.
These constitute a State !' "

CHAPTER XI.
' GOVERNO'R BROWN'S SUPERB PUBLIC ENDORSEMENT
AND RENOMINATION.
The Codification of Georgia Law.— Thoraas R. R. Cobb.— The Universal Demand for
Gov. Brown's Re-election. — The Unknown Gaddistowner, the Master of the State
in Twelve Months.— The Unparalleled Torrent of Popular Pnaise.- Some of the
Royal Voicings of Press and People.— Wonderful and Unprecedented Tributes.
—A Monotony of Encomium.— The Democratic Nominating , Convention.— Its
PersoneUe.— John B. Walker's Flashing Speech. — Formalities Dispensed with.
 Brown Renominated in a Unanimous Whirlwind. — The Exquisite Impromptu
Speech of Henry R. Jackson.— A Gem of Eloquence.— Brown Brought In — A fie-
markable Acceptance.— Resolves to raake no Canvass.
I It was at this time that the iraportant work of the codification of our
laws began. The General Assembly elected as Codifiers, ex-Gov.
"HerscheU V. Johnson, ex- Judge David Irwin, and Judge Iverson L.
Harris, at that time presiding over the Ocmulgee Circuit. Judge Har
ris was a citizen of MilledgeviUe, a lawyer of great ability and high
character, who was afterwards elevated to the Supreme Bench. He
was a gentleman of purity of nature and very positive and conscientious.
He and ex-Gov. Johnson declined the duty, and Gov. Brown with ad
mirable judgment appointed Judge Richard H. Clark and Thoraas R.
R. Cobb in their places. Mr. Cobb was the brother of Hon. Howell
Cobb and one of the leading lawyers of the state. He possessed both
high order of intellect and an elegant culture. He was also a man of
herculean capacity for work. His industry was tireless. He had been
for years reporter of the Supreme Court, was author of a Digest of
Georgia law, and an erudite work on the Law of Slavery. He was a
man of deep religious feeling and an elder in the Presbyterian church.
He was also a professor in the Lumpkin law school at Athens. The
Code was finished and adopted in 1860, to go into effect on the 1st day
of January, 1862. A legislative committee consisting of Hines Holt,
Dan'l S. Printup and W. W. Paine of the Senate, and Geo. N. Lester,
Isham S. Fannin, W. G. Delony, M. W. Lewis, C. N. Broyles and C.
J. William§ of the House examined and reported in favor of the code.
The work was an extensive, original and unprecedented accomplish
ment, embodying in concise and symmetrical form the vast body of

THE GUBEENATOEIAL SUCCESSION. 85
common and statutory law in force in the state with the judicial expo
sition of the same. In 1863 the Code was reraodeled to conform to the
Confederate Constitution. In 1867 a revision of the Cpde was made by
David Irwin, covering the changes made since the surrender, including
the Constitution_ofJj65, and this revised Code was examined and rcr
ported upon by a committee of citizens, appointed by Gov. Jenkins un
der a resolution of the GeneraJ .Assembly, composed of Gen. Andrew J.
Hansell, Col. Logan E. Bleckley and Col, Nathaiuel - J. Hammond.
This has lieen "known as ,t);iq Qf),dP' "f 1868. The last revision of the
Code was in 1873, by David Irwin, Geo. N. Lester and Walter B. HUl,
and the examination of it was done by the Attorney General of the
state, Hon. N. J. Hammond, under direction of a resolution of the Gen-..
eral Assembly of 1872. This revision contained the Constitution of
1868, and the suprerae court decisions and the statute lawg up to 1873.
In the beginning of the year 1859 the agitation of the gubernatorial
succession coraraenced. The convention was called for .lune. The
whole drift of deraocratic preference was for Governor Brown. No
Executive in the history of the state has ever made such an impression
upon the people. His establishment and maintenance of leadership
was soraething phenomenal. His clutch of the popular heart was a
miracle of personal achievement. His fierce strifes of public policy
and sturdy championship of the public interest had rooted him deep
and fixed in the affections and admiration of the masses. His popu
larity was so pronounced that no democrat allowed his name to be
canvassed in opposition to the people's manifest desire for Brown. It
must be considered that at this time it was but a little raore than
a year since he had been sprung, an unknown raan, upon the people of
the whole state. Yet in this brief time, iii spite of inexperience and
the drawbacks of his obscurity, he had by his iron force of character,
magnificent genius of common-sense, and inborn statesmanship, im
pressed himself upon the coramonwealth as a vital, foremost, irresistible
public leader, the uncontested and dorainant master of the state. It
was a proud work.
The spontaneous utterances of the press, and the unprompted resolu
tions of county meetings in aU parts of the state testify strikingly to
the public estimate placed upon Governor Brown after this one short
year of public service as chief magistrate. It was a realization of the
ancient fable of the consummate Minerva springing fuU armed and
matured at birth from the brain of Jove. Without the usual appren
ticeship in public life, he had shown himself a full-grown statesman.

86 PEESS ENDOESEMENTS OP GOV. BEOWN.
handling the great and coraplicated affairs of state government with
unsurpassable ability. Sorae of the endorsements of him are remark
able. Col. W. A. Lewis of Forsyth Co., who had opposed Brown,
wrote to the Lawrenceville JVews that " he cordially endorsed Gov.
Brown's administration of the affairs of the state." Hon. Wm. H.
Stiles, who was before the last convention, saw his name raentioned in
the " Southern Confederacy," at Atlanta, as a probable candidate for
Governor. He published a brief letter, saying, " I have no desire to
disturb an administration which, so far at least as the public prints
indicate, seems to afford such general satisfaction." In a very strong
editorial Dr. Blackburn of the Lumpkin Palladium used these incisive
sentences: " His Excellency, Governor Brown, has, as we predicted in au editorial of May last,
when fhe bank organs of the state were hunting him down with blood-hound ferocity,
proven himself fully corapetent to discharge the duties of Governor of a great and
growing coramonwealth, and now is entitled to the proud epithet of being the model
Governor of this Union. He is a, safe custodian of the people's honor, a fearless
exponent of correct principles, and a safe keeper of the mighty resources of the Empire
state. He has by his fearless course forced his traducers to acknowledge his adminis
trative capability. He is our only choice for Governor for the next term, and we beheve
that we but reflect the honest sentiments of four-fifths of the Democracy of South
western Georgia."
The Columbus Times used this forcible language:
" The adrainistration of Joseph E. Brown has been from the period of his inauguration
to the present moment, successful and satisfactory to the people. We need not refer to
the acts of his administration in proof of what we s.iy — we need not allude to his bold,
independent course iu displacing officers— adhering to true and correct principles, and his
successful management of the state affairs, to vindicate us iu awarding to him what
justice demands. We mean simply to echo the sentiments of the people iu wishing the
shafts of malice thrown at him to be broken, and that he -nill reraain another term in the
office which he now fills with so much credit to his party and honor to his state."
The MUledgeviUe Recorder, the uncomproraising organ of the oppo
sition, in the foUowing paragraph of bitter sarcasra bore unconscious
testimony to the Governor's influence:
" It is known that Gov. Brown has won an enviable reputation as an honest man,
especially in a financial point of view, and the knowledge and belief of it was quite
jnSiBle upon the legislature. For it was a noticeable fact, that -svhenever a bill or resolu-
! tion that had for its intention the appropriation or paying out of money, it was
immediately suggested that it be referred to the Governor to do as he thought "best. In
other words, the legislature seemed willing to shift all responsibility, and dodge behind
~EKe accredited honesty of the Governor."
The Macon Telegraph stated emphatically:

milledgeville's eemaekable teibute. 87
" It is universally conceded that the people, or ninety-nine in one himdred, at least, of
the democracy are favorable to the re-nomination of Gov. Brown."
These are specimens of the complimentary endorsement that the party
press of that day gave Gov. Brown. It was, however, in the resolutions
of the county meetings that popular approval seems to have uttered its
most ardent expressions. At a democratic meeting held in Milledgeville
in March, presided over by Col. D. C. Carapbell, a committee coraposed
of Judge I. L. Harris, M. D. McComb, F. G. Grieve, Dr. W. A. Jarratt
and D. P. Brown, reported the following extraordinary resolutions,
which were unanimously adopted, and constitute as powerful a public
tribute as any public man ever received:
" The year 1859 is destined, politically, in Georgia in some respects from appearances
to be remarkable. Within the memory of the eldest among us,' the high honor of being
the Governor of the state has never been won and worn without a severe, and most
usually, a bitter party contest. It has not unfrequently, also, been a matter of difficulty
to ascertain the choice of the people, and hence the necessity which has hitherto existed
for conventions to collect, concentrate and reflect their will.
" In the ranks of the democratic party there is uo contest for this high office; if there
have been any aspirations for it, they have been hushed in the general voice of the
people of Georgia. One name — one person only is thought of — talked of for Governor.
It is folly, — it is worse, — it would be madnesp, to attempt to frustrate that will that
makes itself so unmistakably and audibly heard. Of the people — he is emphatically at
this time the favorite of the people.
" It will be, we think, the peculiar good fortune of Gov. Brown, though he should again
be presented by the democratic party for re-election — to meet with an acceptance from
the state at large, which it never was the lot of any of his many distinguished prede
cessors to secure. Such an event— a probability -most likely to occur — is strikingly
suggestive. Can it be otherwise than that his administration of the executive depart
ment has been singularly wise, prudent, just, vigilant, firm and energetic, and in
accordance -with the pulsations of the popular heart, to have commanded, as it has done,
such an unwonted popular approval.
"Compelled by official duty to re.side within our limits, the citizens of Baldwin count^_
cheerfully bear testimony to the modest, affable and unpretending deportment, and tol
the plain, simple, republican habits of this distinguished citizen of the Cherokee section]
of Georgia, by which he has secured our affections and esteem."
This magnificent and spontaneous encomium, unlike the hackneyed
formalism of such occasions, coraing from the source that it did,
extorted as it was by sheer merit and the luster of unembeUished deed,
giving exalted precedence to the simple-man-oLtha-People above ,a long
Une of aristocratiajadJaalliant Plpdec^e^orSj wajjn4§.ed.such- a-grand
public recognition as. few. men -deserve and fewer &btain. The Democ
racy of Talbot county resolved, " That the wisdom and unwavering
firmness of his excellency Gov. Brown, his upright and judicious admin-

88 county ENDOESEMENTS OP GOV. BEOWN.
istration of state government, his practical and praiseworthy manage-
riient of public property, his guardian protection of the people's every
interest in his hands, not only warrant his continuance in office, but
command the respect and admiration of every true Georgian." The
democrats of the plucky county of Campbell' instructed their delegates
" To go for Brown first. Brown last, and Brown all the time, and never
to surrender ' our choice ' to the factious opposition of a minority having
personal injuries to redress and avenge." L. B. Watts was chairman
of the meeting, and Dr. T. C. Glover chairman of the committee that
repojted these pointed words. Butts county declared that " the admin
istration of Gov. Brown meets with unanimous approval." B. F. Ward
was chairman, and the committee, A. Taliaferro, C, S. Foster, E. Var-
ner, Thomas McKibben and J. Carmichael. The WUkinson county
democracy said that Gov. Brown's adrainistration had " met with the cor
dial approbation of almost all parties throughout the state." In a Cobb
county meeting presided over by Judge Rice, T. H. Moore, chairman of
committee, reported resolutions declaring " that Joseph E. Brown is the
people's choice, and they will be content with no other," and that a
convention was unnecessary. Cherokee and Stewart counties had
rousing meetings. In the Stewart gathering. Judge James Clarke
speaking used this slashing language: "Joseph E. Brown at the com
mencement of the last' political campaign was called in derision ' the
Cherohee cow driver; ' he 'has proved himself the driver out of the
plunderers of your^country; the driver out of dishonesty in high places;
the driver out by his intrepid vetoes of vicious and corrupt legislation;
and the clriver outoi those exolusiYe privileges by which. p_ne set of men
are enabled to enslave an9ther." And he added this applauded compU-
ment : " Brown has proved himself as thoroughly made of hickory as
Old Hickory himself." The Pulaski county democracy resolved to sup
port "Honest Joe Brown." In Washington county a meeting presided
overby Gen. T. J. Warthen, with J. N. GUmore and Evan P. HoweU as
secretaries, adopted unanimously a graceful and vigorous set of resolu
tions reported by a committee coraposed of Col. Jaraes S. Hook,
Thomas O. Wicker, Beverly D. Evans, Jno. Kittrell and W. G. Robson.
The resolutions bear the mark of having been written by that writer
and speaker of unusual power, Colonel, afterwards Judge Jas. S. Hook,
one of the ablest lawyers and purest citizens of the state. The foUow
ing resolution is a glowing encomium upon Gov. Brown.
" Resolved, That the administration of Gov. Brown stands out in its own solid, yet
unpretending grandeur, a splendid monument of high intellectual sagacity and moral

C.\SS COUXTA' .U.ONE anti-beown. 89
heroism, reminding us most vividly of the stern and manly virtues of those noble and
great men who illustrate the early history of the republic."
The Merriwether county Democracy complimented Gov. Brown's
" watchful guardianship." Wilcox county deemed it " but an act of
sheer justice " to renominate him; Appling county declared him "the
raan who was not afraui to throw hiraself between the frowns of the cor-
porations and the people's interest." Muscogee county, in a meeting
presided over by Wiley Williams, declared that Gov. Brown " is our first
choice." Even Chatliam county, the central point of the bank influ
ence, endorsed Gov. Brown's administration as a whole.
The endorsements above selected are taken frora an unbroken current
of commendation, that the people of the state gave to Gov. Brown. No
public raan has ever been so endorsed. There was almost literally no
dissent in the Deraocratic party. Fulton county at first seemed divided
upon Gov. Brown, there being many disappointed state road ex-
eraployes in Atlanta, but a public raeeting decided overwhelmingly for
Brown. Polk county sent a divided delegatiqp. to the convention.
Aiid_Ca£5^co.unty alosLg^sent an anti-Brown delegation headed by a dis-
charged railroad official. The Wire Grass Reporter with a grim humor,
said editorially, " We were really getting a little wearied and jaded at
the everlasting resolution, recurriftg in every county, pronouncing in
favor of the renomination of Joseph E. Brown, until we came to Cass.
Here we found a change come over the spirit of the meeting; a new
sensation sprung quite refreshing amid the Brown monotony; a new
' hu-r-r-ah,' reminding us strongly of Rip Van Winkle's approach to the
whig meeting after his thirty years' nap, swinging his beaver and huz
zaing for old King George; and like Rip if the Cass boys do not get
hustled for it, we shall wonder." Even some of the opposition press
were for Gov. Brown. The Surfiter Republican, edited by Mr. Han
cock, was for calling an American state convention, but urged that the
convention should endorse Gov. Brown.
The Democratic convention, assembled in MUledgeviUe, on the 15th of
June, 1858. It was a very large and able body. There were 405 dele
gates frora 117 counties, Araong them were Gen. Henry R. Jackson,
and Hon. Julian Hartridge of Savannah, Hon. James Jackson of Clarke,
Gen. WiUiara PhiUips of Cobb, Milton A. Candler of Dekalb, E. W. Chas
tain of Fannin, Logan E. Bleckley of Fulton, Daniel S. Printup of
Rome, W. A. Lofton of Jasper, F. H. West of Lee, Samuel HaU of
Macon, Randolph Spaulding of Mcintosh, T. P. Saffold of Morgan,
Porter Ingram of Muscogee, H. Fielder of Polk, L. J. Aired of Pickens,

90 THE DBMOCEATIC CONVENTION OP 1858.
Dr. J. C. C. Blackburn of Stewart, W. A. Hawkins of Sumter, D.
N. Speer of Troup, C. J. WeUborn of Union, E. H. Pottle of Warren,
George HUlyer of Walton, J. A.' R. Hanks and W. K. Moore of
Whitfield, Gen. T. J. Warthen and T. O. Wicker of Washington, and
Hon. James L. Seward of Thomas.
The business went through with a rush in this large convention. The
party had spoken with an emphasis and a unanimity rarely seen. The
great gathering was merely met to record the popular wUl. The ordi
nary formalities were brushed aside. Mr. Steele moved to dispense
with the caUing the list of delegates and go to business, and it was
promptly done. Col. John A. Jones moved a coraraittee on organiza
tion. E. W. Chastain moved that John B. Walker be made president
by acclamation, and it went through like a flash. Mr. Walker was a
farmeu^ but he made a ripping little speech. Modestly claiming to be
no presiding officer, he glittered out in a rare succession of eloquent
utterances. Said he, warming up:
" We have not assembled,here, gentlemen, to discuss our political creed, to repair
our political platform, to add a plank to it, or take one from it. No, gentlemen, we feel
that our old political platform is one so durable, that time may wither at its base,
eternity play around its summit. We have come here to place upon that old pohtical
platform a man that is worthy of our full and entire confidence, and who will secure
the popular vote of the state."
He closed in a whirlwind of applause. Several motions were made
for a business committee, but the body was in no mood for formalities.
Hon. James L. Seward offered a crisp trio of resolutions. The first
reaffirmed the Cincinnati platform of 1856; the second endorsed Pres
ident Buchanan; the third was as follows:
" Resolved, That the honesty, fidelity and ability which Joseph E. Brown has mani
fested, as the Executive of Georgia, entitles hira to the confidence of the whole people
of the state, and we hereby nominate him by acclamation, as the candidate of the dem
ocratic party of Georgia for the next Governor."
The first and third resolutions were immediately adopted unani
mously. The second resolution -about Buchanan was adopted by 371
yeas to 34 nays. Hon. Henry R. Jackson was called on by tJie conven
tion for a speech. Rising in response to the call, Mr. Jackson began
in that musical, tremulous, penetrating voice that so well suited the
exquisite diction and eloquent thought that marked his speeches.
" And -what am I to say, Mr. President,. in response to a call so flattering to my vanity,
but at the same tirae so wholly unexpected by me. Indeed the occasion for a speech
would seem to have passed, when by its action this convention has already announced
the almost universal thought. I seize upon the raoment, then, not for argument but for

GEN. HENEY E. JACKSOn'S ELOQUENT SPEECH. 91
congratulation that argument has been in truth at no time necessary to secure among us
concert of opinion, of feeUng and of action. .The principles we profess, the course and
character of the men we support — more potent than words of eloquent persuasion had
already secured it for us.
" If I begin where the action of the convention left off — if I begin with the nomination
of Joseph E. Brown for re-election to the Gubernatorial Chair, I feel that my last re
mark comes with peculiar propriety frora oue who represents in part the County of
Chatham and City of Savannah. It seems to have been at one time supposed that such
a nomination raight not be acceptable to the Chatham Democracy. But I ara assured
that I utter the sentiments of those who have sent me here as a delegate, and also the
sentiment of my colleagues, in that delegation, when I say that our honored Chief
Magistrate, by the general ability of his State Administration, by his integrity of pur
pose and energy of action has deservedly secured for himself the earnest support of the .
true-hearted deraocracy of Chatham, precisely as he has this day comraanded the ap
proval of the entire democracy of Georgia. It is not that there may not have been some
conflicts of opinion between us in the past ; nor that the possibility may not still exist of
similar conflicts in the future ; but because in the essentials of our political faith we are
with him, and with him in full, honest and warm accord."
The applause that followed Mr. Jackson in these beautiful allusions
to Gov. Brown showed how warmly he echoed the popular pulsation.
He concluded with a brilUant defense of President Buchanan's course to
the South. A committee was appointed of S. J. Smith, J. H. Steele,
H. R. Jackson, D. C. Campbell and Porter Ingram to notify Gov. Brown
and request his acceptance of the nomination. The committee returned
in a few raoments escorting the fortunate recipient of this raarvelous
honor. Gov. Brown came in amid a storm of feeling, placid and com
posed as he ever was. But a brief two years had elapsed since, un
known to the state at large, he had while binding wheat — Cincinnatus
like — on his mountain-valley farm, away frora the telegraph and the
iron track, received the unexpected news of his nomination for gover
nor. The question that pealed from the public voice, " Who is Joe
Brown ? " was an honest one. It iad to be answered. The people did
not know. The homely young countryman had answered it, and the
answer was a real one. It was a response of unparalleled power.
But a year and a half of executive duty was needed to result in a
unaniraous and irresistible deraand by the great popular wiU for his re-in
stallation in his exalted trust. Jhe state knew him, and knew hira so
well, that the people, — the " Woolhats" that he came from, and whose "
^ntereslsTieTTa3"gu£^gd as well as the. aristocrats who ridiouled_ him
and whom he had fought, stood shoulder to shoulder in^dmiring recog
nition of his high public service, and vied in.doing^honM to this simple
^^^jDerbjpublic adjawMrator of the people's g,ffairs. And it was a
singular and impressive coincidence that the man of all others that

92 GOV. beown's speech of acceptance.
stood as the eloquent mouthpiece of a great state in emphasizing this
matchless tribute to the plain self-made man of the democratic masses
was the aristocratic descendant of one of the great and Ulustrious fami
lies of the republic, — a famUy princely from its achieved distinctions,—
who represented the courtUest constituency in the state, that placed
high value upon the hereditary transmission ^of gentle blood and
thorough-bred ancestry. Not only this, but this constituency had been
the very pedestal of these financial influences that the executive had so
successfully antagonized, and it was a striking reward of honest pur
pose and undeniable abUity that even these embittered powers joined
in this splendid and substantial ovation.
Gov. Brown's impromptu response on this supreme occasion was in
some respects a remarkable one. Expressing the deep sense of appre
ciation of the public confidence, raodestly referring to his past execu
tive course, incisively endorsing the national policy indicated by the
convention, he went on to speak with pride of the position of Georgia
in the sisterhood of states and her unequaled resources. Her bonds
were quoted at a higher premium than those of any other state. Her
debt was only two and a half raiUions,<whUe she owned property worth
from seven to ten mUlions. Her railroad enterprises were being pushed
rapidly, so that the people of remote sections were becoming neighbors.
His earnest expressions of interest in the subject of popular education
drew enthusiastic cheering. But the part of his speech that surprised
the convention and illustrated his dutiful ideas, was his declaration that
he should not undertake to canvass the state. He said :
" Mv official course has been open and above board, and is known to the people. I
am willing to be judged by ray acts. While in office I could not canvass the state with
out frequently neglecting iraportant official duties ; and I ara unwilling to neglect the
duties of an important official trust confided to me by the people for the purpose of
canvassing for another term in office. If ray^health permits, and I perform faithfully
my executive duties, and by necessary co-operation with the able, efficient and trust
worthy officers of the state road, can assist thera to pour into your state treasury from
thirty-five to forty thousand dollars in cash per month, I .shall feel that I am doing the
state more service than I or any one who may be my opponent could do by traveling
over her territory and making stump speeches. This monthly argument I expect to
continue to repeat. Thirty-five to forty thousand dollars per month is an argument in
Tavor of the democracy that will be felt in the elections."
Singularly free from the slightest attempt at rhetorical display. Gov.
Brown's speeches have been exceptionally effective. His avowal that
he would not canvass for re-election placed him, if anything could, -with
increased strength before the state.

CHAPTER XII.
THE GUBERNATORIAL TUSSLE BETWEEN GOV. BROWN
AND WARREN AKIN.
The Opposition Convention called by an Extraordinary Pronunciaraento. — Sharp As
saults on Gov. Brown. — PersoneUe of the Convention. — Warren Akin Nominated.
— The Canvass of Col. Akin. — The Congressional Canvass. — Martin J. Cra^^¦ford.
— Gov. Brown Re-elected. — The Legislature of 1859. — Its PersoneUe.— Clifford
Anderson, John Screven, Robert N. Ely, George N. Lester, A. R. Lawton. — Gov.
Brown's Second Inauguration. — Review of Gov. Brown's Rare Admiuistration. —
Browu's Reference to Federal Affairs — His Affinity with the Southern Side of
the Slavery Question. — .4. Strong Message. — Tribute to Sir James Oglethorpe. — An
Unerected Monument Appropriated.
The Know-Nothing flurry was over. The name-of "Know-Nothing "
had been discarded for " American," and this title was becoraing weari-
sorae. The party was anti-Democratic, but at sea for a proper name.
I'he press of that party was divided. The Macon Journal and Mes
senger, and Colurabus Enquirer were against running a candidate.
The Sumter Republican wanted a convention, but wished it to endorse
Brown. A number, however, were for a convention, among them the
Lagrange Repjorter, Atlanta American, Athens 'Watchman, Bainbridge
Georgian and others. Th.e central executive committee of the Ameri
can party, composed of- .1. H. R.. Washington of Macon, J,, tV^A. S^nr'
ford of MiUedgevUle, J. M. Calhoun of Atlanta and Foster Blodgett pf
•'^'^S'i^^.JS.^Hfid .AO aclsJjggg, declaring ,fcha.t-feh.ey-di^--not— deem-it-advis-
able tg. call a ^convention ,of ^the .American party. They, however,
arraigned the Democratic party for a "series of unparalleled abuses and
frauds upon the American people ; " and enumerated among these the
" Kansas swindle," squandering_the^;publie.money, enooura,ging sectional
_feuds, conniving a1; Jilormgn protection and electing an^abolitioji Gov-
ernor overa Southern.fiJate,., _The .evils co_nnected with the naturalization ,
of forpigners would be corrected in due tiaia«„..To, hurl the corrupt democ
racy from power was the high pubjio duty of tha day. The committee
therefore "called an Opposition Convention to meet in Milledgeville
the third Wednesday in July, 1858, to consist of delegates chosen
without respect to political antecedents, provided they were opposed to
the party in power. This remarkable pronunciaraento, one of the raost

94 THE opposition convention.
astounding political documents ever issued, wound up with these words,
" Our word for it, we shall be able to organize such a party as will not .
only correct aU local abuses, but rout the plunderers, and save the
national government of 'our fathers from demoralization and ruin."
This formidable fulmination of a bewildered coraraittee representing a
shattered and floundering party organization, occasioned a flood of raU-
lery from the Democratic press of Georgia. GrandUoquence, bombast,
last splutter of the wet powder pyramid, possum party, womble-
cropped f amUy, conglomerated, ring-streaked, were sorae of the ridicul
ing phrases that found vent against this arausing manifesto.
The Savannah R^uubUcOrH was the most savage of the opposition
press'agamst Gov. Brown. It flamed out ferociously against him. It
caUed him " that inflated little demagogue Joe Brown," that flapped his
wings like " a bantam cock ; " said he was " disgustingly puerile " in
his speech in the convention ; that an " ass" would rule the people of
Georgia as well. These terms were somewhat different frora the pol
ished encomiums of the eloquent Jackson. The Milledgeville Recorder,
the organ of the opposition party candidly owned that Gov. Brown
"has done well and deserves the thanks of the whole people of Georgia."
Thus divided among themselves, the opposition were undecided what to
do. There was one controlling reason why the organization under some
name should be kept alive, and this was that in several congressional
districts they could secure congressmen. The convention was caUed
by the central committee in July in Milledgeville. The Savannah
Republican, in bitter opposition to Gov. Brown, insisted that the
opposition convention should not meet in Milledgeville, because Brown
had been nominated there. A call was issued for Macon, and the conven
tion met there and adjourned until the 10th of August, 1858, in Atlanta.
The re-assembling of the convention in Atlanta was during a wet,
gloomy spell of weather, that typified the spirit and the prospects of
the party it represented. Hon. D. A. Reese was chairman of the con
vention. A business committee consi'sting of C. H. Hopkins, Jonathan
Davis, R. P. Trippe, B. H. HiU, Dr. H. V. M. jMUler, Dr. R. D. Winn, David
W. Lewis, John MiUedge, was appointed. Messrs. Trippe, ^^'inn and
Lewis not being present, their places were filled by Peter W. Alexan
der, Mr. Gibbs of Walton and Miles W. Lewis. Dr. MUler, the chair
man of the committee, reported that the committee had faUed to agree
as to the propriety of nominating a candidate for Governor, and desired
to refer the matter to the convention.
A spirited scene occurred in the body over this matter. Col. W. F.

COL. WAEEEN AKIN. 95
Wright of Newnan, who was running for congress against Col. Gartrell,
Jet it out that in the event the convention decided to nominate the cora
mittee had determined on the man. Jlr. Alexander wanted the vote of
the convention to be by counties and not by delegates. These two
matters created quite a disturbance. Both Mr. Alexander and Col.
' Joshua Hill of Morgan charged upon Col. Wright a blunder in divulg
ing the action of the committee. The confusion was very great. One
delegate whose name is not given in the proceedings threw a bombshell
in the stormy assemblage by saying that " he had supposed all along
that the question was not who they should nominate, but w/io they
could get to take the nomination. If they could get a responsible man
to take it, he thought it foolish to waste any more tirae in determining
how it was to be given to him."
After a tumultuous time the convention voted to have a nomination
and the committee reported the name of Col. Warren Akin of Cass
county, now Bartow, for Governor. The coramittee to notify Col. Akin
of his nomination was James Johnson, John Milledge and Cincinnatus
Peeples. Col. Akin accepted the noraination in a brief letter that con
tained no enunciation of policy, but declared that he would not be able
to canvass the state. This he re-considered afterwards, however, and he
did make a series of speeches.
Col. Warren Akin at this time had not been prominent, in state pol
itics, though he had considerable local reputation as a very able and
successful lawyer. He was a self-made man, possessing decided ability,
and very effective speaking power, and as much purity of private char
acter as any public raan we have ever had in Georgia. He was a local
methodist preacher. Col. Akin was rather a smaU man in physique,
but had a voice of remarkable compass, both shrill and deep, with pe
cuUar ringing quality in. its high notes. He had unusual fervor and
sincerity of conviction and earnestness of character. He could not be
caUed a popular gentleman, on account of a certain unyielding vigor,
and a forcible impatience at what he condemned. As a laborious
student, in a clear comprehension of the law, and in strong argument.
Col. Akin had no superior, and few equals in his circuit. No man in
his section enjoyed a larger share of individual and public esteem than
he, and his selection to lead the forlorn hope of the opposition was a de
served tribute to his worth and ability. He was afterwards elected to
the confederate congress, and made merited reputation in that field.
He was a strong speaker, but in his canvass he was not at a proper
advantage. He was principally confined to a warfare upon Gov.

96 GOV. BROWN EE-ELECTED.
Brown's administration, and that had been too good a one to admit of
successful assault. He traversed the state, making .as much of the can
vass as any one could have done. The opposition press settled into a
very bitter and slanderous war upon Gov. Brown, assailing him with
detraction and scandal. Gov. Brown staid in his office quietly discharg
ing his executive duties, and letting the democratic press and the peo- •
pie fight his battle. Col. Akin made a gallant but an unavailing
campaign. He had no hope of success, nor did the sensible men of his
party. He made much reputation in the state for eloquence and ability,
but he gained no votes from Brown. On the contrary. Gov. Brown in
creased his previous raajority of something over 10,000, to over 22,000,
or more than doubled it. In Brown's own county, Cherokee, and
Akin's own county, Cass, as well as in Baldwin, that had never given
a democratic candidate for governor a majority. Brown obtained majori
ties. '
Mixed with the gubernatorial canvass was the congressional cam
paigns. The democrats had nominated Peter Love, Martin J. Craw
ford, Alexander M. Speer, Lucius J. Gartrell, John W. H. Underwood,
James Jackson, R. G. Harper, and Jenks Jones. Sir. Stephens had
retired from public life, and Jenks Jones of Burke was the democratic
nominee in his place. Against these gentlemen the opposition party
was running J. Mclntyre; against Crawford, Gen. Bethune and Mr.
Douglass; Thomas Hardeman, Jr., W. F. Wright,  Shackelford,
 Lytle, Joshua Hill and Ranse Wright. The opposition elected
Hardeman and Hill by sraall majorities. Three of the democrats re
elected had made high reputation, Martin J. Crawford, James Jackson
and Lucius J. Gartrell. All of these had delivered eloquent speeches in
Congress, that had attracted much attention. Mr. Gartrell was a large,
powerful man, robust, hearty and full of animal spirits, a bold, buoyant
declaimer, and a ready debater. Crawford and Jackson were both
slender, nervous men, but of intellectual vigor and earnest speakers.
Crawford has, all of his life, been marked by a dry vein of exquisite
humor, and a keen, practical wisdom that have made him not only an en
tertaining companion, but a man of strong influence. Jackson, of the
two, was the most fervent orator. No man in the state has been more
free from partisanship, whether political or personal, than Crawford. It
is a Uttle curious that three of the gentlemen, conspicuous in that con
gressional canvass of 1859, Crawford, Jackson and Speer, now occupy
the supreme bench of Georgia, in this year 1881, and constitute a very
able court. Mr. Speer was defeated, but he has from that day to this

THE LEGISLATUEE OF 1859. 97
been an influential public man, especially noted for practical ability and
a genial disposition. Mr. Jenks Jones is still Uving in Burke county,
one of the honored and influential citizens of that fine old county, a
lawyer of ability, and a gentleman of great local power.
The Legislature convened in November. It was overwhelmingly dera
ocratic. Of those who had so vigorously fought the bank veto of Gov.
Brown, few had been re-elected. The House included among its leading
members, Clifford Anderson of Bibb, Julian Hartridge and John Screven
of Chathara, George N. Lester of Cobb, R. N. Ely of Dougherty, T. W.
Alexander of Floyd, R. L. McWhorter and M. W. Lewis of Greene, J.
L. Harris of Glynn, D. W. Lewis of Hancock, I. Fannin of Morgan, C.
J. WUliams of Muscogee, WiUiam Gibson of Richmond, and S. J. Sraith
of Towns. The speaker elect was Isaiah T. Irvin of WUkes county.
Among the brightest of -these men was Julian Hartridge of Savannah, a
very ornate and eloquent speaker and brilliant lawyer, who afterwards
became a congressman and died in congress. His colleague, John
Screven, was .a sopLflf-Dr. Jaraes P. Screven of Savannah, who_was_the
chief Jqjinder of the Atlantic and Gulf . railroad, in which the state took
a million _dol|arsof^ stogj^. Col. John Screven is still living, a stately,
slender gentleman of delightful address. He was for years mayor of
Savannah, and succeeded his father as president of the Gulf road. Two
members of this general asserably, by a curious coincidence, have held
the position of Attorney General of the state under the present execu
tive Gov. Colquitt, Robert N. Ely and Clifford Anderson. The admin
istration of Mr. Ely as Attorney General, has been a conspicuous
success, being especially noted for his collection of nearly a quarter of a
million of back taxes from the railroads. Col. Anderson is a large, dig
nified gentleman of high abUity, and a graceful, strong speaker. Col. An
derson was a member of the confederate congress, as also was George N.
Lester. Mr. Lester has been Judge of the Superior court, and was de
feated candidate for congress in the hot contest in the 7th district, in
1878, with the famous Parson Felton. Few men have equaled Judge
Lester on the stump. Thick-set and solid in figure, with heavy, mas
sive, homely features, bearded to the very eyebrows with dense black
whiskers, with a voice of remarkable sweetness and power in its low
tones, with an inexhaustible fund of humorous anecdotes, and an inimita
ble humorous way of telling them, with a fine sonorous flow of words,
and especial capacity of pathos, this gentleman is a rare talker on the
hustings. The Senate, which was an enormous body, comprising 132 senators,
7

98 ALEXANDEE E. LAWTON.
was an unusually able council. L. H. Briscoe, Phil Tracy, Peter Cone,
A. S. Atkinson, Alexa'nder R. I..awton. A. T. Hackett, Daniel S. Printup,
Thomas Butler King, Geo. T.. Bartlett, Harrison W. RUey, R. Spalding,
R. P. Trippe, Hines Holt, George W. Jordan, T. L. Guerry, Clement
A. Evans, W. S. WaUace, W. W. Paine, James L. Seward, Edward A.
Flewellen and William A. Harris, were in this senate. Philemon Tracy
of Macon, was a most brilliant and promising young man, who died
early. A. T. Hackett is at present a state senator, a ready speaker.
Col. D. S. Printup has amassed a large fortune by successful practice of
the law. George T. Bartlett has been a judge of high repute. Old
Gen. Harrison W. Riley was a character, an illiterate man, but a local
king, an odd, burly, shrewd old fellow, long since dead. Clement A.
Evans brilliantly distinguished hiraself as a Brigadier General in the
confederate army, and is now a shining light in the Methodist Georgia
conference — a preacher of great power and piety. George W. Jordan
still continues to corae to the legislature frora Pulaski county, when he
wishes. The strongest man in this legislature was probably Alexander
R. La'wton of Savannah, who has frequently represented Chatham
county in the Legislature, who was afterwards Quartermaster General
of the confederacy, and who recently was defeated by Joseph E.
Brown for the United States Senate. Gen. Lawton has been a force
in Georgia for the last twenty-five years. His erect, solid, sturdy,
well-set figure and fine, open resolute face, well typify the man, intel
lectually and morally. His clear intelligence, intrepid firraness, unwav
ering truth, straight-forward candor, unpretentious simplicity, blended
dignity and politeness and business energy and promptness have made
him a person of growing public influence. Hon. T. L. Guerry was
elected president of the Senate, and F. H. West secretary.
Gov. Brown was inaugurated and entered upon his second term as
the Executive of Georgia under circumstances peculiarly auspicious.
He had made an adminstration especially original and salient. He had
ripened from being unknown into a state influence and political power
unprecedently rapid and potential. He had received a popular endorse
ment absolutely conclusive. He was enthroned in the public confidence.
His ability, practical judgment, energy, immovable will, fearless courage,
sagacity and devotion to the pubUc interest, had aU been shiningly
-shjown and tested. He had performed great and undeniable public ser
vice. He had reduced the rate of taxation frora nine cents to six and
one half cents on $100. He had brought up the State railroad from a
condition of almost entire unremuneration to where it had paid over

GOV. beown's second inaugueal. 99
8400,000 in a single year, into the state treasury, to relieve the tax bur-
'^ens. He had established a school fund of $150,000 a year. He had
"canceled an extra S100,000 of the public debt beyond what was due.
He had been the direct means of hedging in a latitudinarian banking
system with safeguards and restraints that to this day are preserved.
He had vindicated the independence of the executive department of
the state governraent from legislative encroachment. He had fearlessly
inaugurated the practice of a true civil service policy. He had instilled
into every branch of the state administration a healthy activity and
official responsibility. And the people knew and credited him with his
valuable work. His position at this time was a proud one. He stood
upon a splendid vantage ground of popular influence. He had attained
this power by his own unaided brain and resolute will. And from this
tirae on he was destined to be the master spirit in Georgia affairs, holding
his firm rule through all the tumultuous phases of a great strife, and
amid every shifting change of personal influence.
His inaugural address was a practical, characteristic emanation. Allud
ing to the fact that he had become Governor the first tirae in a
period of trouble and distrust, he modestly said that he had tried to
raeet his official responsibilities conscientiously. The people had passed
their verdict upon his administration. He then entered into a brief
review of the present condition of the State, raaking an eloquent sura
raary of the resources and advantages of the comraonwealth. Araid
all of this sunshine and prosperity, however, there was a cloud upon
the northern horizon that portended evU. He thus clearly stated the
national issue pending.
" Our fathers consented to enter' the confederacy of these states only upon terms of
perfect equality ; and we, as their sons, would be unworthy of our sires, if we consented
to remain in the confederacy a day longer than this principle of equality is recognized.
Prompted by ambitious leaders, who are willing to sacrifice their country for place and
power, a majority of the people of the northern states have formed themselves into a
great sectional, political party, which virtually denies our equality in the Union."
Proceeding to state that in the great presidential contest of 1860,
soon to corae, the issue lay between the Black Republican and Derao
cratic parties, he thus concluded:
" I love the union of these states, and am prepared to make every reasonable sacrifice
to maintain it, so long as it does not violate the rights of my native South. But should
the two come into conflict, I love the rights of the South more, and am prepared to defend
them at any sacrifice and at every hazard. In the present condition of affairs I would
advise the citizens of Georgia to stand united with the National Democracy, so long as
they continue to stand by her rights, and to protect them in the Union. But should this

100 SPIEIT OF THE YEAE BEFOEE THE WAE.
organization be broken down, and her constitutional rights be denied, and her equality
in the Union destroyed, I would then advise her citizens to strike for independence out
of the Union — and to pledge each other, ' their lives, their fortunes, and their most sacred
honor,' never to forsake each other till triumphant success shall have crowned their
efforts. My fervent prayer to Almighty God is, that this necessity may be averted, —
that wisdom, moderation and justice may control all our National and State councils —
and that the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, may be thus perpetuated."
The concluding expressions of this inaugural were the outcome of the
national situation in politics, and betokened the dangerous temper of
the southern people at that tirae, but a little more than a year before
the great civil war of the century. Gov. Brown's utterances were sig
nificant, and emanating from that source, were full of portent. He was
not a man to utter meaningless words. He was a singularly true expo
nent of the controlling popular sentiment, and has been all of his life.
A subtle syrapathy with the masses added to extraordinary common
sense methods has raade him a natural born, popular leader. In the
premonitory phase of the great conflict that began in 1861, Gov. Brown
-was in profound affinity with the southern side of that iraportant moral
and political convulsion. He represented two especial and practical
characteristics of southern spirit, the intense state's rights conviction,
and the decisive purpose to enforce that conviction. This raatter will
be raore fully touched upon a little farther on, but at the present the
narrative of state affairs will be resumed.
Gov. Brown's second annual message was an entirely practical docu
ment. It contained some of those business-like suggestions that his
common sense intelligence was ever deducing frora actual experience.
And they were made in that direct, unmincing sort of way that belonged
to the raan. There was no circuralocution, no red-tape diplomacy in
Gov. Brown's official utterances. He went directly to the pith of mat
ters, and dealt with facts without ceremony. In his views he was
governed by no consideration of the raajesty of a coordinate branch of
the state governraent. There was no glamour of official authority that
affected him. He attacked what he conceived to be an error or a wrong
practice in the General Asserably, and asserted what he conceived to be
a constitutional prerogative of the Governor's office in a fearless and
frank manner, and without any punctilious palaver of etiquette. He
was a homespun man of business, doing what he deeraed his duty care
less of opposition or consequences. He rasped in his message what is
to-day, and has always been, an evil practice of legislatures, viz., neg
lecting the earUer part of a session, and hurrying business at the close,
resulting in hasty and inconsiderate legislation. He also attacked

THE VETO POWER. 101
another chronic practice of legislation, demanding reform, and which
the new Constitution of 1877 endeavored to correct, — trivial class and
local action. He took ground against the expensive multiplication of
new counties which had becorae a nuisance. He urged the reduction o^_^
the Senate from its unwieldy size. He assaulted the costly clerk system /
of the legislature, which had becorae an onerous pecuniary burden to /
the State. His entire message was full of plain, sensible recommenda
tions in regard to the judiciary, education, railitia, etc. Among other
valuable suggestions he urged what has since been commenced, a miner-
alogical and geological survey of the State. He was ,tlien an,jj;jipnt
advocate for state aid in developing ti.e..Ke.5aur,ces. of -the comnioBw^alAh.
His views, on ^education, as carv be supposed, were liberal, and broad.
AU of his messages and inaugurals-^pgessed- the enlargement of .|ree
educational facilities for the people.
During his first term Gov. Brown had used the veto power more freely
than any Governor in the state's history. His eneraies had attempted
to impair him in the pubUc estimation for this. In his raessage he made
a brief aUusiori to his exercise of the veto power, in which with a few
sharp sentences he shattered these assaults. The constitution had
assigned to the Governor certain powers and duties as well as to the
General Assembly, and the people should hold himself responsible for
the independent exercise of those powers. The revision of bUls passed
by the legislature was a constitutional power of the Executive. If the
Governor out of mere respect for the General Assembly signed bills
his judgment did not approve, he denied to the people the exercise of
that executive revision which under the constitution they had a right
to demand as a protection against hasty or unwise legislation. And the
Governor went on with his vetoes. He vetoed a bill relie-ving a surety
on a crirainal bond; a man standing between the law and a criminal .
must take the consequences. He vetoed a bUl granting a divorce to
certain parties; divorces belonged to the courts. He vetoed a bill
giving to certain minors the privUeges of adults; the law fixing twenty- '
one years as legal maturity is a -wise one, founded on the experience of
ages, and it is safe to adhere to it. He raade other vetoes, but all of
thera based upon clear, sound reasons of law or public policy, and
e-vincing the vigilant care and unyielding decision that he brought to
the discharge of his executive duties.
The session of 1859 elected Hon. R. F. Lyon and Linton Stephens
judges of the supreme court in the place of Henry L. Benning and
Charles J. McDonald. Judge Lyon was almost wholly without speak-

102 ' UNEXPECTED TEIBUTE TO OGLETHORPE.
ing abUity as a lawyer, but he was an able counselor and gentleman of
fixed views. He is still living and in the practice of his profession.
The abolishment pf imprisonraent for debt was a subject of discussion
by this Legislature. The foUowing resolution passed the House, but
seeras not to have been acted on farther, and is a tardy tribute to the
raan it honors:
" 'Whereas, it has been customary from time immemorial with all civil and enlightened
nations to honor the memory of their illustrious and noble dead, and emblazon their
deeds in marble or brass for coming posterity, it is therefore bnt right and proper for
us as Georgians, and the dictates of patriotism and a grateful people demand that the
life, memory and character of the illustrious founder of our great and growing state,
should be rescued from the darkening shade of oblivion ; therefore be it
Resolved, That the Governor be authorized and requested to have erected in the capi
tol yard a handsome, elegant and appropriate marble monument to the meraory of the
illustrious founder of our state, Gen. James Oglethorpe, who combined in his life and
character the great and noble qualities of a soldier, scholar, statesman, philanthropist
and christian."

CHAPTER XIII.
A HOT CHAPTER OF GATHERING REVOLUTION.
The Drive to Disunion. — Yancey's " Leaguers of the South." — Alec Stephens Retired. —
Toombs' Disunion Speech. — Senator Alfred Iverson's Griffin Disunion Speech. —
Alec Stephens' Union Speech of Farewell at Augusta. — The two Utterances a
striking picture of Contrasts. — The Disastrous Political Effect ou Iversou. — The
John Brown Raid, and the Georgia Legislature's Burning Resolutions. — The State
Aflame. — Two State Democratic Nominating Conventions in Georgia to send dele
gates to the National Democratic Presidential Convention at Charleston. — Tlie Split
of the Georgia Democracy. — Howell Cobb and Alec Stephens, Presidential Timber. —
Cobb endorsed by one Convention, and not by the other, withdraws. — The Delegation
to Charleston. — PersoneUe of the Georgia Conventions. — A Succession of Exciting
Events. — Another Great Speech of Mr. Toombs. — "Pull Down the Pillars aud
Bring a Common Ruin." — Georgia the Dominant Factor in the Revolution at hand
and Toombs its Genius.
DuEiNG the year 1859 the great conflict between the North and South
was steadily raaturing. Public sentiraent in regard to slavery was in
an inflaraed and inflaming condition. The popular pulse tingled at the
very raention of the subject. The Black Republicans of the North
were avowed in their purpose to crush slavery. We had in the South
bold open disunionists. In Alabaraa an association had been estab
lished by the Hon. William L. Yancey, called the " Leaguers of the
South," the motto of which was, " A Southern Republic is our only
safety." Alexander H. Stephens, the most conservative leader of the
South, bade fareweU to public life, and thus was eliminated from the
national councils the most prudent, influential and eloquent union
power we possessed. Mr. Toombs long before had made a burning
speech in the United States Senate that thrilled the country, in which
he daringly declared that unless the aggression upon slavery and the
rights of the South ceased, he was for Disunion. The Supreme Court
of the United States had decided in the celebrated Dred Scott case that
there was no difference between slave property and other property, and
a Territory could not discriminate against slaves. Mr. Douglas had
planted himself upon the famous "squatter sovereignty" doctrine,
which claimed the right of Territorial legislatures to determine the ques
tion of slavery in the Territories. Mr. Douglas was bitterly abused by

104 SENATOE IVEESON'S DISUNION SPEECH.
a large portion of the Southern Deraocrats for this doctrine, while Mr.
Buchanan was denounced by those who sustained Mr. Douglas.
Senator Iverson came home and made a lengthy speech in Griffin,
Georgia, on the fourteenth day of July, 1859, that created intense and
acrimonious discussion. It was a raost aggressive Southern Rights
speech. His slogan was, " Slavery, it must and shall be preserved."
He denounced the Missouri Compromise which, " to save the union,"
had divided the national territory into "free" above and "slave"
below a certain Une of 36° 30'. He denounced the Wilmot Proviso,
which was to shut out slavery from all the territory acquired from
Mexico. He denounced the famous Compromise raeasures of 1850,
which provided for the admission of all new states, with or without slav
ery, as their Constitutions raight prescribe. He declared " all lost at
the North," and the Northern Democracy " paralyzed and powerless."
He denounced the Kansas bill which made Kansas a free state. He
had once erabraced the " squatter sovereignty " heresy, but he now
repudiated it, and declared that it was the duty of Congress to protect
slavery in the territories. Reading this speech of Mr. Iverson in the
light of events since, it was profoundly prophetic. He declared that
1861 would witness the inauguration of a free soil President, and he
boldly announced that the election of such a President he should con
sider a declaration of war against slavery, and be ih favor of separation
and the formation of a Southern Confederacy. He was in favor now
of a square defiance to the abolition party, a repudiation of all com
promises, and a distinct unconditional demand for the equality and pro-
|tection of slave property everywhere.
This speech was widely circulated and heatedly discussed. Mr. Iver
son was charged with pandering to extreme Southern prejudice to get
re-elected to the senate. Mr. Stephens but a few days before raade his
well remembered speech in Augusta, in retiring to private life, in which
he had declared that the great questions of difference between the
North and South he considered honorably and finally settled, and the
country was in a most prosperous condition. He declared that slavery
was firm and secure ; that it was getting stronger and will continue to
get stronger. He declared the coraproraise of 1850, which opened the
territories to slavery and left thera free to all, was a grand triumph of
constitutional equality. He did not believe that we would have much
more slave country without an increase of African stock. Mr. Stephens
wound up with this tribute to the Union: "With our comraon country
I leave like good wishes and the earnest hope for undisturbed peace and

STEPHENS AND IVEESON. 105
prosperity, and that our institutions unimpaired, national and state, may
long continue to bless millions, yet unborn, as they have blessed us."
It would be difficult to conceive of two utterances of public view and
policy so utterly and absolutely antipodal as these speeches of Mr.
Stephens and Mr. Iverson. Mr. Stephens saw an era of peace, pros
perity, order, the triuraph of slavery and the South, and settled princi
ples and a fixed Union. Mr. Iverson read in the public aspects, sectional
strife, hopeless conflict of interest, the victory of abolitionisra, con
tinued aggressions and internecine struggles with the horror of Disunion
which he deraanded in preference to Mr. Stephens' settleraent. It is
bootless now to enter into any comparison of the conflicting views of
these two distinguished and able public men. Both were right in some
things, and both wrong. No fallible human intelligence, however
strong, can grasp the great plans of a Divine Providence. The raighty
convulsion that was to end in the utter uprootal of slavery was swiftly
culminating. Under the ordinary human judgment, Mr. Stephens
seemed right, and the general Georgia and Southern public sentiment
concurred with him. Mr. Iverson was generally conderaned, and there
is little doubt that his radical disunion speech lost hira his re-election as
United States Senator. He was marvelously and prophetically right
in many things. He did not exaggerate . the truth when he said that
there could be no compromise with abolitionism, and there would be no
let up in its war upon slavery. He saw with amazing correctness the
nature of the crusade against the slave institution, and he portrayed in
wonderfully accurate words the drifting portents of the times. He
diagnosed the coming storm clearer than his more generally sagacious
contemporary. The earthquake was at hand, and he foretold it with a
wise -wit. He was wonderfully right in another thing. Compromises
had but postponed the day of a square fight for slavery. The true
Southern poUcy was to have met the issue at once, and fully to have
resisted concession at the beginning. The battle had to come for its
existence. It would have been wise and politic to have maintained its
proud and vital equality against every assault. Concession but
strengthened the enemy. But Mr. Stephens was grandly right in his
essentially wise and correct judgment that the proper place to fight
abolitionisra and defend slavery was In The Union. Every advan
tage was given the North in leaving it the narae, the memories, the
glory, the organization and sacred power of the Union. The Southern
people were with Mr. Stephens then. Less wise and firm than he, they
did not stay with him when the hour of passion was upon them. And

106 THE JOHN BROWN RAID.
strange, most strange inconsistency, they repudiated Iverson and his
policy at its very suggestion, and followed his policy when the con
tingency he predicted carae, and disregarded the counsel of the wiser
Stephens. Iverson was for disunion if a sectional free soil president
was elected, and the State of Georgia conderaned the man and de
nounced the suggestion. When the event happened, in accordance
with his prediction, they followed his counsel, though they had buried
politicaUy its author. It was a comical yet a pathetic political incon
gruity. But none the less did Senator Iverson's speech demonstrate the domi
nant possibilities of revolution alive and flaming unconsciously yet pow
erfully, and growing swiftly in the Southern heart, and working out
mysteriously the colossal purposes of Providence. Mr. Toorabs, in
response to an invitation, raade a speech in Augusta, September 8, 1859,
which was a careful, exhaustive and masterly review of the whole sub
ject of federal legislation upon slavery, in which he, notwithstanding
the squatter-sovereignty views of Mr. Douglas, from which he differed,
declared his preference for him. Mr. Toombs also took position against
putting a plank in the Democratic platform demanding the protection
of slavery in the Territories. While he believed in the right of Con
gress to do it, he was against the exercise of the power. This speech
was a remarkably conservative one.
¦"¦"There occurred at this time an incident that stimulated sectional pas
sion to fever heat. Old John Brown, or, as he was better known, Ossa-
wattaraie Brown, of Kansas notoriety, organized a slave insurrection at
Harper's Ferry, Virginia. Both the Governor of Virginia, Henry A.
Wise, and President Buchanan proraptly acted in suppressing the mat
ter. This occurrence was like the application of a lighted match to a
powder magazine. It inflamed the whole country, North and South.
It drove argument and reason from the public forura. The South
believed that the Harper's Ferry affair was but the sraall part of a
general abolition moveraent to strike down slavery. In the Georgia
Legislature Mr. Hartridge offered a set of resolutions declaring the fixed
deterraination of the people of Georgia as to their future course and
conduct. Referring to the John Brown raid, they said: "Fanaticism
grown bold by impunity has invoked the aid of treason, murder and
rapine, has crossed the border, and, advancing upon Southern soil, has
spread bloodshed and exciteraent throughout a Southern State." These
bold words of accusation concluded with this resolve:
" The State of Georgia holds herself ready to enter into any concert of action with

TWO STATE DEMOCEATIC CONVENTIONS CALLED. 107
the sister Southern States, which will secure their common rights under the Constitu
tion iu the Union, or if that be no longer possible, their independence and security out
ofit." Mr. Lewis, of Hancock, offered an amendment of bitter defiance that
" We do not waive or postpone the conflict which such aggressions seek
and provoke," and further, that the history of the past taught us " that
it is unreasonable to expect the protection of our rights by the Federal
government." Resolutions were passed thanking Governor Wise and
President Buchanan for their prompt action in the raatter. These
official declarations of the General Assembly will afford some concep
tion of the spirit of the people of Georgia and the crushing drift of
sentiment to a dissolution of the Union and Southern independence.
The National Democratic Convention to nominate a Presidential can
didate was to meet in Charleston, S. C. Already public attention in
Georgia was converging to that iraportant gathering. On the evening
of the 2_lst of Noveraber, 1859, ajarge portion of the Democraticmembers
of the Legislature raet in .the Representative Chamber in JMiUedgeville.
Peter Cone presided; James J. Diamond was Secretary. Thomas F.
.lones, of Ne-wton, offered resolutions, which were adopted, calling a
State Convention for the 8th of December to appoint delegates to
Charleston. On the 22d of November the Sta^]^ExecutjvgJ2ip^^
Qpmposed_ofJX,C„Caja:ptigU. JL-J-I^SiEee^ jS>os. P. Saffold^'^nd S.
W. Burney, called the Deraocratic State Convention ior the second
Monday in March, 1860. Col. Wm. K. De Graffenreid, of this commit
tee, dissented from the committee and joined the Deraocratic members
of the Legislature in their call for a convention for December, before
vthe Legislature adjourned. Thus there was a conflict upon this matter.
It seemed as if the unfortunate slavery controversy that was convulsing
the country and so swiftly sweeping to a great upheaval of peace, was
affecting everything with its discordant spirit of dissension. The strife
in the Georgia Democracy became lively over this twin convention busi
ness. The practice had begun as far back as 1842 of the party raera
bers of the Legislature calling State Conventions to appoint delegates
to the Presidential nominating conventions, and had continued unbro-
kenly up to this time. And these State conventions consisted chiefly
of the members of the Legislature, who represented their counties in
the convention. If counties were not represented or represented only
in part in the Legislature by Democrats, such counties sent other dele
gates. The caU of the members, therefore, for the convention of the
8th of December was in conformity with precedent, and its advocates

108 the legislative democratic CONVENTION.
claimed that the Executive Committee could only attend to guberna
torial contests.
The convention of the Sth was held, but was not a fuU body, only 75
counties out of 132 being represented, while it was a large one. Isaiah
T. Irwin was made president, and F. H. West and George HUlyer sec
retaries. The committee on business consisted of Messrs. Seward,
Deloney, Smith of Talbot, Printup, Briscoe, Smythe, Oliver, Smith of
Towns, Hill, Lawton, Broyles, King, Tracy, Cone, Rice, Fulton, Jones,
Ragsdale, Hutchins and Morris. The resolutions of the convention
^recommended Howell Cobb for the Presidency, endorsed Buchanan for
his course in the Harper's Ferry affair, and
" Pledged support of the nominee of the Charleston convention upon the condition
that it determines to maintain the equality of the states and the rights of the South —
.that'we- will yield nothing of those rights for the sake of harmony, but will demand a
firm, strict and unqualified adherence to the doctrines and principles on the subject of
slavery, and the rights of the South in the common territories of the Union, which
have been recently declared by the Supreme Court of the United States." •
The following delegates were elected to the national convention:
From the state at large: Isaiah T. Irwin, John H. Lumpkin, H. L.
Benning, Henry R. Jackson; alternates, Charles J. McDonald, Thomas
Butler King, WUliam H. Stiles, O. A. Lochrane.
The district delegates were: Jaraes L. Seward, Julian Hartridge,
Arthur Hood, J. W. Evans, L. B. Smith, E. Strohecker, James J. Dia
mond, L. H. Featherston, G. J. Fain, W. T. Wofford, WiUiara H. HuU,
S. J. Smith, J. M. Lamar, L. H. Briscoe, D. C. Barrow, L. A. Nelms.
Fifty-two Democratic raembers of the legislature pubUshed their dis
approval of the action of the convention in appointing delegates to the
Charleston convention and protested against the authority of what they
contemptuously called the "meeting" to bind the Deraocratic party.
Among these were William A. Harris, A. S. Atkinson, A. B. Mathews,
C. J. Williams, R. N. Ely, and James S. Reed. The two members of
the executive committee in Milledgeville, Col. CampbeU and Dr. Mc-
Geehee, issued a temperate card stating their reasons for calling the
March convention and leaving the matter to the party to ratify or dis
approve. Judge Benning, Gov. McDonald, Col. Featherston and Col.
Lochrane of the delegates selected, declined to recognize the validity of
their appointment and refused to serve. The papers rushed into a hot
controversy over the matter. A good deal of temper was shown, and
considerable recrimination indulged in. Mr. Howell Cobb was charged
with inspiring the late convention and molding its action in the interest

HOWELL COBB FOE PEESIDENT. 109
of his presidential ambition. The name of Alexander H. Stephens was
sprung by his friends for the Presidency, and a decided antagonism was
created between the adherents of these distinguished Georgians in con
nection with the glittering prize of the national chief magistracy.
Hon. William H. Stiles, one of the alternate delegates chosen, wrote
a letter to the Savannah Express maintaining that the March convention
was the only regular and legitimate one, but suggesting a compromise
for harmony. His plan was for the delegates chosen to resign and the
March convention to re-appoint them, and show the spectacle of a united
Democracy and a united South. Hon. Howell Cobb wrote a most patri
otic and characteristic letter, in which he used this conciliatory language :
" I can but repeat that my name shall not divide and distract the party. If there are
a sufficient number in the Democratic party of Georgia opposed to my nomination, to
justify the idea of serious divisions in the party, then I will unconditionally withdraw
my name. This is no time for divisions in the south, and especially with southern Dem
ocrats, and any personal sacrifice, which I may be called upon to make, to ensure union
and harraony, shall be cheerfully made."
And he gave this positive assurance:
" So far as I ara personally concerned, a demonstration of .serious opposition to my
nomination from the democracy of Georgia, in any shape or form, or from any conven
tion, would end all connection of my name with the nomination at Charleston."
The position of Mr. Cobb was a peculiar one. He had, as secretary '
of the treasury under President Buchanan, made a national reputation
for ability and statesmanship. The objection to him in Georgia was
formulated in the following words of the Columbus Times: "Mr. Cobb
is far frora being the choice of the Georgia democracy for the presidency,
as his extreme Union views are in antagonism with the prevailing senti
ment in the Democratic ranks." And this criticism shows the tendency
of public opinion to the final dissolution, and that conservative views
were becoming powerless in the seething agitation.
Mr. Cobb's friends were advised by him to unite in sending delegates
to the March convention, in order that the wiU of the party might be
tested. At the various county meetings the matter was fully discussed,
and the opinion was conflicting and varied. In many counties the del
egates of the December convention were reappointed. A large nuraber
of counties endorsed Mr. Cobb for the presidency. A number expressly
repudiated the action of the December convention. It was a warm
issue and it stirred the State violently.
The March Democratic Convention assembled on the 14th, 1860, in Mil
ledgeville. Ninety counties of the 132 in the State were represented by

110 THE CONVENTION OP MAECH, 1860.
203 delegates. Araong these were L. H. Briscoe, L. N. Whittle, 0. A.
Lochrane, P. Tracy, A. R. Lawton, Julian Hartridge, A. S. Atkinson,
L. N. Trammell, D. S. Printup, Solomon Cohen, Geo. A. Gordon, Jno.
M. Guerard, Gen. G. P. Harrison, W. PhUlips, R. N. Ely, J. W. Duncan,
C. W. Styles, J. M. Mobley, J. G. Cain, Samuel Hall, T. P. Saffold,
Porter Ingram, John A. Jones, P. H. Colquitt, L. J. Aired, Henry Cleve
land, Claiborne Sneed, J. D. Ashton, J. L. Seward, D. N. Speer, C. J.
Wellborn, George Hillyer, E. P. HoweU and E. R. Harden. Of these
Henry Cleveland was the editor of the Augusta Constitutionalist, a bright
writer, and who since the war has written a Ufe of Alexander H. Stephens.
Claiborne Sneed is now judge of the Augusta circuit, and has been a
state representative, a gentleman of talent and force. E. P. Howell is
now the editor of the Atlanta Constitution. He was state senator for
two terms, and has evinced an extraordinary aptitude for public life, and
is a gentleman of great shrewdness and practicality, and is destined
to wield a strong public influence. D. N. Speer is the present State
treasurer. Hon. Alexander R. Lawton was made president of the convention.
The proceedings continued for two days, were stormy and inharmonious,
and finaUy adjourned, leaving the party in the State angry, rent, and at
sea. Of the ninety counties forty-seven repudiated the December con
vention and forty-three sustained it. Of the forty-two counties not
represented in the convention, twenty-four were represented in the
December convention. There were eighteen counties not represented
in either convention. The forty-three counties in the March convention
that supported the action of the December convention, added to the
twenty -four counties represented in the December convention that were
not represented in the March Convention, made sixty-seven counties, or
two over half of the counties in the State that favored the December
action. These figures will show how the party was split. The resolu
tions of the December convention were voted down, thus throwing over
Mr. Cobb and leaving the party without any enunciation of principle.
The sarae delegates at large were appointed, but the alternates were
different save ex-Gov. McDonald alone; Hirara Warner, Solomon Cohen
and J. A. Wingfield being the three others in place of King, Stiles and
Lochrane. Four delegates frora each district were chosen by the dele
gates of the respective districts. These were:
1st. J. L. Seward, J. Hartridge, H. M. Moore, Wm. B. Gaulden.
2nd. W. Johnson, John A. Jones, Wm. M. Slaughter, Jas. M. Clark.
3rd. E. L. Strohecker, L. B. Smith, O. C. Gibson, E. J. McGeehee.

HOWELL COBB's WITHDEAWAL. Ill
4th. J. J. Diamond, L. H. Featherston, W. Phillips, S. C. Candler.
5th. G. J. Fain, W. T. Wofford, James Hoge, Lawson Fields.
6th. ^Vm. H. Hull, S. J. Smith, H. P. Thomas, A. Franklin HUl.
7th. L. H. Briscoe, Jefferson Lamar, J. W. Burney, James Thoming.
Sth. L. A. Nelms, D. C. Barrow, J. D. Ashton, H. R. Casey.
Alternates from the districts were also appointed. The district dele
gates of the December convention were all re-appointed save Arthur
Hood and J. W. Evans. The alternates were nearly all different. An
important resolution offered by Julian Hartridge, and unanimously
adopted, provided for the appointment of an Executive Committee by
the President of the convention with power to oaU all conventions of
the Deraocratic party of Georgia, and to exercise all the other powers
belonging to such committee until another convention meets. This
established the practice that has been uninterruptedly foUowed since of
the appointment of an Executive Coraraittee empowered fuUy to repre
sent the party untU another convention and the creation of a new com
mittee. And Mr. Hartridge's resolution was intended to remedy the
disastrous party difficulty, whose effects were being experienced in the
existing widespread dissension. The coramittee appointed consisted of
Porter Ingram, A. S. Atkinson,. P. Tracy, C. Murphy, D. S. Printup, S.
J. Smith, L. H. Briscoe, and Henry Cleveland.
r The action of the convention in refusing to adopt the action of the,
December body urging Mr. Cobb for the Presidency, and failing to
raake a declaration of sentiraent and policy, was a most unfortunate mat-
_^er, and left a deep breach in the party. Mr. Cobb, in accordance with
his published declarations previously made, addressed a letter to the
President of the December convention, Mr. Irwin, unconditionally with
drawing his name frora the canvass for the presidency. His letter
was a very graceful and appropriate one, in admirable temper and full
of patriotic feeling. While he claimed for the convention that endorsed
him absolute party legality, yet he waived all . question of regularity.
He only regarded the party will. He frankly owned that while a major
ity of the state Deraocracy supported hira, there was a decided opposi
tion to him. The connection of his name with the noraination was
calculated to produce discord where there should be harmony, and he
therefore withdrew it. The letter was a model of its kind, and its
noble spirit and lofty utterances, so free frora the slightest tinge of
irritation or disappointment, placed him higher than ever in popular
esteem. He wound up with a reference to the approaching contest, in
which a fanatical eneray was striving to seize the Federal government

112 EOBEET TOOMBS' GEEAT DISUNION SPEECH.
to bring dishonor upon the South. To overthrow this enemy, and save
the government and the South from dishonor and ruin, which would fol
low the successful inauguration of a Black Republican administration,
was our duty. Union and harmony were necessary to do this., and to
them he should contribute all he could with the confident hope of being
fully and cordially sustained by the people of Georgia.
At this time the tendency to peace between the sections was not at
all helped by a brilliant, daring and masterly speech of Robert Toombs
in the United States Senate, on a resolution offered by Stephen A.
Douglas directing the judiciary committee to report a bill for the pro
tection of each State and Territory against invasion by the authorities of
every other state and territory. Mr. Toombs made a terrible arraignment
of the Black Republican party. He said that the country was virtually
in civil war; that a large body of the Senators before hira were eneraies
of his country, and were using their official power to assail and destroy
the institutions of the states. We deraand peace or war. Reviewing
the action of the Republican party in regard to slavery, he asserted that
the Republican hands were soiled with the blood of our constitutional
compact. They mocked at constitutional obligations and jeered at
oaths. They had lost their sharae with their virtue. The speech was a
scorching, splendid piece of invective, but it was more, it was a pro
found, exhaustive and unanswerable argument, welded like an iron bar.
Gathering veheraence as he concluded, this audacious Mirabeau thun
dered these unforgivable words at his colleagues of the opposite party
representing millions of Northern people.
" I denounce the Republican party as enemies of the Constitution and enemies of my
country, and I shall treat them as such. I submit it to the jiidgment of the Senate,
the country and the civilized world, if according to the public law of all civilized na
tions, we have not just cause of war against our confederates."
The impassioned orator then declared that with the success of the
" traitorous " Republican party " peace and safety are incompatible in
the Union," and concluded with these burning words:
" Listen to no ' vain babblings,' to no treacherous jargon about ' overt acts ; ' they have
already been committed. Defend yourselves, the enemy is at your door ; wait not to
meet him at the hearth-stone — meet him at the door-sill — and drive him from the temple
of liberty, or pull down its pillars and involve him iu a common ruin."
The effect of these fiery and war-like utterances was simply indescrib
able. They rendered peace impossible. They frrenzied the Republi
cans, they enthused our own hot-heads beyond restraint. They drove
on the revolution by a million-spirit power. Coming from a Senator,

THE REVOLUTION AT HAND. 113
spoken in the great and august forum of the national Senate Charaber
representing the solemn sentiment and grand majesty of a sovereign
state, they were tremendous e.xpressions. They made a peaceful solu
tion of the impending strife an impossibility. They made the State of
Georgia the dominant factor of the strife, and the foremost and control
ling agency of the Revolution. It booted little that such conservative
and Union instruraents as Stephens and Johnson were steraming the
deadly drift. The spirit of discord Was regnant. It had sundered the
Georgia Democracy, and in that unhappy division had shorn the rising
Cobb of his power and promise. It was not an undramatic coincidence
that whUe Georgia was foreraost in her influence in the national coun-
cUs through her imperious Toombs, and was potentially stimulating the
threatening disunion, she had two prominent candidates for the Presi
dency of the Union, the most prominent of whom she herself slaugh
tered. But a higher power was ruling the destinies of nations. The
great revolution was at hand, and our Georgia Toombs was its genius.

CHAPTER XIV.
THE FATAL SPLIT OF THE NATIONAL AND GEORGIA
DEMOCRACY, IN 1860.
The Charleston Convention. — The Georgia Delegation Sundered. — A Majority led by
H. L. Benning, secede. — A Minority Remain. — Soloraon Cohen. — William B. Gaul
den the " Lion of Liberty." — Georgia Democracy Riven like the Delegates. — A
vivid Batch of Letters on the Split from Hiram Warner, Howell Cobb, Joseph
E. Brown, A. II. Stephens, Peter E. Love, Robert Toombs, H. V. Johnson and
E. A. Nisbet. — Brown's cool Practical View. — The strange Reversals of Howell
Cobb, and H. V. Johnson. — The Coustitutional Union Convention. — Its personelle.
— The Democratic Convention. — Its Personelle. — A Volcanic Session and a Burst
up. — A National State Democratic State Convention organized. — Two sets of
Delegates to Baltimore. — Discord Rife. — The Disunion Drift Irresistible. — The
Baltimore Convention. — Georgia Refused to go iu. — Douglas and H. V. Johnson
Norainated. — The National State Right's Convention organized. — Breckenridge and
Lane Nominated. — The Deadly Work Done. — The Democracy in Fragments and
the Revolution Sure.
Startling events sped swiftly in Georgia, as in the Union, in this cru
cial year of 1860. The Charleston Convention met on the 23d of April
and continued in turbulent session until the 2nd day of May, when it
adjourned without making a nomination, to reassemble in Baltimore on
the 18th of June. Some 57 ballots were taken, Mr. Douglas leading
with 152^ out of 319, but unable to get more. The platform was hotly
contested. Three reports were made by the committee on platform.
One was the majority report made by the members of fifteen Southern
states and the two states of Oregon and California, being seventeen of
the thirty-three members of the committee. This report presented the
Cincinnati platform with some additional resolutions declaring the
iSqnal--right of slave property in the territories and the duty of Congress
r to protect it. The Cincinnati platform declared for non-interference by
Congress with slavery in the territories. The majority report went be-
¦~yond the Cincinnati platform in declaring it the duty of Congress to
protect slave property in the territories. Two minority reports were
presented, one offering the Cincinnati platform with sorae resolutions
siraply condemning interference with the fugitive slave law, but leaving
out the protection of slave property in the territories. The last minor
ity report was adopted, which "was the squatter sovereignty programme

THE CHAELESTON CONVENTION. 115
of Mr. Douglas. On the defeat of the majority report and the adop
tion of the minority report, the delegates of Alabama, Mississippi,
Florida, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas and a part of those from Dela
ware, seceded from the convention under lead of WiUiam L. Yancey of
Alabama. The Georgia delegation obtained leave to retire, to consult
as to their course, and split intgfragments. A majority, consisting of
Junius Wingfield, Henry L. Benning, Henry R. Jackson, J. M. Clark,
William M! Slaughter, John A. Jones, D. C. Barrow, J. J. Diamond, A.
Franklin HiU, E. L. Strohecker, O. C. Gibson, H. P. Thomas, P. Tracy,
J. M. Lamar, E. J. McGeehee, George HiUyer, Mark Johnson, E. R.
Harden, J. H. Lumpkin, J. G. Fain, James Hoge and W. J. Johnson,
withdrew from the convention as a duty, as they declared. I. T. Irwin,
W. H. Hull, L. H. Briscoe and Julian Hartridge withdrew in obedience
to the vote of the majority. The balance of the delegation remained to
share in the proceedings, consisting of Solomon Cohen, Hiram Warner,
J. W. Burney, William B. Gaulden, James L. Seward, James Thomas,
S. C. Candler, J. A. Render, L. A. Nelms, and Henry Cleveland.
Mr. Solomon Cohen made a speech explaining his position. Mr.
Cohen was a leading citizen of Savannah, who was at one time Post
master, a gentleman of high social standing and considerable .speaking
abUity. He and his colleagues, while in sympathy with the seceders in
principle, remainec^ behind hoping that a better spirit might prevail and
justice be done to the South by the Northern Democrats. Mr. Mont
gomery of Pennsylvania, replied that he was willing for the Southern
members to retire, if they wished, and that the majority of the conven
tion had made up their minds and would not change. Upon this Col.
Wm. B. Gaulden, who enjoyed the soubriquet of the " Roaring Lion of
Liberty County, " arose and made a speech that convulsed the conven
tion with laughter. He denounced protection to slavery as a humbug,
and said he intended to stand by his Northern brethren until the last
day, late in the evening. He then branched into an unqualified sup
port of the African slave trade. But the fragment of the delegation
were not permitted, to vote, on the ground that the state delegation
was instructed to vote as a unit. Mr. Seward had previously attempted
to cast his individual vote, and the resolution of the Georgia Conven
tion upon the matter had been discussed, and the unit rule had been de
clared to apply to the Georgia delegation. Mr. Cohen vainly protested
. against the disfranchisement and denounced it as a usurpation.
The seceding raembers of the Charleston Convention, including most
of the majority part of the Georgia delegation, formed a separate con-

116 VIEWS OF DISTINGUISHED GEOEGIANS.
vention, and called a Convention for the 2nd Monday in June, in Rich
mond. The course of the Georgia delegation created a profound feeling at
home. The minority of the delegation issued a brief card explaining
their course, and stating that they did not feel at liberty to bolt the
convention and disrupt the party. The majority published a more
lengthy address, signed by Henry L. Benning, the chairman of the
delegation, elaborately arguing the whole question. They wound up
this very able paper with the statement that some of the Northern dele-
gates_Jhad shown a disposition to modify the platform, and there was
/some hope of this. They advised that a State Convention be Called,
I and that such convention appoint delegates to both the Richmond
; and Baltimore conventions. The Executive Committee of the party
issued a call for a state convention to assemble in MilledgeviUe, the 4th
day of June. A number of gentlemen of Macon, Robert Collins, John
J. Gresham, James W. Armstrong and others, addressed a letter to the
leading public men of the State, expressing alarm at the rupture of the
Charleston Convention and asking their views of the situation. Re
plies were received from Hiram AVarner, Howell Cobb, Joseph E.
Brown, A. H. Stephens, Peter E. Love, Robert Toombs, H. V. Johnson
and Eugenius A. Nesbit.
Judge Warner had been one of the staying delegates in the Charleston
convention. His letter was an incisive one. Believing the democratic
organization of the Union to afford the best guarantee for the preser
vation of our rights, he resisted ]\Ir. Yancey's bold attempt to destroy it.
Believing also in the doctrine of congressional non-intervention, and
having thought the Cincinnati platform a good one in 1856, he deemed
it a good one in 1860, and declared the bolt from the Charleston con
vention to have been based upon a flimsy pretext. Howell Cobb fuUy
endorsed the action of the seceding delegates, and said that the democ
racy of the state should sustain them. Every state whose deleo-ates
were for the majority platform was a democratic state, and the other
sixteen states were repubUcan. The nomination of Mr. Douo-las he
condemned. He suggested a state convention that should reappoint
the same delegates to go to both Baltimore and Richmond, and advised
a postponement of the Richmond convention until after attempt was
exhausted at Baltimore to unite the party. The letter of Mr. Stephens
was such an one as might be expected from him, calm, dispassionate, firm,
statesmanlike. He argued that non-intervention had been the estab
lished policy of the party. He had not favored it originally, but had

EOBEET TOOMBs' LETTER. 117
acquiesced in it, and now thought we should abide it. A convention
should be caUed and delegates sent to Baltimore. The demand of the
seceders should be withdrawn and nomination of a good man made. If
we were determined to quarrel with the North on general account, base
it on the aggressive acts of our enemies and not the supposed short
comings of our friends. He repeated his previously expressed views of
the impregnability of the slave institution. Mr. Toombs wrote a char
acteristic letter, short, pithy, snapping like a pistol shot, with consider
able moderation ostensibly, but holding the sword in a gloved hand.
The seceding delegates should meet at Baltimore with the adjourned
convention and endeavor to affect an adjustment. If this adjustment
could not be made the Richmond convention could be held with clearer
light for its guidance. If such a policy as he urged raet with any
considerable opposition in Georgia, let a party convention be called to
take action. The reserve hostility of this sententious letter was seen,
however, in the significant acknowledgment that he was purposely
yielding nothing, with the ultimate idea of deraanding everything, and
the unqualified declaration that, he never could give his assent that there"
was any rightful power anywhere to exclude slave property from the
territorial domain. He wound up with the suggestive and pregnant' ^
sentences: " Our greatest danger, to day, is that the Union will survive the Constitution. * * *
Look at the preservation of your rights. The Union has more friends than you have,
and will last as long, at least, as its continuance will be compatible with your safety."
Mr. Love would not have advised secession, but did not condemn the
seceders. The seceders should go back to Baltimore and try to harmo
nize. Ex-Gov. Johnson's letter was a long and able one, a model of
rhetoric and argument. He took the sarae view that Mr. Stephens did.
Non-intervention was the accepted policy of the party. A demand for
intervention was unnecessary, while intervention was valueless and of
questionable right, and doubtful policy. He had opposed the compro
mise of 1850, but he was now for sticking to it. It was a matter of
honor to stand to the compact. He advised calling a convention to
determine our policy, and send delegates to Baltiraore. Let us save the
national deraocracy to destroy Seward and his rayrraidons. Judge E.
A. Nesbit wrote a most positive, out-spoken letter and a strong one.
He conderaned the action of the seceders, and repudiated the Richmond
convention. He asserted that some of the bolters of the other states
had purposely seceded to split the party and disrupt the Union. He
was against intervention as inconsistent, in bad faith, dishonorable, crip-

118 LETTEE OF GOVEENOE BEOWN.
pling to the northern democracy, unsound in constitutional principle,
carrying the dangerous right to strike down slavery, and unavailing.
He urged a convention and sending delegates to Baltimore, regardless
of the Charleston action, to harmonize the party.
The letter of Joseph E. Brown was just such a cool, clear, practical
common-sense, conclusive view of the perplexing subject as might have
been expected from the man. It embodied a simple solution of the
problem in his plain business way. Ascribing the discord to the per
sonal ambition and animosity of leaders, and claiming that the masses
of the Democracy were true to the constitution, both North and South,
he proceeded to discuss the situation. Making no reflection upon the
Georgia delegates- who seceded or those that remained in the conven
tion, he ascribed good motives to both, and believed that the difference
properly used could be turned to benefit. As an abstract question, he
believed in the right to protection of slave property in the Territories.
The wisdom and utility of making an issue on it was another question,
and it would seem to be wise to wait until an occasion rises, which
might never happen, before making such an issue. The Democratic
"cTdctrine heretofore had been non-intervention by Congress. The
trouble now was over an attempt to put a new plank in the platform
of the party. Men might honestly differ on the expediency of such an
innovation. It had been said that the Democratic construction. North
and South, was different on the Cincinnati platform. The ansvver_to
this was that the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case had decide4-t;he
principle, and the Northern wing of the party was willing^-to-ieeognize
the decision of the Supreme Court as the correct exjiosUaon— This
should be a satisfactory settlement of the issue. He urged a State Con
vention of men of age and experience, to discuss and decide the raatter
without passion or criraination. Let delegates be sent to Baltimore and
accept the Cincinnati platform with the additional resolution that the
Northern Democracy was wUling to offer, recognizing the binding force
and correct exposition of the Supreme Court decision, or something
simUar, and the trouble would be healed. The Deraocratic party alone
presented any hope for the South in the contest with the Black Repub
lican party, and we should cling to it. It wiU be time enough for the
Richmond Convention when harraony at Baltimore on the ground indi
cated fails.
"^~ These were a masterly vivid group of letters, and strangely variant.
There were some curious changes indicated by them, the raost notable
being that HoweU Cobb and Herschell V. Johnson, who had been in

THE STATE CONSTITUTIONAL UNION CONTENTION. 119
1850 so opposed, Cobb being the Union representative and Johnson the
pronounced Southern Rights champion, had completely reversed posi
tions. Cobb was the Southern Rights advocate, and squarely defending
the seceders from the Charleston Convention; while Johnson con
demned thera and stood the Conservative exponent. Douglas and
Buchanan were very hostile, and Cobb, as a raeraber of Buchanan's
Cabinet, naturally antagonized Douglas and his platform. It was at
the time charged that the Presidential aspirations of both Cobb and
Johnson soraewhat controlled them in that e.xoiting crisis.
The conflict of opinion among the leaders was the outcome of the
popular agitation. The State was convulsed over this great political
issue. In many localities there was a fiery feeling. A duel occurred
between Dr. Holmes and Mr. Nelms about the burning of the staying
delegates in effigy, in which Mr. Nelms was wounded.
The opposition had been for some time showing activity. The party
was disorganized, but still vital. The Chronicle and Sentinel made a
suggestion that raet with favor and was soon adopted, of rebaptizing
the party under the narae of tha/ " Qonstitutional Union,.Paety."
A Convention was called and held Tn Milledgeville on the 2d of May~
1860. Gen. John W. A. Sanford was raade President, and John Mil
ledge and Dr. R. A. T. Ridley, Vice-Presidents; C. R.' Hanleiter, L. F.
W. Andrews and C. H. C. Willinghara were Secretaries. Forty-four
counties only were represented by 111 delegates. Among the leading
members were A. H. Kenan, R. M. Orme, Clifford Anderson, M. W.
Lewis, R. L. McWhorter. D. W. Lewis, R. P. Trippe, C. H. Hopkins,
G. E. Thoraas, P. Reynolds, John MiUedge, Ranse Wright, C. A. Evans
and BJHj_^igiam.
The resolutions adopted pledged the party to co-operate with all men
who believ&d.in the duty of Ihe government to protect slave property
in the territories, and that any legislation to defeat the fugitive ..slave
law was unconstitutional. An Executive Coraraittee was raade of J. W.
A. Sandford, C. H. Hopkins, H. Holt, L. F. W. Andrews, R. A. T. Ridley,
Dr. H. V. M. MiUer, Dr. S. H. Freeman, D. W. Lewis and John MiUef.
Delegates were appointed to a National Constitutional Union Conven
tion at Baltiraore, of whom those for the state at large were Dr. R. A.
T. Ridley, Joshua HiU, A. R. Wright and J. C. S. Lee. The Chairman
in his speech of thanks declared that the Democratic party that had
controlled the country so long with a blundering policy was discordant,
and could not even be held together by the cohesive power of public
plunder. Good men must now rally to save the country. The resolu-

120 THE STATE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF JUNE, 1861.
tions of this convention were ignored by the Constitutional Union Con
vention of Baltimore, which norainated the Hon. John Bell of Tennes
see, and Edward Everett of Massachusetts, as its Presidential ticket.
The Republican party had also nominated at Chicago Abe Lincoln of
lUinois for President, and Hannibal Hamlin of Maine for Vice-President,
^pon a platform that declared the territories free, .and denied the right
of Congress or any other power to give legal existence to slavery in any
4;erritory. The issue thus raade was clear and distinct. It was raore, —
it was defiant and aggressive.
The Democratic Convention of June the 4th, 1860, was looked to with
profound interest. One hundred and twelve counties were represented
by three hundred and forty delegates. It was a large body and in point
of ability a strong one. Among the delegates were L. H. Briscoe, P.
Tracy, J. Hartridge, W. H. Stil.es, H. R. Jackson, S. Cohen, Howell
Cobb, N. Tift, J. H. Lumpkin, B. C. Yancey, T. C. Howard, Thos.
Butler King, W. H. Dabney, W. E. Simraons, Herschell V. Johnson,
Saml. Hall, Hiram Warner, T. P. Saffold, A. H. Chappell, J. Wingfield,
T. L. Guerry, A. Hood, Jas. Gardner, Julian Cumming, W. W.
Montgomery, W. A. Hawkins, T. M. Furlow, H. K. McCoy, J. C.
Maund, J. L. Seward, George Hillyer, C. W. Styles, J. S. Hook, R. L.
Warthen, B. D. Evans, J. C. Nichols, I. T. Irwin.
The President was T. L. Guerry. The chairman of the Business
Committee was Wra. H. Stiles. On this committee were both HoweU
Cobb and Herschell V. Johnson. A majority and minority report were
both made, the latter signed by H. V. Johnson, Thos. P. Saffold, H. K.
McCoy, and A. Colvard. The majority report took imperative ground
for the protection of slavery in the territories, endorsed the seceders
from the Charleston Convention and reappointed the entire delegation
to the Charleston Convention, to represent the State in the Baltimore
Convention, and if the slavery programme was not adopted there to go
into the Richmond Convention. The minority report reaffirmed the
'Cincinnati platform with an additional resolution declaring that slave
|)roperty was entitled to the same legal recognition in the territories as
any other property, and the right could not be impaired by Congress or
"aTterritorial government. The minority report further provided for a
new delegation to Baltimore.
The session of the convention continued two days. The discussion
upon the reports was intense and elaborate. T. P. Saffold, Howell
Cobb, J. L. Seward, Dr. J. Branham, B. C. Yancey, James Gardner, H.
V. Johnson and Henry R. Jackson all spoke. Several of the speeches

THE CONVENTION SPLITS UP. 121
were very able. Ex-Gov. Johnson began his speech before the noon
adjournment of the second day, and concluded it after dinner. His
speech was powerfully begun and a master-piece of argument and elo
quence. Even his opponents acknowledged its magnificent power.
But what slight causes can affect human effort. Wearied at the close
of the morning session, and' unable from the strain upon him to eat any
dinner, he took a glass of wine upon an empty stomach to strengthen
himself, and it sickened him, rendering the continuation of his speech
so difficult that its diminution of vigor was marked. Jackson and Cobb
both raade strong efforts for the majority report. The Convention was
nearly one-sided. The majority report was adopted by a vote of 298f
yeas to 41^ nays.
The minority, of, the.. Convention then entered a protest against the
majority report thus adopted on the grounds that it asserted proposi
tions that were inyiolatioiL. of. the estabUshed Democratic doctrine, of
non-intervention, and that would disrupt the National Convention; that
it Tiyimplioation condemned the delegates who did not secede at
Charleston; and that its appointment of delegates. to Richmond, de
tached this Convention practically from the National Democracy.
Aiiiohg others this protest was signed by Jaraes Gardner, George W.
Laraar, T- P- Saffold, J. L. Seward, Hiram Warner and Jas. S. Hook.
The minority of the convention, also, imraediately organized what
they called " A National Democratic State Convention," of which Hiram
Warner was made president. Twenty-four counties with 63 delegates
were represented. In addition to the delegates above mentioned as
protesting against the majority report there were IJ.. V. Johnson, Jas.
A. Nisbet, Jas. T. Nisbet, A. E. Cochrane, J. W. Duncan, A. H.£happell,
JuUan Cumming, W. W. Montgoraery and others. A full set of dele
gates were appointed to the Baltimore convention, and the minority
report was unanimously adopted. The delegates selected were:
State at large.— 'R. V. Johnson, James Gardner, Absalom H. ChappeU
and Hiram Warner.
District Delegates.— 1st, J. L. Seward, Wm. B. Gaulden; 2d, R.
Whitely, B. Y. Martin; 3d, N. Bass, S. W. Burney; 4th, J. P. Hamble
ton, S. C. Candler; 5th, A. R. Wright, H. P. Farrow; 6th, R. McMillan,
J. P. Simmons; 7th,JL_R_Saffold, J. Thoraas; Sth, L. A. Nelms, A. C.
Walker. A committee of three, consisting of H. V. Johnson, Jas. A. Nisbet
and Nathan. Bass, was appointed to issue an address to the people of
Georgia, explaining their action. The address evidently emanated from

122 THE BALTIMOEE CONVENTION OF 1860.
the brain of Gov. Johnson. It was a compact, vigorous, polished paper,
blending force and finish. The minority .report, it said, was admitted
by the majority to be sound in principle, and only differed from .,the_
majority in not demanding the undemocratic doctrine of intervention.
It also refused to recognize the sectional convention at Richmjaifi- The
majority report denationalized the Georgia democracy and made it a
probable conclusion that the State would not be received in the national
convention. The minority had appointed delegates upon a sound unob
jectionable platform, and if the majority delegates were rejected the
minority delegates would attempt to prevent Georgia frora being unrep
resented. The address made no censures upon any one, but candidly
' declared that it beUeved, that the urging of the doctrine of intervention
i was unwise, and fraught with danger to the national democracy and to
'! the best interests of the South.
It will be seen how every step of events in Georgia during this year
was marked by unhealed and growing divisions. The spirit of discord
was rife, and the drift to disunion was steady and irresistible. Men
either could not or would not harmonize, though harraony was so easy.
Looking at the differences at this long distance, out of the fever of
those days, one wonders, with the terrific contingency of a disruption
of the party and its certain and immeasurable results of evil, that as
sensible raen as there were in control of raatters, did not fix a settlement
of the party divisions. There can be but one explanation. There were
enough disunionists to drive party disintegration as the sure agency of
national dissolution. The abolitionists of the north were equaUy
resolved to extirpate slavery, and furnished the needed stimulus of a
biting and incessant provocation. Conservative men were powerless,
and a raoderate policy irapossible in the heated teraper of the era.
The Richmond convention met and adjourned until the 21st of June,
1860. The Baltimore convention asserabled. Both Georgia delegations
applied for adraission. The committee of credentials finally made
majority and minority reports. The majority report favored the admis
sion of both delegations with a division of Georgia's vote, and the
admission of contesting delegations in place of seceders from the other
Southern states. The minority report favored the admission of all the
seceding delegations. The convention admitted the seceding Georgia
delegation headed by H. L. Benning, and rejected the national derao
cratic delegation headed by James Gardner. The seceding delegations
frora the other states were rejected and new ones admitted. ¦ Delegations
from Alabama and Louisiana were not admitted at all. Upon this

THE NATIONAL DEMOCEACY RIVEN. 123
action the Georgia delegation refused to go in, and the majority of the
delegations frora Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, California and
Oregon withdrew frora the convention, and Delaware declined to take
any part for the present. Missouri alone was entirely represented from
the south, and a few delegates remained frora Virginia, North Carolina
and Tennessee. The party rupture was complete. There was no hope
of reconcUiation. The disintegration proceeded. Kentucky withdrew.
The majority of the Massachusetts delegation went out. Hon. Caleb
Gushing, the president of the convention, resigned, because his state of
Massachusetts was thus unrepresented. One hundred and ninety dele
gates were left, a new chairraan was chosen, and Stephen A. Douglas
nominated for President, and Gov. Fitzpatrick of Alabama for Vice
President. Fitzpatrick wisely declined. In Washington on the 25tfi,
^e Douglas delegates„selected Herschell V. Johnson of Georgia in his
place, who q,cci''-?^-'^-^
The seceders immediately organized a National State Rights Conven
tion. Hon. Caleb Cushing was made president. Two hundred and ten
delegates, representing twenty-one states, and 284 votes, constituted
the convention. The states were Vermont, Massachusetts, New York,
Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South
Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabaraa, Louisiania, Mississippi, Texas,
Arkansas, Missouri, Tennessee, Kentucky, California and Oregon. The
raajority report of the Charleston convention was adopted, and John C.
Breckenridge of Kentucky was nominated for President, and Joseph
Lane of Oregon for Vice-President.
The fatal work was done. The democratic party in the very height
of its power was stricken down by its own hand. The only constitution-
lo-ving political organization in the country that had the popular confidence
deUberately enacted its own disintegration, and turned the government
over to a sectional party. The result was a foregone conclusion. Split
into warring fragments, the otherwise irresistible strength of the democ
racy was wasted, and a minority party, the Black Republican, regardless
of constitutions, but battling against slavery on grounds of humanity,
had an easy victory. In the light of comraon sense the democratic
division was a mad piece of policy, useless and destructive. In the
illuraination of a Providential purpose, it was the means to a great end,
to be worked out through a travail, which, if it could have been foreseen,
would have frightened back the consummation. The democratic rupture
at Baltimore was the practical inception of the revolution.

CHAPTER XV.
THE MOMENTOUS CLOSE OF THB LAST YEAR OF PEACE,
1860.
A Matchless State Prosperity. — Brown's Growth in Public Esteem.— The Gallagher
Rifle. — D. A. Walker. — H. V. Johnson's Up-hill Campaign. — Electoral Tickets for
Breckenridge. — Douglas and Bell. — The State convulsed. — Francis S. Bartow and
his flaming Speech. — An Era of Delirium. — An Epoch of Eloquence. — Georgia's
Galaxy of Orators. — Varney Gaskill's Expulsion. — -No Popular Election in Georgia.
— The Legislature. — Gov. Brown's Message. — A Bold Paper. — Preparation for War
Urged. — Retaliatory Legislation recommended. — A Convention advised. — The Leg
islature elected the Breckenridge Ticket. — The Secession Convention called.- — Ten
Thousand Troops authorized. — Money Alarraed. — Business Shocked. — Brown's Bit
ter Battle with the Legislature over the Bank Question. — Gov. Bro-B'n opposed Sus
pension. — Bill Passed. — Veto. — Bill Passed over Veto. — House Attacked Governor.
— Unquailing Message in Reply. — Resolutions of Censure by House. — A Universal
Fighting Time. — Brown an Unyielding Foe. — He Denounced the Censure and
Scathed the House. — The Electoral Ticket call for Gov. Brown's Vie-n's on the
Crisis.— A Strong Reply.
Amid all this trouble in Georgia over Federal politics, the state con
tinued to progress in prosperity under the matchless administration of
Gov. Brown. He took no active part in national matters, but devoted
himself with his accustomed zeal and vigilance, to the details of state
government. He steadily grew in popular esteem, and daily widened his
reputation and influence. He oontinued to deal with state questions,
promptly and masterfully. The state road was made to pay increasing
monthly installments into the state treasury. The pardon power was
rarely exercised. The surplus in the treasury, placed there by his
superb management, was devoted to taking up bonds not due, and thus
diminishing the public debt and taxation.
While he was not an active participant in the political tumult of the
day, he was a close observer of events, and had a keen, practical eye to
the future and held in consideration the needs of the state. He foresaw
the coming conflict, and was for preparing for it. Some Savannah gen
tlemen, Dr. M. J. Gallagher and W. H. Gladding, had invented a rifle,
Gov. Brown had it tested with a view to its manufacture and distribu
tion in the state. Mr. Eli McConnell and John Jones made a competi
tive trial with it, upon twelve inch planks an inch apart. This rifle beat

< y -70 x.^

yy',c^^l^

-V //-7/.

II. v. JOHNSON FOE VICE-PEESIDENT. 1'35
both the Sharpe and Minie weapons. Gov. Brown wrote as follows
about it to Dr. Gallagher and Mr. J. D. Delannoy.
" Recent events have, I think, satisfied the southern people that it is wise for them to
arm. I have but little confidence in high-sounding speeches and resolutions. We must
meet aggression in future by energetic preparation and prompt action. The legislature
which places your " Georgia Rifle " or some other first rate arra in the hand of every
person iu the state, qualified to do railitary dut.v, will have done more to protect tlie
South against aggression than has been done by all the resolutions of its predecessors.
'The argument is already ' exhausted.' Let us have no raore compromises, and if the full
measure of our rights is denied in futurej^tjis stand by our gjins."
The resignation of L. W. Crook as judge of the Cherokee Circuit was
the occasion of Gov. Brown appointing in his place a gentleman who
afterwards became quite a marked person. Judge Dawson A. Walker
was a Tennesseean by birth. A self-made man and very plain in man
ners and habits, he was a lawyer of uncommon ability and energy,
and a citizen of integrity and pure character. He became a Judge of
the Supreme Court, defeating Henry L. Benning before the legislature
for that office by the aid of William Dougherty. He was the Republi
can candidate for Governor against Gov. Smith. He has recently died
enjoying general esteem.
The nomination of Breckenridge and Lane was generally endorsed in
Georgia. The only leaders who supported Douglas. and Johnson were
Alex. H. Stephen^ Ranse Wright, Eugenius A. N,esbit, Hiram Warner,
B. Y. Martin,_ J. L. Seward and Absalom H. Chappell. There were a
few in favor of Bell and Everett, but the mass of the public raen, in
cluding both the Democrats and the Opposition, were for Breckenridge
and Lane. But three papers, a,dyo„cated_.Douglas and_ JohM
.^ugusta , Con,sti^tiQ,uaMst, Rome Southerner and Atlanta Confederacy.
Gov. Joseph E. Brown gave the Breckenridge ticket a hearty support.
While deeply regretting the division of the Democratic party, and think
ing that no sufficient cause existed for a split, as the division was made,
he stood as he had always stood, with the South. Gov. Johnson, who had
been so widely popular, experienced the vicissitudes of political favor. In
Macon he was hung in effigy, but the act was severely condemned by the
Breckenridge press. He spoke a number of times. In Savannah he
was hissed, and defiantly declared that he repeated his views in spite of
the hisses of " serpents and geese," meeting the indignity differently
frora Mr. Toombs, who, when hissed in Boston during his famous speech
there, good-naturedly told the people that he had no objection to their
hissing if they preferred that method of expressing their feelings ; and
again, when at some reference to the fugitive slave law they hissed, he

126 THEEE ELECTOEAL TICKETS IN GEOEGIA.
quietly remarked that they were hissing the Constitution of their coun
try and not him. Gov. Johnson had an uphill business in this campaign.
He was a sensitive and not at all a corabative man, and illy-suited for a
struggle against such odds as he had to flght, and against the preju
dices of his own people. The papers rang with charges against his polit
ical integrity, and these and the personal discourtesy that flamed out
in this hot canvass were something he was little fitted to meet.
The Democratic State Convention met on the Sth of August, 1860,
and selected a Breckenridge and Lane electoral ticket. A hundred
counties were repiresented by several hundred delegates, including the
leading men of the State. Mr. Toombs was a delegate, as also the two
brothers, Alfred H. Colquitt and Peyton H. Colquitt from different
counties. W. J. Vason was made President. Mr. Toombs was chair
man of the business committee. The resolutions were short and to the
point. The following bears unmistakable marks of Mr. Toombs' fiery
spirit. " Sth. Resolved, That -n-e erabrace with our whole hearts and trust with onr -whole
counsels those noble patriots iu the non-slaveholding States, who, neither disheartened
by treachery nor overawed by majorities, maintain the truth aud stand by the Consti
tution and the equality of the States, the only bond of everlasting Union."
The electoral ticket was:
Electors at large. — C. J. McDonald, H. R. Jackson.
Alternates. — A. H. Colquitt, Wm. H. Dabney.
District Electors. — 1st, Peter Cone; 2d, Wm. M. Slaughter; 3d, O.
C. Gibson; 4th, H. Buchanan; 5th, Lewis TuraUn; 6th, H. Strickland;
7th, W. A. Lofton; Sth, Wm. M. Mcintosh.
The Doiigi1as-.-a,nd Johnson State Democratic Convention met in
Milledgeville. on the 14th of August, 1860. A. J. Lawson of Burke,
was made President. Sixty-three counties were represented by 190
delegates. The electoral ticket selected was:
Electors at large. — Alex. H. Stephens, Aug. R. Wright, of Floyd.
Alternates. — T. P. Saffold, Jas. Gardner.
Diitrict Electors. — 1st, James L. Seward; 2d, B. Y. Martin; 3d,
Nathan Bass; 4th, H. Warner; 5th, J. W. Harris; 6th, J. P. Simmons;
7th, J. S. Hook; Sth, J. Cumming.
The resolutions were a simple endorsement of Douglas and Johnson
and the platform of the convention that nominated them. A resolution
was also passed inviting Mr. Douglas to visit Georgia and deliver an
address. Gov. Johnson was invited before the Convention and de
livered a powerful and eloquent speech.

FRANCIS S. BARTOW. 127
The convention of the Bell^jidEverett party put the foUowing ticket
in the field:
State Electors.— W\\\\a,m Law, B. H._HiU.
District Electors. — 1st, S. B. Spencer; 2d, M. Douglass; 3d, L. T.
Doyal; 4th, W. T. Wright; 5th, J. R. Parrott; 6th, H. P. BeU; 7th, J.
E. Dupree; Sth, L. Laraar.
The issue was clearly made up with the three electoral tickets, all
composed of the very best men in the State. There was no personal
consideration in the support given. The issue was decided on its merits.
The canvass was very active. The state was covered with large gather
ings and swarmed with speakers. Many of the opposition party came
over to Breckenridge and Lane, notably such men as Dr. H. V. M.
MUler, and Francis S. Bartow. The canvass was aggressive on all sides.
Mr. Bell was savagely assaulted for not having endorsed the Dred Scott
decision. Mr. Douglas was charged with being ready to ally with the
Black Republicans, and one of his strongest and most influential sup
porters, Hon. A. H. Chappell, left him on account of this accusation.
The point was fiercely pushed upon Gov. Johnson as to what he would
do if Abe Lincoln was elected, and whether he would submit. He
thundered back that he would hold the Breckenridge and Lane party
responsible. The whole tendency of the intensely heated canvass was
to educate and drive the popular will to disunion if the Black Republi
cans succeeded. Said that most brilliant and impetuous spirit, Francis
S. Bartow, in a burning speech in Savannah, with a sad prophetic fore-
caste of his heroic death at Manassas in the very beginning of the war:
" I am tired of this endless controversy. I ara wearied with seeing this threatening
cloud forever above our heads. If the storra is to come, and it seems to me as though
it must, be its fury ever so great, I court it now iu the day of my vigor and strength.
(Applause). If any man is to peril life, fortune and honor iu defense of our rights, I
claim to be one of these men. (Immense applause.) Let it come flow, I am ready for
it. Put it not off until to-morrow, or the next day, we shall not be stronger by
waiting. (Continued applause.) I do not wish to destroy the government. I am a
Union raan in every fiber of my heart. I have gloried in its missions of humanity, in
its heroic birth, and youthful struggles, and in the grandeur of its maturity. God never
launched a nation on a more raagnificent career. It has been the home of the oppressed
and the asylum of the desolate from every land. In it to-day are wrapped the hopes of
universal man — but I will peril all — all before I will abandon our rights in the Union or
submit tobe governed by an unprincipled raajority. (Great applause)."
It is the nature of manly men — men of high spirit, to fret under sus
pense, and to precipitate impending and inevitable issues. It was this
spirit which made the situation in 1860 so full of delirium and peril.
Southern men saw no end to the slavery agitation save in submission or

128 A CARNIVAL OF ELOQUENCE.
fight. The former was out of the question. They invited the latter as
the only means of settling the struggle. It was a desperate feeling,
and it seized the most tame-spirited. ' There perhaps has never been
a time that brought to the front more vehement and maddening 'elo
quence than that stormy year of 1860. Georgia was full of superb orators,
and in the themes of that wild day they found constant and congenial
material for impassioned and irresistible oratory. It is in such whirling
times of upheaval and passion and madness that eloquent raen find their
most thrUling mission. The canvass was a carnival of splendid speaking.
Men's blood was at fever heat under a long felt and long-repressed sense
of wrong. It was no day for reason or argument save what rolled -with
the passions, that were rising higher daily. Georgia has never been so
affluent in great minds and superlative speakers as in that time. There
.was a superb galaxy of mental giants and genuine orators. Toombs,
Johnson, Cobb, the Stephens brothers, Jackson, Bartow, Miller, the two
Wrights, Hill, and Colquitt were all men of splendid power on the
stump, all magnetic, and all threw themselves into that dramatic agita
tion with the whole fervor of their souls. Any one of these men was
fitted to lead in any assemblage anywhere, while several enjoyed a
national reputation of the very largest measure. Mr. Douglas himself
came to Georgia and spoke in Atlanta during the canvass to an immense
audience. Ben Hill and Warren Akin bore the brunt of the battle on the
iBell and Everett side, and did it well. Mr. Hill, near the close of the can-
/ vass, published a letter urging the fusion of parties for the sake of the
Icountry, but he was unmercifully lampooned for the suggestion by the
tereckenridge and Lane press and speakers. And Col. Wm. McKinley,
the chairman of the Breckenridge executive committee, published a card
officially denying for the CDmmittee any idea of such a fusion. It was
charged that thj3 movement was a confession of weakness and a trick
to defeat Breckenridge, but in the light of results, it was a wise and a
patriotic proposition.
As an illustration of the spirit that prevailed, the treatment of Col.
Vjirney A. Gaskill is in point. He was chairman of the Fulton county
Breckenridge executive committee. Believing that he was coquettino-
with the BeU and Everett people, the committee met and passed, and
published the following bitter resolution:
" Wliereas, V. A. Gaskill having forfeited all confidence of this Executive Committee,
by his political course in the presidential canvass, by his public and private political ter
giversations, therefore.
Resolved, That V. A. Gaskill be expelled from this Executive committee, and that he
is no longer worthy of our political fellowship."

BEECKENEIDGE AND LANE ELECTED. 129
An organization was established in the state that was originated in
Macon, called the " JNIinute Men," irrespective of party, whose purpose
was to " sustain southern constitutional equality in the Union, or fail
ing in that, to establish our independence out of it." In Atlanta, the
" Minute Jlen" was started by Col. T. C. Howard, and numbered over 400
members. Such raen as Howell Cobb, noted as Unionists, emphatically
menaced and foreshadowed disunion. Said Mr. Cobb at Marietta, but
a short while before the election in a most powerful and effective speech:
" The hour of Georgia's dishonor in the Union should be the hour of her
independence out of the Union."
The day of election carae at last, and Lincoln and Hanilin were
elected. In Georffia the vote stood as follows: Breckenridge and Laner~>
.51^93j.I)p_uglasja,ftd.,J.ot!ns.Qn, .11,580,, BeU j,nd..^Everett^42,8 None/
of the electoral tickets having received a majority of the whole vote,
the choice of the electors was therefore thrown into the legislature.
The success of the Black Republican ticket fell upon the South with
maddening effect. There had been a fixed belief that somehow such a
result would not happen, and the Breckenridge men in Georgia were
pretty sure of carrying the presidency. But there stood the inexorable
result, and it produced the effect of a volcanic eruption. The Georgia
legislature assembled for its regular annual session, the same legislature
that had held in 1859. The speaker of the House, Hon. I. T. Irwin, had
died, and Gen. C. J. Williams was elected in his place. Several new
senators and representatives had been elected, among them, R. C.
Huraber, George T. Barnes and John Davison, who have been prominent
since the war. Mr. Barnes is at present the Georgia member of the
National Democratic Executive Coramittee, this being his second term
in that capacity. He is a gentleman of fine talent and character.
The annual message of Gov. Brown was devoted to the business mat
ters of the state, and made a striking exhibit. The state road had paid
$450,000 into the Treasury. Of the state debt not due, $117,000 had
been paid in addition to the interest and principal due. The School
Fund had been increased $200,000, besides $150,000 paid out for educa
tional purposes. The sura of $75,000 had been appropriated at the last
session to buy arras for the state military. An increase of the appro
priation was recomraended. All of the institutions of the state were in
the best condition. The subject of our Federal relations, Gov. Brown
made the occasion of a special message of great length and elaboration,
and practical abUity. The message was written before it was certain
that the Black Republican ticket was elected, but when sufficient re-

130 GOVERNOR brown's message.
turns had come in to render it probable. Reviewing the anti-fugitive
slave law legislation of half a dozen of the northern states, he urged as
the only means to meet such aggression, a system of retaliatory legisla
tion against such states. He recommended raeasures of reprisal upon
the property of Massachusetts citizens for instance in Georgia, and with
drawal of protection to such citizens, besides discriraination against the
manufactures and products of the offending states. In the event that
the Black Republican ticket was elected, he advised the calling of a con
vention of the people of the state, to devise a proper course. He con
cluded with the recommendation that the sum of one million of doUars
be appropriated for a military fund, with the view of armed resistance to
any further aggression.
This messag.e of Gov. Brown was a typical instance of the man's
methods. Its keen discernment of the situation, its stern recognition
of disagreeable facts, its thoughtful consideration of remedies, its
thorough preparation for the worst, its bold assumption of responsibility,
its daring aggressiveness, its large comprehension of probable needs,
and its magnitude of plan, all inspired by prompt and iron-wiUed nerve,
and conducted with confidence and practical sense, were all just what
the people had learned to expect frora this reraarkable man. The mes
sage awakened a general interest over the whole Union. It evoked
bitter denunciations from abroad. For a month the table of the execu
tive office was covered with letters frora every factory in the North,
representing in every variety of penraanship, orthography and rhetoric,
the ills which would befall any nuraber of raen, women and children,
should Georgia carry out the policy of her Governor.
It was but a few days until the election of Lincoln and Hamlin was
a certainty. County meetings were held in all parts of Georgia, and
resolutions poured in a steady current upon the General Assembly urging
action. Savannah' led off under inspiration of the impetuous Bartow,
and declared that the election of Lincoln and Hamlin ought not to be
submitted to, and asking for a convention, and measures to organize and
arm the forces of the State. A convention of military corapanies
presided over by John W. Anderson, resolved that " Georgia can no
longer remain in the Union consistently with her safety and best
interest." The appropriation of a miUion .of dollars for military purposes,
recommended by the Governor, was endorsed by this convention of
soldiers, and their services tendered to the Governor.
Governor Brown issued his proclamation announcing that there had
been no selection of electors by the people, and the duty devolved upon

THE FIRST STEP IN SECESSION. 131
the General Assembly, and he suggested that in view of the fact that
the Black Republican candidates were elected, and the Georgia vote
would not alter the result, that for the sake of harmony, so essential now
in the South, a refusal to go through the forms of, an election wouldi
be poUtic. He also announced by authority that ex-Gov. McDonald,
one of the electors on the Breckenridge ticket, would not allow his
name used, as he was too feeble to cast the vote. IiisJ.egislature,
however, deeraed it imperative to choose the,gle,ctors,,and the Brecken-
ridge ticEeiTa^Jilictgd, TuBstTtuting Alfred H. Colquitt forex-Cjov.
McDonald. This legislature of 1860 did important work. A convention of the
people of Georgia was called for the 16th day of January, 1861, the
election of delegates to take place on the first Wednesday in January,
1861. The act passed unanimously.
The coramittee upon the State of Republic addressed a comraunica
tion to the following gentlemen, asking them to meet together in a
practical and conciliatory counsel, and suggest a line of policy for the
legislature: Joseph E. Brown, Alex. H. Stephens, R. Toombs, Jos. H.
Lumpkin, R. F. Lyon, Charles J. Jenkins, J. W. A. Sanford, H. L.
Benning, G. Andrews, Linton Stephens, M. J. Crawford, B. H. Hill, F.
S. Bartow, Jaraes Jackson, T. R. R. Cobb, H. V. Johnson, E. H. Baxter,
J. H. Howard. These gentlemen asserabled and recommended the call
ing of a convention with the foUowing preamble:
" Whereas, the present crisis in our national affairs, in the judgment of this General
Assembly, demands resistance ; aud, whereas, it is the privilege and right of the
sovereign people to determine upon the mode, measure and time of such resistance."
The office of Adjutant General of the state was created; the accept
ance by the Governor of 10,000 troops was authorized; the purchase
of 1,000 Maynard rifles and carbines for the coast defence ordered; and
an appropriation of one milUon of dollars for military purposes made.
A Direct Trade Company was incorporated; the sum of $2,500 appropri
ated yearly to the State Agricultural Society, a practice still kept up ;
and $2,500 appropriated to the Cotton Planters' Convention. All of
these were practical raatters, looking to preparation for the troubles
irapending, and for a changed condition of affairs.
The menacing state of politics could, of course, have but one effect
Tpon business. ' Capital became alarraed. All classes of business felt
the shock of apprehension. Trade was disturbed, investments ceased,
and general commerce was paralyzed. Money was locked up, and the
cloud of financial distress darkened the country. The banks. North and

132 ANOTHER BATTLE OF THE BANKS.
South, looked forward to suspension, and a bill was introduced and
passed, granting relief to the Georgia banks. It seemed as if the banks
were destined to be a fruitful and constant source of combat between
Governor Brown and the legislatures of the State. Somehow or other
they could not agree, and the Executive was not the sort of a person to
yield his convictions to any pressure, nor to pin, his opinions upon any
number of coat sleeves. He promptly sent back a veto of the bank
relief bill. He said that he had been opposed in 1857 to bank suspen
sions, and his views had been sustained by the people. There was less
reason now for a bank suspension than then. The advocates of bank
relief admitted that the banks could raeet their liabUities, but it would
cost something. In view of their superior advantages some sacrifice is
due from them. Bank men practiced upon popular credulity with the
absurdity that suspensions were for the benefit of the people. If so,
why were the lobbies filled with bank officers spending money to secure
the passage of relief bills. He had seen such influences brought before
in 1857. The people had not asked for suspension. The relief measure
freed the banks from the penalties of not redeeming their bills, and left
the bill holder to suffer loss. Was this a benefit to the people ? It
would be time enough to legalize suspension on account of the political
state of affairs when an occasion arose, and as far as they should go would
be to put in the Executive discretion to withhold proceedings against
the banks if it was required. In the event of suspension of anv
Savannah, Augusta or Atlanta bank, the collection of debts in the state
ceased until December 1st, 1861, and executions became stopped with
out security. These provisions were an injustice to plaintiffs in^ fa
and to creditors, and gave all advantage to creditors out of the state
who could resort to the United States Courts. Northern raerchants
could enforce claims against Southern merchants, while Southern mer
chants would be powerless to raise money from their debtors. Was
this resistance to Northern aggression ? Regretting to differ from the
legislature, he yet was compelled to veto the bill because objectionable
and unjust.
The bill was promptly passed over his veto, but the matter did not
stop here. His utterances in the veto message about lobbyists seemed
to have given offense. Mr. Di.xon of IMuscogee, offered a resolution
requesting the Governor to give information showing that any member
had voted for the relief bill for money, or that any bank had used
money to secure the passage of the bill. The words about which expla
nation was asked, were these:

THE HOUSE RASPS GOVERNOR BROWN. 133
" Why is it, that these gentlemen never take upon themselves to guard the people's
interest, and spend money to secure the passage of bills through the legislature, except
when it is desirable to pass a bank suspension bill."
To this resolution the Governor returned a well-tempered, polite
reply, directed to the Senate, in which he said that he took pleasure in
saying to the Senate, " that no charge of bribery was intended, that
the language was general, and was meant to be directed against what is
known as lobby influence, when gentlemen leave their homes, and spend
raoney for traveling expenses, tavern bills, etc., for the purpose of
hanging around the General Assembly to try to influence the minds of
members, so as to secure the passage of a particular bill." The unruffled
and imraovable Executive proceeded to say that he saw nothing in the
message " he desired to retract or modify." No raeraber of the Sen
ate to whora his message was addressed appeared to have suspected
reflection on hiraself until the discovery was supposed to have been dis^
covered elsewhere. He did not doubt that upon a calm review each
Senator ^ould now see that he saw in it no imputation upon himself, as
" conscious innocence will never appropriate to itself language in which
others can see no charge, or even dubious language as an imputation of
criminality." This message gave still farther offense to the House, which passed a
resolution offered by Mr. Dixon, which was put on the journals of the
House, reciting that the answer had not been communicated to the
House, that it was an evasion of a charge the Governor could not main
tain, and the language of the answer was disrespectful to the House,
therefore, " Resolved, That his Excellency, Gov. Brown, has not only abused the privileges of this
House, but has failed to maintain in his oflScial intercourse with this body, that dignity
of deportment,-which becomes the Chief Magistrate of Georgia."
It was a war-like time then. Men's fighting blood was up. And it
took, in the sweeping belligCTence of the universal atmosphere, little
provocation to get up a muss between anybody and about anything.
Joe Bro-wn too was the worst person in the country to tackle. Nature;
in making him, had rather put an over than an under stock of com
bativeness. It is rather to be suspected that his Excellency had a sort
of natural relish for a set-to with other folks. Be this as it may, it
stands true that no one ever struck Gov. Brown without getting hit
back, and if he ever declined a combat it is not chronicled, nor has it
been susceptible of proof. This attack on the Governor was a flimsy
one, and it is surprising that it was made, and that the legislative body

134 GOVERNOR BROWN STRIKES BACK AT THE HOUSE.
allowed itself to take part in it. Congregations of raen nor official
veneer never had any terrors for this level-headed raan of the people.
He flung back the House censure with a cool, biting defiance and con
tempt. Reviewing the raatter concisely he showed that he had not
evaded the charge, violated any privilege of the House, nor faUed in
dignity in his intercourse with the House. He used this language about
the resolution of the House.
" They were conceived in passion, prompted by a spirit of personal revenge, and not
of public duty — undignified in their bearing, untrue in tlieir statements, aud unju,st in
the assault which they make upon a co-ordinate branch of the government."
He ordered his reply to be entered upon the permanent records of the
Executive Department, the legislature having adjourned before he pre
pared the message. Like everything else that he did, this spirited re
ply and the controversy that elicited it, only strengthened Gov. Bro-wn
with the people as a fearless champion of the public interest and the
bold assailant of evil.
It was a striking evidence of the hold he had on the public confidence
and the estimate that was placed upon his judgment, that the electoral
ticket chosen by the legislature addressed him alone of all the dis
tinguished public raen of the State, a letter asking his views upon the
situation as being " eagerly desired." Gov. Brown's response was a
practical common-sense view of affairs, in which he said some very strik
ing truths. The election of Mr. Lincoln, simply as a successful candi
date, would not justify secession, but as the triumph of the Northern
section of the Union over the Southern section, upon a platform of
avowed hostUity to Southern rights, justified the South in withdrawing
from a confederacy where she could not be protected. Submission to
\ the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln now would result in the final aboUtion
I of slavery. If resistance was not made now it would be fruitless here-
i3&^^- He discussed fully the business effect upon the South of the
abolition of slavery. Impartially scrutinizing the outlook, he expressed
the opinion that the South could never live in peace with the Northern
abolitionists unless we could have new constitutional guarantees that
would stop the slavery agitation. These the Northern people would
never give. There was no doubt that the States around Georgia would
secede, and we would thus be surrounded by free and independent
^ states, with whom we have a common interest, and to refuse to stand
I with whom would in no way benefit us. Let wise raen be sent to the
; convention, and let them act for the best to protect our rights and pre
serve our liberties.

CHAPTER XVI.
THE STUBBORN BATTLE IN GEORGIA OVER DISUNION.
A- Majority Against Disunion. — The County Appeals to the Legislature. — A StrikJM^
Batch of Papers. — The Greene County Resolutions aud M. W. Lewis. — Stately In|P-
tive. — Stephens, Johnson and Ben Hill, against Secession. — Dr. Lovick Pierce. —
HoweU Cobb.— L. J. Gartrell. — The People Halting. — Toombs Drives the Wedge
Finally. — His Master Stroke of Disunion. — His Conservative Danbury Letter. — His
Scheme of the Crittenden Resolutions, which Tested the Black Republican Wil
lingness to Compromise. — His Ringing Dispatch for Disunion. — William L. Harris
of Mississippi. — Gov. Brown and the Banks Again. — The Choice Pardon. — Charles
J. Jenkins.
A PRETTY fair criterion of the disunion sentiraent in Georgia before
the election of Lincoln and Hamlin was the Breckenridge vote. The
union element voted for Douglas and Bell. The Breckenridge plat
form naturaly attracted the most pronounced Southern rights men who
were for making an unqualified issue for slavery. The vote showed a
majority against disunion. The election of Lincoln set the current
steadUy to secession, and fixed a majority for national dissolution. But
there was yet an iramense reserve of decided union sentiment, that
resolutely sought to stem the disunion tide. Over forty counties held
public meetings and transmitted resolutions to the General Assemblj'.
These solemn utterances of public opinion constituted a remarkable
body of popular expressions. Whether for or against disunion they
were tinged with a white heat, and echoed the tumultuous agitation of
the tirae. The bulk of them demanded secession, but there were some'
raost extraordinary, eloquent and prophetic appeals and pleas for union.
The resolutions from Gre,ene county, presented to the legislature
by MUes W. Lewis, cover seven pages in the House journals of 1860,
and furnished a strikin^_jm^.masterly,.argument jEor j;__oonservati^^
course. Pronouncing the election of Lincoln a violation of national
comity, and not to be submitted to except temporarily, they yet declared
it was not 7Jer se a sufficient cause for immediate dissolution, for a -power
ful array of reasons: — Because it was a constitutional election, against
Northern interest to dissolve the union, because the South was not yet
united, because time and delay should be given to let the North try to
do justice, because haste in the overthrow of the government would cut
off sympathy for our movement, because the masses of the Southern

136 COUNTY' RESOLUTIONS ON THE CRISIS.
people were not ripe for disunion, because we were not ready for war,
because no serious effort had been made at reconciliation, because we
owed a duty to mankind to preserve our republic and its genius, because
of the injury to our state and national securities and the terrible pecu
niary results, and because a dissolution if proper ought to be done with
slow deliberation and after every effort to preserve it, quoting the
example pf our colonies which only dissevered finally and irrevocably
the bond to the mother country after two years' fighting. State conven
tions, and then a Southern convention, temperate but firm, should be
held, urging our rights before the North and raaking a last grand united
effort for a settlement such as we wished. The last of these powerful
and statesmanlike resolutions deserves giving entire.
" Resolved, That in view of the great and solemn crisis which is upon us, -we request
our fellow citizens to unite with us iu prayer to Almighty God that he would deliver us
frora discord and disunion, and above all, from civil war and from bloodshed ; and that
he would so guide our counsels and actions that we may be able to raaintain our rights
without revolution."
 There were a number of the counties that sent up similar resolutions
to the above, Sjimter, Milton, Injup and others. But the majority
struck hotly for immediate secession. Some were magnificent ebullitions
of stately and impassioned invective. No man can read this masterly
set of public resolutions without being impressed with their dignity,
force, vigor of thought and uncommon excellence of diction and august
gravity and intensified fervor of spirit. They were the outcome of an
aroused and welded public sentiment, focalized to the most impressive
majesty of deep human feeling and conviction. There was an original
ity of conception and a variety of treatment too about them that was
wonderful, and indicated the marked ability as well as profound reflec
tion of their authors. The grand problems of our governraent, the
difficult questions of civil, social and political policy, the philosophical
relations of sections and classes, and the practical matters of adrainistra
tion were discussed and expounded with a marvelous incisiveness and
condensation, and an apothegmatic felicity of language.
JDougherty_County resolutions reported to the tlouse by Mr. R. N.
Ely, presented forcibly ah idea, urged by a number of other counties,
that represented the view of the more conservative secessionists. This
was the necessity of co-operation among the Southern States. It was
declared, " It would be monstrous if a single Southern State should, without consultation and
by separate action, .attempt to decide the great question that now presses upon the
South, not only for hor.self, but for her remaining fourteen sister states."

THE LONE STAR WHITE I'LAG IN AUGUSTA. 137
This was the very thing that did happen, a thing that was a great
wrong, that was unwise and impolitic to the last degree, and that was
remediless. These resolutions put the true wisdom of the crisis in these
words :
" The time has come for the final settlement of the slavery question upon an enduring and
unequivocal basis, and to a General Conference of the Southern States, we would en
trust the duty of declaring what that basis shall be."
The Richmond County action, reported to the legislature by Mr. Wm.
Gibson, contained this beautiful and significant incident. The chair
man having stated the object of the meeting, then informed the assera
blage that it had been raade known to hira that a white flag with the
lone star, and inscribed thereon: " Georgia — Equality in or Indepeiv-
dence out of the Union " had been placed upon the cupola of the Teraple
of Justice in which they were then assembled; and was then waving
over their heads; which announcement was received with long, con
tinued applause. When on motion it was unanimously resolved,
" That this raeeting adopt the flag and its position as their act, evincive
of their determination in the present crisis." It is at such fevered times
when the public blood is in a state of exalted fervor that poetic trifles
like the above incarnate the solemn purposes of earnest, iron-minded
men and idealize a stern gravity into romance.
But serious as was the crisis, and ominous the drift to revolution, the
people were not ripe for the plunge. Sorae very strong men were
opposing the policy of secession. IJ, V.. J,ohn§fl,n,J?*=l.ex. H. Stephensjji.d
Ben. -IL Emi..^i2od firinly_ag;ainst_it. Mr. Stephens raade a speech to
the Georgia legislature, that take it aU in aU, was the grandest of his
life. Unaffected by the whirlwind of passion around him, that terror
ized men, he uttered a clear, firm counsel against secession. He daringly
asserted that the South was not blameless, and with an unsurpassed
moral and physical courage planted himself against disunion. In the
calm retrospection of those crazy days this appeal of reason was simply
sublime. Dr. Lovick Pierce, the powerful methodist Divine, threw his
strong influence against it. Yet he was taunted in the press with in
consistency, because in 1844 he had urged the secession of the southern
Methodist church, because Bishop Andrews was officially crucified by
the northern Methodists for being a slave-holder. Howdii^iilb wrote
from Washington a long and unsurpassably able letter, calm, logical,
dispassionate and even cold in its temperate, but inexorable argument,
discussing the whole situation and_ urging_jiaaj£dMi&™Secessio_n. He
quoted voluminously from aU of the Republican leaders, to show the im-

138 THE DRIFT TO SECESSION.
movable abolition intent of the party, he demonstrated that the result
of the election was war to the death on slavery, he showed that there
was no hope for the South in any other remedy than secession, he
aro-ued that honor and interest required immediate withdrawal from the
Union, and he announced that he was coraing home to share the destiny
of his state, and resigned his position as Secretary of the Treasury. L.
J. Gartrell wrote to Dr. William C. Humphries of Atlanta, a letter
declaring that it was the policy and duty of Georgia to secede. Mr.
Gartrell had made an enviable reputation in congress and stood among
the promising young men of the state. He had delivered several.
speeches in congress that attracted much attention, and had borne him
self in debate so as to win the respect of his opponents, as well ^s the
applause of his friends. The venerable ex-Gov. WUson Lumpkm, in a
letter to Asbury Hull, H. C. M. Hammond, R. S. Taylor and others,
stated that there was no hope frora the North and secession was the
only chance of prosperity. Gov. Lumpkin had not been in pubUc life
since 1843.
But the people still were not matured for the grave step. It was re
served for Robert Toombs with a consummate management to fashion
and drive the -wedge that rived apart the stately structure into contend
ing halves. To him, beyond all question, belongs the leadership of the
South in sundering the Union. He was the unquestionable genius of
the revolution. William L. Yancey was a powerful factor in the disin
tegration. But Toombs was the chief and master architect of the dis
ruption. His final achievement was a master stroke of diplomacy, sure,
subtle and invincible. It fell upon the South with resistless effect. It
swept away the last fcot-hold of conservatisra. The heaviest objection
to a resort to disunion, was the idea that the Republicans were . -wiUing
to give guarantees against any further interference with slavery, and
this willingness should be tested before going to the last extreraity.
To raeet this idea a number of southern senators and representatives,
including Iverson, Crawford, Jones, Jackson, Gartrell and Underwood of
Georgia, issued an address, brief and pointed, stating that all hope of
relief was gone, and both southern honor and safety required secession.
But this was not satisfactory to the conservative element. It was left
for Mr. Toombs to put the finishing stroke to the indecision and reluct
ance of the halting. The legislature had voted down a resolution in
favor of immediate secession, and in the senate a motion to reconsider
was lost after a stiff debate, in which Harris, Lawton, Moore, Spaulding
and Tracy were for immediate action, and Jones, Trippe, and Ben. HiU

ROBERT TOOMBS FIXES SECESSION. 139
were against it. Spaulding dubbed Trippe a submissionist; Jones
sneered that the co-operationists would have the fighting to do; Harris
retorted that Jones was a " citizen in war and a soldier in peace;"
Moore declared that Hill's speeches were on both sides; and Tracy
charged that Hill " was in love with his subject, and that subject him
self." The sharp sparring showed the feeling at play, and the result
evinced the proper deliberation before a grave step.
Mr. Toorabs had been invited to address the citizens of Danbury, Va.,
and wrote a letter declining, but giving his views. This letter was a
very adroit one. It was so moderate as to expose him to taunts
from the extreme secessionists and conservatives both that he was
backing down. But it was the most practical drive yet made to unite
the divided South in disunion. It recommended delay until the 4th of
March, to test the Republican willingness to do right to the South. At
the same time he incensed the Republicans by ' boldly charging upon
them the purpose to destroy slavery by hostile laws and stimulating re
volts and protecting slave-thieves and insurrectionist's. He declared the
only remedy for these enormous evils was new constitutional guaran
tees protecting the South. Let these be offered to the Republicans as
a test of their spirit. These constitutional restrictions were worth a
cart-load of political planks, and if the Republicans refused to grant
them, then the time for action was at hand, and he was willing to
delay for such a test in concession to the earnest and honest men wlia_^
were hopeful of redress in the Union. Mr. Toombs knew well that the |
Republicans would hoot at the idea of sucn constitutional amendments, I
but he knew that their rejection would solidify our people. —
in accordance with this programme of Mr. Toombs, the Hon. J. J.
Crittenden of Kentucky offered before the United States Senate
Crisis Coramittee of thirteen, a series of resolutions reciting the pend
ing trouble, and proposing as a settlement of it constitutional amend
raents for the revival of the Missouri compromise line, denial of
right to abolish slavery, in the arsenals and District of Columbia, transit
for slaves over non-slave-holding territory and payment for fugitive
slaves rescued frora officers by mobs. A tirae was appointed when the
committee agreed to be all present and act on the resolutions. On this
coramittee were Messrs. Davis, Doolittle, Collamer, Wade, Toorabs,
Griraes, Hunter, Bigler, Crittenden, Douglas, Rice and PoweU. Under
the rules of the committee no proposition should be considered adopted
that did not pass by a majority of the Republicans. The propositions
were aU rejected, Mr. Toombs voting against them, though he declared

140 HON. WILLIAM L. HARRIS, OP MISSISSIPPI.
he would go for thera if the Republicans offered and went for them in good
faith. But the fact stands that he voted against them. He immediately
telegraphed a ringing address to the people of Georgia, reciting that
the Black Republicans had not only voted against any constitutional
guarantees' for the South, but declared that they had no guarantees to
offer. He wound up with these momentous words, the most important
and effective for the disunion raoveraent that had been announced by
any man or set of men in this tremendous agitation:
,' " I tell you upon the faith of a true man, that all further looking to the North for
security for your constitutional rights in the Uuion, ought to be instantly abandoned.
It is fraught with nothing but ruin to yourselves and your posterity.
" Secession by the fourth of March next, should be thundered from the ballot-box by
the unanimous voice of Georgia on the second day of January next. Such a voice will
be your best guarantee for Liberty, Security, Tranquillity and Glory."
From this time on, though a very considerable portion of the people
opposed secession, the policy of disunion in Georgia was an established
fact, and the movement sped swiftly and steadily to its consumraation.
The Hon. Williara L. Harris of Mississippi, as delegated . coraraissioner
from that state to Georgia, made an address to the General Assembly
communicating officially the fact that Mississippi had called a state
convention to consider the situation, and asked Georgia's co-operation
in the adoption of efficient measures for their common defense and
safety. The address of Mr. Harris was a very eloquent and effective
appeal. His references to Baldwin, Jackson and Troup, the famous
Governors of Georgia, were very fine. He declared Georgia " the bright
est exemplar among the advocates and defenders of state rights and
state remedies. He touchingly alluded to the fact that Mississippi was
cut off from Georgia, " glorious old mother " — and that thousands and
thousands of Georgia's sons and daughters were adopted children of
Mississippi, who still fondly looked to their native state for sympathy
and guidance. Mr. Harris in his mission for Mississippi but reflected
the feeling in all of the Southern states which looked tO the action
of Georgia above any other state; and this deep interest in Georgia's
action demonstrated how powerful and influential was our common
wealth. The Legislature adjourned on the 19th of December, 1860, having
passed resolutions of syrapathy with the message of Mississippi as com
municated through Hon. Wm. L. Harris, and resolving that should any
or all of the Southern states determine in the present emergency to -with
draw frora the Union, such seceding states should forra a confederacy.

17? GEOnOIA

THE CHOICE PARDON. 141
Before the adjournment the bank agitation was resumed. After the
passage of the bank relief bill over Governor Brown's veto, the banks
began to suspend specie payment, and one bank had suspended before.
The Governor issued his proclamation as required by law, announcing
the suspension, but he showed his unabated hostility to the measure
and his unconquered resolution in spite of legislative majorities, by con
cluding his proclamation raaking known the suspension with the paren
thetical stateraent that he " feared too raany know it now to their
injury." After a brief trial of the suspension act. Governor Brown
addressed a raessage to the General Asserably making recoraraendations
for additional legislation. He called their attention to the fact that in
solvent banks, as well as solvent ones, had the benefit of the act, and
were relieved of all responsibility. He went on to discuss the suspen-
pension, and showed that his prediction had corae true that exchange
had gone up to three per cent. He put in sorae heavy blows upon the
bank relief champions, showing how relief relieved the people, increas
ing cost of purchases and freights. If the Legislature would not repeal
the obnoxious law, at least let it reduce exchange to one per cent., and
place insolvent banks in a different category from the solvent banks.
These things were done.
Another matter that excited much discussion was the pardon by the
Legislature of a gentleman by the narae of Wm. A. Choice, convicted of
murder. He was very highly connected, and powerful influences were
brought to bear for the purpose of saving him frora the penalties of the
law. At the session of 1859 an act had passed for his pardon, and
Governor Brown had vetoed it upon the merits of the case. Ben Hill
took a strong interest in the case, and it was brought before the Legis
lature again. Mr. Hill pushed it with great ability and vigor, and the
pardon was again granted by the Legislature and again vetoed by Gov
ernor Brown. The bill provided for placing Choice in the Lunatic
Asylum, and was passed over the Governor's veto by a constitutional
majority. The case attracted general attention in the state, and a right
warm feeling was stirred up between Governor Brown and the friends
of Choice. There was sorae newspaper controversy over it. In the
Legislature also there was acriraony on the part of members growing
out of the question whether Governor Brown had a right to veto a par
don in a murder case.
The case illustrated the unyielding persistence of Governor Brown's
character, and his unswerving adhesion to what he conceived to be his
duty. The unfortunate subject of this controversy died within the last

143 C. J. JENKINS JUDGE OF SUPEEME COURT.
year in the asylum. Comraenting upon this case, the Augusta Des
patch had these words:
" We are not much of an admirer of the ' oue man power,' but the judgment, justice
and bravery with whicli Governor Brown has exercised it makes us almost in love
with it."
Judge Linton Stephens having resigned as Judge of the Supreme
Court, this Legislature did a graceful act of honor to the State in elect
ing- Charles J. Jenkins.

CHAPTER XVIL
THE MOST VITAL CHAPTER OF GEORGIA HISTORY— HER
SECESSION FROM THE UNION. ¦' „.
Georgia Foremost in the Slavery Agitation. — Her Potential Men. — Her Destiny of
Leadership to Continue through Joe Brown. — Carolina Secession. — Its Flaming'
Effect. — Bartow and Lochrane. — Gov. Brown's Seizure of Fort Pulaski. — H. R.
Jackson — A. R. Lawton. — The Convention Endorses Brown. — The Southern Press
on the Seizure. — The Macon Companies. — Richard R. Cuyle'r. — The Secession Con
vention. — Georgia the Pivotal State. — Personelle of Convention — Ablest Body of
Georgia Annals. — E. A. Nisbet. — T. R. R. Cobb. — Dr. Joseph P. Logan. — Nesbit's
Secession Resolution. — ex-Gov. Johnson's Famous Substitute. — A Debate of Giants.
— Tora Cobb gives the Key Note. — An Historic Picture. — Robert Toombs. — " We
Accept War." — Coraraittee to Draft Secession Ordinance. — The Ordinance. — The
Signing. — The Protest of Six. — The Ship given to the Lightning and the Gale. —
The Inspiration and the Effect of Georgia's Secession.
From 1850, when Georgia leaped to the front in the slavery contro
versy, and gave to the country the famous " Georgia Platforra," as the
crucial enunciation of Southern doctrine on slavery, up to the crisis in
1860, our state had been the foremost in the agitation. The phenomenal
Stephens had focalized the national gaze in the memorable contentions
about this subject. The imperial Toombs had led the Southern states
raen -with a blended brilliance, ability and audacity, that no man ever
surpassed in any forensic arena. The large-souled Cobb had guided
the policy of Buchanan's administration in the culminating years of the
political strife. In her ponderous-brained Johnson the state had fur
nished as a Vice-Presidential candidate on the Douglas ticket one of
the pivots of the carapaign. Around the name and agency of Georgia
hung the most potential prestige of any Southern state. Her positive
instruraentality in the drama was destined to continue. We have seen
how Mr. Toombs drove the impending storm to a crisis. We shall see
how frora this time on, the focal figure in Georgia during the four deadly
years that followed was Joseph E. Brown. He had done Uttle during
the long birth of the revolution. But when it became inevitable, his
agency as a leader was something marvelous. It seeraed as if nature
had put hira in the place for the eraergency. His peculiar qualities
found a fitting field for their display and the public benefit. His, acts

144 BURNING SPEECH OF F. S. BARTOW.
seemed like inspirations. There was a prevision of needs, a forecaste
of events, a vigor of action and a daring in responsibility, that exactly
raet the appalling crisis and savored of the heroic. The man seemed
born for the time. The horaespun mountaineer, hero of the plowing
bull and the calico bed-quilt, had ripened into the acknowledged genius
of a great coramonwealth in the ordeal of a raighty revolution. The
people, masses and leaders, looked to his cool sense, iron nerve, and
resourceful capacity in this trial, and he raet their deraands and hopes
fully. His leadership was intuitive, masterly, undisputed. He did as
one made for the era.
Precisely at fifteen minutes past one o'clock on Thursday, the 20th
day .of December, 1860, under an ordinance of secession passed in sov
ereign convention, the State of South Carolina withdrew from the Union
of the United States, and resuraed her independent state sovereignty.
That act was the first step in the great civil coraraotion of the century.
It was the beginning of an end of illiraitable extent. It was not the
practical inauguration of the war, but it was the preface to it. The
news stirred the South wildly. It fired the Southern people into a sort
of deliriura. All over Georgia the people celebrated the startling event
with gatherings and speeches, and a general exhilaration. In Atlanta
guns were fired at sunrise. An iramense crowd assembled, and a hun
dred guns echoed the public joy from noon until sunset. There was a
grand torchlight procession and a balloon ascension. Abraham Lincoln
was burned in effigy, and Howell Cobb raade a burning and powerful
speech. On the 2Sth, a few days later, Francis S. Bartow and O. A. Lochrane
addressed the citizens of Atlanta. While Bartow was speaking, a
¦ dispatch was handed hira just received, that Fort ^Moultrie in Charles
ton Harbor had been burned by the Federal troops, and the garrison
had gone over to Fort Sumter, and Charleston had ordered out two
regiments. The scene that followed baffles description. The audience
became wild with enthusiasm. Three cheers were given for South
Carolina amid such a tornado of applause as is rarely heard. The ready
and impassioned Bartow, resuming his speech with folded arms, rang
out with a biting sarcasm, " Yes, whUe you talk of co-operation, you
hear the thunders of the cannon and the clash of sabers reach you frora
South Carolina." The applause was deafening over this. Continuing,
the orator thrilled forth: " Is this gallant, noble state of South Carolina,
that had the boldness to take the lead in this matter, to be left to the
cold calculating of the co-operationists of Georgia ? " Vehement replies

SEIZURE OF FORT PULASKI. 145
of No! Never!! Never!!! Never!!!! thundered frora every part of the
dense gathering.
This action of the Federal authorities in regard to Forts Moultrie and
Sumter inflamed the already high war fever of the South to an over
mastering fury. Even such far-sighted, raen as Gov. Brown were not
decided that the North would attempt coercion of the seceded states.
They believed that war possibly might not follow. But the Fort Sum
ter raatter left no doubt of the Federal purpose to resist forcibly seces
sion. The appointment of Mr. Holt as secretary of war in the plaee of
Floyd confirmed this, Mr. Holt being alleged by Mr. Toombs to be
inimical to the South, and his selection foreshadowing active hostility.
Under the light of this momentous revelation of policy, so full of un
speakable results, the disunion sentiment still further increased. It was
under this knowledge that the practical genius and prompt decision of
Gov. Brown carae into play with one of those strokes of action for
which he has been noted. Lie began a series of daring assuraptions of
responsibUity that made Georgia memorable, and himself famous. He
took a step of decisive leadership that at once showed the people, not
only of the State, but of the South, and of the rapidly disintegrating
Union, that Georgia's Governor was fully equal to the needs of the
emergency. Audit was this step that continued the remarkable agency
of this State as the most potential factor in this great strife, and it gave
to Georgia whatever of glory may attach to committing the first overt
act of war. Georgia, it raust be reraerabered, was still a member of the
Union. She did not secede until the 19th of January, 1861. She was
in the Union, while Carolina was out of it. The seizure of the coast
defenses was not only therefore a dictate of miUtary forecaste and
wisdom, but it was an aggressive act of war against the Federal gov
ernment, whose authority was stUl operative.
Fort Pulaski at the mouth of the Savannah river coraraanded the ap
proach to that city, and was the chief fortification on the Georgia coast.
Quick to conceive a practical idea. Gov. Brown was as quick to execute
it. In the event of war. Fort Pulaski was a railitary necessity to the
State, and war was coming. Gov. Brown det.smtiaadJa..geia£jj|tJlQ7,
inediatelY. There had been some private movement in Savannah look
ing to, an occupation of the Fort by the citizens of the city, but the
cooler-headed men advised against such an act, and the Governor was
advised of the purpose. He went. to Savannah in person to decide, and
promptly determined to officially order the seizure. The first regiraent
of Georgia Volunteers was commanded by Col. Alexander R. Lawton,
10

146 GOV. brown's OEDEE TO GEN. A. R. LAWTON.
to whom the Governor issued the following order, which was carefully
prepared, and explains the reasons for the act.
" HEAbQUARTEKS GEORGIA MlLITIA, (
.Savannah, January 2, 1861. )
Colonel A.. R. Lawton, Commanding 1st Regiment Georgia Volunteers, Savannah:
Sir : In view of the fact that the Government at Washington has, as we are in
formed upon high authority, decided on the policy of coercing a seceding State back
into the Uuion, and it is believed now has a movement on foot to reinforce Fort Sumter
at Charleston, and to occupy with Federal troops the Southern forts, including Fort
Pulaski in this State, which if done would give the Federal Governraent iu any contest
great advantage over the people in this State ; to the end therefore that this strong
hold, which comraands also the entrance into Georgia, raay not be occupied by any hos
tile force until the Convention of the State of Georgia, which is to raeet on tlie 16th
rinstant, has decided on the policy which Georgia will adopt in this emergency, vou are
ordered to take possession of Fort Pulaski as by public order herew ith, and to hold it
against all persons^ to be abandoned only under orders from me or under compulsion by
an overpowering hostile force.
Imraediately upon occupying the fort, you wiU take measures to put it in a thorough
state of defense, as far as its means and ours will permit ; aud for this purpose you will
advise with Captain Claghorn, Chatham Artillery, who has been charged with all mat
ters relating to ordnance and ordnance stores and their supply.
You will further arrange with Captain Claghorn a series of day and night signals for
communicating with the city of Savannah, for the purpose of caUing for reinforcements,
or for other necessary purposes. And you will arrange with Mr. John Cunningham,
Military Purveyor for the time being, for the eraployraent of one or more steamboats,
or other rae.ins ot transportation by land or by water that may be necessary, and for
other supplies (except for ordnauce stores, for wliich you will call upon Captain Clag-
horii) as may be required.
If circumstances should Require it, the telegraph will be filaced under surveillance.
I think from our conversation you fully understand my views, and relying upon j'our
patriotism, energy and sound discretion in the execution of this important and delicate
trust, I am, sir, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, .
JOSEPH E. BROWN,
Governor and Commander-in-Chief."
An additional order was issued by the Adjutant-General, Henry C.
Wayne, in regard to the details. There was a spirited rivalry among
the volunteer companies of Savannah to participate in this duty. De
tails frora the Chatham Artillery, under Captain Joseph S. Claghorn;
Savannah Volunteer Guards, under Captain John Screven, and Ogle
thorpe Light Infantry, under Captain Francis S. Bartow, amounting to
134 men, 50 each being taken from the infantry companies and 34 frora
the artillery, were raade of a force to seize the fort. The seizure was
made on the raorning of the 3d of January, 1860. The writer was a
raember of the Oglethorpe Light Infantry, and was one of .the detaU

FORT PULASKI. 147
from that company for this duty. The seizure created the greatest ex
citement over the whole South. It was in accord with the spirit of the
hour, and Governor Brown received unstinted encomiums for his deci
sive conduct. Its effect on the other Southern states was electrical
and wide-spread. It stiraulated the war spirit, and immediately gavel
Georgia the prestige that she held to the end of the conflict. _J
Col. La-wton in communicating the occupancy of the fort made the
foUowing stateraent of an incident that was regarded as an unpleasant
coraplication, but which Gov. Brown promptly settled:
" On steaming down the river this morning I ascertained with regret that certain un
authorized persons had taken possession of the United States revenue cutter, Dobbin,
and are now exercising control over her in the waters of Georgia."
Col. Lawton stated that he had taken the cutter, and expressed re
gret that such embarrassing questions should be presented by unauthor
ized persons at that critical tirae. Gov. Brown imraediately notified
Mr. John Boston, collector of the port, that the cutter was at his dis
posal, regretting the lawless seizure of the vessel, and the cutter was
delivered to the captain.
The fort contained when thus taken, twenty thirty-two pounder
guns in bad condition, and very little ammunition. Every effort was
made to put the fort in order. The garrison of gentleman soldiers was
put under strict railitary discipline. The guns were properly mounted
and ammunition supplied. DrUling and practice firing were daily done.
The cartridge bags for the heavy guns were furnished by the deft fin
gers of the Savannah ladies. Some lady sent down to the fort a fine
fruit-cake iced beautifully and the word " Secession " wrought in with
sugar, while another more practical, sent down a package of lint. Gov.
Brown remained long enough in Savannah to see the seizure com
pleted, and returned to the seat of government. He telegraphed an
account of his proceedings to the Governors of Florida, Alabama, Mis
sissippi and Louisiana, and received strong endorsements of his course
in reply, and the intiraation that his exaraple should be immediately fol
lowed. Gov. Moore of Alabaraa imraediately seized the forts and arse
nals in that state. The minute men of Macon passed unanimously some
resolutions of Charles J. Harris, Esq., approving the seizure, and pledg
ing themselves to sustain Gov. Brown at any sacrifice. The state con
vention that met soon after passed this resolution:
" This convention highly approves the energetic and patriotic conduct of Gov. Brown
in taking possession of Fort Pulaski by Georgia troops, and requests liim to hold pos
session until the relations of Georgia with the Federal government be determined by
this convention."

148 WAR SPIRIT IN MACON.
The Governor on his way to MUledgeviUe was received all along the
line of railroad with demonstrations of approval of his course. On his
arrival in Milledgeville, a large nuraber of citizens with rausic and
torches went to the executive mansion and serenaded him, and he made
a short talk that was cheered with a hearty good wUl. The press was
very emphatic in approval of the Governor's action. Said the Augusta
Democrat: "He has exhibited an intelligence, flrmness and compre
hensive statesmanship, equaled by few and surpassed by none in the
annals of the state." The Southern journals generally commended his
course. The Alabama Spirit of the South thus paid him tribute:
" We cannot but admire the skillful and energetic manner in -vvhich Gov. Brown man
ages and controls the public affairs of Georgia. He takes counsel of no man's fears ; lis
tens to no timid suggestions of delay ; waits for no co-operation or compromise. He turns
neither to the right hand nor the left, but proceeds right onward to vindicate the honor
aud protect the rights of his government. He executes his plans with the nerve of a soldier
aud the skill of a statesman. He defies the threats of Federal poiver, and laughs his
enemies to scorn. He is full of Jacksonian will and courage ; possessing wisdom to de
vise and boldness and sagacity to execute. He has much administrative capacity, and
in our opinion is better fitted for President of a Southern confederacy than any man
iu the South."
This as contemporary comraent, outside of State bias, wiU afford
some conception of how this self-reliant and resolute Executive of
Georgia in that troublous day impressed impartial public judgment.
A little episode occurred at this time that will exemplify the popular
feeling as well as Governor Brown's spirit. The officers of the volun
teer companies of Macon, Captain R. A. Sraith, Captain E. Sraith, Cap
tain E. Fitzgerald, Captain T. M. Parker, Captain L. M. Laraar and
Lieutenant Wra. H. Ross telegraphed to Governor Bro-wn, asking him
" if he would sanction the raovement of Georgia volunteers going to
the aid of South Carolina." This was the prompt response:
" I will not. Your first duty is to Georgia. South Carolina is able at present to take
care of herself. You may be needed at home very soon.
" JOSEPH E. BROWN."
¦J
On the 9th day of January,' I860,* the State of Mississippi followed
the example of South Carolina and formally seceded frora the Union.
On the 11th of January, Florida and Alabaraa withdrew. Each day as
it dawned brought some new contribution to the war spirit. The Fed
eral steamer " Star of the West " attempted to run in to Fort Sumter
and was fired upon by the Carolina troops in Fort Morris and driven
back. It was a rising flood of combative feeling. The sense of coming
conflict pervaded the most thoughtless, and serious people thrilled under

THE SECESSION SPIEIT IN GEOEGfA. 149
the moving stimulus. Richard R^_Cuv][erj_the President^ of jhe p.Qis;er-
ful Central Road Company, patriotically notified^ Go Y,„BrowQ,.Jl2ai«ll.is
bank was ready 'to_Jakg,jone hundred tliousaiid.dQUars„.Qf..the,.l)Oiids.fo.r
the defence of ..th&.Stata„at n&L, Secession cockades and badges were
made by the thousand and worn openly and gaily. Some lady wore a
bonnet made of white and black Georgia cotton, covered with a net
work of black cotton, the streamers ornamented with Palmetto trees
and Lone Stars embroidered with gold thread, while the feathers were
forraed of white and black worsted.
The Georgia Convention assembled on the 16th day of January, 1861.
The eyes of the whole Union were upon this most august body. There,
was an interest in its deliberations, both profound and wide-spread. It
was felt to be the turning point of the real commencement of the revo
lution. If staid, self-poised, deliberate powerful Georgia held back
from the work of disintegration it wOuld have been such a substantial
check to the destructive movement as would have done much to stop it.
Georgia's cooperation rendered the revolution sure. The Federal ad- .
ministration looked anxiously to our State as the crucial agency of the
agitation. The people of the North focalized their attention upon this
arbiter of an impending and incalculable convulsion. It was known
that a majority of the people of Georgia favored secession, but the
minority in favor of cooperation and delay was a very large and power
ful body of public sentiment, ably and patriotically headed. The_v2^
taken in the electi^ for merabers^of.jthe, convention showed^-anaggre-
gaj&..al~iiiJ,M3l.for secession, .and 37,133 ,against,..giying a ,jiia jority jDf
only 13,120 for immediate dijiynon, outof__87i3^66. This was a rauch
smaller majority than Gov. Brown had obtained in his last election. Jn""
many counties tjie,jjiti-secessig|iists had heav.y majorities.- Such strong
counties as Baldwin, Floyd, I^Kalb, Cass, Franklin,, Gordon, .Gwinnett,
Lumpkin, Murray, Walker, Walton and others went some, of them over-
whelmingly against disunion. In manj' counties it was the closest sort
of a shave, giving either way only a vote or two. TJ^g^n^ogt., one-sided
SSCes.siQn_county in the whole State was Cobb, which gave 1,035 votgs
ISLAS*^!^ .2JllZ_S£S^r againstjlisunion. Chathain -was also^nearly 'liji^p-
iraous for secession. In a very few counties no opposition candidate to
secession was run. In Taliaferro and Tattnall iwseces^sipn candid^
'8ta4,putup. These statistics will show how much the people were
divided on this issue, and yet in the crazy fever of the war excitement
and the more noisy demonstration of the secession charapions, the op
position was alraost unheard and absolutely impotent. A few brave

150 PBESONELLE OF THE SECESSION CONVENTION.
spirits spoke out fearlessly, and courageously endeavored to stem the
rushing and turbulent tide of disunion. But the generality of conser
vative raen feeUng powerless to do anything, and unwilling to incur a
certain odium that clung to men alleged to be lukewarm or opposed to
Southern interest, went quietly along simply voting in the opposition.
The secession convention was the ablest body ever convened in Georgia.
Its membership included nearly every leading public raan in the State,
the leaders of all parties and shades of political opinion. The President
of the Convention was George W. Crawford, who had been Governor of
the State from 1843 to 1847, a gentleraan of large influence and coraraand
ing ability, and for years a recognized popular leader. There was Robert
Toombs, United States Senator, and for a short time Secretary of State
in the Confederate Administration ; the two famous Stephens brothers,
Alexander H. Stephens, Vice President of the Confederate States, and
Linton Stephens, Judge of the Supreme Court. Ex-Governor Herschell
V. Johnson, candidate for Vice President on the Douglas ticket and ex-
United States Senator; Eugenius A. Nesbit, ex-Member of Congress
and ex-Judge of the Supreme Court ; Benjamin H. Hill, present United .
States Senator ; Alfred H. Colquitt, the present able and popular Gov
ernor of Georgia; Henry L. Benning and Hiram Warner, ex- Judge and
ex-Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. There was also Augustus H.
Kenan, Washington Poe, David J. Bailey, ex-President of the Georgia
Senate, Gen. W. T. Wofford, Francis S. Bartow, Thos. R. R. Cobb, Dr.
H. R. Casey, Judge R. H. Clark, H. P. Bell, meraber of Congress since
the war. Dr. J. P. Logan of Fulton county, one of the most eminent
and scientiflc physicians in the State, Wm. H. Dabney, D. P. HiU,
Goode Bryan, Judge W. B. Fleming, Henry R. Harris, member of Con
gress since the war, Thos. P. Saffold, Judge Augustus Reese, Pur-
metas Reynolds, Arthur^ Hood now Judge, Willis A. Hawkins, since
Judge of the Supreme Court, T. M. Furlow, A. H. Hansell, S. B. Spencer,
since Mayor of Atlanta, P. W. Alexander, C. W. Styles, N. A. Cars-
well, now Judge of the Superior Court, and John L. Harris, since then
a Judge. Among these gentleraen two were the most potential and unexpected
workers for secession. Judge Eugenius A. Nesbit, the author of the
Ordinance of Secession, had always been a very conservative public
raan. He was a small gentleraan, though of great personal dignity. He
possessed unusual culture and erudition. He was a christian of pro
found piety. He had been a Congressraan and a Judge of the Suprerae
Court, and was known for eloquence, learning, ability, classical educa-

I DAO-P^ BT SHAiy-z:  E?rG-= rt^ .-< rr -RrTcrn-F. ,

:^^/^/' ^^y/

DE. JOSEPH P. LOGAN. 151
tion, and a moral and social character of exquisite purity. The other of
these two unlooked-for disunion advocates was Thos. R. R. Cobb, like
Judge Nisbet. an earnest, fervent christian worker, but who, unlike his
distinguished coUeague, had never taken any part in political life.. He
was a lawyer of marvelous industry and acumen. The secession issue
aroused all the fervor of his earnest soul. The election of Lincoln
threw him into the political arena, the most intense, unwearied cham
pion of secession in the state. All of the powerful energies of his raind
and wiU were bent upon this raission of withdrawing Georgia from
the Union and establi^ing a Southern Confederacy. He was, as Mr.
Stephens fitly called hira, a sort of Peter the Hermit in this secession
crusade, pursuing it with an unquenchable enthusiasm.
Nothing could raore vividly show the engulfing fever of the day than
the fact that such raen as Dr. J. P. Logan were drawn into public
activity. Leading the medical profession, he was a scientific enthusiast
in his high caUing. A gentleman of iraposing figure and. a noble face,
¦with genial dignity of raanner, combining every christian grace of
character with decisive manhood, high intellectuality and rare medical
skiU and erudition, his interest in the movement showed how the solid
strata of our best citizens was stimulated to zeal in this asritation.
Mr. Albert Lamar was made the Secretary of the Convention, Gov.
Bcavyn ,aiil£^.Ga£ Jiifflfi]lJi3ijk»SSffiiflta±M,Ja^seats. jj^^ the,ilflfir.
The convention was addressed by Hon. James I.i. Orr, Commissioner from
South Carolina, and Hon. John G. Shorter, Commissioner from Alabama,
explaining the attitude of those states and seeking the cooperation of
Georgia in disunion. On the ISth of January Judge Nisbet introduced
a resolution declaring in favor of secession and for the appointment of
a coraraittee to report an ordinance of secession. This precipitated the
issue. For this resolution ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson, acting in concert with
Mr. Stephens, offered a substitute written by ex-Gov. Johnson, reciting
Georgia's attachraent to the Union; the assaults that had been made
upon slavery and the insecurity they begat in the Southern mind; the
peril that threatened the South frora a hostile raajority, a peril aug
mented by the recent secession of several Southern states; and that
while Georgia could not abide permanently in the Union without new
and ample constitutional guarantees, yet she was not disposed to with
draw hastily or without consultation with her Southern Confederates,
whose counsel and cooperation she invoked to secure our rights in the
Union if possible, or to protect them out of the Union if necessary.
The substitutes proposed an ordinance that Delaware, Maryland, Vir-

152 DISCUSSION OP GIANTS OVER SECESSION.
ginia, Kentucky, North Carolina, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Ten
nessee and Missouri be invited to send delegates to a congress in
Atlanta the 16th day of February, 1861, to consider the situation and
devise a course. The independent republic of South Carolina, Florida,
Alabama and Mississippi were invited to send Commissioners to said
Congress. It was further declared in the ordinance that Georgia pre
sented as indispensable constitutional guarantees before she could re
main in the Union, congressional inability to aboUsh or prohibit slavery
in the territories, surrender of fugitive slaves, punishment of rescue of
slaves from officers, protection of slave property like other property in
the territories, the admission of new states with or without slavery as
the people thereof wish; the right of transit and protection for slaves,
and the prohibition of negroes holding Federal office! It was further
ordained by the substitute that upon any attempt at coercion of the
seceded states Georgia would join them in resistance; that Georgia
would hold Fort Pulaski and other Federal property until her final de
cision; that Commissioners be sent to the other slave states; that if all
efforts fail she will help form a Southern Confederacy, and that the con
vention adjourn to the 25th day of February, 1861, and concluding
with the unalterable determination of Georgia to maintain her rights,
equality and safety at all hazards, and to the last extremity.
The discussion over this issue was elaborate, able and eloquent.
Judge Nisbet, Gov. Johnson, T. R. R. Cobb, Mr. Stephens, Mr. Toorabs,
Alexander Means, Aug'ustus Reese, Ben Hill and Francis S. Bartow, all
spoke. It was a discussion of giants. 'pi£™Sfiaessaan^cham^oiwwere
Nisbet. Cobb. Toombs. Reese and Bartow, and pitted aefaioatjthem in
fa£QX.,.a£...£u.rther attempt at, a. .friendly,, .settlement of. tnoubles, were
Johnson, Stephens, Means and Hill. The key-note of the secessionists,
as condensed by Mr. T. R. R. Cobb in a speech of remarkable power,
was, " We can make better terms out of the Union than in it! " And
Mr. Stephens gave it as his opinion, that this single, focal idea of Mr.
Cobb, looking to a more certain re-formation of the Union on a higher
vantage ground outside of the Union, did more in carrying the state
out than all the arguments and eloquence of all others combined. The
sound, unanswerable position of the anti-secessi(3nists was ¦ enunciated
by Mr. Stephens in the sentence, that " the point of resistance should
be the point of aggression." ' Secession as a remedy for anticipated
aggressions was not wise or politic, and these gentlemen opposing seces
sion believed that Georgia, standing firm with, the border states in an
effort to obtain a redress of grievances, would succeed. It was a grand

A GRAND DEBATE. I 153
debate over the grandest of themes, this discussion of superior minds,
trained to controversy, upon a subject involving the happiness and
welfare, not only of the commonwealth, but of the nation with its
miUions. The debate was historic, and deserves to be pictured for
posterity. There is little doubt that it settled the issue — the mighty
and appaUing issue of war or peace. The destinies of a nation hung
upon it. Had the milder policy prevailed, and Georgia been in the role
of peace-maker, there is no telling how the end would have been. The
conservative course was the wise one. It was too grave an issue and
too awful a result to have been decided hastily, and not to have first
exhausted every possible means of friendly adjustment in the Union.
But a Higher Power was ruling the occasion. The great and mysterious
ends of Providence were in process of fulfillment. The frenzy of
revolutioii was on the people: the counsels of prudence were subordi
nated to the honorable resentment of a chivalric section, and the work
of the emancipation of four millions of slaves progressed to its bloody
and final consumraation.
¦ Ex-Gov. Johnson had raoved the reference of the original and substi
tute to a special committee. After the debate the previous question
was called and sustained, which brought the convention to a direct vote
on Mr. Nisbet's secession resolution, l^e resolution was passed by a
vote of 166 yeas to 130 nays, under all the circumstances a most extra
ordinary vote in its development of anti-secession views. The truth is,
that some of the ablest and strongest intellects of 'the state^and_,Jije
convention, oppQsed Recession, and t^at^n.^sui-e.^^gaa^Carrie^ by so_small
a majority as to demonstrate how reluctant our people .,>yexa„jtft,S!l,tgr
upon a violen|_j30urse. Mr. Toombs was the undoubted head of the
secessionists in the convention. His superb qualities of leadership, and
his double leverage as a Senator in the United States and a raeraber' of
the convention, with all the power and inforraation that such senator-
ship gave him, equipped him for hastening the march of the revolution.
He had made a speech in the United States Senate on the 7th of Janu
ary, 1861, of surpassing power — a speech intended to put upon record
the wrongs and the cause of the South — a speech of crushing logic and
sublime eloquence. One by one he had in clear, forcible language laid
down the demands of the South, and their foundation in solemn consti
tutional guarantees. He candidly made the striking admission, " that
a very large portion of the people of Georgia prefer to remain in this
Union with their constitutional rights — I would say ninety per cent, of
them — believing it to be a good government." Unanswerably arguing

154 COMMITTEE TO DEAFT SECESSION OEDINANCE.
that -the Constitution was the compact of union, he discussed every
grievance of which the South complained in the light of the Constitu
tion. The speech was full of magnificent bursts of thrilling eloquence:
He concluded with this impassioned passage :
" These charges I have proven by the record, and I put them before the civilized world,
and demand the judgment of to-day, of to-morrow, of distant ages, and of heaven itself,
upon the justice of these causes. I am content, whatever it be, to peril all in so noble,
so holy a cause. We have appealed, time and time again, for these constitutional rights.
You have refused them. We appeal again. Restore us those rights as we had them, as
your court adjudges them to be, just as our people have said they are ; redress these flagrant
wrongs, seen of all men, and it ivill restore fraternity, and peace and unity to all of us.
Refuse them, and -svhat then? We shall then ask you, ' Let us depart in peace.' Refuse
that, and you present us war. We accept it ; and inscribing upon our banners the glori
ous words, ' Liberty and Equality,' we will trust in the blood of the brave and the God
of Battles for security and tranquillity."
Coming to Georgia with these grim words of war upon his eloquent
lips, echoing their stern spirit over the whole country, and flaming
men's hearts everywhere in the broad land, he took his seat in the sov
ereign convention of his great state, and there resumed the fiery raission
of a nation's severance. It was a wonderful work, this disintegration of
a gigantic governraent. And looking back from a twenty years' stand
point of time, one wonders that no prescience of the immeasurable mis
eries that followed were vouchsafed to the architects, the undoubtedly
patriotic and pure-souled architects of that act of colossal ruin and
destruction. God for his own good reasons allowed no prophetic reve
lations of the terrible future, and the revolution went on in which a
noble people, in a sacred cause of self-government, were crucified for a
humanitarian wrong, for which they were not responsible. Thus
inscrutably does Providence forge out its great plans.
The secession battle was fought and whipped over Judge Nisbet's
resolution. After its passage the colonial flag of Georgia was raised
araidst a wild exciteraent. It was a short work to complete the act.
Judge Nisbet promptly moved that the coraraittee to report an ordinance
of secession consist of seventeen merabers. It was carried. The Presi
dent appointed the following gentlemen:
E. A. Nisbet, chairman ; Robert Toombs, H. Vr Johnson, F. S. Bartow,
H. L. Benning, W. M. Brown, G. D. Rice, T. H. Trippe, T. R. R. Cobb,
A. H. Kenan, A. H. Stephens, Jas. WUliarason, D. P. Hill, B. H. HiU,
E. W. Chastain, A. H. Colquitt, Aug. Reese. Iramediately after the
appointraent of the committee a raessage was received frora Governor
Brown in response to a resolution calling on him for any information

THE GEORGIA SECESSION ORDINANCE. 155
in his possession that would facilitate the action of the body, furnish
ing the ordinance of Georgia ratifying the Constitution of the United
States, and also a copy of resolutions of the New York legislature ten
dering aid to the President to uphold the Union. The committee
reported the following Ordinance of Secession:
"AN ORDINANCE
" To dissolve the Union bet-ween the State of Georgia and other States united with her
under a compact of Governraent entitled, ' The Constitution of the United States
of Araerica.'
" Il'^e the people of the State of Georgia, in Convention assembled, do declare and ordain,
and it is hereby declared and ordained ;
" That the ordinance adopted by the people of the State of Georgia in Convention on
the second day of January, in the year of our Lord 1788, whereby the Constitution of the
United States of America was assented to, ratified and adopted ; and also all acts and
parts of- acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying and adopting amendraents
of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, rescinded and abrogated.
"We do further declare and ordain, That the union now subsisting between the State .
of Georgia and other States, under the narae of the United States of Araerica, is hereby
dissolved, and that the State of Georgia is in the full possession and e.xercise of all those
rights of sovereignty, whi(?li belong and appertain to a free and independent State.''
On raotion of Mr. Toorabs the ordinance was twice read. Ben. Hill
moved, as a substitute for the ordinance, the preamble and resolutions
that had been offered by ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson. On this motion the
vote stood 133 yeas to 164 nays, a slight gain in the anti-secession vote,
though the motion was lost. Mr. Nisbet then moved the passage of
the ordinance, and the vote stood 208 yeas to 89 nays, showing that 44
of the anti-secession members voted for the ordinance under the idea
that its passage was a foregone conclusion and further opposition was
useless, while it was necessary to give all the raoral force possible to
the act. Ben. H. Hill voted on this ballot for secession^ _ But . EL. V..
Johnson, the Stephens iirothers. Gem Wofford and Hiram Warner sjill
voted against it. The announcement of the President, Mr. Crawford,
that it was his pleasure and privilege to declare that the State of Georgia
was free, sovereign and independent, was followed by an applause that
was tempered by the gravity of thoughtful men over a step of serious
and unknown import. The hour of the passage of this raoraentous
ordinance was two o'clock P. M., the 19th day of January, 1861. The
Atlanta Intelligencer a year after, recaUing the event, thus described it:
- " There was an exultant shout, and men breathed freer and looked nobler, and felt
more like freemen who had burst the shackles that had enslaved thera for years. From
the hall of the House of Representatives the momentous event soon reached the vast
and excited multitude outside, who had crowded to Milledgeville, most of them with the

156 PROTEST AGAINST SECESSION.
patriotic intent to urge upon the convention Georgia's right and duty to secede. The
people shouted, the bells were rung, the cannon roared, the city was illuminated, and
great was the rejoicing."
Mr. Nisbet offered this resolution, which was adopted:
" Whereas, the lack of unanimity in the action of this convention, in the passage of
the Ordinance of Secession, indicates a difference of opinion amongst the merabers of
the convention, not so much as to the rights which Georgia claims, or the wrongs of
which she complains, as to the remedy and its application before a resort to other means
of redress :
" And whereas, it is desirable to give expression to that intention which really exists
among all members of this convention to sustain tlie State in the course of action which
_sji»-has pronounced to be proper for the occasion. Therefore :
"Resolved, That raerabers of this Convention, including those who voted against the
said ordinance, as well as those who voted for it, will sign the same as a pledge ot the
unanimous determination of this Convention to sustain and defend the State in this her
chosen reraedy, with all its responsibilities and consequences, without regard to individual
approval or disapproval of its adoption.''
¦ At twelve o'clock on Monday, the 21st day of January, 1861, the
ordinance of secession was signed in presence of the. Governor and State
House officers, Judges, and a throng of spectators, and the great seal of
State attached. The delegates all signed the ordinance, but six of them
did so under protest, which is as follows:
" We, the undersigned, delegates to the Convention of the State of Georgia, now in
session, while we most solemnly protest against the action of the majority in adopting
an ordinance for the immediate and separate secession of this State, and would have
preferred the policy of cooperation with our southern sister states, yet as good citizens,
-we yield to the will of a majority of her people as expressed by their representatives,
aud we hereby pledge ' our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor ' to the defense of
Georgia, if necessary, against hostile invasion frgm any source whatsoever.
"James P. Simmons, of Gaiacett.
° ^ . - ^ (- Thos. M. McRae, of Mojitgomety.
; ' I F. H. Latimer, of MQntgQrner}\
. Davis Wiielciiel, of HalL_
' P. M. BvED, of Hall^
' James Sijimons, of Cjckens. __
"Milledgeville, Ga., January 22, 1861."
This decisive act of Georgia settled the revolution. Whatever doubts
had existed as to the policy or purpose of the South as to secession
were dissipated. The spirit of the Georgia convention, so riven as it
was by a conflict of opinion as to disunion, and yet so conciliatory and
harmonious in the final action, confirmed the effect of its e.xaraple abroad.
Committed to secession after a stubborn conflict and close division,
the State was compactly welded in its cordial support of the adopted

THE ELECTRICAL EFFECT OP GEORGIA'S SECESSION. 157
poUcy. The ship was given to the lightning and the gale against the
wishes of a powerful minority of her crew, but when the venture was
made, every man leaped to his post for the storm, devoted, loyal, intrepid
and invincible. The news of the action at Milledgeville was flashed
over the wires, carrying the inflammable intelligence. It stirred the
State to delirium. Ratification meetings wexe held every where. Guns
were fired and orators spoke their burning words. The die was cast for
war, and the chivalric spirit of a brave people gave back a unanimous
and deep-souled response. In the sister states of the South the effect
was electrical. That solid, staunch old Georgia should throw her
splendid autonomy into the current of secession created a boundless
enthusiasm, and the secession crusade became irresistible.
Looking at the motives that animated the people of Georgia in this
most serious step, one must admit that they were pure, conscientious
and chivalric. They believed they were risking life, property and honor
for Uberty and self-government — for a violated constitution, whose prin
ciples incarnated the genius of republican institutions. It was eternally
to their honor that they staked so rauch for their convictions of right.
That they failed in their cherished cause detracts nothing frora their
heroic devotion and sacrifice to truth. That they should have been used
by Providence in the execution of a huraanitarian reform Jb.ut..iajnsecj:ates
their heroism.

PART II.
The Bloody Harvest of War.

•CHAPTER XVIII.
THE PRINCELY PROSPERITY GEORGIA STAKED ON THE
WAR.
Gov. Brown's Promptness. — The Seizure of the Augusta Arsenal. — Captain Elzey. —
Col. Henry R. Jackson.— Col. Win. H. T. Walker.— Work ofthe Convention.— The
Delegates to Montgomery. — Commissioners to Southern States. — Their Reports. —
The Address of the Convention, written by Mr. Toombs. — A Summary of Georgia's
Condition. — Striking Statistics. — Her Exceptional Attitude. — Sixty-two Millions
Growth in a Single Year. — A Romance of State Expansion. — A Flood Tide of
Progress. — Gov. Brown's Marvelous Administration. — Georgia's Largest Measure of
Material Advancement under His Rule. — An Increase of 176 Millions in Brown's
Four Years. — An Amazing Growth. — Georgia had Ennobled Peace. — She was to
Hlumine War.
From the date of Georgia's secession, events went forward swiftly.
Gov. Brown with characteristic promptitude hastened to make practical
the sovereignty of the State. The United States flag was still flying
over the Augusta Arsenal. Captain Arnold Elzey was in charge of it,
in coramand of eighty United States soldiers. During the located pub
lic feeling before secession, the people were in great excitement over
Federal occupation of the Arsenal. This excitement becarae alraost
uncontroUable when the Federal flag continued to float over the Arsenal
after secession, and it was the aU-absorbing theme of talk. Gov. Brown
went promptly to Augusta, arriving there on the 22d of January, 1861.
Colonel, afterwards Gen. Henry R. Jackson, accompanied the Governor
as his aid. The foUowing coramunication was addressed to Captain
Elzey: " Adgusta, Ga., Jan. 23, 1861.
"Capt. Arnold Elzet, U. S. A., Commanding Augusta Arsenal:
"Sir.—l am instructed by his Excellency, Gov. Brown, to say to you that Georgia,
having seceded from the United States of America, and resumed exclusive sovereignty
over her soil, it has becorae my duty to require you to withdraw the troops under your
coraraand at the earliest practicable moment, from the liraits of this state.
" He proposes to take possession of the Arsenal, and to receipt for all public property
under your charge, which will hereafter be accounted for, on adjustment, between the
State of Georgia and the United States of America.
" He begs to refer you to the fact that the retention of foreign troops upon the soil of
Georgia, after remonstrance, is, under the laws of nations, an act of hostility; and he
11

162 THE AUGUSTA ARSENAL.
claims that the State is not only at peace, but anxious to cultivate the most amicable re
lations with the United States Government.
" I ara further instructed to say that an answer will be expected by to-morrow morn
ing, at nine o'clock. " I am Sir, Very Respectfully, Your Obedient Servant,
HENRY R. JACKSON.
Aid de Camp, etc."
Captain Elzey refused to give up the Arsenal, and telegraphed the
situation to the authorities at Washington, receiving at one o'clock at
night this reply: " Washington, Jan. 23, 1861.
" Capt. Arnold, Second Artillery, Commanding Augusta Arsenal, Ga. ;
" The Governor of Georgia has assumed against your post and the United States an
attitude of war. His suraraons is harsh and peremptory. It is not expected that your
defense should be desperate. If forced to surrender by violence or starvation, you will
stipulate for honorable terms,. and a free passage by water with your company to New
York. " T. HOLT, Secretary of War."
During the day of the 23d the volunteers of the city were ordered
out, and some 800 troops responded. The refusal of Captain Elzey to
surrender created the exciting prospect of a battle, and hence every
raan turned out that could raise a uniform and gun.- Troops came in from
the country. The companies out were the Augusta Battalion, companies
A and B of the Minute Men and the militia, all under the immediate
command of Lt. Col. Cumming. Brig. Gen. Harris had general direc
tion, aided by >Brig. Gen. Williams of Colurabus. Col. Wm. Phillips
was on the Governor's staff. Gov. Brown determined to make no
hostile deraonstration on the 23d, but to allow Ca.ptain Elzey a day for
consideration. The troops were disraissed until the 24th, at nine
o'clock, A. M., when they reasserabled and were just about to raarch for
the Arsenal, when Capt. Elzey sent the following comraunication, which
caused a countermanding of the order to march.
" Head Quarters Augusta Arsenal, )
Georgia, Jan. 24, 1861. (
" Sir, — I have the honor to inform you that I am directed by Captain Elzey, coraraand
ing this post, to say, iu reply to the demand of the Governor of the St.ate of Georgia,
made through you yesterday, requiring him to withdraw his command beyond the limits
of the State : he begs to request an interview with his Excellency, the Governor, for the
purpose of negotiating honorable terras of surrender at as early an hour this morning as
practicable. " I have the honor to be, very respectfully.
Your Obedient Servant, J. C. JONES,
" To Col. H. R. Jackson, Aid de Camp." Lieut. 2d Art. Adg.

LAEGE CAPTUEE OF VALUABLE ORDNANCE. 163
At ten o'clock Gov. Brown, with Generals Williams and Harris, and
his staff. Col. H. R. Jackson, Col. Wm. Phillips, Lt. Col. M. C. Fulton,
Lt. Col. C. V. Walker, and Lt. Col. -Henry Cleveland rode to the Arse
nal, where the terms of surrender were agreed upon.
1. The United States" flag was to be lowered and saluted.
2. The company to march out with mUitary honors.
3. A receipt to be given for the property with a view to future ad
justment. •1. The company to retain its arras and property, to stay in its quar
ters until withdrawal from the State, and to have passage to New York
by Savannah. The State obtained a large quantity of valuable ordnance
and munitions, among them a fine battery of two twelve-pound howitz
ers, two cannons, twenty-two thousand muskets and rifles, many of
them of the best kind, and heavy stores of powder, grape and other am-
raunition. After the arrangeraents were corapleted, a cordial exchange of
friendly courtesies was had. Col. Wm. Henry Walker crossed the
room and heartily shook hands with Capt. Elzey, assuring him that he
had done all that a brave officer could. A silent embrace was Capt.
Elzey's reply, and the incident filled with tears the eyes of those who wit
nessed the touching incident between these two old army friends, sud
denly placed in hostile relations to each other. The two were at West
Point together. Col. Walker was afterwards made a Major General in
the Confederate army. He was the possessor of a courage that bor
dered upon the desperate. He was peculiarly unfortunate, having
been frightfully wounded on three separate occasions in his service
before the war, once being literally shot to pieces. He was finally
killed in the battles around Atlanta.
The garrison was called out and the four field pieces used in firing
the salute. Thirty-three guns were fired, one for each star on the old
flag, Georgia included. The flag descended from the staff between
the thirty-second ahd thirty-third fire. All of the officers of the com
pany, and some of those with the Governor had seen active service
under it. Col. Jackson through the Mexican war. As the flag fell
frora the staff, a deep feeling of pain and regret was entertained.
Refreshments were ordered by Capt. Elzey, and a number of toasts
were pledged, several of them deserving preservation. Col. Jackson
offered this feeUng and memorable sentiment : " The flag of stars and
stripes, raay it never be disgraced, while it floats over a true Southern
patriot." This toast was warraly appreciated by the officers of the

164 DELEGATES TO 3I0NTG0MEEY.
Federal company, who were Southern officers. Governor Brown, while
not drinking wine, proposed a toast to Cajjtain Elzey, in which he paid
that officer a merited and generous compliment.
Gov. Brown returned immediately to Milledgeville. At three o'clock
Gen. Harris, with twelve of the Washington Artillery, and a squad of
the Oglethorpe Infantry, i^roceeded to the. Arsenal and took possession.
At half past four the representative flag of Georgia was formally raised,
a pure white banner with a large red five-pointed star in the center, the
symbol and the emblem of the state's supreme sovereignty. Salutes
were fired with two cannon belonging to the Washington ArtiUery ;
one gun for the sovereignty of Georgia ; five guris for the seceded
states; and fifteen for the prospective Southern Confederacy. In com
menting upon Gov. Brown's judicious execution of this duty, the
Augusta Constitutioncdist complimented him upon the fact that he
used every effort to preserve peace between the State and the United
States, and it used these words: " Our State may weU be proud of her
Governor." It was apprehended at one time that bloodshed would
ensue; but the prompt and overwhelming demonstration of force,
giving time for a calm knowledge of the situation, resulted in the
peaceable surrender of the post with its incalculably valuable stores for
the great conflict so soon at hand. This episode added to the enthu
siasm of the hour, and stimulated the war feeling. Captain Elzey
afterwards became a General officer in the Confederate array.
The work of the State Convention proceeded rapidly. Ordinances
were passed in quick succession, perfecting the details of sovereign
rule, in regard to citizenship, the courts, inter-state slave trade, postal
arrangements, and other raatters. Delegates were elected to the South
ern Convention to raeet at Montgomery on the 4:th of February, 1861.
These were:
State at Lfirge. — Robert Toombs and Howell Cobb.
1st District, Francis S. Bartow; 2nd District, Martin J. Crawford ; 3d
District, Eugenius A. Nisbet; 4th District, Benjamin H. HUl; 5th Dis
trict, Augustus R, Wright; 6th District, Thomas R. R. Cobb; 7th Dis
trict, Augustus H. Kenan; 8th District, Alexander H. Stephens.
This was a very strong delegation. Some complaint was raade by
th.g_extreme secession press at the selection of B. H. HUl, A. H. IsTenan
?iJ^^ ^-^^ .^'^k-h^3 - S'"^ .^¦.cpo.UQl of Jheirn£t_ haying been seoesaomsts.
The Convention selected also Commissioners to send to Southern sEaTes
that had not seceded. The persons chosen vvere:
For Virginia, H. L. Benning of Muscogee..

EEPOETS OF SOUTHERN COMMISSIONERS. 165
For Maryland, A. R. Wright of Richmond.
For Kentucky, H. R. Jackson of Chatham.
For Tennessee, H. P. BeU of Forsyth.
For Missouri, L. J. Glenn of Fulton.
For Arkansas, D. P. Hill of Harris.
For Delaware, D. C. Carapbell of Baldwin.
For North Carolina, Saml. Hall of Macon.
Col. Henry R. Jackson declined to serve, and Dr. W. C. Daniel! was
appointed in his stead. W. J. Vason had been previously chosen as
Commissioner to Louisiana, and J. W. A. Sanford, Commissioner to
Texas. Reports of their mission to these states were made by Campbell,
Sanford, W^right, Hall, DanieU, Vason and Bell. Col. D. P. Hill, the
Commissioner to Arkansas, proceeded to that state and remained three
months at work, and did not return until Arkansas seceded, at which
tirae the Georgia Convention had adjourned, and his report was never
made. He labored faithfully, however, canvassing the state of Arkansas
from one end to the other. Col. L. J. Glenn went to Missouri, but had
a difficult tirae, meeting with rauch trouble in his raission. The reports
of the Commissioners constitute a very interesting series of papers, and
are embodied in the Journal of the Convention. Col. CampbeU found
in Delaware a Legislature hostile to secession, and hence limited his
work to a brief letter to Gov. Burton, who transmitted it to the Gen
eral Assembly without comments. Col. Campbell predicted that when
Virginia and Maryland seceded, Delaware would do so. Ranse Wright,
the Commissioner to Maryland, found Gov. Hicks of that state uncom
promisingly opposed to secession, and if a disruption was made he
favored a Central Confederacy, including New York, Pennsylvania,
New .lersey, Delaware, Virginia, Missouri and Ohio, and was then in
correspondence with the Governors of those states upon the subject.-
An unofficial convention of secessionists was in session in Maryland,
but adjourned until some time in March. Col. Wright thought the
people of Maryland would take the matter in their own hands and join
the South. The letter of Col. Wright to Gov. Hicks was a very elo- '
quent and able presentation of the issues involved.
The report of Samuel Hall, the Commissioner to North Carolina, rep
resented a most cordial reception from the Governor, the legislature
and citizens of that state. He addressed the legislature in a speech of
elaboration and power, that concluded with an eloquent anticipation of
the future glory of a Southern Confederacy. His mission was a success

166 SECESSION ADDRESS' TO THE PEOPLE.
in this, that the legislature submitted the question to the people whether
a convention should be called. Dr. Daniel! was able to do nothing in
Kentucky. Wra. J. Vason, the Commissioner to Louisiana, addressed
the legislature of that state, but found the state up to the neck in
secession. Col. H. P. BeU, the Commissioner to Tennessee, found the
people against secession, but Governor Harris was confident they would
come to it in time. Col. Luther J. Glenn went to Missouri and
faithfuUy executed his mission. He had a troublesome time, but over
came the difficulties manfully.
The Convention continued in session untU the 29th of January, 1861,
when it adjourned to meet in Savannah. A number of important mat
ters were ordained, among them, the reduction of the Senate of the
state to a body of forty-four members, as it has been ever since and is
now'. The Congressional Districts were increased from nine to ten.
The Governor was authorized to raise two regiments of troops for state
defense. The address of the Convention upon the Ordinance of Secession as
reported by Mr. Nisbet, chairraan of the coramittee of seventeen, was
written by Mr. Toombs, and was a masterly review of the causes that
induced Georgia to secede. It is a clear, concise,- ringing stateraent of
the issue, pithy, concentrated and forcible. . Arraigning the RepubU
can party for its crusade against slavery, the great question of slavery
is the burden of the paper. The address concludes in these sinewy
sentences. The people of Georgia
" Know the value of parchment rights in treacherous hands, and therefore they refuse
to commit their own to the rulers whom the North offer us. 'WTiy ¦? Because by their
declared principles and policy they have outlawed three thousand miUions of our pro
perty in the coramon territories of the Union, put it under the ban of the Republic in
the states where it exists, .and out of the protection of Federal law every-where ; because
thev give sanctuary to thieves and incendiaries who assail it to the whole extent of their
power, in spite of their most solemn obligations and covenants ; because their avowed
purpose is to subvert our society, and subject us, not only to the loss of our property,
but the destruction of ourselves, our wives and our children, and the desolation of our
homes, our altars aud our firesides. To avoid these evils, we resume the powers which
our fathers delegated to the Government of the United States, and henceforth will seek
new safeguards for our liberty, equality, security and tranquillity."
A summary of the condition of Georgia in the year 1860, the year
before the g;;eat civil war, will not be out of place for the purpose of
practically presenting the stupendous changes wrought by the revolu
tion. The statistics are striking ones, and demonstrate how sturdily
this powerful Southern State adhered to the Confederate cause in that

Georgia's exteaoedinaet peogress in i860. 167
most gigantic strife of the world's history, and to what extent she de
voted her raen and means to what she espoused. It is a matter of well-
grounded doubt if any State in the Union displayed greater heroism.
And while she thus practically did her duty in sending her sons and
giving her resources to the cause, she held a singular and exceptional
attitude in firmly antagonizing every measure of the Confederate gov
ernment that she thought an encroachment upon constitutional law and
liberty. Her record in this particular is romantic and impressive in the
extrerae. She fought to the last sorae of the most pronounced measures
of the Confederate government, arguing and protesting against their
policy, and yet in every case giving the substantial aid called for under
such measures. Araid the direst necessities of the conflict she sought
to preserve the principles of a constitutional governraent. She gave
raen and money whenever called for, raore than called for. She prided
herself upon the promptitude with which she obeyed every requisition
for soldiers. But she made a decided stand for the Constitution when
ever she thought Confederate legislation invaded its principles or ira-
perUed its integrity, and when the final history of the war comes to be
¦written, several of her conflicts of argument with the Confederate gov
ernment, conducted by her stern-souled Executive, will stand as historic
constitutional land-marks. As will be seen hereafter, she was destined
to be the theater of controUing gigantic operations for a long period,
culminating in that faraous " Sherman's raarch to the Sea," which
quartered the Ul-fated Confederacy and proved the most destructive
blow the Southern cause received.
The statistics are taken from the report of the ComptroUer General
of the State, Col. Peterson Thweatt, an officer who instituted the splen
did system, and has been noted for his accuracy and industry. The
Q^rrrrv^aiatP wpa.lt.h nf Georgia in 18.60 was 1672,323,777. Some idea of
the extraordinary progress Georgia was making at that period in mate
rial prosperity, may be understood from the fact that the gain of
the state for 1860 over the year 1859, was the wonderful sum of
$62,732,901. Could there be a raore striking exaraple of growth ? Over
sixty raUUons in a single year. The fact reads like a roraance. It sug
gests the sudden expansion of the golden Eldorados of the West.
Georgia was raarching forward with a giant stride. No wonder that
she had won spontaneously the noble distinction of the _" Empire State
of the South." It was an honor due to her magical advancement, and
her imperial resources. 'fliajietailaaiJiec.aggregute^weaM jh^
largest sino-le eleraent of wealth to be her_slayes, 450,033 in nuraber.

168 GEORGIA IN 1860.
and worth $302,694^55.^,. _.Her . land that paid ta.y was ...S3,34fl,289
ajEcgSjjKflEth.. $101,764,955. City property stood valued at $35,139,415;
raoney and solvent debts, $107,336,258; merchandise, $15,577,193; man-
nfactoriesj $4,034,252 ; other unmentioned property, $42,427,295. Her
polls were 99,748, which added to the voters not subject to pol! tax,
gave her fully 110,000 voters.. Of free persons of color there were only
1,225. There were 25 banks doing business in the State with a capital of
.§17,000,000, of wliich they emploved $"9.028.Q7A Savannah had nine
of these banks using $5, 101.,33.I.,^_t. capital,, and. Aaigiisla._six^^th
$2,675, 00CL,£a£ita].'. The 'State indebtedness was the^ small_ .sum  of
$2,670,750, ajid .the assets^consisted of the Western and-Atlaatic-Eail-
rM^ which had cost $4,441,532, and which paid into the treasury
8450,000 in 1860, or over ten per cent, interest upon cost, and other
property worth $807,025. The rate of taxation was then 6 1-2 cents on
the $100, making a revenue of $400,000. The income of the state was
not only adequate for the yearly expenses of every description, but even
at the low rate of taxation, was furnishing ,a surplus fund for redeem
ing a large amount of bonds not due, anticipating the maturity of in
debtedness. The prosperity of the State was something amazing. She
was rushing forward with an accelerating sweep. It was a very flood
tide of weal for a grand and expanding empire. The j)opulation
was__l,023,801, of which the, white part was ,5,7 6, '^9, an^_tks_il£llfltcfid
447,082. But in looking at the superb condition of Georgia in that eventful
year of 1860, so remarkable for its luxuriant prosperity as yell as for
the inception of a strife that dashed the proud State into the very dregs
of a woe and poverty as absolute and boundless as her forraer stately
fortune, it is an act of justice to credit to the adrainistration of Gov
ernor Brown its agency in this achievement of progress, whose detaUs
we have given. The statistics wUl show the striking fact that, frora
the beginning of the state government to the present time, with a
record of some very brUliant periods of chief magistracy. Gov. Brown's
regime of four years, from November 1857, to October 1860, gave to
Georgia the largest measure of material growth she has ever had. This
is vast praise, but it is due. These four years of Joseph E. Brown's
executive management stand out the one unequaled and infinitely
superior epoch of state progress. Like a towering pyramid amid an
unbroken stretch of ordinary structures, this historical period of culmi
nating power and splendor under the derided slave-ocracy of the South,

geoegia's e.xpansion in foue yeaes. 169
is a grand monument to the administrative genius of our- Governor
frora Gaddistown, the common-sense outcorae and exponent of the
Woolhat raasses.
In 1856 the state's property was $495,516,224, and in 1860, $672,322,-
777, and the stupendous and unparalleled increase in four years, $176,-
811,553. The first year the increase was 33 millions, the second year
11 millions, the third 70 millions, and the 4th 62 millions, making the
amazing total of 176 millions in 48 months. It would be declared an
incredible thing as a prospective achievement. It stands a consum
mated historic fact, proven by solemn official records, whose correctness
has never been disputed. But let us look into the details of this un
precedented enlargement of wealth and power. Giving their proper
tredit to development and to an iraproved and more rigid return of prop
erty, the undeniable reality exists that in these magical four years the
state grew with the expanding power of a giant under the positive
brainful rule of Gov. Brown.
Slave property had . increased- 33.298 in numbers and $92,260,221 in
value; land had ...enhanced.. ^SftyOMiEL^ ' "^^^^ property had grown
$8,957,798; merchandise had extended in commercial bulk, $6,360,105;
and money and good debts had swelled the huge amount of $30,260,042.
These are surprising figures, and create greater surprise, when it is
remembered that Gov. Brown began his official rule at a time of bank
suspension and commercial distress, in which he had formulated a policy
of his own in contravention of the views of capitalists and trade kings —
a policy looking alone to popular interest and the welfare of the masses.
Not only this, but he boldly, resisted a legislative doctoring of the finan
cial evils that was in syrapathy with the wishes of the financial mon
archs, who were alone supposed to possess the ability to give relief. It
was a daring attitude that he assumed, involving the restriction of bank
privilege and the curbing of the money power. He was threatened with
an " lUiad of Woes " for the state as the logical sequence of his theory,
and it took a boundless degree of personal nerve to stand to his views
in the face of such menace and prophecy of disaster. The result wa^
out of aU probability. A scheme of law, that while giving tlie broadest
proper latitude to the transaction of bank capital which engineered com
merce, at the same time restrained with an iron hand those illicit specu
lations that abused popular confidence and led to widespread financial
distrust and ruin, was the very one to preserve the state from, monetary
trouble, and was the ideal of Gov. Brown, for which he fought and was
savagely berated. That the state grew so marvelously and presented

170 GEOEGIA IN PEACE AND "WAE.
such a deyelopment so rapidly after coraraercial depression, enhances the
prestige of Gov. Brown's administration.
It must ever be a subject of profound regret that the unprecedented
progress of Georgia was checked in thp very hour of its increasing
sweep. Looking back to the condition of Georgia in 1860, it would
seem that Providence was making her and her people objects of especial
favor. She was leading the South in substantial advancement. She
was foreraost in the national councils. She had a prodigal affluence of
eloquence and statesmanship araong her citizens, giving her power and
fame. She had a future of imraeasurable possibilities. It was in the
line of her supremacy that she was so potential in precipitating the revo
lution. Her sublime energies from this culmination of her princely
prosperity were to be henceforth directed to the mad destruction of war
instead of the arts and airas of peace, in which she had made such
incredible strides. The transition but illustrated her native greatness.
Her genius had ennobled peace; it illurained war; and the very wreck
that she left of her proud and peerless prosperity attested her courage,
chivalry and patriotism.

CHAPTER XIX.
THE RAPE OF THE GUNS.
Gov. Brown's Audacious Reprisal upon New York. — The New York Authorities Seize
sorae Georgia Guns. — Gov. Brown deraands Them of Gov. Morgan. — No Answer. —
The Seizure of New York Ships at Savannah by Heury R. Jackson. — Tart Cor
respondence between Governors Brown and Morgan. — The Guns Ordered Released.
— The Ships Released. — The Guns Retained. — The Ships Re-Seized. — Spicy Press
Comment."— Action of New York Legislature — Federal Congress and Confederate
Congress — The Theme of National Discussion. — Gov. Brown's Pluck. — The Ships
ordered Sold. — The Guns Released. — Justice Torn from Unwilling Hands. — The
Confederate Congress Rasped Brown. — The Augusta Constitutionalist. — Brown for
Confederate President. — Georgia Holds PubKc Attention.
We corae now to an occurrence that gave basis to the raost dramatic
episode connected with Georgia's war record, a bold reprisal upon the
State of New York, and which brought Gov. Brown to the attention of
the people of the whole Union in a manner that raade him for the time
the most marked raan of the day. It established his character perraa
nently for resolute audacity and intrepid will. It added a flattering
prestige to the State abroad, and fixed Gov. Brown, if possible, more
firmly than ever in the popular esteera as the undeniable leader for the
turbulent war tiraes upon which we had fallen.
The firm of D. C. Hodgkins & Sons of Macon, had purchased two
hundred guns in New York, and had tliem shipped on the steamer
Monticello for Savannah. There were thirty-eight boxes of rauskets
altogether in the shipment, the balance over the two hundred, belonging-
it was said, to the State • of Alabama. The New York police seized
these guns on the 22nd of January, 1861, without any lawful authority,
and placed them in the State arsenal. Hodgkins & Sons were notified
of the seizure and immediately sought Gov. Brown, furnishing him
proof of their ownership. The Governor first satisfied himself as to
the justice of Hodgkins' claim, and then began a correspondence which
grew to be very tart before it was finished, and involved a conflict
between the Governors of New York and Georgia, the two " Empire
States," that excited a deep interest, created a varied comraentary over
the whole country and resulted in a complete victory for Gov. Brown.

172 GOV. BEOWN AND GOV. MORGAN.
On Saturday, the 2nd of February, 1861, Gov. Brown sent the following
dispatch to Gov. Morgan of New York in regard to the- raatter.

"Executive Department,
Milledgeville, Ga., Feb. 2, 1861.

.1
His Excellency Gov. Morgan, Albany, N. Y. ;
" Sir, — I have before me satisfactory evidence that two hundred muskets belonging
to D. C. Hodgkins & Sons, citizens of this State, were placed on board the ship MonticeDo,
at New York for Savannah, and were seized by the police of that city on or about the
22ud of January last, and taken from the ship and are now detained in the State arsenal
iu the city. As Governor of Georgia I hereby demand that the guns be iraraediately
deUvered to G. B. Laraar of New York, who is hereby appointed my agent to receive
them. I trust no similar outrage may be perpetrated in future.
" You will oblige by communicating your decision immediately by telegraph.
" Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "JOSEPH E. BROWN."
It perhaps will serve to show the temper of those days that the ordi
nary ceremonious etiquette between the chief magistrates of two great
Stateswas wholly waived, and the controversy at the beginning assuraed
the hard tone of the prevailing spirit of sectional bitterness. Polite
phrases were dispensed with at once. Gov. Brown waited until Mon
day, the 4th of February, 1861, to hear from Gov. Morgan, but receiving
no reply, he telegraphed the operator at Albany to learn if the dispatch
had been delivered to Gov. Morgan. The reply was that it had. Upon
this. Gov. Brown, with that decisiveness that he was wont to display
under such, as well as all circumstances, issued the foUowing order to
Col. Henry R. Jackson, his aid de camp in Savannah :
"Executive Departmest, ')
Milledgeville, Ga., Feb. Sth, 1861. >
Half-past 9, P. M. )
" I have demanded of the Governor of New York, tbe prorapt delivery to my agent
for D. C. Hodgkins & Sons, citizens of this State, of their guns, seized by the police of
New York, on board the Mofnticello, and deposited in the arsenal of that state. The
deraand has been delivered to him. He has had a reasonable tirae and has raade no
reply. I ara determined to protect the persons and property of the citizens of this state
against all such lawless violence, at all hazards.
" In doing so, I will, if necessary, raeet force by force. I feel it my dnty in this case
to order reprisal. You will therefore direct Col. Lawton to order out sufficient military
force, and seize and hold, subject to my order, every ship now in the harbor of Savan
nah, belonging to citizens of New York. When the .property of which our citizens have
been robbed is returned to thera, tlien the ships will be delivered to the citizens of New
York who own them.
" JOSEPH E. BROWN.
" Col. H. R. Jackson, Aid de Carap, Savannah, Georgia."
After the issuance of this order to Col. Jackson, Gov. Brown received

SEIZURE OP NEW YORK VESSELS. 173
a dispatch frora Gov. Morgan acknowledging the receipt of the first
dispatch, alleging that certain arras had been detained in New York,
but saying " its grave character and unofficial form forbid him from tak
ing action in regard to it without better authenticated information."
Gov. Morgan's dispatch concluded by saying that a response was given
to enable Gov. Brown if the first dispatch was " veritable " to com
municate his wishes by letter. The reply of Gov. Morgan was unfortu
nate in several respects, especially in connection with the prompt
methods and unyielding temper of Gov. Brown. Such a dispatch to
verify the authenticity of the first one could have been sent immedi
ately. The delay indicated, what was afterwards shown, a disposition
to trick in the matter. Gov. Brown was neither insensible to the dis
courtesy of silence, nor wiUing to lose his chances of redress by delay
or subterfuge. The terms of the reply excited his suspicioh of Gov.
Morgan's fair dealing. Wary and resolved, he permitted Col. Jackson
to proceed in making the seizure of vessels, so as to be upon perfectly
equal terms with Gov. Morgan. A less firra or vigilant person would
have acted on Gov. Morgan's evasive telegrara, which probably was
inspired by inforraation of the order of reprisal.
On the 8th, Col. Jackson seized the following vessels: the brig Kirby;
bark. Adjuster; brig. Golden Lead; schooner, JuUa, and bark, Golden
Murray. Col. Lawton effected the seizure. Detachraents of the
Phoenix Rifleraen under Captain George Gordon were placed in charge
of the ships, with instructions not to molest crew or cargo. On the 8th,
the same day. Gov. Brown wrote fully to Gov. Morgan detailing the
whole matter. After a recapitulation of the facts. Gov. Brown thus
continued and concluded this plain-spoken letter.
"I am unable to perceive what reason you had to doubt that ray dispatch was verita--
ble. It was dated at the Executive Department and signed here by me. You also ob
ject to it on account of its unofficial form. It is not only dated at this Departraent, but
I expressly state that I make the demand as Governor of Georgia. I am not aware of
the additional language which your Excellency would consider requisite to give to a
deraand of this character official form !
" A lengthy official correspondence in this case is neither invited or desired. The out
rage was a public one. Citizens of this state have been robbed of their property in
your state by officers under your control. As the Executive of Georgia, I have
demanded its re-delivery to its owners. My demand when met, has been met evasively,
by raising a technical objection to its form, which has no foundation in fact, as a siraple
reference to the demand itself will show. The case is one, therefore, which requires
action, not lengthy diplomacy. I have the honor therefore to notify your Excellency of
the seizure of the vessels above mentioned under my order, and that I shall hold thera
until justice be done the injured citizens of this state, above naraed, by re-delivery of the

174 THE PRESS ON THE SEIZURE.
guns to them or to G. B. Lamar of New York, whom I have appointed my agent to
receive them. If the property seized as reprisal belongs to citizens of New York, who
are friendly to the cause of justice and truth, and the equal rights of the people of the
Southern states, I shall regret the inconvenience to which they may be exposed.
" I cannot forget, however, that my first duty is to protect the citizens of this State
against the lawless violence of the officers or citizens of other states. If, in so doing,
incidental injury should be done to orderly and law-abiding citizens of such offending
state, for just and full indemnity they must look to their own governraent, which has
brought the injury upon them.
" I trust your Excellency may have no difficulty in arriving at the conclusion that this
communication is ' official ' and ' veritable.' "
At the hour of nine o'clock P. M., on the 9th of February, the day
after his letter was written to Gov. Morgan, and before it was received.
Gov. Brown received this telegram : "New York, Feb. 9, 1861.
" The arms have been put at the comraand of the owners here : please release all
vessels. " G. B. LAMAR."
Upon receipt of this dispatch Gov. Brown telegraphed to Col. Jackson :
"I have just received a telegrara from G. B. Lamar, my agent in New York, stating
that the arms have been put at the commands of the owners. The object for which the
seizure was made having been accoraplished, and the rights of the citizens of this State
having been vindicated, you wiU order vessels seized to be immediately released."
Gov. Brown also replied by telegram to G. B. Lamar that he had
ordered the release of the vessels. But the matter was not to end here.
The subject was very fully discussed, and especially the law of reprisals.
The Governor's authority to resort to this arbitrary remedy was clearly
shown by quotation from Vattel's " Law of Nations." The Savannah
Repnd)lican took issue on the matter with the Governor, and condemned
his course as hasty, and endorsing Gov. Morgan's action in requiring the
dispatch to be authenticated. Public sentiment in the State was, how
ever, almost unanimously in favor of Governor Brown's action, and
there was much tart commentary on the Savannah Republican. Out of
the State the Governor was highly commended. The Charleston Courier
said he was " the man for his place and for the times." The Richraond
Despatch said there was a " broad grin over everybody's face at the
lightning-like rapidity with which the New York police let go the guns."
The New York Herald dubbed Gov. Morgan's act as " the climax of
absurdity, folly and political iniquity," and further declared that:
" Gov. Brown will flnd an abundant justification of the act he has ordered in the
responsibilities of his position, and in the necessity of indemnifying private citizens,
who are his constituents, for an unwarrantable robbery committed by our police, for
which they could obtain no other redress. It is the very nearest thing to a ci\ll war.

NEW YORK LEGISLATURE AND CONGRESS. 175
but let the blame rest where it belongs, upon the Republican Executive of New York,
whose atrocious usurpation of powers that do not belong to him, has led to such a sad
result." The New York Herald of the 8th contained a paragraph that Gov.
Morgan assuraed that the arms were intended to be used against the
Federal government, and felt bound by his official oath to interfere.
And such was, undoubtedly, his motive, and he was sustained by the
RepubUcan press of the North. Mr. Toombs telegraphed frora MiUedge
vUle to Fernando Wood, mayor of New York city, asking about the
seizure, and saying, that a reply was important ta us and to New York.
Mayor Wood replied, that the seizure had been raade, but that the city
of New York should in no way be held responsible for the outrage. As
mayor he had no authority over the police. If he had the power, he
said, he would summarily punish the authors of the illegal and unjusti
fiable seizure of private property. A dispatch was also sent to Crom
weU & Co., agents in New York of the steamer Monticello, from parties
in Savannah, stating that the seizure of the arms had created excite
ment, and asking if they could not get the arms back, as retaliation was
feared. The matter stirred so much public interest, that it was made
the subject of a resolution in the New York Legislature, requiring the
metropoUtan police coraraissioners to report to the House by what
authority, if any, they ordered the seizure and detention of the arms.
The resolution, however, was voted down. Henry C. Wayne, Adjutant-
General of Georgia, addressed a brief comraunication to the New York
Herald, correcting the erroneous stateraent, that the State of Georgia
had purchased the arms.
Early after the seizure, the law firm of Munn & Parsons of New York,
representing W. H. D. Callender, cashier of the State Bank of Hartford,
Conn., demanded of Mr. Kennedy, superintendent of the police, the
arras. Kennedy referred the raatter to his counsel, and finally peremp-
torUy refused the demand, and a writ of replevin was served upon him,
when he placed the arms in the custody of Sheriff Kelly. The agents
of the seized ships were in constant telegraphic communication with
their owners in New York. Mr. G. B. Lamar was notified of Gov.
Brown's purpose to seize the ships, and was preparing a dispatch advis
ing against the course when he received information of the seizure.
In Washington, Congress took up the matter, Hon. John Cochrane of
New York offering a resolution directing the Secretary of the Treasury
to inform the House, whether he had any official information on the
subject, and he further gave notice of his purpose to call up and press

176 SECOND SEIZURE OF VESSELS.
to a passage a bill previously introduced, providing for the protection
of the commercial interests of the nation against flagitious attacks
upon them by the seceded states.
The matter, it will be seen, was for the tirae the theme of national
discussion, as well 'as of home interest. It was even raolding national
legislation. But in spite of promises it was unsettled, and it was des
tined to test still further Gov. Brown's pluck and persistence, and
evoke Confederate legislation against Gov. Brown's course, which was
as powerless as all the other agencies at work to stop the resolute
Executive in his protection of Georgia citizens and Georgia rights.
Mr. Lamar was informed that the guns were at the command of their
owners and, as has been stated, so notifled Gov. Brown, who ordered
the release of the ships. Mr. Laraar waited upon Mr. Kennedy, and to
his surprise was informed that he had changed his mind and would not
deliver up the arms to any person except the sheriff, until compelled to
do so by law, and would also make further seizures of " contraband
articles." The New York Herald announced the delivery of the arms,
but the New York Tribune denied that they had been given up, prob
ably acting on partisan information.
In this state of things Governor Brown met the new issue as squarely
as he had the old one. He instantly ordered another seizure of vessels.
There appears to be well-grounded doubt for implicating Gov. Morgan
in the treachery that was used, and the retention of the arms after their
delivery had been agreed upon. In fact he denied to a Herald reporter
that he had ever ordered any seizure at all of the arras, and expressed
the opinion that the whole thing had originated in a late charge of
Judge SraaUey to the grand jury. And a letter was published alleged
to have been written by him to Punch and Meincke in New York city,
owners of the bark "Adjuster," at the first seizure, advising them to
go into the courts for their rights, giving the opinion that the retalia
tion was unjustifiable, and that if idemnity could no where else be
obtained, the Federal governraent itself would in a last resort be liable.
The Herald was disposed to place the responsibility either upon Super
intendent Kennedy or the police commissioners, to whom he owed his
appointment. Gov. Brown's second order of seizure to Col. Henry R. Jackson was
issued on February 21st, 1861. His letter of instructions was quite
full, going with considerable detaU into the occurrence. In this he
stated that Mr. John Boston, the coUector of the port of Savannah,
had received word that the guns had been delivered up. He also

RELEASE OF THE SHIP ADJUSTER. 177
referred to Gov. Morgan's silence on the subject. It was clearly evident
that it was the settled policy of the New York authorities to subject
Southern commerce to a dishonorable surveillance, and to seize our
property and plunder our citizens at their pleasure. He added these
strong and manly words:
" Under these circumstances I feel that I, as the Executive of Georgia, would prove
recreant to the high trust reposed in me by my fellow-citizens, were I to refu.se to pro
tect their rights against such unprovoked aggression, by all the means which the law of
nations, or the constitution and laws of this state have placed at my command. It
therefore becomes my duty again to direct you to call out such railitary force as may be
necessary for that purpose, and to renew the reprisals by the seizure, as soon as practi
cable, of vessels in the harbor of Savannah, or other property in the city, or elsewhere
within your reach, belonging to the state, or to citizens of New York, at least equal in
value to double the araount of the original seizures made by you. You will hold the
property so seized, subject to my order ; and it will be released when the guns iu ques
tion (together with any other property of our citizens which has been or may in the
meantime be unlawfully seized by the authorities of New York) are actually shipped
from the harbor, and are beyond the reach or control of the police of the city of New
York or the authorities of that state."
In response to this order Col. Jackson seized three ships, the Martha
J. Ward, the bark Adjuster and the brig Julia A. Hallock. Gov. Brown
then wrote on the 25th of February, 1861, to Gov. E. D. Morgan, noti
fying him of the new seizure, and concluding with this information of
the additional steps he should take:
" Should I faQ to receive official information from your Excellency, prior to the 25th I
March next, that the guns above mentioned have been delivered to their rightful owners, I
or to G. B. Lamar, my agent, and that he has been permitted to ship them from the \
Port of New York to Savannah, I shall ou that day, cause the vessels above named, to
be sold in the City of Savannah, to the highest bidder, and ont of the proceeds of the
sale I shall indemnify the injured citizens of this state against the loss sustained by them
ou account of the unjust and illegal seizure and detention of their property by the
authorities of New York. That you may not fail to receive tliis notice, it will be sent
to you at Albany, in duplicate, by different mails."
Of the three vessels last seized the bark Adjuster was freighted with
a cargo of cotton belonging to British and Russian subjects. Proof of
this was furnished to Col. Jackson and by him forwarded to Gov.
Brown, who at the intercession of the representatives of the British
and Russian governments, permitted the bark to be released and pro
ceed to sea instead of compelling thera to unload and seek another ship.
This was done to cultivate friendly relations with foreign powers and
throw no obstructions in the way of foreign coramerce. This release of
the bark Adjuster was made on the 28th of February, 1861. On the
2nd of March, 1861, executive order was issued to Col. Jackson to adver-
12

178 THE CONFEDEEATE CONGEE.SS CONDEilNS GOV. BEOWN.
tise the two remaining ships for sale on the 25th of March for cash.
The advertisement of the sale was published, and would have been car
ried out, but on the 18th of March, G. B. Lamar telegraphed that the
ten cases of arms had been delivered and were on their way to Savannah.
Discerning that they were powerless against Governor Brown's sum
mary and unalterable methods, the New York authorities wisely gave
in and released the guns. The Governor, on the 22nd of March, upon
entirely satisfactory prpof of the release of the guns, concluded this
novel altercation by ordering Col. Jackson to release the vessels. The
order ended with these characteristic words:
" It is to be hoped that the annoyance and losses to private interests occasioned by
the lawless, unprecedented and wholly unjustifiaUe conduct of the New York authori
ties, and the ultimate vindication of the right by the steps I have been constrained to
take, will prevent tlie recurrence of any like complication in the future."
The Provisional Government of the Confederate States had been
pCtfganized on the 9th of February, 1860, and the Provisional Congress
\was in session in Montgomery. This Congress condemned the action
pf Governor Brown in seizing these vessels, on the ground that it was
(wrong in Gov. Brown to take such independent State action, as this
was the province of the Confederate government. It is needless to sav
that the censure weighed not a feather in the estimation of the intrepid
and independent Executive of Georgia, whose action was based upon a
careful and deliberate investigation of his authority, and under a sense
of duty as to, the protection he owed the citizens of Georgia. Nor did
it swerve him one hairs-breadth from his course. It was a specimen of
his practical and direct ways that he went straight to results. "\^'hile
the Confederate states' authorities with the raultiplicity of great matters
upon them, would have necessarily treated this as a minor affair, and
pursued it leisurely and with ceremonious diplomacy, sending special
envoys and using elaborate manifestoes, Gov. Brown took the short
path to success, and wasting time upon no formalities or circumlocution,
he raade his peremptory demand, and when it was refused, enforced it
with an iron-handed retaliation that asked no favors and granted none,
but tore justice from unwilling authority.
The matter was pending from the 22d day of January to the 22d day of
March, 1861, just two months, and engrossed as the public mind was
with the secession of states, the disintegration of the Union, and the
formation of a new government, this striking controversy between the
two leading states of the hostile sections, involving sacred rights and
testing strong remedies, held the popular thought and even evoked the

COMPLIMENT TO GOVEENOE BEOWN. 179
official consideration 6f both national governments. Sorae idea can be
formed of how Gov. Brown's conduct in the affair irapressed raen from a
lengthy editorial in ^Ir. Gardner's paper, the Augusta Constitutionalist.
This editorial began by saying that the distinguished gentleman who
occupied the Executive chair of Georgia had made sundry marks upon
the records of the present, that tirae will not readily erase, and which
the pen of the historian of those days will not forget to copy. It re
viewed sorae of his leading acts of rule. Among other things it showed
how, when events were crowding upon each other's heels, and while the
Federal administration was arausing South Carolina with erapty pledges
and really occupyingthe irapregnable walls of Sumter, Governor Brown,
without the firing of a gun, displaced the Stars and Stripes, wherever
they floated on Georgia soil. It took up the last act of the Governor in
his daring reprisal upon New York. It referred to the charge that had
been made, that Gov. Brown had, in this, made a political raove for the
Presidency of the Southern Confederate States. It showed that even
the New York Herald, the leading journal of the Western world, had
in an able discussion of the matter, shown that the policy of reprisals
had been conceived and urged upon the legislature of Georgia, by Gov.
Brown, in his famous special raessage on the crisis, and that he was act
ing in conformity with a settled policy. This editorial was remarkable
in its unqualified tribute to Gov. Brown's statesmanship, as coming
from a paper owned by a defeated rival for the governorship and which
had persistently fought him. It declared that Georgia was indebted to
South CaroUna for this superb Governor, and it used this culrainating
language :
" He may reasonably expect anything, for from the poor boy pf Pickens, South Caro
lina, he becarae a Georgia lawyer of good reputation, the Judge of the Superior Court
of the Blue Ridge Circuit, then Governor of Georgia ; Governor again by the largest
majority ever give»in the State ; and as a distinguished Congressman once remarked to
us, ' We raight as well send him to the Senate, and nominate him for President, for he
is bovmd to go through, and that will be the quickest way to get rid of him.' "

CHAPTER XX.
THE BIRTH OF THE CONFEDERACY AND THE SHADOW
OF WAR.
Georgia Congressmen Withdraw. — Joshua Hill Resigns. — Southern Convention.—
Howell Cobb its President.— Georgia Leading. — Toombs and Tom Cobb govern
ing spirits.— Jeff Davis, President, A. H. Stephens, Yice-President. — Martin J.
Crawford, Commissioner to the United States. — His Mission Ending in a Haughty
Defiance. — Brown's Vigorous Wkr Preparations. — The Leap to Arms. — Georgia
War Appointments. — Davis Speaijs through Georgia. — The First Confederate
Flag in Georgia. — Capt. G. W. Lee.^-The Secession Convention in Savannah. —
George W. Crawford's Exquisite Speech. — The Spirit of the South. — Fighting
Providence. — Troops Organized. — Guns Ordered. — The Seizure of the Dahlonega
Mint — Old Harrison Riley. — Gov. Brown's Admirable Tact in Dealing with the
North Georgia IJnion Sentiment. — The United States Flag in Pickens County.
On the 23d day of January, 1861, all of the Georgia Representatives in
Congress, except Hon. Joshua Hill, withdrew frora the body in a letter
addressed to Hon. William Pennington, Speaker of the House. The
letter recited the fact of Georgia's secession, quoting the ordinance and
concluded thus:
" The sovereign State of Georgia, of which we are representatives in this House,
having thereby dissolved the political connection between that State and the Government
of the United States, and having thereby repealed the ordinance of 1788, by which the
Constitution of the United States was ratified, and having resumed all the powers dele
gated to the Federal Government, we hereby announce to you that we are no longer
members of the House of representatives of the United States Congress. Martin J.
Crawford, Peter E. Love, Thomas J. Hardeman, Jr., Lucius J. Gartrell, John W. H.
Underwood, James Jackson, John Jones."
Hon. Joshua Hill did not withdraw, but resigned in the following
brief letter to Mr. Pennington, dated the 23d of January, 1861, also.
" Sir, — Satisfied as I am, that a majority of the convention of the people of Georgia,
now sitting, desire that the State should no longer be Represented upon this floor, I iu
obedience to this wish of the people's representatives, hereby resign the seat I hold as a
^^Tircmber of this House.''
ll
I Mr. Hill, upon the seizure of Fort Pulaski by Gov. Brown, had made
|aspeech in opposition to this action of the Governor. This speech was
made in Congress, and on the 24th of January a large number of citi
zens of Geneva, Talbot county, assembled and hung jNIr. Hill in effigy

V ^

,^9^^£i.^— X*.-''^''SZS^'^-«<!lc-»..o

THE PROVISIONAL CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT. 181 »
for this speech. Gen. Scott was also burned in effigy by the students
of Franklin college. Mr. John Boston, collector of the port of Savan
nah, resigned his place. The flag of Georgia was immediately hoisted
on the staff over the custora house by Major Lachlan Mcintosh, who had
resigned from the United States array. The flag raised was of a neat
design, bearing the coat of arras of the State, surmounted by six stars,
the number of the seceded states. Over the whole was an eye. The
flag was white, with the stars all deep red save Georgia, which was blue.
At 12-|- o'clock on the 4th day of February, 1861, the convention of
the seceded states met in Montgomery, Alabama. Hon. Howell Cobb
was raade permanent president, and J. J. Hooper of Alabama, secretary.
Georgia, Florida, Alabaraa, Louisiana, Mississippi and South Carolina
were represented. A provisional governraent was forraed; and on the
9th of February, 1861, Jefferson Davis was elected Provisional Presi
dent, and Alexander H. Stephens Vice-President. There is no doubt
but that Mr. Toombs was expected to be the President. The Georgia
delegation held a raeeting, all being present except Mr. HUl and Mr.
Wright, and agreed to present the narae of Mr. Toorabs. It was sub
sequently rumored that Mr. Toorabs said his narae was not to be pre
sented, and it was then deterrained, if this was true, that the Georgians
would support Mr. Davis for President, and Mr. Stephens for Vice-Presi
dent. The raotion to put Mr. Stephens in the second place, if Mr.
Toombs should not be presented for the first office, was made in the
Georgia delegation by Mr. Kenan and seconded by Mr. Nisbet. The
name of Howell Cobb was also spoken of, but some of the delegations
from Carolina, Florida and Alabama, who heard of the proposition to
elect Mr. Cobb were unwiUing to support hira on account .of old party
conflicts. ]Mr. Toorabs did forbid the use of his name, and Davis and
Stephens were unanimously chosen. It will thus be seen that Georgia
carried into the new Southern movement the -same controlling influence
that she had been accustomed to wield, furnishing a President for the
convention, two strong raen for the Presidency of the Government, and
the Vice-President of the Confederacy. Mr. Toombs and Thomas R. R.
Cobb were the leading spirits of the committee to draft a constitution for
a perraanent government, and Mr. Bartow, chairman of the mUitary com
mittee. On the 18th of February, 1861, Jefferson Davis was inau
gurated as Provisional President, and he made Robert Toombs his
Secretary of State. A commission of three persons was appointed by
Mr. ITaviTunder resolution of the Confederate Congress, to go to
Washington and negotiate friendly relations with the United States

182 WM. H. SEWARD AND MAP.TIN J. CEAWFOED.
Government. This commission consisted of Hon. Martin .1. Crawford
of Georgia, .lohn Forsyth of Alabama, and A. B. Roman of Louisiana.
Mr^ Cravyford of Georgia was the leading S-pirit in this iiap£ulaiiL_COm-
ffi2g.siQ.n.i clothed as it was with powers of the broadest extent„an^jiiost
delicate responsibility, in the settlement of the great ^and difficult ques
tions that involved the two governments.
Mr. Crawford and Mr. Forsyth proceeded immediately to Washington,
arriving there just as Mr. Buchanan was about retiring from office. On
the 12th of March, 1861, they addressed a communication to Mr. Wm.
H. Seward, Secretary of State under President Lincoln, notifying him
of their mission and asking the appointment of an early day to present
their credentials and enter upon their duties. On the 15th of March,
Mr. Seward prepared what he termed a " Memorandura," declining
official intercourse with Messrs. Crawford and Forsyth. Under various
pretexts and infinite duplicity the decision of Mr. Seward was withheld
and the coraraissioners deceived until the 8th of April, when it was
delivered to them, they remaining 'under pledges that Fort Sumter
would be given up to the South, and a peaceful solution of troubles be
made. The comraissioners on the 9th of April addressed a reply to Mr.
Seward — a powerful, incisive docuraent, in which they clearly set forth
the attitude of the seceded states, and the duplicity that had been
shown to thera. They declared that the refusal to entertain their over
tures connected with concurrent action of the United States govern
ment was viewed by thera, and could only be received by the world,
as a declaration of war against the Confederate States. They climaxed
this declaration with these haughty words:
" The undersigned, in behalf of their governraent and people, accept the gauge of
battle thus thrown down to them ; and appealing to God and the judgment of mankind
for the righteousness of their cause, the people of the Confederate States will defend
their liberties to the last against this flagrant and open attempt at their subjugation to
sectional power."
Georgia was still in the lead of this great revolution. Her destinv
seemed inevitable for a foremost agency in the now certain strife. It
was through one of her bold sons that a peaceful solution of the matter
was sought, and when that failed, that the prompt, ringing, defiant
acceptance of the issue was with heroic emphasis and a lofty spirit
formulated to the foe and the world. The war was a settled fact. The
retention of Sumter, the war-like preparations and the refusal to treat
with the Southern Commissioners, were simply the preface to the blood
shed so soon to come. Both sides girded for the fight. Georgia espe-

THE WAE FEVER. 183
cially, under her prompt and thorough-going Governor, went to work
in dead earnest, getting ready for genuine war. The people, though
they had been divided in the policy of disunion, rallied to the cause
when it was decided. There was a considerable union element in the
raountain section that clung to the Federal government, and that,§.tood
"^uEboriilyirnioii to the end. It was quite a liberal sprinkling of the
citizens populatingThT^Ily belt far from the railroads, but with this
exception the million of Georgia inhabitants backed loyally the South-
ern cause. Voting not rauch over 100,000 citizens, the state of Georgia
gave 120,000 soldiers'to the war, or 20,000 e.xcess of her voting pojDu-
lation. This constitutes a wonderful record of chivalry, not surpassed
in the world's history.
The war flush was on the state, and there was a good deal of demon
stration of enthusiasm, but with a settling of the public mind to the
business of fighting, there came a deeper real intensity, more quiet.
We felt the heat, but the flash diminished. Men, too, were right noisy
over the situation. There was much flurry, and occasionally the enthu
siasm boiled over, but the consciousness of serious work ahead made
thinking people serious, and toned down the effervescence. There was
an unbounded confidence in the future, save among a few. The leaders
believed in success. The raasses exaggerated the ease of whipping out
the North. There was a curious and strange undervaluation of the so-
called Yankee as a fighter, the belief prevailing that one sturdy South
erner could vanquish several Northerners. This idea prevailed largely,
and gave kn over confidence to our soldiers. Such men as Herschell V.
Johnson and John E. Ward doubted the final success and were pro
foundly depressed. But the general feeling was buoyant and hopeful.
Gov. Brown promptly proceeded to organize the two reg'ular regiments
authorized by the Convention. He appointed as Colonels, William J.
Hardee and Wm. H. T. Walker; Lieutenant Colonels, Chas. J. Williams
and E. 'W. Chastain; Majors, L. B. McLaws, Wm. M. Gardner, Alfred
Cumming and E. R. Harden. Among the other officers appointed
were Joseph- '\^''heeler, afterwards Lieutenant General of Cavalry, "\^^.
W. Kirkland, R. H. Anderson, Alfred Iverson, Jr., Geo. P. Harrison, Jr.,
and J. Alexander, Brigadier Generals, and P. M. B. Young, Major
General. Jefferson Davis came through Georgia on his way to Montgomery,
to be inaugurated as President of the Confederacy. His trip from
Chattanooga to Atlanta, and thence to Montgomery, was an ovation.
At Ringgold, Dalton, Resaca, Adairsville, Cartersville and Marietta he

184 THE FIRST CONFEDERATE FLAG IN GEORGIA.
was greeted by crowds. Atlanta sent a delegation to meet him, of
which Dr. W. F. Westmoreland was a meraber. Bartow county was
then called Cass county, and its name was afterwards changed in honor
of Francis S. Bartow. Mr. Davis made a speech at Cartersville which
he thus commenced.
" Georgians — for by no higher title could I address you — your history from the days
of the Revolution down to the tirae that your imraortal Troup maintained the rights of
your State and of all the states, in his contest with Federal usurpation, has made Georgia
sacred soil. Nor have you any reason to be other than proud of the events recently
transpiring within your borders, and especially the action of your present Governor in
wresting from the robbers of the North the property of }'our own citizens ivhich they
had stolen. His promptitude in demanding the property from tlie Governor of New
York, and in seizing the vessels of citizens of New York, when the demand was not im
mediately complied with, is worthy of all praise."
In Atlanta the demonstration was a raagnificent one. Over 5,000
people gave him a reception. Mayor Jared I. Whitaker introduced
hira to the vast concourse. In his speech he paid high tribute to
Georgia. At every point on the Atlanta and West Point railroad
crowds gathered to do hira honor. At Newnan, Miss Barney Dougherty
was delegated to present him with a large bouquet. On the 5th day of
March, 1861, the first Georgia company was tendered for the Confeder
ate service and accepted. It was an Atlanta company called " Lee's
Volunteers," and commanded by Capt. G. W. Lee. In connection with
this event, the flag of the Southern Confederacy was flrst raised in the
State of Georgia. Capt. Lee was returning from Montgomery to At
lanta after his mission. The passengers obtained at Grantville the
requisite material, and the flag was raade on the train between Grant
ville and Fairburn, by Mrs. W. T. Wilson and Mrs. H. H. Witt of At
lanta, Miss L. Smith of Albany, Ga., Mrs. Chas. Wallace of Knoxville,
Tenn., Mrs: R. F. Butt of New Orleans, and Mrs. S. A. Awtry of Cus-
seta, Ala. Col. W. T. Wilson presented the flag to Capt. Lee in a stir
ring speech, to which Capt. Lee replied eloquently. Judge Blalock of
Fairburn, and J. W. Beal of Lagrange also spoke. Capt. Lee paraded
in Atlanta the next day with his company under this flag, which was an
exact copy of the first flag of the Confederate States that had been
raised in Montgomery, on the 4th of March, 1861. The flag was com
posed of a blue union with seven stars in a circle, representing the
seven Confederate States, with three equal horizontal stripes of red,
white and red. The incident created much enthusiasm.
The Georgia Secession Convention resumed its session in Savannah,
on the 7th day of March, 1861, and continued its deliberations untU Sat-

TIIE SECESSION CONVENTION AD.IOUENS. ' 185
urday, the 23rd day of March, when it adjourned sine die. The Con
stitution was unanimously ratified on the 16th day of ]\IarcK. The Gov
ernor was authorized to raise and expend all of the funds necessary to
carry out the acts for public defense, both_by issuin,a: bonds and Jiaas-
uryjiflles. Resolutions were passed offering to cede ten miles square of
territory for a capital and permanent seat of government for the Con
federate states. The control of military operations, and forts and arms
was transferred to the Confederate government. A new state constitu
tion was adopted. The president of the convention, ex-Gov. George
W. Crawford, raade an address upon its adjournment, brief, but with
some very strong and sententious expressions. Complimenting the
body upon its dignity, he thus continued:
" When first assembled there was less disagreement as to the burthen of our griev
ances than to their remedy, and especially as to the tirae of its application. Happily,
conciliation produced concord. AVhen our common patroaess spoke, her sons, less from
opinion than instinct, forgetful of the past, and mindful of the future, rallied to the res
cue. Clasping each other with a fraternal grasp, they were less intent on sharing in the
glory than participating in a common peril and a comraon destiny. Thus raay the sons'
of Georgia ever be.
" You have overturned a government which had become sectional in policy and sec
tional in hostihty. ' It had lost nationality, and the first requisite of every governraent —
that of protection of person aud property. True you have overthrown the Federal
Union, but you have preserved the Federal Constitution. You have retaiued ancestral
wisdom iu the formation of your governraent, separated only from those abuses which
experience has developed. In short you have effected a political reformation."
These words, so happily chosen, so concisely and clearly put, are
remarkable in the definition they present of the loyal devotion of our
people to the idea of our constitutional government. Never were any
people more faithful to a principle than the South was in the late war to
the genius of true republican theory — to the very incarnation of char
tered liberty. It must stand as an unalterable truth, that the millions of
the South tried to shatter the Union, the better to preserve the consti
tution and its holy principles. No men were ever truer to the spirit of
a government than the seceding Southerners. They understood and
felt, and 'believed its doctrines, and they sought to enforce them when
they conscientiously deeraed thera in danger. And so the 'verdict of a
just and irapartial posterity raust be. They miscalculated the method,
and they staggered under the incubus of slavery, which closed to them
the practical sympathy of the world, as well as that higher and raore
valuable support, the aid of the Divine Providence. Weaker people
•than ours have conquered more formidable odds. Our defeat must ever
be incredible in the light of the glowing history of successful human

:f86

THE UNITED STATES MINT AT DAHLONEGA.

resistance. But in the illumination of a great Providential plan to uptear
a million-rodted evil against human freedom, our failure is lustrously
explicable. We fought, not raen, but a Providential destiny.
The convention turned over matters of arms and soldiers to the Con
federacy, but Gov. Brown was too provident to cease his organization
of State military. He continued to organize the volunteer force. He
contemplated creating two divisions, appointing Col. Henry R. Jackson
Major-General of the First division, and Col. Wm. H. T. Walker ]\Iajor-
General of the Second division ; and Paul J. Seraraes of Muscogee and
Wra. Phillips of Cobb, Brigadiers. Only one division was found prac
ticable, and Gen. Walker was appointed to coramand it, Gen. Henry R.
Jackson generously relinquishing his own chances and urging Walker for
the command. Gov. Brown had contracted with an iron company in Pitts
burg, Pa., for a large number of cannon of large caliber and long range
for coast defense, but wlien the guns were made, such was the prejudice of
the people of that city against the seceding states, that the contractors
declined delivering the guns and abandoned the contract. The Governor
gave a new contract to the Tredegar Iron Works of Richmond, Va.,
and procured these guns from that source. In order to stimulate the
bjiilding of a foundry for casting cannon, the convention passed an
ordinance offering a bonus of $10,000 to any one erecting such a
foundry as could furnish three guns a week, and should make a 10-inch
columbiad at an early day.
The United States mint at Dahlonega, which had eome $20,000 of
gold coin belonging to the United States government, was taken posses
sion of in a way that demonstrated the discrimination that Gov. Brown
exercised in his difficult role at this time. Reference has been made to
the Union sentiment existing among the mountain people. At the time
the secession ordinance passed. Gen. Harrison 'SV. Rilej^, a leading poli
tician of Lumpkin county, declared that he meant to seize and hold the
mint for the United States. The bold avowal created some excitement
and alarm, as the extent of the Union feeling in North Georgia was not
known. Gov. Brown was intimately acquainted with the people of that
section and knew precisely how to deal with them. The convention
promptly passed an ordinance making it treason for any person to be
concerned in any attempt to give aid to the enemies of the State. Gov.
Brown did not deem it advisable to make any show of military force in
the mountain section, but thought it best to trust to the patriotic spirit
of the masses there. Gen. RUey, whUe a very iUiterate man, was a very ¦
influential one; a bluff, eccentric, determined spirit, with a wonderful

GOV. BROWN AND GEN. HARRISON W. RILEY. 187
local pop^larity. The_reportpf„liis threat to seize the mint was telej;
graplied to Gov. Brown, and a strong pressure was brought to bear
upon him, by seyeral leading men of the State, to send troops at once
andjecure the mmt by force, and_not permit the ^rebellious pl,4 Riley
tiLg'-^t .-9^ foailield. The Governor knew Riley weU frora his boy
hood, and was satisfied that a very large eleraent in his course was a
desire to attract notoriety, and that he was too shrewd to undertake a
rebellion against the State in North-east Georgia, unless advantage was
given him; and that with so large a proportion of Union sentiment as
there was in that section of the State, if any difficulty was raised with
Riley about the mint, the popular sympathy would have been with him,
and there would have been serious trouble. Gov. Brown stated this to
the gentleraen who approached hira on the subject, and told them as he
knew Riley well and had been partly raised in that section of Georgia,
he would manage the matter rightly if they would leave it to his discre
tion. A few days afterwards the Governor wrote to several prominent
citizens of Qahlanega, telling them that he had heard sucjh a report in
reference to Gen. RUey, but had known him too long and had too high
an appreciation of his good sense and patriotism to believe he would
atterapt such a thing, and that as old, personal friends he and Riley
raust have no collision. The Governor did not think it best to write to
Rilej' personally, but wrote to friends who would coramunicate the facts
to him. This course had a soothing effsct upon Riley; and toned him
down. The Governor also quietly notified the superintendent of the
mint that the State now held and possessed it. The superintendent
formally recognized the authority of Georgia over and her right to the
mint, and consented to act under the Executive, who gave him written
orders. If any military support was needed the Governor would give
it. It shows the inflamed spirit of the day that, not understanding the
course of the Governor, several of the papers condemned his seeming
inactivity in making a demonstration upon the mint; but it was all right
when understood.
Annthi=;,y incident in connection with Pickens county will show with
T^hat consuraraate tact Gov. Brown, dealt with the Union feeling of the
northern part of Georgia. At Jasper, Pickens^^. county, where the
Union loyalty was very ardent, aJUnitedStajtesiag- was raised upon a
pole, soon after secession, and kept afloat in bold open defiance, of Con
federate authoritv for several weeks. It was just such an incident as
could have been injudiciously inflaraed into a local breach that would
have given infinite trouble during the whole war, and resulted in an

188 THE UNITED STATES FLAG IN PICKENS COUNTY.
angry, cancerous and unhealable sore in our very midst. The provoca
tion was very irritating to the people after we had seceded, to have the
flag of the repudiated Union floating defiantly, the insulting symbol of
a rejected authority, the aggressive emblem of a hostile power seeking
our subjection. Appeals upon appeals were made to Gov. Brown to
send troops' to cut it down. To all of these the astute Executive was
wisely deaf. He preferred to let the Union ebullition spend its force.
T^gte... were very few slaves in that section, and in consequenoe the
slavery sentiment was not strong, while the devotion to the^gavgjmoient
•vvas verv .aidejit. The veneration for the United States flag was espe
cially earnest. Gov. Brown declined to have the flag cut down. He
said: " By no means ; let it float. It floated over our fathers, and we all love the flag now.
We have only been compelled to lay it aside by the injustice that has been practiced
under its foldiT If the people of Pickens desire to hang it out, and keep it there, let
them do so. /l will send no troops to interfere with it."
The flag continued to float for a while, until the people became
ashamed of this sort of action, and took it down themselves without
any disturbance whatever; and the county soon after came in with its
troops, and did good service in the Confederate cause.
As a further evidence of Gov. Brown's sagacious diplomacy in deal
ing with this tender-footed section with its intense Union • drift, his
conduct in the acceptance and organization of troops may be mentioned.
Mr. Davis, the President of the Confederacy, made a requisition upon
Gov. Brown for the first Georgia regiment that was called into the
Confederate service, to go to Fort Pickens at Pensacola, to aid in its
defense. Gov. Brown made a call for troops. Some idea of the boom
ing war fever may be gleaned when it is stated that over 250 companies
were tendered for this service, out of which one regiment was to be
selected. There was the greatest possible jealousy araong the Captains
of the different companies, each being anxious to secure a place in the
regiment. The companies were selected according to priority of the
date of their tender, a list having been kept, and the tirae when each
was offered being carefully noted. The only exception raade to this
rule was in the single case of the tenth company, which he gave to the
corps of Captain Harris of Dalilanega, and the regiment was detained
two days at Macon before the organization was completed, waiting for
Harris's company to reach there, as the Governor learned they were on
their way. The delay was occasioned by the company having to march
from Dahlonega to Atlanta. On their arrival the preference was given

GOV. brown's happy dealing WITH UNIONISM. 189
to them in arms, accoutrements and equipments, conceding to them the
best of everything. These courtesies were written home to their
friends, who were araong the good families of Lumpkin county, and
they were written by men then in the service of the Confederacy.
Their friends, of course, took an interest in them, and their feelings
naturally began to be drawn out after them. The result was that when '
another call was raade, Lumpkin county tendered another company. ^^
A corapany was tendered from Fannin county, away across the"Blue
Ridge. A place was left for the Fannin men until they had marched
to Atlanta, where regiments were being organized, and they were put in
in the same raanner. This policy was pursued, giving preference to the
raountain companies in every case. In this way the Governor soon had
one or raore companies in the_ser\yce Jrom each county in that secrtion;
and it was not long until the great mass of the people there had changed
aiEout, and stood with their friends who had gone into the Confedetate
service.  ^oine, it is true, remained Union menjo^ the last, and some
few gave trouble, but not a great many^ Had a different policy have
been pursued and coercion been attempted, or any unkind means used
against them at the start, there would have been serious trouble with
that section of Georgia. As it was by this astute and well-ocnsidered
course, pursued with tact and persistence, a large and troublesome Union
element was not only neutralized, but absolutely enlisted in the cause
heartily. In nothing that happened did Gov. Brown more beneficially
use his shrewd practical judgment for the South than in this matter.
It was a serious perU and he discerned it at once, ^ut for this masterly
managementjj!loijjL.aiid Narih,.EastJ?eorgia most probably ^voiiy. have
become as dangerous a union stronghold as the memorable country of
East Tennessee. The value of Gov. Brown's statesmanship in this
peril has never been understood or appreciated. But it was a great
service, timely, and of an inestimable benefit.
Governor Brown began to purchase arms before the legislature passed
the act calling the secession convention, and he pressed the matter
vigorously, importing every weapon he could until the firing upon Fort
Sumter cut off our raeans of purchasing them from the Northern States.
Even after that time, however, until the blockade was considered a
serious obstruction, the iraportation of arras into the state was contin
ued by Governor Brown. No state in the South did so much in this
matter of furnishing armed troops to the Confederacy as Georgia did
under Gov. Brown's vigorous adrainistration. Fully thirty regiments
were turned over to the Confederate government armed with weapons

190 BOATS FOR COAST DEFENSE.
bought by the State of Georgia. And in addition to these^ there was a
large number of arms retained for our state troops.
Governor Brown was authorized to purchase some boats for coast
defense, which he did immediately, placing this little navy in charge of
that heroic old seaman, Commodore Josiah Tattnall, who had resigned
from the United States navy and offered his services to his native state.
The strong points upon the coast around Brunswick were fortified to
the best of our means, and manned with six months' troops.

CHAPTER XXL
THE BLAZING WAR FEVER OF THE FIRST OF 1861.
The State a Military Camp — Eagerness to Enlist. — Pecuniary Sacrifices. — Miss Hen
rietta Kenan. — " Mrs. Joe Brown's Boys." — Forty Georgia Regiraents by October.
— Gov. Brown's Marvelous Energy. — The People's Demand for Him to be Gover
nor a Third Tirae. — The Famous Letter of Thoraas C. Trice — " No Time for Fool
Parties or Swelled-Head Governors." — The Striking Press Comraent. — "The Man
for the Tiraes." — The First Georgia Regiraent. — The Volunteers' Privilege of
Electing Officers. — Gov. Brown's Ardent Speech. — The Great " Corner-Stone."
Speech of Alex. Stephens. — The Most Momentous Utterance of the Century. — Its
Iraraeasurable Effect. — The Anti-Slavery World Set against Us by It. — Georgia's
Continuance of a Dorainant Factorship in the Struggle. — Georgia Troops for Vir
ginia. — Hardeman's Battalion — Military Ardor and Womanly Grief. — The Ogle
thorpe Light Infantry. — Brown and Bartow. — The Rape of The Guns. — A Hot
Controversy. — "I Go to Illustrate Georgia." — Col. A. H.Colquitt — Bad Practice
of Enlistment.
During the year 1861 the railitary activity in the State of Georgia
was incessant and ubiquitous. The commonwealth was one vast re
cruiting carap. The roll of the drura and the stirring notes of the fife
resounded from mountain to seaboard. Hill and valley echoed to the
tread of armed raen gathering, organizing and leaving home and com
fort for the tented field and the soldier's life. It was a wild time — a
continuous day of fevered enthusiasra. Men, woraen and children par
ticipated in the exaltation of patriotic spirit. There was no looking
back. A brave people had turned their energies to war, and they went
at it as a business. The war spirit booraed like a storra. The rivalry
to enlist was universal and unquenchable. Letters poured in upon the
Governor seeking comraissions for perilous service, until the burden be
came so heavy that he was forced to advertise in the papers that he did
not have the clerical labor to even answer. For every requisition of
troops there was a- fifty-fold proffer of eager soldiers. Such a spirit of
willing chivalry as was exhibited was never exceeded in the annals of
warfare. And to show the character of the raen and organizations, a
cavalry company in Rome, the Floyd Cavalry, represented a money
property of $730,000 among 40 men, while another of 35 men in Mil
ledgeville, the Governor's Horse Guards, stood for two and a half rail-
lions of wealth on the tax books.

192 PATRIOTIC GENEROSITY OF THE PEOPLE.
All over the State citizens were offering to make pecuniary sacrifices
for the cause. Gov. Brown himself, subscribed and paid one thousand
dollars toward the support of the Georgia troops in the service, and
determined to appropriate the net income of his farm to the same great
cause. His wife devoted her time, as did thousands upon 'thousands of
other noble and delicate women, to making clothing for the soldiers.
Miss Henrietta Kenan, of MiUedgeviUe, a daughter of Col. Augustus
H. Kenan, a briUiant, queenly woman, tendered to Gov. Brown in behalf
of herself and her mother, for the use of the state, their silver plate of
¦considerable value. The Governor said if it became a necessity he
would accept it. A corapany was organized below Gaddistown, in
Fannin County; and named " Mrs. Joe Brown's Boys." In recognition
of the compliment, Mrs. Brown, the wife of the Governor, fitted this
company with a suit of clothes, purchasing the cloth in MiUedgevUle
and making and sending one to each raember. All over the state volun
tary generous patriotism was shown.
Some idea may be formed of how gloriously Georgia responded to
the demands upon her manhood, from t.he fact that up to the first of
October, 1861, she had sent forty magnificent regiraents to the battle
field. This raakes a grand fact in her war record. And during this
whole seething time Gov. Brown stood the central figure and guiding
intelligence, winning opinions that seera almost extravagant, so laud
atory were they of his energy, management and patriotism. His genius
for organizing was soraething raarvelous. His cool impetuosity and
comprehensive forecast, his wise audacity and calculating, methodical
ability for any occasion, were matters of universal recognition and
panegyric. The Southern press united in admiring his peerless admin
istration, while the people and press of Georgia idolized him. In the
midst of all of the sweeping war excitement the thoughts of the people,
clear in advance of the end of his term began to look to him for the
unprecedented distinction of a third term, of gubernatorial service.
Early in March, 1861, a communication appeared from ilr. Thomas C.
Trice of Pike county, urging the people of Georgia without distinction
of party to re-elect Gov. Brown. The letter of Mr. Trice was a plain,
brief, matter-of-fact document, striking right to the point in a few
homely words, but it had a wonderful effect. There are times when
men make a happy strike by voicing the public thought. Said IMr.
Trice in his homely way:
" I do not believe there is another man in Georgia, who is every w.iy as well calculii-
ted for Governor as Joseph E. Brown. I do not raean by tliis that Joe Brown has more

THE MAN FOE TIIE TIMES. 193
sense than everybody else. I mean just what I say— that no man in Georgia will make
such an Executive as Joe Brown, and therefore I think that he should be re-elected.
" We need just such a plain, sensible, practicable man as Joe Brown is to attend to the
Executive business of the State, wliile we try to make bread at horae. Ijjs no tirae ugw
for fool parties .amono- farmers, nnr for .-iwRllPfl-hpart Goyer^^.^ We need strict economy
at home, and prudent, plain, invejtigg^ing men to manage our State affairsi"
This sententious, blunt-spoken expression of choice started a deluge
of responses from all parts of the state endorsing the idea. Mr. Trice
awoke to find himself famous as the unexpected announcer of a univer
sal notion. His crisp letter was a formulation of the public wish.
Some of the endorsements were in very strong words. One writer
declared Gov. Brown, " with the single exception of Jefferson Davis, as
first in the affections and confidence of the Southern people," and said
that he was wanted in the Senate of the Confederate States. At that
tirae, and since, it has been asserted that Gov. Brown aspired to Con
federate office. But a day or two ago in the United States Senate,
where Gov. Brown now is. Senator Mahone of Virginia asserted that
Gov. Brown desired to be President of the Confederate States. There
was not the slightest basis for such an assertion. As will be later seen.
Gov. Brown had the honor of a Cabinet position in his grasp. But it
is the truth that he had not only no wish for any Confederate office, but
under no circumstances would he have given up the place of Governor
of Georgia for any position in the gift of the people. His raeasure of
ambition was to serve his state as Executive. Perhaps the raost com
prehensive summary at the time of the estimate in which Gov. Brown
was held in those days, and at the sarae tirae the most vivid picture of
the situation, are found in the following editorial from the Georgia
Forester, which was universally copied then. The writing was headed,
" The j\Ian foe The Times," itself a volume of meaning. The editorial
thus discoursed:
" Perhaps there never was a time when strong will, iron nerve and common sense,
combined in a single character, were more to be valued, or when they were more needed
than in the present crisis. A great revolution, civil and political, is progressing. One
of the most powerful governments on earth is fast crumbling to pieces, and in its con
vulsive death-struggles shakes the civilized world. The wildest passions are blazing
with infuriate madness frora the breasts of thirty millions of people.
'¦ Amid this war of elements, this storm of contending factions, and this whirlwind of
evil passions, there is one man who stands like the towering sea-built rock, that breasts,
breaks and scatters the angry, surging waves. One who calmly watches the quick,
revolving wheel of events, and with daring intrepidity and dignified deliberation con
fronts every issue that is presented, and foils every effort to circumvent his raoveraents
or to interrupt his quiet progress. Conscious of the vast responsibilities that rest upon
13

194 the FIEST GEOEGIA VOLUNTEEE EEGIMENT.
him, and appreciating fully the dangers that surround and threaten to engulf the glori
ous ship he comraands, with iron nerve and a will that increases in strength and rises in
grandeur as he approaches the Scylla and Charybdis of his voyage, right onward he
directs her course and bids defiance to the swelling wave and the lightning flash. Firm
in the right, with truth in his heart, and God o'er his head, he acts while others pause
to reconnoitre and negotiate ; and wins the victory, while others stop and calculate the
cost of defeat.
" Combining wisdom with patriotism, prudence with nerve, and boldness with justice
and deliberation, Joseph E. Brown is emphatically the raan for the tiraes.''
These strong words bear the raark of the intensified fervor of the
time which called them forth, but they constitute a remarkable tribute
for any man to win, and they show the part Joe Brown was enacting
and the manner in which he was impressing days when force and equi
poise were the regnant and inexorable qualities for leadership. From
this time on the idea of the blunt-phrased Trice for Brown's re-election
went on steadily to consummation, over-riding custom with the resistless
current of the popular will, — that incarnation of the voice of God as
embodied in the voice of the people.
Returning to the current of war progress, the organization of the
first regiment for Pensacola at Macon, was a matter of general state
interest. Gov. Brown went over and reviewed and addressed the troops.
The companies consisted of the Augusta Oglethorpe Light Infantry,
Capt. Clark; Augusta Walker Light Infantry, Capt. Carap; Dahlonega
Volunteers, Capt. Harris; Bainbridge Independent Volunteers, Capt.
Evans; Forsyth Quitman Guards, Capt. Pinckard; Atlanta Gate City
Guards, Capt. Ezzard; Perry Southern Rights Guard, Capt. Houser;
Newnan Guards, Capt. Hanvey; Sanders viUe Washington Rifles, Capt.
Jones; Columbus South Guards, Capt. WUkins; Etowah Guards, Capt.
Larey; Ringgold Volunteers, Capt. Sprayberry; Macon Brown Infantry,
Capt. Smith; and Macon Independent Volunteers, Capt. Adderhold.
The appointment of officers by the MiUtary Department of the Gov
ernment has been the practice of war and of regular armies of profes
sional soldiers; but the privUege of the election of officers by the men
they command is the delight of volunteers, the outcome of the spirit of
our free institutions, and the very foundation of an efficient volunteer
service. It was this privUege, so dear to our volunteer soldiery, that
inspired one of the historic controversies that Gov. Brown had after
wards with President Davis. It was under this system of election that
aU of our State regiments were organized, except the 1st Georgia Regu
lars, which was raised under a special law of the convention. The elec
tion for field officers for the regiraent bound for Pensacola, was held

ALE.N:. STEPHENS' GEEAT OOENEE-STONE .SPEECH. 195
at Camp Oglethorpe, as it was appropriately named, and resulted :
James N. Ramsay, Colonel; J. O. Clarke, Lieutenant Colonel; and G.
H. Thompson, Major; Col. Ramsay was a Lieutenant, and beat Cap
tains Jones and Pinckard. The regiraent was organized the 3d of AprU,
1861. On the 5th, Gov. Brown reviewed the troops before a vast assem
blage, and then delivered an eloquent and powerful speech, full of an
impassioned feeling unusual with hira, that stirred an bver-raastering
enthusiasra. He retrospected concisely but burningly the causes and
progress of the revolution. In his references to their mission, he was
especiaUy happy. He said truthfully, " My whole soul is in this raove
ment, arid ray heart swells with eraotions I cannot utter." He con
cluded araid a prolonged burst of applause with these solemn words :
" Go then, and may the God of battles go with you, and lead, protect and defend you,
till the last foot-print of the invader shall be obliterated from the soil of our comraon
country.'' One corapany of this regiraent was the Bainbridge Volunteers,
uniforraed in coarse flannel- shirts, and pantaloons of the coarsest negro
cloth, yet representing over a million dollars of wealth. A battalion
was organized at the same tirae, with Capt. Larey as major.
It was but a few days before this that Hon. Alexander H. Stephens
delivered a lengthy speech to an immense audience in Savannah, that
went over the civilized world. It was a remarkable utterance in many
respects, but in nothing raore remarkable than in being regarded as one
of those advance pioneer expressions of a cardinal idea of new and orig
inal statesmanship, that are only formulated by master rainds, and come
but once in generations of men. The great eloquence of the man, the
wonderful attraction attaching to him in view of his slender physical
tenure of life, so disproportioned to his genius, the exalted position he
held as Vice-President of the new Confederacy, and the resultant
authoritative character of this deliverance, all raade the speech a raarked
one. But the great theory of the address — a bold, iramense and revolu
tionary innovation upon the settled convictions and prejudices of man
kind — gave the speech its celebrity, and made it the theme of universal
discussion among the ruUng rainds of the EngUsh-speaking language.
The address was dubbed the " Corner-Stone " speech, and the grand
central idea was that : 
" Our new governraent was founded upon the great truth that the negrg is not equal
to the white man— that slavery, subordination to the superior race, was his natural and
moral condition. * * This stone, which was rejected by the first builders, ' is become
the chief corner stone ' in our new edifice." 

196 THE WOELD SET AGAINST THE SOUTH.
The enunciation of this startling philosophy by Mr. Stephens evoked
an overwhelming enthusiasm at home, and in the South, and excited a
profound feeling North and abroad. It became the representative idea
of the Confederacy. It fixed clearly and siraply the question of the rev
olution. It was unanimously accepted by the South. It put the civil
ized world upon notice as to what a recognition of the Confederacy
raeant. It propounded a prodigious issue, raoral and political. It pre
cipitated an unappealable arbitraraent of the issue which concerned the
most humanitarian convictions of mankind upon the essence of human
freedom. Georgia again exercised that leading agency in this colossal
agitation to which she seemed by some strange destiny fated. To one
of her great spirits belonged the crowning honor of originating and
formulating in his eloquent and masterly utterances, the very funda
mental thought of the gigantic moveraent.
Mr. Stephens left nothing unsaid that perfected his great idea. He
stated distinctly that the Union just split, rested upon " the fundaraen-
tally wrong idea that the enslavement of the African was a violation of
the laws of nature." He said that it was apprehended that we would
" array against us the civilized world." He continued in a magnificent
display of eloquence, that drew deafening applause that he " cared not
who, or how many they may be, when we stand upon the eternal prin
ciples of truth, we are obliged and must triuraph."
The moral effect of this great speech was beyond all calculation. It
put squarely against the Confederacy the abolition sentiment of the
world. It prevented foreign recognition. It narrowed the issue from
the broad domain of political independence founded upon a contract
that had been violated, and upon which the syrapathy of the world was
with us, to the untenable foothold of the intrinsic righteousness and
supreme good policy of slavery, in which civilized mankind stood
immutably against us. The slavery question had been a large one in
the agitation, but it simply represented a greater question of self-gov
ernment. This speech of the Vice-President of the Confederacy claim
ing slavery to be a divinely originated institution based in truth, and
the soul of the new govemment, set it up as the vital question of the
conflict. It changed the battle-ground, shifted the war-flag, substituted
a new slogan, and put us in isolation. It was an heroic thing, and it
worked to the great scheme of Providence for human freedom. And
it continued Georgia as the decisive factor of the revolution.
On the 13th of April, 1861, the siege of Fort Sumter ended by the
surrender of Major Anderson. On the 15th of AprU, President Lincoln

A WILD TIME OF PATEIOTISM AND PASTING. 197
made his call for 75,000 raen to suppress the rebeUion. On the 18th of
April, Virginia seceded frora the Union. On the 19th of April, Presi
dent Davis telegraphed Gov. Brown for two or three corapanies to go
immediately to Norfolk, Virginia, and inquired when he could have
them ready. Gov. Brown went to the telegraph office in Milledgeville
and telegraphed for volunteer companies in Macon, Griffin and Colum
bus, asking each Captain whether his corapany would like to go, and
when they could be ready. The responses in every case were; " We
would like to go; how much time can you give us?" He replied,
" You raust start to-raorrow." While some of thera said they would
need more tirae, yet rather than lose their place in the battalion, they
would go thus hastily. In twenty -four hours the battalion was on the
cars in motion for Norfolk, and they were said to have arrived there
about the first troops that reached the place, and a little before the
Virginia troops arrived at the sea-board of their own state. This inci
dent will show the eager war spirit of the people, and Gov. Brown's
swift celerity in answering requisitions. The four companies forraing
this battaUon were the Macon Floyd Rifles, Capt. Thos. Harderaan;
Macon Volunteers, Capt. Smith; Columbus City Light Guard, Capt.
P. H. Colquitt, and a Griffin company under Capt. Doyal. Col.
Thomas Hardeman, ex-member of Congress, was raade the commander
of this gallant corps, and he and they did some of the finest service per
formed in the war.
Requisitions were rapidly raade upon Gov. Brown for troops, first
5,000 and then 3,000 raen, and promptly filled. There was no halting
in this stern time. Men rushed forward to enlist, and the dear women
sent them to the front in heroic tears. The people assembled by the
thousand to bid adieu to the departing soldiers. It was a wild day with
its under-stratum of sobs and womanly grief. The huzzas of shouting
patriotism and the roar of thundering cannon sped the gallant troops
away, perhaps forever, amid a torrent of soulful weeping and convulsive
embraces. It was buoyant and sorrowful, an era of proud sadness and
damp-eyed exhilaration. The bounding ardor of the soldier was chas
tened in the tender grief of the women left behind to pray. Handker
chiefs and hands waved fervent farewells from apprehensive but resolute
hearts. The whole State was aflame. In every county companies were .
made up. Newton county, that had been a Union stronghold, organized
five companies in a few days, and raised a subscriptioiToF ten ^EEousMd
dollars for aiding these military corps. The city of Macon in a short <
while furnished five hundred men. These are examples of the rest.

198 A SAVANNAH COMPANY THE FIRST FOR THE WAE.
Gov. Brown stood to his wonderful labor of organization with an
unceasing persistence. His resourceful energy seemed to grow, if
possible. He issued a proclamation prohibiting the payraent of any
debt of money or property North; and the protesting by any bank- of
any paper due to Northern banks or people. He also issued a procla
mation exempting persons and operatives engaged in the manufacture
of arms, woolen or cotton goods or iron, from military duty.' AU of the
troops enlisted for the Confederate service up to May, 1861, were twelve
months' companies, of which five regiments were organized.
President Davis called the Confederate Congress together on the 29th
of AprU, 1861, and imraediately an act was passed authorizing the
enlistment of troops for the war. Francis S. Bartow, the chairman of
the military committee, was the captain of a volunteer company in
Savannah, the " Oglethorpe Light Infantry," of which the writer was a
meraber and a private. The company was organized in 1856, and was
one of the popular corps in that gallant city always noted for its miU
tary spirit and the number and efficiency of its military organizations.
Capt. Bartow was in comraunication with the company, and as soon as
the act authorizing war troops was passed and approved, he coramuni
cated the fact by telegraph to his company. A meeting was pro.mptly
called. The writer well remembers the glowing spirit of that raeeting-
Amid a storm of enthusiasm and excitement a resolution was unani
mously passed tendering the company for the war to the President.
The tender was flashed over the wires in hot haste, so as to be the first,
and the acceptance was sent back as quickly, Capt. Bartow imraediately
seeking Mr. Davis. To this superb company of young men, there
being hardly a married man in it, among the best young citizens of
Savannah, sons of her old and honored famiUes, belongs the honor of
being the first company in the entire Confederacy that gave its services
to the South for the whole war. As this company had also furnished a
detail of men for the detachment that seized Fort Pulaski under orders
of Gov. Brown, before the State seceded, it had a record distinctive
above all other companies of the great revolution, which will grow
brighter with time. And as the company in its service in Virginia and
elsewhere, went through the greatest battles of the war during the
entire four years, beginning with the first Manassas, and fought with an
increasing chivalry to the very close, it achieved an illustrious history and
made an imperishable record of glory.
This company left for Virginia on tlie 21st day of May, 1861, escorted
to the depot by the entire soldiery of Savannah and swarming throngs of

BARTOW's RAPE OF THE GUNS. 199
citizens. Araid salvos of artillery and the enraassed applause of the
asserabled people of the whole city, the train moved off with this splen
did young organization. They had arms belonging to the State, and
carried them without the consent of the Executive. This rape of the
guns elicited a tart correspondence between Gov. Brown and Capt.
Bartow, in which some hard things were said on both sides, which prob*
ably both of these patriotic gentleraen would have wished unwritten.
Gov. Brown contended for the State's authority. Capt. Bartow repelled
what he regarded as an assault upon his patriotism. In his letter Bartow
used an expression, that in connection with his early and brilliant death
at Manassas, becarae a marked utterance. He said, " I go to illustrate
Georgia." All of these incidents, the participation in the seizure of
Fort Pulaski, being the first company to enlist for the war, the forcible
taking away of the State's guns, the controversy over them, and Capt.
Bartow's high position in the Confederate Congress, all tended at that
tirae to make the Oglethorpe Light Infantry of Savannah a famous com
pany. "Its twenty-fifth anniversary was celebrated in Savannah on the
19th of January, 1881, by a handsorae banquet, when its honorable history
was recalled and coraraeraorated. This company was organized with other
Georgia companies in Virginia into the 8th Georgia regiment, and Capt.
Bartow was made Colonel; Wm. Montgomery Gardner, Lt. Colonel.
The surgeon was Dr. H. V. M. Miller, so prominent in Georgia .politics,
who has recently presented a handsome portrait of Bartow to the Young
Men's Library Association of Atlanta. This regiment was finally com
manded by Gol. Lucius M. Lamar, a handsome and gallant officer and a
member of the General Asserably of Georgia of 1880-1. It raade a
memorable record of service, on the march, in camp and in battle,
coraing up to every patriotic requireraent, and in the language of the
brilUant but ill-fated Bartow, "illustrating Georgia."
The first regiraent organized for the war was the 6th Georgia, of
which Alfred H. Colquitt, the present Governor of Georgia, was raade
the Colonel. The practice of the Confederacy accepting troops directly
without any referencQ to the State authority, was a bad one. AU
requisitions for soldiers should have been through the Executive.
Thousands of Georgia soldiers went into the Confederate army in this
way, of whom there is no record. No report of them was ever made to
the state authorities, and thus the Georgia records are, and must ever
reraain incomplete. The writer organized the 4th Regiment of Georgia
Cavalry, sending the muster rolls directly to the War Departrhent at
Richmond, and there is no record of a soldier or officer in the war

200 THE UNKNOWN HEROES OP GEOEGIA.
archives of Georgia, while the organization had, first and last, over 1,500
raen in it. This instance will illustrate the raatter. It was an irregular
way of doing things that we now see Gov. Brown was right in opposing.
It raade endless confusion and incurable uncertainty in the records of
the state's service. It renders it an irapossibility for the full roll of our
Georgia soldiers ever to be obtained, and the entire raeasure of justice
be done to the substantial devotion of the state to the Southern cause.
Thousands of gallant Georgians fought and perished in this gigantic
struggle whose names and heroism are unknown and unpreserved.

CHAPTER XXII.
THE PRECEDENT OF A CENTURY OVERTHROWN, AND
BROWN MADE GOVERNOR THE THIRD TIME.
Gov. Brown in a Constant Battle. — Unhinged Times. — Men's Fighting Blood up. —
Brown's Curious Altercations.- The Columbus Guards. — The Startling Episode of
the Salt Famine. — Oue of the Worst Terrors of The War. — Brown's Daring against
the Salt Tyranny. — The First Manassas Battle.— Its Stupendous Effect.— The
Georgia Coast. — "Dixie Doodle." — Curious War Names. — The "Nancy Harts." —
Spoiling for a Fight. — The Bank Convention. — Cotton Planters' Convention. — The
Cobbs. — Georgians to the Army. — Coast Defense. — The New Georgia Constitution
— Col. Whitaker's Letter to Gov. Brown. — Brown Allows his Name for Governor.
— A Coincidence. — The Grandson of the only Third Term Governor urging
Bro-wn to a Third Term, — Bitter Assaults on Brown. — Opposition Convention. —
Its Personelle. — H. V. Johnson Declines as a Delegate. — Judge E. A. Nesbit Nomi
nated. — Thos. E. Lloyd. — The Press Nearly Solid against Brown. — Brown's
Trenchant Address. — Brown Overwhelmingly Re-elected.
During the turbulent days of 1861, Gov. Brown did not by any
means, find his executive office a bed of roses. It was not in the nature
of things that a man so daring and positive, so fearless in assuming re
sponsibility, and so constitutionally combative, should not get into raore
or less turraoil beyond what an easier-tempered person would have
escaped. The Governor was not a milk and water raan, taking things
Ughtly and shifting serious burdens upon other convenient peo
ple. He met his duties boldly, fully and proraptly. He shirked no
crisis. He confronted every emergency squarely. He made mistakes,
as no huraan being can avoid doing. He was sometimes too aggressive.
He occasionally bore too hard on men. He, perhaps, could not brook
assault as peacefully as he might. He was, mayhap, too rigid and too
unyielding where some concession would have avaUed better. But in
spite of these things, it would have been alraost out of the question to
have supplied his place. The whole power and fervor of his strong
intense soul were in the cause. It was no time for tender-footed and
vacillating spirits. An imperious, dominant will was the need of the
era — an unhesitating, self-reliant intelligence. The times were un
hinged too. Social bonds were loosened. The ligaments of law were
slipping their hold. War was on us, and the passions gathering and

202 THE SALT FAMINE.
Strengthening. The epoch was every day getting wilder. Men were
unconsciously going backward in moral restraint under the license of
war. They were ripening in individual audacity, and the stern teraper
born of strife. It required a firm nerve to maintain its leadership
among the stormy elements at play.
Gov. Brown had some curious altercations about very strange mat
ters. The controversy with Bartow over his rape of guns was a speci
raen. This was extensively discussed, men and newspapers siding both
ways. Mr. Davis, however, came through Atlanta, and had a long and
friendly talk about the raatter with Gov. Brown, and frankly acknowl
edged that the policy of the Confederate authorities receiving troops
over the head of the state Executives was wrong, and he intended to
havcxno raore of it, but get all of his requisitions supplied by the state
Governors. Another wholly unnecessary difficulty was one between the
Colurabus Guards and Gov. Brown, in which the Executive simply
tracked the law, and in doing so, came in collision with a body of raen
whose eager desire to enlist rushed them into disregard of law. The
statute prescribed the size of companies to be frora fifty to eighty raen,
not exceedmg the latter nuraber. Capt. ElUs had 120 men, and the
Governor refused to take the extra sixty men, though ilartin J. Craw
ford urged it. Capt. Ellis took his extra men to Savannah anyhow.
The Governor stuck to the law, telegraphing Gen. Lawton to enforce
the statute. And the Governor was savagely assailed for his action.
The fact is the men of the state were burning to enlist, and in the hot
eagerness to do a freeman's duty, they quarreled over the pri-vilege of
service and the opportunity for peril. Nothing, however, swerved the
Executive from his line of resolution. And in every case the pubUc
judgment sustained him when the facts were understood. In no case
did he act from any personal motive. He sought the success of the
cause, and he pursued his object with an immovable tenacity of purpose.
A remarkable instance of his daring readiness to take any risk for
the public good, was in the prOsaic but incalculably momentous neces
sity of salt. This simple and cheap article of living, that exercises so
little thought, and that' is as plentiful as the air, becarae the subject of
an appaUing famine in the South. It lay in measureless quantities in
the boundless ocean that bordered the Confederacy for a thousand
miles. Yet with the coast blockaded, with inadequate facUities for
its manufacture, with its importation cut off by the bayonets of a
Ijeleaguering cordon of hostile soldiers, the scarcity of salt became a
terror to the people. It was a romantic fate that made this boundless

THE TERRIBLE EPISODE OF SALT TYRANNY. 203
commodity worth almost pound for pound with silver. It was one of
the strangest straits of the Confederacy, this famine of salt. Specula
tors took advantage of it. Even early in 1861, the war of the salt
changers began. And it continued until the legislature took the matter
in hand and sought to protect the people from these salt sharks.
WhUe the raatter was pending the speculators took alarm and started
to rush their hoards out of the state. The meat for the soldiers needed
salt to cure it. The salt famine threatened the coraraonwealth in
earnest. In this crisis Gov. Brown, with his wonted boldness, liberally
construing the constitutional provision that allowed the Executive in
cases of emergency to seize private property for public use, clutched
several large lots of salt for the state, and prohibited its general ship
ment out of the state. The speculators howled. The price they gave
with freight, storage, interest, drayage and ten per cent, interest, was
tendered to the subjects of this rape of salt. The Legislature passed
its protective measure, but the Governor had saved the state from the
salt famine by his bold audacity and prompt interference ahead of slow
legislative action. The public uses were provided for, with some sur
plus over, which was sold around to the poor people who could not pay
speculation prices, and thus the public necessities were relieved.
His audacious exercise of authority, such as few men would have
dared to use, and especially when it was a matter of discussion as to the
right, elicited some hard criticism from his eneraies, but the people, the
omnipotent depository of opinion and power, sustained hira over
whelmingly, as it will back any raan in the end who is disinterestedly
doing the right as he conscientiously sees it. This salt trouble was a
permanent one during the war. The salt famine hung o^ver the state
with its vital terrors untU the surrender. The legislatures fought it as
sternly and persistently as they pushed the battles. They had to come
to the relief of the poor finally. The state took in its own hands the
manufacture of salt in self-defense. And not only this, but the state
had to organize a great salt bureau, and appropriate half a million of
dollars, and make distribution of the despotic staple. In the archives
' of the Executive Departraent are huge voluraes of records, and enor
raous books that a strong man staggers in carrying across the room, all
devoted to the novel and terrible, episode of our salt tyranny in the
war. ,
The battle of the First Manassas took place on the 21st day of July,
1861, in which memorable engageraent the 7th Georgia, and 8th
Georgia regiments were engaged, and won a signal fame. The 7th reg-

204 THE EFFECT OF THE FIEST MANASSAS BATTLE.
iraent was comraanded by Col. Lucius J. Gartrell, ex-member of con
gress. Gen. Johnson, in his official rejsort, mentions the narae of Col.
Gartrell with others as having distinguished theraselves in that engage
raent. His son, Henry Clay Gartrell, was killed in the battle. Col.
Bartow commanded the Brigade consisting of the 7th, 8th, 9th and
11th Georgia, and 1st Kentucky Regiments. This battle, the first im
portant action of the war, was a remarkable one in its effects. It was a
thorough victory for the Confederates, and a raost disastrous defeat for
the Federals. It was at first and for a long tirae believed that the Fed
erals enormously outnumbered us, but recent statistics said to be cor
rect show that the contending forces were nearer equality than has been
supposed. The battle was bloody, and for a while desperate. Our
losses were heavy. The Georgia troops especially happened at the
very brunt of the fighting, and in pursuance of that same destiny,
that seemed to press Georgia into the crucial situations of this great
struggle at vital times, turned the tide of battle with a frightful loss of
gallant raen, including the intrepid Bartow hiraself, who fell, caught in
the arms of Col. GartreU, uttering the now historic exclamation, " They
HAVE KILLED ME, BUT NEVEE GIVE IT up! " The state of Georgia thus
not only gave the deciding stroke in this momentous battle, but furnished
the first conspicuous martyr of the war.
The battle gave a terrific momentum to the war spirit of the North,
while it affected the South disastrously. It seemed a confirmation of
the immeasurable fighting superiority of the South. It aroused the
North; it demoralized and distracted the South by a controversy that
alienated leaders and caused dissension during the whole war over an
issue as to wjiether the fruits of the victory were not neglected. The
pride, the resentment, the courage of the Northern people were stimu
lated to desperation, and from this time on, the war progressed in dead
earnest. In Georgia the activity, if anything, redoubled. Caraps of instruction
and of preparation were organized, and filled with troops drilling and
fitting for the next call. A large attention was given to the coast of
Georgia. The Confederate Government had placed Gen. A. R. Lawton
in comraand from Savannah to the Florida line, and Commodore Tatt-
naU in charge of the naval force. Every co-operation was given to
these officers. Gov. Brown spent $80,000 in equipping Fort Pulaski.
Up to the 26th of July, seventeen thousand men had been organized,
arraed and equipped at a cost of $300,000, and sent into service, most
of them out of the state. Fully 30,000 guns and accoutrements were

UUMOEOUS INCIDENTS OF THE EAELY" WAE FEVEE. 205
supplied to the Confederacy by the state of Georgia, at her own cost,
first and last. Three steamers had been purchased for coast defense,
one costing $40,000 and the others less. The Governor purchased
$44,265 of material for making gunpowder, which he aUowed the Con
federate authorities to take.
There were raany interesting features of the war fever of 1861, that
would prove very readable. Amid the serious work was a by-play of
light incident that helps to complete the picturesque picture of a
dramatic time. Sorae patriotic poetaster drew frora his rause a South
ern version of the farailiar " Yankee Doodle," and dubbed it " Dixie
Doodle." The naraes of some of the companies were a typical outcome
of the spirit of the times. The company commanded by the present
Governor Colquitt, was the " Baker Fire Eaters," and his regiment was
called the " Coffin Regiraent," in meraory of a soubriquet given to his
famous father, Walter T. Colquitt, in the raeraorable political campaign
of 1850 and 1851, as the " Elder Colonel of the Coffin Regiment."
" Defenders of the South," Capt. J. A. Norwood of Troup County;
" Union Invincibles," Captain Sam Patterson of Union Co. ; " Dixey
Boys," Capt. H. Bryan of Thomas Co.; "MUler Wild Cats," Capt. B.
R. Kendrick of Colquitt Co.; "Monroe Crowders," of Forsyth Co.;
" Sons of Liberty," Capt. E. F. Lawson; "Davis Invincibles," etc., were
some of these suggestive names. The ladies of La Grange in their raili
tary enthusiasm organized a corapany called the " Nancy Harts," in
honor of that revolutionary heroine of whom it was said, " she was a
rare patriot, but a devil of a wife." Of this company Dr. A. C. Ware
was Captain; Mrs. Nannie Morgan, First Lieutenant; Mrs. P. B. Heard,
Second Lieutenant; Miss A. Sraith, Third Lieutenant; Miss A. BuU,
First Sergeant; Miss A. Hill, Second Sergeant; Miss M. E. Colquitt,
Third Sergeant; Miss P. BeaU, First Corporal; Miss L. PuUen, Second
Corporal; Miss S. BuU, Third Corporal; Miss E. Key, Treasurer. Mrs.
Overby, widow of B. H. Overby, and daughter of Hugh L. Haralson, gave
$100 for the soldiers' farailies, and pledged herself to continue the
patriotic contribution. The " Wrightsville Infantry," coraraanded by
Captain Jessie A. Glenn, was ordered to SavannaK The newspapers
copied extensively a piteous letter from Capt. Glenn to Hon. A. R.
Wright, after whora the corapany was naraed, begging to get away from
Savannah to someplace "where there is a prospect of a fight." The
universal hankering was to get a chance at the enemy, and Capt. Glenn
voiced the general wish.
Two Conventions were held in Georgia in June, 1861, of public inter-

206 GEORGIA LE.4.DERS GO INTO THE ARMY.
est. The first was at Atlanta, a " Bank Convention of the Confederate
Slates," which raet June 3d, and did important work in aiding the finan
cial measures of the new government. Georgia, Alabaraa, Florida and
South Carolina were represented. The Georgia^xlelegates were R. R.
Cuyler. S. Cohen. H. Roberts, Isaac ScQtt, W. S. Cothran. A. AusteU.
WILLima^j^^G^ B. The President was
G. B. Laraar, and Vice-President, Jas. S. Gibbs of South Carolina.
Resolutions were passed for the banks to receive Confederate Treas
ury notes, and asking railroads and tax officers to take them. The sec
ond Convention was the Cotton Planters' Convention in Macon. A
coraraittee composed of J. H. R. Washington, Pulaski S. Holt and
Nathan Bass was appointed to issue a call for a Confederate Cotton
Planters' convention, which was done. A camp of instruction, called
Camp McDonald, was organized in Cobb county of some 2,000 troops
under command of Brig. Gen. Wm. Phillips. War speeches were raade
in Atlanta by distinguished gentlemen passing through, among them
Hon. Roger A. Pryor and Hon. R. M. T. Hunter of Virginia.
The Confederate Congress adjourned in Maj', at ilontgomery, to meet
in July, at Richmond. It first authorized an issue of fifty millions of
bonds for war purposes. Howell Cobb and T. R. R. Cobb issued an
address to the planters of Georgia, urging them from patriotic consid
erations to invest in these bonds, in which address they called attention
to the two proud facts that Georgia was the only State that had adopted
the Confederate Constitution by a unanimous vote, and that she was
offering the largest number of volunteers of any State, thus preserving
that leadership in this revolution that Georgia had maintained. As
Bartow had gone into the army, so our other Georgia leaders drifted in.
Howell Cobb accepted the tender of a regiraent in June, 1861, unable
to resist the war irapulse. He was followed swiftly by his brother,
Thomas R. R. Cobb, and by Mr. Toombs, and all of them became Briga
dier Generals. The regiments of Georgia regulars were consolidated
into one, and officered by Col. C. J. Williams and Lieut. Col. E. W.
Chastain. In September, Gov. Brown made a visit to the coast, and found the
force under the Confederate authorities there, wholly inadequate to the
defense. He proraptly, on his own responsibility, called out additional
State troops. Up to the first of Septeraber, twenty-five regiments and
three battalions had been organized in Georgia under Gov. Brown's
authority, and some seven independent regiments, making 30,000 troops
Georgia had furnished for the war, and of this number, over 20,000

GOVEENOE BEOWN UEGED FOE A THIED TERM. . 207
were in ^ irginia. ilany of them were suffering for clothing. Gov.
Brown issued proclamations making earnest appeals for the people at
home to contribute money and clothing. He also made proclamation
that he was exhausted of arms, and called upon the people to loan the
State their private rifles and shot-guns for public defense. He ordered
a full enrollment of all men liable to militia duty. All of his measures
were vigorous and timely. Every point connected with the State's
interest was closely watched and promptly attended to.
The vote upon, the -pew Constitution of Georgia will show how com
pletely the people were absorbed in the war to the exclusion of all other
considerations. The v^te fnr vait.jfina.tion was.XL'^QQ' _,g£id against rati-
fication 10,704, a majority of only 795 for ratification, and atotal' vote
_of_but 22.203 out of 1 20.000.
The tirae was approaching for the election of a Governor. The
people early in the year had sounded in no uncertain tones the desire to
have Gov.. Brown re-chosen, in spite of the custora that liraited Gov
ernors to two'terras. In August, Jared I. Whittaker addressed a letter
to Gov. Brown propounding two inquiries:
" First. — Whether in his opinion it was proper, under existing circumstances, to hold
a convention to nominate a candidate for Governor, and conventions in the districts to
nominate candidates for Congress.
" Second. — Whether, if it should be the wish of the mass of the people of Georgia,
without regard to old party differences. Gov. Brown would in that critical period of the
State's history, consent to serve a third term in the executive office."
To this letter Gov. Brown, on the 13th day of August, 1861, repUed.
He advised against holding conventions. There were no political
divisions and no need for any party raachinery, vvhile the people had no
time for any unnecessary assemblages. In regard to his being Governor
a third time, he frankly stated that neither his personal interest nor
inclinations prompted him to give his consent to run again. He made
this allusion to the past :
"In the days of your honored grandfather, Jared Irwin, who served with so much
ability as Governor of Georgia, there was no such usage as that of a first or second term
only, for he was called to the executive chair the third time. The political usage has
since been for the executive to retire at the end of the first or second term. It has, how
ever, been but a usage, as there is no constitutional difiiculty in the way of the same
person holding the office for a third term. I have had no inclination to violate this
usage. If I have made no character in the oflice in four years, I may not expect to do
so in six. If I have made any reputation during that time, I have then soraething to
risk by holding the office another terra in the raidst of a revolution."
It was a right interesting coincidence, that the grandson of the only

208 A STATE CONVENTION CALLED.
Governor in the history of the State who had been elected for three
terms, should be the instrument of pressing upon Gov. Brown the
popular wish for his undertaking the responsibilities and wearing the
honors of a third term. Gov. Brown continued his letter, quoting the
reasons that had been urged for his taking a third. These were, his
familiarity with the duties and the situation, and the danger of putting
a new and inexperienced man in the place, and his duty as one who had
done so much to bring about secession to now stand to his post and bear
his burden of the revolution. He, therefore, felt that he could not
refuse if the people desired his services, but that he could not and
would not make any canvass for the election.
This permission of Gov. Brown for the popular use of his name for
Governor was the signal for a heavy assault upon him. In his positive
administration he had awakened some bitter personal enmities. His
wonderful popularity excited a wide jealousy among the leaders of public
opinion in the State. Before his letter some of the press had suggested
and advocated a convention for September, and the opposition pushed
the movement. A convention was called for the 11th of September, 1861,
in Milledgeville. Numbers of counties called meetings and by resolu
tions refused to send delegates. HerscheU V. Johnson was chosen a
delegate to the convention, and declined in a strong letter. He said the
contest before the convention for the nomination would be purely a
personal one, in which he took no interest, the candidates being all
worthy; that the State needed a united people, and the convention would
not concentrate public opinion; that a large part of the people, not
being represented in the convention, would not be bound by its action;
that Gov. Brown was virtually an independent candidate, and thus two
candidates were a certainty; that under these circumstances he would
not be trararaeled, but should vote for the man whose elevation he
deemed best " calculated to promote the pubUc welfare irrespective of
partisan or personal considerations."
There is no doubt that this pertinent letter of ex-Gov. Johnson had a
powerful effect in checking representation in the convention. There is
no doubt, either, that the people were with Gov. Brown. The homely
-^words of Trice had struck a bed-rock basis of popular endorsement.
The convention had 174 representatives from only fifty-eight counties
out of 132, and it was clairaed that only forty of these had delegates
-actuaUy erapowered. Col. Cincinnatus Peeples was teraporary chairman,
and Judge Dennis F. Hammond permanent president. Wra. L. MitcheU,
chairman of the committee on business, reported the nomination of

' "• V J B^fl, t I- I

^ J. JlJ/nft:

JimOE OTTTIE mJPREMF. GOUIW OF GEORmA.

EUGENIUS A. NISBET NOMINATED FOR GOVERNOR. 209
Judge Eugenius A. Nisbet for Governor. Hon. George N. Lester raoved
the appointment of a committee, which reported an. electoral ticket,
headed by David Irwin of Cobb and Thos. E. Lloyd of Chatham. The
district electoral nominees were John L. Harris, Arthur Hood, J. L.
Wimberly, Dr. E. McGehee, I. P. Garvin, I. G. Fannin, O. C. Gibson,
John Ray, H. H. Cannon and H. F. Price.
Of these gentlemen, Hon. Thomas E. Lloyd of Savannah was the
admitted leader of the bar in that city of accomplished lawyers. A
modest gentleraan of fortune and old faraily,- indifferent to politics,
nothing of an advocate, lacking Wholly the charm of eloquence, he was
yet a profound and learned counselor of law, and the very head of the
civU branch of jurisprudence. A good liver, fond of his billiards and
his wine, a luxurious bachelor, he was yet an unwearied student of his
profession, and the most pains-taking, 'erudite and accurate attorney at
a bar noted for its able and learned members. He was a legal umpire
in disputed points of law. He had a purely legal mind, clear, philosoph
ical, discriminating, quick, powerful and analytic. He read widely, he
digested fuUy. His temper was exquisite, and his spirit thoroughly
balanced. His truth and sense of honor were perfect. He was the
finest specimen of a civil lawyer that we have ever had in Georgia.
His quiet manners and retiring disposition prevented him frora earning
that State repute that his extraordinary legal abilities and attainments
entitled him to receive. Where he was known he passed for his
remarkable value. He never sought office, and when it was thrust
upon him he took it reluctantly and laid it down with delight.
The convention further presented Davis and Stephens for re-election
as President and Vice-President of the Confederacy. The nominajjon
of Judge Nisbet was a very strong^one. lhe.,,strongegt, perhap.s,„.that
Qould have been made. ^^Hewasjm f^pr""*^"*^^ '^^H worthy of Gov. Br.ojsn.
and fitted to test to the utmost his popul"^ gtr-t^T^trth TTf. bad, been t.he
leader of the.secession conyen^ji., aad..fin.joyfid. aU. tb© ^U^ulaEit^-lliat
fact wag calculated to_giye him. He was pure, able, eloquent, learned,
distinguished. He had illustrated the State in Congress. He had
graced private Ufe, ornamented his profession and adorned the supreme
bench. The opposition hailed his nomination enthusiastically. The press
of the State, with but a few exceptions, took up his cause and went
against Gov. Brown in a solid phalanx. The Savannah Republican led
a bitter, unsparing warfare against the Governor. The Augusta papers
foUowed in the sarae line zealously. The Federal Union of MiUedge
vUle and the Atlanta Intelligencer were the principal journalistic chara-
14

210 GOVERNOR beown's ADDEESS.
pions of Gov. Brown, and made pretty nearly a single-handed fight. The
campaign waxed warm. The papers showered their diatribes against
the unquaiUng Brown, who, refusing to make any canvass, devoted
his energies to the gathering storm of war, leaving the people to attend
to his campaign. He made but one public manifesto, — a sharp, tren
chant, but well-tempered paper, stating his position clearly and firmly.
This short address to the people of Georgia was dated the 19th day
of September, 1861. He showed that he was before the people of the
State as a candidate before the convention assembled, and when there
were no party organizations to render a convention or caucus necessary.
-Mj-_r.horr,hcr<i^ nf Columhus, was also a candidate. The convention, if
it had been a full one, representing the people, might have justly asked
obedience to its mandates. But the , convention did not even represent
half of the counties of the State, whUe in raany counties that had
delegates the masses of the people had declared against the convention.
The convention had failed to condemn his administration, and this
failure he used effectively. He charged that the convention movement
was simply a caucus of the politicians and office-seekers to rekindle the
fires of party strife when our whole people should be a unit, for the
protection of life, liberty, property and all that was dear to us. This
point he pushed with vigor and plausibility. Perhaps the raost character
istic part of this unmincing address was his frank way of dealing -with
the value of his executive experience to the State.. He thus put this
delicate matter:
" But it- is insisted with rauch earnestness, that it has not been the usage for the same
person to hold the ofiice of Governor for three terms. This is certainly true, and it is
equally true that it has not been the usage to have revolution, or to have a wicked, war
waged upon us, and the soil of our own State threatened to be drenched with the blood
of her sons, shed by an invading army ; nor has it been the usage for Georgia to have in
the field thirty thousand troops, called out by her executive, whose duty it is to know
when, and with what preparation each company went to the field, what had been sup
plied to them and what they lack, and to know the condition of the finances of the State,
and her present means of affording the most speedy assistance to her suffering troops,
as emergencies may require prompt action. Whether the public good requires that he
who has conducted these affairs from the beginning, should retire in the midst of them,
and give place to a new man, who has yet to learn the condition of the financial affairs
of the State, and the location aud necessities of our troops, is a question which the
farmers, merchants aud mechanics of our State are, I think, as competent to decide at
the ballot-box, as a few politicians and political aspirants are to decide in caucus at
MilledgeviUe." Gov. Brown concluded by stating that he left the matter for the
people to pass upon, not doubting that they would act for their best

GOVERNOE BROWN RE-ELECTED A THIED TIME. 211
interest. Like all of Gov. Brown's docuraents for the people, this plain,
raatter-of-fact business presentation of his cause was effective. It
elicited criticisra, abuse, raillery, but its coraraon-sense notions seized
the public intelligence. Every sort of accusation was heaped upon the
Governor. He was charged with being arbitrary, unconstitutional, self-
opinionated, greedy of power, assuraing to be the State, inflated and
vain. But the fighting went on, and he continued his grim war energy,
and the newspapers thundered at him, and the people bent their
souls to the bloodshed, unheeding the journalistic cannonade at his
indifferent head, and when the day came to vote, they put him back in
the great chair of state, then a herculean responsibility, by a splendid
popular, maioritv of 13.691 in a vote of 79,295. Gr0X:,^£2I^" received
46,493 votes, and Nisbet 32.802.  ThQj&gkL'WAS..whip^dvJfflii&AS.ii
reraarkable personal victory^__a tribute of popular esteera, of whifihjjpy
man might be proud^ and crownjag as it did, four ,x?a»£g»si. exalted
official trust, and overriding the precedent of a century, it was the
grandest endorsement public opinion had ever given a public official in
the annals of the good old Comraonwealth.

CHAPTER XXIIL
GOV. BROWN'S STORMY TIME WITH THE LEGISLATURE
OF 1861-2.
" A Nisbet Legislature that will give Brown the Devil." — Its PersoneUe. — T. M. Nor
wood. — Gov. Brown's Message. — Criticism of Confederate Legislation. — Gov.
Brown's Third Inauguration in a Suit of Georgia-made Jeans. — Georgia War Mat
ters. — The Transfer of Georgia Coast Troops to the Confederacy. — Our Coast
Threatened. — Gov. Brown Urges Defense. — E. C. Anderson Kuns the Blockade
with Arms. — Vetoes. — The Two Wars — the North against the South, and the Legisla
ture against Brown. — Brown's Message pending the Bill to Transfer Our Troops. —
Legislative Anger. — -Warren Akin Denounces Gov. Brown. — Judge E.G. Cabaniss.
— Col. Chastain's Regiment Refused to be Transferred. — Savage Committee Eeport
of Norwood. — Gov. Brown's Severe Reply. — The General Assembly hopelessly
Divided. — Gov. Brown's Views finally Embodied. — Judges. — Toombs Elected C. S.
Senator, and Scornfully Rejects it. — Confederate Congressmen.
" Browh is elected, but we have a Nisbet Legislature that will give
him the devil," was currently reported to be the street gossip of the
opposition. A lively session was betokened in this floating chaff, and
the promise was fulfilled. The legislative deliberations of November
and December, 1861, were unusually important, and in their picturesque
animation suited well the war times. The body convened on Wednes
day the 6th day of November. Hon. John BUlups was elected Presi
dent of the Senate, and Hon. Warren Akin Speaker of the House. In
the Senate were the following gentleraen: George A. Gordon of Savan
nah; James L. Seward; D. A. Vason of Georgia, afterwards Judge; T.
M. Furlow of Americus; J. T. Shewmake; W. Gibson of Richmond;
M. W. Lewis of Greene; Wier Boyd of Lumpkin; A. J. HanseU of Cobb
and Hiram P. Bell, afterward a member of Congress.
In the House araong the leaders were, L. H. Briscoe; L. N. Whittle
of Bibb; Thomas M. Norwood of Chatham, a United States Senator
since the war; L. N. Trammell of Catoosa, afterward president of the
Georgia Senate; George N. Lester of Cobb, elected subsequently to the
Confederate Congress; Milton A. Candler of DeKalb, since the war a
member of Congress; Robert Hester of Elbert; Z. B. Hargrove, a prom
inent RepubUcan leader since the war; A. E. Cochrane; C. W. DuBose
of Sparta; W. H. Felton of Macon; E. G. Cabiniss of Monroe; G. T.
Barnes of Richmond; Peter E. Love of Thomas, ex-member of Con-

THE TURBULENT TEMPER OP THE TIME. 213
gress; B. H. Bigham of Troup and James S. Hook, afterward Judge of
the superior court. Hon. Thomas M. Norwood was a small, unattractive
looking gentleraan, of little grace of oratory, but a person of sorae
uncommon intellectual characteristics. He had a capacity of cold,
strong logic and elaborate argumentation, coupled with a rich vein of
caustic satire. Not a prolific speaker, he yet was after preparation a
very strong one, and made, as a United States Senator, two elaborate
speeches, that won him a national reputation. A pother small^ homely
persgn. who developed after the war into a good prominence, and won
some very flattering political victories, was M.___A, Candler of DeKalb.
A pale, low-browed, slender individual;, he possessed a full, sonorous
voice and an unusual energy of expression and delivery. He was a
positive character, and earned justly his proraotion.
The General Assembly met under circumstances of unparalleled inter
est and overwhelming iiriport. We were in the very flood tide of war,
straining every power, and threatened with an invasion of our own soil.
The enemy was thundering at our portals, a large fleet beleaguering our
coast. The eraergency had to be raet proraptly and fully. It was
unfortunate that there was a strong fragraent of the body disposed tO
antagonize the Executive. If ever unity was desirable it .was in that
grave crisis. But somehow the drift to turbulence was irresistible.
Men were affected by the temper of a revolutionary era. Difference of
opinion rushed to extremes and speedily grew to acriraony. Discussions
degenerated into disputes, and debates became altercations. There was,
perhaps, no man in the State who was more fitted by nature for the
combative spirit of the times than Gov. Brown. A belligerent campaign
suited hira wonderfully. Opposition brought hira cordially to the front
always, and aggression nerved every fiber of his soul to an indoraitable
resistance. His career shows that he neVer gave up while he could
battle. His raessage to the Legislature was a very lengthy and a strong state
paper, breathing a spirit of stern raanhood that represented faithfully
the sentiraent of the people. The philosophy of the war and the
needs of the hour were raasterfuUy argued. He criticised two acts of
Confederate legislation that he deemed wrong, the one authorizing the
President to accept State troops without reference to the State authori
ties, and the other, giving to the President the appointment of the field
officers of the State volunteers. His recital of the war raeasures he
had taken constituted a reraarkable record of energy and responsibility.
Georgia had on the first day of Noveraber, 1861, fifty regiments in ser-

214 GOVERNOR beown's THIRD INAUGURATION.
vice, of which she had armed and equipped thirty. It was an astonish
ing work. He urged an appropriation of three and a half millions for
the military needs of 1862, the passage of a stay law, the legalizing
further bank suspension and other vigorous war measures. He con
cluded his message with this ringing paragraph :
" I would cheerfully expend in the cause the last dollar I could raise, and would fer
vently pray, like Samson of old, that God would give me strength to lay hold upon the
' pillars of the edifice, and would enable me while bending with its weight, to die a glo
rious death beneath the crumbling ruins of that temple of Southern freedom which
has so long attracted the world by the splendor of its magnificence."
The message elicited very high encomiums, and was especially cora
pliraented for its discussion of the raeans of perpetuating our institu
tions and preserving our commercial independence. The raessage, Uke
the inaugural which followed his installation as Govemor for his third
term, urged unity and harmony among the raembers, and co-operation
cordially in the trying ordeal through which they were then passing.
Gov. Brown was re-inaugurated on the 8tli of November, at 12 o'clock,
dressed in a suit of Georgia-made jeans, and the accounts represent him
as " deeply impressive and solemnly eloquent." It was certainly a
striking situation that he held. His force of character and supreme
leadership in a great public crisis had made the people deraand the con
tinuance of his adrainistration in the face of long-honored custom. The
Atlanta Intelligencer had stated by his authority that it was his per
sonal desire to retire from the office. He had been re-elected over the
raost potential representative of the popular secession,£l£raent in the
State, by a splendid, majority .without making a speech. And he stood
the chosen leader of a great commonwealth under all these impressive cir
cumstances confronting the raighty revolution. His inaugural revealed
his consciousness alike of the tribute and the burden. Nor was his
attitude less dramatic because an organized and implacable minority
stood facing hira, eager and resolute to batter him down and crush him
before the people. He was aware to the fullest extent of the deter
rained hostility threatening him.
The report of the ComptroUer General gave the details of the year's
work. One million of dollars had been spent for railitary purposes.
The banks had loaned the state $842,500. The following regiments
had been organized:
1st Regiment, Colonel C. J. Williams, Regular.
2d " " H. W. Mercer,
1st " " J. R. Ramsay, Volunteer.

GEOEGIA CONFEDEEATE EEGIMENTS. 215
2d Regiment, Colonel Paul J. Seraraes, Volunteer.

3d

ii

«

A. R. Wright,

*i

4th

ii

il

Geo. Doles,

ii

5th

il

il

Jno. K. Jackson,

CC

6th

((

(i

A. H. Colquitt,

CC

7th

a

ii

L. J. Gartrell,

CC

8th

a

li

W. M. Gardner,

ii

9th

<(

ii

E. R. Goulding,

CC

10th

a

ll

L. McLaws,

iC

11th

a

ii

G. T. Anderson,

ii

12th

a

il

Ed. Johnson,

a

13th

f(

ii

W. Ector,

C(

14th

ii

ll

A. V. Bruraby,

CC

15t.h

a

li

T. W. Thomas,

CC

leth

a

ii

H. Cobb,

CC

17th

il

ll

H. L. Benning,

CC

18th

il

li

W. T. Wofford,

CC

19th

"

CC

W. W. Boyd,

CC

20th

li

((

W. D. Smith,

it

21st

il

ii

J. T. Mercer,

iC

22d

ii

il

Robert Jones,

ii

23d

il

ll

T. Hutcheson,

CC

24th

il

il

R. McMillan,

CC

25th

il

il

C. C. Wilson,

CC

Georgia Legion,

ll

T. R. R. Cobb,

Cf

Phillips Legion,.

li

Wra. PhiUips,

tc

1st Battalion, Lt

;. Col.

J. B. Villepigue,

iC

2d

ll

Major T. Harderaan,

ii

3d

ii

li

Stoval,

ii

Independent Georgia Dragoons, Captain

I. "W. Avery.

In camp in Georgia were also the foUo-wing:

Regiraent, Colonel T. J. Warthen, Volunteer.

ii

li

Levi B. Sraith,

CC

ii

ll

David J. BaUey,

CC

a

ll
A. Littlefield,
iC
5 Companies,
il
Wm. H. StUes,
ii
7
il
E. L. Thomas,
ii
8
a
Aug. R. Wright,
CC
7
ll
A. R. Lamar,
ii
1 Regiment,
ll
C. W. Styles,
ii
216 MILITAEY CHANGES.
Gen. Henry R. Jackson had declined the position of Major General
in favor of Gen. Walker, and was fighting in West Virginia as a Con
federate Brigadier, and had made fame there winning the Greenbrier
battle. Gov. Brown had appointed Gen. W. H. T. Walker Major Gen
eral, who had resigned and accepted a position as a Confederate Briga
dier General. Gen. Paul J. Semmes had been appointed Brigadier
General, but resigned and accepted the Colonelcy of the 2d Georgia
Confederate regiment. Gen. Phillips had organized a Brigade, but the
Confederate government refused to take any Georgia appointed Gene
rals, and he was commanding a legion. Gov. Brown had appointed
George P. Harrison and F. W. Capers Brigadier Generals, both of
whom had organized Brigades on the coast. Ira R. Foster was the
state Quarter Master General, who had exhibited a signal efficiency in
the arduous duties of this most important department. Col. J. I.
Whitaker was appointed the State Commissary General. The Hon.
Thomas Butler King had been sent as Commissioner to Europe to
arrange a line of steamers for direct trade, under the act of the last
legislature incorporating the " Belgian Araerican Corapany," and
giving the states guarantee for $100,000 for five years.
While the legislature was in session a large Federal naval expeditioT
captured Port Royal on the South Carolina coast, and threatened the
Georgia sea-board. The attacking force had forty-one vessels. Com
modore Tattnall had four small gun vessels, the Savannah, Lt. J. N.
Maffitt; Resolute, Lt. J. P. Jones; Sampson, Lt. J. Kennard; and
Lady Davis, Lt. J. Rutledge. The legislature called upon Gov. Brown
for information as to the protection of the Georgia coast, to which
Gov. Brown replied, showing the condition of our defences, and asking
means to protect the state. He immediately called for additional troops.
On the 19th of November he sent a raessage to the Senate, giving a
detailed account of the past operations on the coast and his correspond
ence with the Secretary of War about the matter. On the 26th he ad
dressed a message to the House, as the result of a conference with the
House committee, in which he called attention to the fact that the mili
tary appropriation was exhausted, that he was borrowing raoney every
day, and that it was with difficulty that he could raaintain the troops in
the field. The Confederate governraent was not doing all that was needed,
and yet the state had to be defended, and he implored the representa
tives of the people to lay aside all differences of opinion and furnish the
means to protect the coramonwealth, reserving the settlement of accounts
with the Confederacy for the time when the danger was past.

CONFLICT BETWEEN GOV. BEOWN AND THE LEGISLATUEE. 217
The foe was perfecting plans to capture Fort Pulaski, and thus control
the coast. The danger was irarainent. The delay of the legislature in
voting raeans to effectually defend the sea front was the occasion of
Gov. Brown's importunities and appeals, and of rauch popular censure
and coraplalnt. The legislature was halting, properly feeling that the
Confederate authorities, that had the benefit of so large a contribution
of Georgia soldiers and arras in other states, owed it to the state to give
her protection. Gov. Brown participated in this feeling, but the aid
was not forthcoraing and the eneray was at the threshold, his " flag wav
ing over part of our soil and insulting the state's sovereignty while it
threatens the existence of her institutions, the liberties of her sons andi
the safety and purity of her daughters."
Again, on the 5th of Deceraber, 1861, Gov. Brown sent in a raessage
to the General Asserably. He had been down in person to Savannah,
conferring -with Gen. Robert E. Lee, who was in comraand of the South
ern coast. A timely arrival of 13,341 Enfield rifles, 4 cannons, 409,000
cartridges, 7 tons of shell and 500 sabres had been made, brought in by
Col. Edward C. Anderson, through the Blockade from Europe where
that gallant officer and gentleraan had been sent by Gov. Brown, the
iraportation alike testifying to Gov. Brown's providence and Col. An
derson's faithful \'igilance and intrepidity. A proposition was before
the General Assembly to transfer the Georgia troops called out by the
Governor for service on the coast to the Confederacy, and if they were
not received to disband thera and get rid of the expense. There had
been a growing breach between the Governor and the legislature, and
it was charged by Gov. Brown's friends that this proposed legislation,
invol-ving delay in voting means and taking the short term state troops
from Gov. Brown's control was a stroke at him. He had astounded,
and displeased the legislature by vetoing a biU reducing the pay of the
Judges and Governor fully a third; and a biU fixing the pay of the
members at five doUars a day. These vetoes had stirred a bitter feeling
in the General Assembly, and were regarded as Executive declarations
of war. The reduction of the Governor's salary would not affect him
personaUy, as it did not go into operation during his term. His veto of
the pay of members was applying their views of economy to themselves.
There is little doubt that a very bad feeling had arisen between the Ex
ecutive, and a controlling raajority of the General Assembly, and the
battle between them became a stubborn and bitter one.
Some correspondent in the Atlanta Intelligencer aptly satirized the
matter and avowed that the country was witnessing two weU-established

218 GOVERNOR BROWNS BOLD MESSAGE.
wars,— that of the North against the South, and the other of the legis-
ture against Joe Brown. There was no mistake about it either. The
legislature took the war-path and made a lively fusUade against the un-
quaUing and responsive Governor. Right in the midst of the discussion
upon the transfer of our short-term state troops to the Confederacy,
Governor Brown plumped a stiff, daring message into the body arguing
against the proposed policy. The message fell upon the body like an
exploding bomb-sheU. The storm it created was something extraordi
nary. It precipitated the long-brooding battle. Recounting the emer
gency that led him to call out these state troops when the Confederacy
had not placed adequate defenses upon the Georgia coast, and showing
that he had foreseen and provided for the very eraergency that had
come, he proceeded to discuss what he termed the " fatal policy " that
with the enemy oh our soil in force and our safety imperilled would
pause to count cost, and look to the contingency of disbandment of de
fense, and the abandonment of the state to the invader.
The Governor's message on this exciting subject at that heated time
was a raodel of force and unanswerable logic, and the wonder is that
any such proposition as he was combating .was entertained. He
showed that the destruction of property if the enemy took possession,
would be ten tiraes any cost of defense. He_ argued the right of the
legislature tojfcransfer the troops to the Confederacy witfajQ.ut_their con-
sent, claiming such forced transfer as. a^ violation jofjaith. While the
President of the Confederacy could not accept thera under the Confed
erate law, as they were organized under the different state law, with
their brigade and company organizations in conflict with the Confeder
ate law. Lie thus boldly ended this intrepid and aggressive message:
" If this fatal policy should be determined upon by the General Assembly, I will be
responsible for none of the consequences growing ont of it ; and in the name of the peo
ple of Georgia, I now in advance enter my solemn protest against it. If the State troops
are disbanded, or the appropriations to raaintain them are made upon the condition that
they be transferred or disbanded, which is equivalent to an order to disband them, it
wiU become my duty, as the Executive of the State to proclaim to her people, that while
tlie enemy is thundering at her gates, her representatives have left me powerless for her
defense, by withholding the necessary means, and even taking from me those already
at my command.
" If I have used strong language, I mean no disrespect. When aU that is dear to a pe6-
ple is at stake, the occasion requires the utmost frankness and candor."
It is doubtful if in any of Gov. Brown's series of high-spirited con
flicts with the legislative assemblies of Georgia, there was any one
which exhibited raore strongly the man's absolutely unconquerable

COLONEL WAEEEN AKIN's ATTACK ON GOVEENOE BEOWN. 219
intrepidity and independence than this the stormiest of them all, and the
culminating one. In none did he display so conspicuously that unhesi
tating self-reliance and fearless contempt of any amount of opposition
that belonged to him. He never quaUed for a moraent or yielded an
inch of his position. Even amid the clash of arms, this conflict stirred
the state. An intense interest was felt all over the coraraonwealth, and
the people endorsed the garae Governor.
When the raessage was delivered to the House, the Secretary who
transmitted it to that body, Mr. Buleau CampbeU, stated that it was on
the subject of " State defence." Offence was iraraediately taken at
this, the S£eaker,^ Col. Akin .aiML.athers. de.claring^that^the message was
an unwarrantable interference on the part of the Governp.r^ with—the
legisiationthen progressing. Mr. Whittle moved to take up, the raes
sage, but the raotion was lost. The raessage was read the next day,
and ]\Ir. Cabaniss raoved to suspend the rules to introduce sorae resolu
tions denouncing the action of the Governor in sending into the House
of Representatives an arguraent against the passage of the bill then
under consideration for the- pubUc. defense. The raotion to suspend
was lost. The bill was passed. The discussion was flery and acrimoni
ous. The bill was reconsidered the next day, and Mr. Cabaniss again
attempted to get his resolution of censure in. The Speaker, Mr. Akin,
yielded the chair to Judge Cochran and came upon the floor, and
attacked the Governor's message unsparingly. His remarks were thus
reported in the Milledgeville Union:
" Col. Akin remarked that the Governor had offered the grossest indignity to this
House in the raessage thrust as an arguraent before us on yesterday. He proceeded to
review the message. The Governor argued thiit the troops would not submit to the pro
visions of the bill displacing their oflScers. He bid the comraander-in-chief and all his
troops defiance to-day. Let them corae with bayonets in their hands, and drive us from
these halls, if they are not willing to acquiesce in the legislative action. He would bare
his bosom to their bayonets and be the last to jump from these windows ou their
approach." As may be conceived, a controversy between the two great co-ordi
nate branches of the State governraent, the Legislature and the Execu
tive, as iraportant and hostile as this, and conducted with such heat of
teraper and vigor of language, stirred a profound exciteraent all over
the State. Gov. Brown's friends of the press roundly declared that the
House of Representatives had " disappointed the people in all it has
done, and in what it has not done, and from the Speaker down, with
some honorable exceptions, demonstrated an incapacity or a want of
inclination to raaintain the chivalry and honor of Georgia." The offi-

220 GOVEENOE beown's MESSAGE EEFEERED.
cers of Col. Chastain's regiment of State volunteers, passed resolutions
and sent thera to the Governor to be transmitted to the Legislature,
declaring that they were not the property of the General Assembly to
-be sold and transferred from one owner to another, and avowing that
while pledging themselves to the Southern cause, they would not be
transferred without their consent. And even the papers most inimical
to Gov. Brown, like the Augusta Chroriicle and Sentinel, while quali
fying their commentary so as not to be misunderstood as being his gen
eral champion, approved his position against the transfer of these State
troops. The message of the Governor was referred to a special committee,
consisting of Norwood, Love, Cabaniss, Schley and Lester, and with
held from the records until the coraraittee could report. The committee
on the 13th of Deceraber, 1861, raade a savage report. It took ground
that the raessage was an unwarrantable interference in the business of
the House and in open, direct and palpable violation of the Constitution.
It charged that the Governor had prostituted his high office in holding
over the heads of the Legislature the threat of a disobedient soldiery,
to deter them from the passage of a bill which he disapproved. It
declared that the Governor had misrepresented their bill in saying that
it contemplated leaving the State to the invasion of the enemy. It
concluded with a series of resolutions, enumerating these charges
against the. Governor and ordering the message, with the report, to be
entered upon the journals of the House. No official notice of this
action was given the Governor. The Senate not participating in the
action, the report was not the act of the General Assembly.
The report elicited a warm debate. Messrs. Whittle, DuBose, Hook
and Cochran maintained that the Governor had the right to communi
cate as he had done. Mr. DuBose thought that the Governor intended-
no discourtesy, and deemed it unnecessary to spread the report on the
journals. Mr. Hood raoved as a substitute for the report, to spread the
message and biU as passed, on the journals. Judge Cabaniss thought
the report just. Mr. Smith, of Brooks, raoved to put message, biU and
report on the journals. Judge Cochran made a strong speech against
the report and resolutions. Col. Akin exclaimed that he had done the
Governor an injustice about the refusal of the troops to yield to legis
lative action. He did not think the Governor meant to convey the idea
that the troops would be guUty of insubordination. He had sought
the Governor to personaUy raake the correction. Mr. Hook and Judge
Cochran commended Col. Akin's conduct.

GOV. BEOWN STEIlvES BACK AT THE HOUSE. 221
Gov. Brown came back at the House as aggressively as ever, protest
ing against the " mjustice and misrepresentations " of the report. He
deemed it due to the officie he held to raaintain its constitutional pre
rogatives against the unwarrantable assuraptions of the House. The
Constitution made it the duty of the Governor to give the Legislature
" information of the state of the republic, and to recoramend to their
consideration such raeasures as he raay deera expedient." He gave a
synopsis of the bill reported by the finance coramittee, and showed
that he had not misrepresented the measure before the House, and he
added that if after his message was received the bill was relieved of its
objectionable features, it was an evidence that the argument contained
in the message was productive of a good effect. In reply to the charge
of prostituting his office by transmitting the protest of the soldiers, he
showed that the resolutions of Col. Chastain's regiment were sent to
the House after it had acted, but he said that he trusted he might claira
the forbearance of all intelligent citizens for " having laid the remon
strance of a regiment of brave State volunteers against an act of gross
injustice to them before a body whose action had shown that its will
was to perpetrate the act."
The Governor referred to the fact that the message was addressed to
the General Assembly, of which the Senate was a part and which had
taken no offence. The Governor had so overwhelmingly the best of the
argument that he came out of this remarkable altercation with increased
reputation for courage and firraness. The Legislature divided hopelessly;
the Senate and House split up and antagonized each other; coraraittees
of conference were appointed, and finally resolutions of compromise
were agreed upon and passed, which embodied Gov. Brown's views.
They provided for a transfer of the State troops only with their consent,
and for retaining them if not transferred. The sum of $5,000,000 was
appropriated for a war fund for 1862 ; also, $200,000 for a Georgia Re
Uef and Hospital Association; $100,000 for the support of the State
troops; $100,000 forthe relief of sufferers by the great fire in Charles
ton, South Carolina; $50,000 to aid in manufacture of salt. The banks
were aUowed further relief and privUege of suspension. Resolutions
were passed pledging the state to fight until peace was won; recom
mending the farmers to reduce the cotton crop and plant provision
crops; and to prevent monopolies and extortions.
Among the other raatters done by this General Assembly were the
confirmation of the appointments made by Gov. Brown, of Charles J.
Jenkins as Judge of the Supreme Court, and O. A. Lochrane, Judge

222 EOBEET TOOMBS DECLINES TO BE C. S. SENATOE.
Macon CUcuit, G. D. Rice, Judge Blue Ridge Circuit, N. L. Hutchins,
Judo-e Western Circuit, E. H. WorrUl, Judge Chattahoochee Circuit
and W. W. Montgomery, Attorney General. The election for two
Cmiifedfira.te State Senators resulted in Hon. Benjamin HiU bein.(y
eleoted.,aiLJh&.i£gtJ3aI^ jroombs,Johnspn,._Wm. Law, Janies
Jackson and Alfred_. Iverson. The contest ^over the^ther_seiiatgrship
wasjmimaj^d.andprotract^^^ The first ijallot stood,. Iverson, 85, Jack-
son, 35_jj:^oombs^J:_^Johnion, 22, James Bethune^ 5, John P. Kinaf. 3,
(t. ErThomas andrJ."E."Brown, 1 each, On the third baUot the vote
stood, Iverson, 73, Jackson, 44, Toombs, 82. After the 5th baUot
Iverson was withdrawn, and Toombs receiving 129 votes and Jackson
67, Robert Toombs was declared elected. Gov. Brown notified Mr.
Toombs of his election, who declined the office, stating that he could
better serve his state and country in the army than in the Senate. He
went on to say in deep displeasure at the struggle over the election, " I
deem it not inappropriate on this occasion, to say that the manner in
which the legislature thought proper to confer this trust relieves me
from any obligation to sacrifice either my personal wishes or my con
victions of public duty in order to accept it." It was a characteristic
thing in Mr. Toombs, a spoiled pet of popular favor, accustomed to win
his political victories in a lordly way, and with the ease of Kingly right,
to angrily spurn a triumph obtained after a close fight and when he had
run through raany ballots one of the minority candidates. It was
' openly charged at the. timethat -the whigs had clutched, the fegislature.
and it was a sort of confirmation of it that none bnt q]f\ -whigfj were
elected, with one or two exception^. And it was said that Mr. Toombs
did not go through until the issue narrowed to hira and Democrats of
longer standing than himself.
The election for members of the Confederate Congress had resulted
in the success of the following gentlemen:
1st District, Julian Hartridge.
2d " C. J. Munnerlyn.
3rd " Hines Holt.
4th " A. H. Kenan.
5th " David W. Lewis.
6th " W. W. Qark.
7th " R. P. Trippe.
8th " L. J. GartreU.
9th " Hardy Strickland.
10th " Augustus R. Wright.

EESIGNATION OF JUDGE NISBET. 223
The dissolving of .party lines had resulted in bringing in nearly every
opposition leader. Judge Nisbet resigned from the Provisional Con
federate Congress on account of ill-health. The ticket of electors
put out by the convention that nominated Judge Nisbet, had no oppo
sition and was elected, and cast the vote of the state for Davis and
Stephens.

CHAPTER XXIV.
THE ORGANIZATION OF STATE TROOPS UNDER MAJOR
GENERAL HENRY R. JACKSON.
The Permanent Confederate State's Government. — Georgians iu High Civil and Military
Oflice. — Gov. Brown's Famous Controversies with the Confederate Authorities and
their Continuance of Georgia's Foremost Agency in the Revolution. — Georgia The
Champion of Constitutionalism. — Old Leaders Swallowed Up. — Brown Lifts the
State Supremacy. — Year 1862 begins Calamitously. — Address of Cobb, Toombs
and Crawford. — Georgia's War Tax. — State Forces Organized. — Maj. Gen. Henry
R. Jackson and His Patriotic Self-Sacrifice. — Tribute to Gen. Jackson by Gov.
Brown. — Col. Chastain. — Funny Feminine Suggestion to Whip The Federals. —
Pemberton Succeeds Lee. — Fort Pulaski Capture. — Col. C. H. Olmstead. — A Gallant
Act. — Effect of This Loss. — Reorganization of State Militia. — Gov. Brown's Letter
on Planting Cotton. — Gen. Toombs.
The organization of the Confederate States Government under its
permanent constitution was made on the 22nd day of February, 1862.
Mr. Stephens was Vice-President. Mr. Toombs had gone into the army,
giving up his place as Secretary of State. Mr. Philip Clayton of
Georgia was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury. G. E. W. Nelson of
Georgia was Superintendent of Public Printing, (^v. Brp-yyn appointed
his old friend. Dr. John W. Lewis, Confederate State Senator in place nf
Gen. Tognjlas. Up to this time we had in the Confederate army from
Georgia, Major Generals, David E. Twiggs, Wm. J. Hardee. Brigadier
Generals, Henry R. Jackson, Wm. H. T. Walker, A. R. Lawton, Robert
Toombs, W. H. C. Whiting, L. McLaws, H. W. Mercer, W. M. Gardner,
John K. Jackson, Howell Cobb, J. B. Villepigue, T. R. R. Cobb, Ambrose
R. Wright, Henry L. Benning, J. R. Ramsay, Paul Semmes, and Alfred
H. Colquitt.
Some of Georgia's strongest men in statesmanship had gone into the
array. Mr. Stephens soon becarae powerless with the Confederate
administration on account of his decided difference of view with Mr.
Davis upon vital raeasures. Neither of them were men to yield, and
thus they soon drifted hopelessly apart. It therefore happened that
Georgia, from having been a controUing power in the revolution,
becarae alraost a nullity at this time so far as concerned the guidance
of its policy. But the time was soon coming when the state was to

GEOE(iLA.'s STAND FOR CONSTITUTIONALISM. 225
resume her agency in matters, but it was to be on a different line
entirelj-, and yet a consistent one. Georgia had led in breaking the
Union to preserve the principles of constitutional government. She
was destined to figure as an uncomproraising opponent of Confederate
encroachment upon the spirit and the law of the Constitution. And
the man who was fated to bear the colors in this struggle was the
Governor of Georgia, Joseph E. Brown.
There has been much stricture upon his course, to the effect that the
resistance to unconstitutional legislation should have been pretermitted
in the hour-of war. The tirae has come to discuss this question fairly
and dispassionately. Was Governor Brown right or wrong in princi
ple ? It is admitted that he contended for a right thing, but it is
claimed that it was done at an inexpedient time. No time is inex
pedient to raaintain the right. Right is always expedient. Where was
the greater danger, from unconstitutional legislation, in a Federal or
a Confederate government ? If it was right to destroy the Union to
preserve the Constitution, it was no less right to deny the sanction of
endorsement to the extra-constitutional acts of the Confederacy. It is
also true that the final result was not endangered by these conflicts of
constitutional argument that placed Georgia in a noble attitude as the
champion of that constitutional law and liberty for which we were fight
ing. If we were right and sincere in our going to war to secure our
ideas of government, we then did right in maintaining thera in the
Southem republic. The reasoning is irresistible. Georgia in standing
up for a strict observance of constitutional limitations did her duty, and
she deserves the more credit that she did it amid all the temptation to
ignore it that arose from the dangers of war and the anarchy of revolu
tion. The consistency of the South was preserved by this splendid r6le
that Georgia, under the leadership of Gov. Brown, pursued. It was a
dutiful vindication of the conduct of the South in going into the war,
and must so be regarded in the calm light of historic truth. There is
no escaping the verdict. If we were right to fight for constitutionalism, I
we were right to oppose its sacrifice even in the stem exigencies of war, j
The war absorbed our old leaders, swallowed them up, as it were, in
the leveling atmosphere of the bayonet. Toorabs and the Cobbs and
other great spirits of statesraanship sank into excellent brigadiers araong
a host of others. Men like Stonewall Jackson, who in the calm of peace
would have gone through life obscure and undistmguished; or like For
rest, who would have achieved an undesirable notoriety as successful
negro traders, flamed into fame legitimately due to military genius and
15

226 THE CONFEDERATE SITUATION GLOOMY.
surpassing achievement. Georgia had a host of brilliant soldiers and
dazzling officers. She had her Hardees, Gordons, Wheelers, Tattnalls
and a host of others of lower rank equally heroic and faithful. But so
had other states, and we had no superiority. The whole South was
brave and true. It was in this monotony of heroism that Gov. Brown
raised the State to her wonted supremacy of influence by his bold, able
and unanswerable maintenance of our constitutional consistency. And
at this long day from that era, reading his masterly and exhaustive
papers, written araid all the distractions of those tumultuous times,
under all the .tremendous inducements to passive subservience, they
stand as unequaled deraonstrations of intrepid personal conviction and
exalted acts of august official duty. This is strong language, but it is
due. There raay have been an infusion of considerations not relevant,
and an occasional betrayal of a stern teraper into the indiscretion of
severity, but admitting these minor defects. Gov. Brown's defenses of
constitutional principle in his great and raeraorable controversies with
the Confederate authorities, must be his most striking record of cour
ageous and masterful statesmanship, and will constitute Georgia's most
enduring claim to historic glory in connection with her sacrifices and
contributions to the cause of Southern independence. State sovereignty
and Constitutional governraent.
The year 1862 began calamitously forthe South. Our expectation of
a speedy end had been disappointed. The Federals had a force of
800,000 men in the field, and the South had 300,000. Kentucky and
Tennessee had fallen into the Federal hands. Lodgment had been raade
on the coast of North Carolina by Burnside'^ expedition. Southern
erabassies to Europe had failed to secure intervention and even recog
nition. Just before the provisional governraent of the Confederacy
ended, HoweU Cobb, R. Toombs, M. J. Crawford and Thos. R. R. Cobb
issued an address to the people of Georgia placing the situation clearly
before them. What they called "unpalatable facts" were candidly
given. The purport of the address was, that we were in a frightful
conflict with a determined enemy, whose numbers and resources we
could not equal, and we could only succeed by a united and unconquer
able resistance that would put the torch to every horae before yielding
it to the foe. The address discarded hope of foreign interference as
reraote, and expressed confidence in the final result.
A requisition was made upon Georgia for twelve additional regiraents.
TJjp Con fed erate. war -tax on. Georgia araounted^to $2,494,112.41, and
5Sa&.pxQinptl.yjmg.ed.by the issue and sale of State bonds. Gov. Brown

'ii^^^m'^

GENERAL HENRY E. .lACKSON. 227
having the araount in hand before it was due. Ten per cent, was saved
by relieving the Confederate authorities of the direct collection frora the
people, and in addition to this the CoraptroUer General, Col. Thweatt,
discovered an error in the Confederate aSsessraent of $60,016.16, which
his vigilance saved to the State. The banks patriotically advanced two
millions of the amount to the Governor as early as February, the tax
being due April 1st.
The operations on the Georgia coast in the early part of 1862 were
very active. Gov. Brown selected Gen. Henry R. Jackson for the com
mand of the State forces on the coast, and nominated him as Major-
General, in chief command of all the State troops, which nomination
was unanimously ratified by the Senate of Georgia.
This gallant officer had served brilliantly in the Mexican war as Colonel
of a regiment. His service in West Virginia during 1861 had been
conspicuous and valuable. The operations in that locality were ended.
Gen. Jackson therefore hailed joyfully the prospect of a change to
Georgia, his own State, whose coast was the object of Federal attack.
The selection of Gen. Jackson for this duty was a deserved recognition
of his raerit, and a corapliraent of which he could well be proud. Gov.
Brown immediately sought to have him ordered on this congenial and
honorable mission, he welcoming gladly a transfer frOm inaictivity to a
field of peril and usefulness — that field his own beloved State, and he
urged the change. It was one of those strange acts of the Confederate
administration that it so frequently did, to disregard this call for this
worthy officer. The carapaign in Virginia had ended; by far the larger
portion of Gen. Jackson's coraraand had been withdrawn frora him and
sent elsewhere; he had been ordered into winter-quarters within hand
ling distance of the remnant. All eyes were directed to the Southern
sea-board as the scene of operations for the winter. Gen. Lee, who -vyas
in coraraand on the Southern coast, as he told Gov. Brown, preferred
Gen. Jackson to coramand the Georgia troops, and had been " negotiat
ing " with the war department for hira at the time. Eager to accept
the flattering call of his own State from an inactive to active duty. Gen.
Jackson applied for leave of absence to take the more perilous service
in Georgia, but was sternly and inexplicably refused. With that chiv
alric patriotism that belonged to the man. Gen. Jackson resigned the
coveted coraraission which he held in the Confederate array, feeUng that
he could not ignore the deraands of his own people menaced with danger,
to stand peaceful watch in the then quiet mountains of West Virginia.
Gen. .Tackson as Major-General of the State troops had under him

228 TEIBUTE TO GENEEAL HENEY E. JACKSON.
Brigadier Generals George P. Harrison, F. W. Capers, and also, William
H. T. Walker, who had resigned from the Confederate service. Gen.
Jackson cooperated with Brig. Gen. A. R. Lawton, who had command
of the Confederate forces and the territory comprehended in the Depart
ment of Georgia. Brig. Gen. H. W. Mercer of the Confederate army
comraanded Savannah. Gen. Robert E. Lee was in coraraand of the
extrerae Southern coast, including Georgia and South Carolina.
Gen. Jackson received orders direct from Gov. Brown. His Adjutant
General was Lt. Col. Charlton H. Way. During the brief campaign of
a little over three months in which the state troops were in service,
there was a vast deal accomplished. Gen. Jackson was very zealous,
and between himself and Gen. A. R. Lawton, commanding the Confed
erate troops, there existed an admirable accord. The official corresr
pondence of Gen. Jackson's division shows raany interesting, as well
as some lively episodes. Gov. Brown gave a close supervision to
every detail of the service. The Govemor entertained a cordial re
gard and admiration for this capable and distinguished officer. In
his message to the General Asserably in the following November, in
referring to the state troops Gov. Brown used this language about Gen.
.lackson :
"It is but justice to Major General Jackson, that it be remarked that he had, with
untiring energy and consummate ability, pressed forward the preparation of the
defenses and the training of the army, and that the people of Georgia owe much of
gratitude to him for the safety of the city of Savannah and its present freedom from
the tyrannical rule of the enemy. There is not probably an intelligent, impartial raan
in the state who does not regret that the services of this distinguished son of Georgia
should not have been properly appreciated by the Confederate authorities, and that he
should not, after the Georgia army was transferred, have been invited by the President
to a command equal to his well-known ability and raerit. This was requested by the
Executive of this state, which request was presented to the President by her entire del
egation in Congress."
Col. E. W. Chastain, who commanded the 8th regiment of Gen.
Walker's Brigade, was arrested by Gen. Walker for using severe lan
guage to Major O. C. Myers, the Assistant Adjutant General of the
Brigade. The Governor knew the value of the volunteers and their
spirit too well to disgrace officers on account of a hasty ebullition of
profanity, and insisted that Col. Chastain should not be punished beyond
arrest. Capt. Henry Cleveland, in charge of the Savannah arsenal,
had been the editor of the Augusta Constitutionalist, and was a writer
of genius. In his position in the Ordnance Departraent he appears not
to have had very harraonious relations with Major Lachlan Mcintosh,

FIGHTING THE FEDEEALS WITH TURPENTINE. ,229
the Chief of Ordnance for the state. Writing in January to Gen.
Jackson, Major Mcintosh thus discoursed:
" It is but right for me to say that I fully appreciate Captain Cleveland's eccentricity,
and deeply regret that there is not some otlier field open to that geutlemau wherein to
exercise his wondrous administrative abilities."
A lady signing herself " P. M. L.," raade the following unique sug
gestion for the defense of the city of Savannah, stating that she had
been trying to think up a plan to " expel the Yankees " frora the
coast and had hit upon this plan.
" To put on board of boats about 500 or 1,000 barrels of turpentine (first having raade
a calculation of the speed of the water of the Savannah river, so as to allow the proper
time to elapse), and go to within a mile of the fleet (during the night) and at different
distances have the turpentine turned out aloug across the water, having allowed the
proper time to elapse from the turning out of the turpentine, for it to reach the fleet, as
it will not mix with the water. Then set fire to the turpentine poured upon the water,
and it wiU do them much damage, if not entirely rout thera. Now if you will head the
expedition to see that all is done at the proper tirae, and in order and no failure, I think
somebody wiU be hurt. It at least will be worth trying. I ouly give the initials of my
name below, as I do not wish you for a raoraent to think that I, a lone female, should
dictate to one of your experience and judgment what should be done.''
This ferainine invention is solemnly filed araong the patriotic archives
of that exciting period. Gen. Lee was transferred to another depart
ment, and Maj. Gen. Pemberton assigned to the comraand of this de
partraent. The enemy inaugurated the series of movements that
resulted in the loss to the Southern cause, and to Georgia, of Fort Pu-
laskL Tybee and Warsaw Islands were covered with Federal troops.
The inlets of our coast swarmed with Federal vessels. Skidaway and
Green Islands were abandoned by Gen. Peraberton. The line of defense
was confined to the raain land. By the 22d of February, the Federals
succeeded in a coraplete isolation of Fort Pulaski, by reraoving the ob
structions in Walls Cut and thus entering the Savannah river in the rear
of the Fort. Commodore Tattnall succeeded in effecting a passage to
the Fort in the very teeth of the Federal gunboats, and supplied the
garrison with six months' provisions. Eleven batteries were thrown up
on Tybee Island.
The garrison oi Fort Pulaski consisted of 365 men and 24 officers,
under command of Col. Charles H. Olmstead, a gaUant and capable of
ficer. He was a graduate of the State Military University at Marietta,
and combined in a striking degree the graces and culture of the true
gentleraan with the intrepidity and skill of the soldier. Gen. David
Hunter commanding the Federal forces, demanded the surrender of the

230 THE SPIRIT OF GEOEGIANS TEUE.
Fort on the morning of the 10th of April, 1861, and Col. Olmstead re
plied briefly that he was there " to defend the fort, not to surrender it."
The bombardraent began and continued for two days. The raain fire of
the foe was directed on the south-east angle of the fort. The guns in
it were all disraounted, and a large breach made through which the shot
and sheU went directly to the raagazine. Retreat was impossible, and
further defense impracticable. The Fort was surrendered at half past
two o'clock, the 11th day of April, 1862, honorable terras having been
granted the garrison. Col. C. C. Jones in his well-written sketch of
the Chatham ArtUlery, relates an incident of personal daring that oc
curred during this siege that deserves preservation. In the second
day's bombardment, in a storra of shot and shell the flag was shot
down. Lt. Christopher Hussey, of the Montgomery Guards (Capt;
Guilmartin), and private John Latham, of the Washington Volunteers
(Capt. McMahon), leaped upon the parapet, upon which the fatal haU of
battle was raining an unbroken torrent, disentangled the fallen syrabol
of deflance, coolly carried it to the north-eastern angle of the fort and
floated it gayly to the ball and breeze on a temporary staff, erected for
the occasion on a gun carriage. It was an intrepid act of personal
heroism. The loss of Fort Pulaski stimulated the preparation for the defense of
the land. The term of enlistment of the troops was expiring in many
oases. The hot fever of the early days of the war had very much quieted
down. The effervescence had dissolved. Men were not so eager to
fight. A year of actual service had dissipated the poetry of soldiering.
Men had corae to a recognition of the cold realities of a desperate con
flict. There was a decided toning down of that buoyant eagerness for
enlistment that so marked the inception of the struggle, but it was still
true that the men of Georgia carae forward willingly to the serious work
in store for us and not to be avoided. The loss of Fort Pulaski stirred
every patriotic heart in Georgia. It nerved every raan and woraan to
resistance, and to cordially persevering in the duty of the hour.
Gov. Brown issued a Proclaraation for a coraplete organization of the
militia with a view to a draft if there were not voluntary enlistments.
The State troops had almost unanimously voted against a transfer to
the Confederate war authorities. In recognition of the grave crisis the
7th day of March was appointed as a day of Fasting, Humiliation and
Prayer. The use of corn in the distillation of spirits was prohibited by
proclamation to prevent the consumption in that way of grain needed
for food. A reward of $5,000 was offered for the discovery of any salt

THE BAD POEICY OP PLANTING COTTON. 231
springs or wells that would afford 300 bushels of salt a day, the Gov
ernor taking the responsibility of proclaiming such reward without
authority. Gov. Brown paid a visit to the coast early in April, and
reviewed and addressed the State troops: In this speech he compli
mented their defense of the sea-board, and urged them to re-enlist, mak
ing an earnest appeal to their patriotism.
A vital subject at that time was the policy of the farmers of planting
provision crops instead of cotton. Judge Linton Stephens in behalf of
a number of citizens addressed a note to Gov, Brown asking his views
on this matter. The reply was an able discussion of the subject. He
said that we had raore to fear frora the production of cotton than any
other disadvantage. The ordinary sources of provision supply were
very much diminished. We would have to rely upon ourselves for
food. The reply ended with an appeal to the farraers to do their duty in
this crisis. Hon. Alex. H. Stephens carae to Georgia and raade a strong
speech, urging the people to continued energy and sacrifices in the
prosecution of the war, and in this speech he pressed the pa'raraount
necessity of raising ample food crop. Gen. Toombs incurred much
odium by his course on this matter, he boldly insisting upon raising
upon his own plantation nearly full crops of cotton. And the following
dispatch from Gen. Toombs brought him considerable animadversion.
"Richmond, .Tune II, 1862.
" To Messrs. Geo. Hill, A. F. Newsom and Wm. Carter, Committee.
" Gkntlemen : — Your telegram has been received. I refuse a single hand. My prop
erty, as long as I live, shall never be subject to the orders of those cowardly miscreants,
the Committees of Public Safety of R.andolph County, Ga., and Eufaula. You may rob
me in my absence, but you cannot intimidate me. "ROBERT TOOMBS."
County meetings were held in which the farmers pledged themselves
to dro^ cotton and raise provisions.

CHAPTER XXV.
BROWN AND DAVIS IN THEIR GREAT TUSSLE OVER
CONSCRIPTION.
, The Conscription Act. — Not Needed in Georgia. — Col. A. H. Kenan and Gov. Brown. —
A Cabinet Place in Brown's Grasp. — The Correspondence between Gov. Brown and
President Davis. — A Model of Statesmanlike Coutrover.<y — Tbe Discussion. — A
Mile-stone of the Revolution — Mr. Davis' Treatment of the Controversy in his
" Rise and Fall of the Confederacy." — A One Sided Presentation. — Both Sides
Fairly Given in this Volume. — Gov. Brown Obeys the Act. — The State Troops
Turned Over — The Officers Refused. — Gen. H. R. Jackson's Farewell Order. — Gov.
Browu's Order. — This State Force Episode Romantic. — The FoUy of the Confed
erate Adrainistration. — The Arrest of Col. Ben. Langbridge. — Col. C. J. Williams.
— Cot. Walter Ector. — Mrs. C. J. Williams. — Hon. Alfred Iverson. — Unverified
Prophecy. — The Funny Blunder of the Types. — "Stripped Wives." — The
Audacious Attempt to Seize the State Road.
The -Goiiscription Act passed the Confederate Congress in April,
1862,^ Its passage was the result of the military stress. Mr. Davis
recommended the measure in a special message, and the Confederate
Congress promptly passed it, under decided and considerable opposition.
It was not needed in Georgia. For every requisition there was more
than ample volunteering. Under the last call for twelve regiraents. Gov.
Brown furnished eighteen. And he expressed the belief that he could
have raised fifty regiraents if Mr. Davis had called for so many. The
spirit was stiU rife for volunteering, and it continued to be a difficult
matter to reconcile captains of companies who were left out of regi
ments. From the time the Conscript Act was enforced in Georgia,
there was a greater reluctance to go to the field than had ever before
been shown. Even after that, however, there was no difficulty in furnish
ing troops proraptly and in larger numbers than called for, if they had
the right to form their regiments at home, and elect their own officers.
It was the practice at the North at the same time that Mr. Lincoln raade
requisition upon the Governors of States for troops, to furnish them
j^tganized into regiments. And there was no difficulty in Georgia about
(getting plenty of troops when they were allowed the privUege of
organizing and electing their own regimental officers. That practice
would have given regiments in our State as long as there were raen out

^

-^^^^^^^^^^^-^i?^.

GOV. BEOWN TENDERED A CABINET PLACE. 233
of which to make them. This right of organization they considered
the Constitntion-^lfiajJy guaranteed, tojthem, jind they set greats'tore
bjLJt. It must ever remain a mooted point, whether the Conscript Law was
a benefit or an injury to the Southern cause. It was claimed a neces
sity, and therefore enacted and enforced for this reason. Its oiDponents
bitterly disputed its necessity, while as urgently arguing its uncon
stitutionality. It raay weU be doubted when people have been dragged
by law to the forced support of a cause, and when they wiU not vol
untarily rally to such cause, whether success can be achieved. Be
this as it may, conscription was never necesssary in Georgia. The n>ost
deterrained opposition to the Conscript Ljw oamg,.from. this,gtate. And
the controversies that ensued-.bfit.weBiL Go.v- Brown and Mr, Davis .and
his Secretary of War were raatters of intense and universal Southem
intere.st, and , tha,-. a.n±a.ccaMsm ,.EftSHlf.ii!fpri.....bftaa.mp ag„^tter_ as Jt_.wa.§
historic. There is a curious and interesting incident connected with this act
of conscription. The Act awakened a general and lively interest and
provoked a warra public discussion. The people were prepared for it
before it carae. Every effort was raade to harmonize popular sentiment
Upon it that it raight go off well. Araong the special friends of Mr.
pavis was Col. Augustus H. Kenan, one of our Georgia Confederate
congressraen, representing the district in which Milledgeville lies. He
Was well known over the State, of imperious force of character, a large,
jiandsorae, imposing person, rather haughty and aristocratic, but possess
ing ability and honor. He was known to be a friend of Gov. Brown,
p.nd was probably for this reason selected for the raission of which we
are speaking. It was known that Gov. Brown was not favorable to the
Conscript Act. Col. Kenan carae to Georgia, and seeking an inter
view with Gov. Brown, he tried in a long and earnest talk to recon
cile him to the support of conscription, or at least, to induce him to
make no opposition. The conversation became very animated, and at
times stormy. Both were positive men, both combative, both unyield
ing, both of a dominating temper. Col. Kenan plied every argument
and persuasion to the placid but determined anti-conscriptionist, but in
vain. Gov. Brown would not yield to logic or entreaty. He was firm
and imraovable. In the course of the interview. Col. Kenan intiraated
to Gov. Brown that a place in the Cabinet of Mr. Davis would be at
his comraand if matters went harmoniously. But Gov. Brown would
not yield his place as Governor of the great State of Georgia for any

234 THE FIEST LETTEE OP GOV. BEOWN ON CONSCEIPTION.
Cabinet office. The mission was unsuccessful, and towards the close,
the interview became very warm, both gentleraen getting eraphatic and
somewhat plain spoken. And they parted in spirited disagreement, and
under considerable display of feeling against each other; but in their
next raeeting, having cooled, their temporary misunderstanding was
laid aside and they resuraed their wonted friendliness of intercourse,
based upon a hearty respect and reciprocal regard.
The first iraportant correspondence was between Gov. Brown and Mr.
Davis, and was on the constitutionality of the Conscript Act, and was
conducted with great ability and dignity on both sides. It was a raodel
of statesraanlike controversy, lofty, courteous, argumentative and pow
erful. Both showed themselves masters of the subject — each present
ing his side with striking force. The first letter of Governor Brown
was dated April 22, 1862, and notified Mr. Davis of his receiving a
copy of the Conscription Act and of his turiiing over the state forces
in compliance therewith to the Confederate comraand. He went on to
state that Georgia had seceded from the Union because the Federal
government had disregarded the rights of the states. He contended
that the Conscription Act puts it in the power of the Confederate
Executive to disorganize all state troops and destroy Georgia's state
government by disbanding her law-making power. Iinder the Con
script Act everv officer of the state governments, the state eraploves,
the mechanifjg, .lailroad, operatives and state military officials^ etc., can
be forced into the Confederate seryice. It was unconstitutional for the
Confederate Executive to have such power. He argued that the act
was in conflict with the Constitution, which reserves to the states the
right to appoint the officers of and train the jnilitia. He declined
to have anything to do with the enrollment of conscripts, leaving
the execution of the conscript law to the Confederate authorities, reserv
ing any test of the constitutionality of the act for consideration when
it may less seriously embarrass the Co;ifederacy in the prosecution of
the war. He desired to know what exemptions would be made. Mr.
Davis replied briefly on the 28th of April, 1862, inclosing copies of
various acts exempting certain classes from military service. The
wager of battle was thrown down in the following condensed utter
ance: "The constitutionality of the act you refer to as the 'conscrip
tion-bill,' is clearly not derivable from the power to call out the militia,
but from that to raise arraies."
Governor Brown's second letter, dated May 9, 1862, started out with
the assurances that while as an individual or Executive he proposed to

LETTERS OF GOV. BEOWN AND ME. DAVIS. 235
give Mr. Davis all aid possible in the war, he did not propose to commit
the state to a policy subversive of her sovereignty and at war with the
principles for which Georgia entered the revolution. The Conscription
Act could not aid in gefting more arms, but raore raen, and as raore"
men could be enlisted than could be arraed, the act was not necessary.
As to the constitutional point he argued that all the grants of power
given by the Constitution to Congress must be construed together and
be subject to that paragraph which reserves to the states the right to
appoint officers. The grant to raise armies refers to regular arraies, and
not those coraposed of the whole railitia of all the states; and if under
such grant all of the railitia of the states could be used by Congress,
with the power of appointraent of officers, then the constitutional pro
vision securing the states the reserved rights over militia was a nullity.
The debate on the Federal Constitution shows how sacredly this right
of the states was regarded and preserved. This letter wound up with
this strong paragraph:
" Should you at any tirae need additional troops from Georgia to fill up her just quota
iu proportion to the number furnished by the other states, you have ouly to call on the
Executive for the number required, to be organized and officered as the Constitution
directs, aud your call will, as it has ever done, raeet a prompt response from her noble
and patriotic people, who, while they will watch with a jealous eye, even in the midst of
revolution, every atterapt to undermine their constitutional rights, will never be conteut
to be behind the foremost in the discharge of their whole duty."
Mr. Davis wrote his second letter on the 29th of May, 1862. His
Cabinet, Attorney General and a raajority of Congress believe the con
scription constitutional. The power of Congress to raise arraies under
the Constitution was broad and unqualified. It could raise armies
without Umitation as to method or material, and to any extent neces
sary. The necessity in this case was urgent, to prevent the disbandhient
of twelve-months' troops whose times were out. The militia of a state
are only militia when called out and organized, and are not the citizens
taken singly. The power of Congress to call out state militia is differ
ent frora the power to raise arraies. The grant of exclusive power to
raise arraies is not restricted by a grant of divided power over mUitia.
They are two distinct subjects. The armies and the militia are necessa
rily raised out of the sarae material. The power to enlist raust be
co-extensive with the exigencies of the occasion, and the extent of the
exigency must be determined by Congress. The exis.t.e.nce^ of the Con-
federacy beings threatened by. .jast arraies, the, Congress had in its.
power calTedJor, not mUitia, but men to compose armies. Mr. Davis

236 PEESIDENT DAVIS COMPLIMENTS GEOEGIA.
wound up his letter with these sentences, the first remarkable in the
light of the final result:
"At some future day, after our independence shall have been established, it is no
improbable supposition that our present enemy may be tempted to abuse his naval power
by depredation on our commerce, aud that we may be compelled to assert our rights by
offensive war. How is it to be carried on? Of what is the army to be composed? If
this government cannot call «n its arms-bearing population otherwise than as militia, and
if the militia can only be called forth to repel invasion, we should be utterly helpless to
vindicate our honor or protect our rights. War has been well styled ' the terrible liti
gation of nations.' Have we so formed our government that in this litigation we may
never be plaintiff ? Surely this cannot have been the intention of the framers of our
compact. " In conclusion, I take great pleasure in recognizing that the history of the past year
affords the amplest justification for your assertion that if the question had been whether
the conscription law was necessar}' to raise men in Georgia, the answer must have been
in the negative. Your noble State has promptly responded to every call that it has been
my duty to make on her ; and to you personally, as her Executive, I acknowledge my
indebtedness for the prompt, .cordial and effective cooperation you have afforded me in
the effort to defend our common country against the common enemy."
Gov. Brown's third letter was dated June 21, 1862. It expresses the
conviction with great diffidence that Mr. Davis has failed to sustain the
constitutionality of the Conscription Act. He calls attention to the
omission of Mr. Davis to answer that part of his argument which
established that the conteraporaneous construction of the Federal Con
stitution nor the earlier practice of the Federal Governraent sustained
the constitutionality of conscription. This letter is a very lengthy and
exhaustive one. He takes Mr. Davis to task for assuming such a strong
Federalist position, as that Congress is the judge of its own powers.
He says that he had for ydars regarded Mr. Davis as one of the ablest
and boldest defenders of the States' Rights school. Gov. Brown quotes
liberally from the utterances of Madison and Calhoun and from the
Virginia resolutions. He foUows the exercise of the power claimed for
Congress to its full extent, alleging it would make Congress supreme
over the states, placing the very existence of the State governments
subject to the will of Congress. It can compel the Governors of States,
--Judges of State courts. State mUitia officers to go into service as privates
\ in the Confederate armies, and thus practically disband the State govern-
l^jnents whenever Congress shall judge that it is necessary. The very
exemption acts of Congress are assertions of the unconstitutional and
dangerous power that Congress clairaed and that Gov. Brown opposed.
Gov. Brown argued at very considerable length the sound policy of
allowing the State troops to organize theraselves and choose their own

THE CONSCRIPTION CORRESPONDENCE CONCLUDED. 237
officers. The right to select tjigir^own ofiicers wa§. one dearly cherished
by the troops, andjthey did better service when allowed the privileo-e.
The volunteers clung to the right tenaciously. The Conscription Act
embraced so large a proportion of the railitia officers in Geoxgia, that .it
^would_ah.soliitftly_disband Jhfe organized railitia left at home, _and leave
the- woraen and children helpless against_ neg;ro Jnsurrectio.nj Gov.
Brown wound up with these very kind -woxds :
" If I have used strong language in any part of this letter, I beg you to attribute it
only to my zeal in the advocacy of principles and a cause which I consider no less than
the cause of constitutional liberty, imperiled by the erroneous views and practice of
those placed upon the watch tower as its constant guardians.
" In conclusion, I beg to a.ssure you that I f ully^ppreciate your expressions of personal
kindness, and reciprocate thora in my feelings toward you to the fullest extent. I knew
the vast responsibilities resting upon you, and would never willingly add unnecessarily
to their weight, or in any way embarrass you in the discharge of your important duties.
While I cannot agree with you in opinion upon the grave question under discussion, I
beg you to command me at all times when I can do you a personal service, or when I
can, without a violation of the constitutional obligations resting upon me, do any service
to the great cause iu which we are so vitally interested."
The third letter of Mr. Davis, dated 7uly 10, 1862, disclairaed any
sentiraent that " Congress is the final judge of the constitutionality of
a contested power." He adds that "the right of each state to judge in
the last resort whether its reserved powers had been usurped by the
general government is too faraUiar and well-settled a principle to admit
of discussion." Mr. Davis concludes thus:
" As I cannot see, however, after the most respectful consideration of all that yon
have said, anything to change my conviction that Congress has exercised only a plainly-
granted specific power iu raising its armies by conscription, I cannot share the alarm and
concern about state rights which you so evidently feel, but which to me seem quite
unfounded." July 22, 1862, Gov. Brown wrote his fourth letter, which concluded
this raeraorable correspondence between the President of the Confed
eracy and the Governor of the leading Southern state upon the most
important act of Confederate legislation. In this letter Gov. Brown
struck Mr. Davis a center stroke and turned his own fire upon him. He
insisted that in all regiments organized in the State,_aiid turned over as
organized bodies to the Confederate goyernment, they sh.pal<Lig. per-
raitted to elect their own qfficers.to fill yapancies. He made this deraand
^vith the greater confidence because in the Mexican war, when President
Polk tendered Mr. Davis (then colonel of a gallant Mississippi regiment)
a commission as brigadier general for heroic services, Mr. Davis declined
the appointraent on the ground that the President had no right under

238 THE STATE TROOPS TURNED OVEE TO ME. DAVIS.
the Constitution to appoint a brigadier general to comraand the State
volunteers then employed in the service of the United States Govern
ment, but that the State alone could make such appointments. If such
was the constitutional difficulty then, certainly, under the same pro
visions, the Confederate Government could not appoint not only the
brigadier generals but the field and company officers of State troops.
The profound interest created by this controversy pervaded the whole
Confederacy. The importance of the subject, the high position of the
gentlemen and the ability and dignity of the letters make the discussion
one of the mile-stones of the revolution.
Mr. Davis in his " Rise and Fall of the Confederacy," recently pub
lished, prints his own letter of the 29th of May, 1862, as his presentation
of his own side of the question, except that he omits the paragraphs
complimenting Gov. Brown and the State of Georgia. He also fails
to extend to Gov. Brown the justice of publishing "his side of the
question. The discussion was so important, able and exhaustive on both
sides, that it is deemed a raatter of sufficient historic interest and value
to print in " Appendix B " of this work the letters in full of Mr. Davis
of the •29th of May, 1862, and of Gov. Brown of June 21st, 1862, as
embodying the full argument of each distinguished gentleman for and
against the great -subject of Conscription. The reader can for himself
contrast the elaborate pleas.
But notwithstanding his effort to preserve the sanctity of constitu
tional principle. Gov. Brown gave a practical and instantaneous
obedience to the Confederate law. Hon. G. W. Randolph, the Con
federate Secretary of War, telegraphed Gov. Brown on the 15th oij
April, 1862, of the passage of the Conscription Act, which placed in tha
Confederate service all men between 18 and 35 years of age, not legallyi
exempt. Gov. Brown the same day responded by telegraph, " I pro-)
pose to turn over the troops who yet remain in service with the respon
sibility to you, iramediately, in such manner as may be raost agreeable
to the President." This, unhesitating and unconditional co-operation
with the Confederate authorities should satisfy all fair-minded men that
Gov. Brown in defending the principle for which he was fighting was
governed by a high and commendable sense of duty, and was entirely
consistent with a devotion to the cause and an energy in its mainte
nance, that were not surpassed in the whole vast extent of the struggle.
Mr. Randolph telegraphed to Gov. Brown to keep his troops together,
and employ his State enrolling officers. Gov. Brown telegraphed on
the 16th to Maj. Gen. Henry R. Jackson the expiration of his coraraand.

FAREWELL ORDERS OF GEN. JACKSON AND GOV. BROWN. 239
and directing that the Brigade commanders under him with their com
mands report to Brig. Gen. Lawton. He tendered his thanks to the
officers and men for their patriotic conduct, and justly stated that " the
works around the city of Savannah will relate to posterity the skill, in
telligence, energy and patriotism of the State troops of 1861-62." Gen.
.lackson, on the 16th, issued his order bidding farewell to his Division,
in which he used these words:
" While he confesses to a keen disappointment in the disorganization of his command
before it had encountered the enemy in battle, he feels strengthened by the conviction
that whenever, or under whomsoever, its elements may be called into action, they will
exhibit not ouly the heroism of Georgian's fighting for their liberties, but the force and
efficiency of driUed and disciplined soldiers."
Gov. Brown issued an order, which, like the farewell order of Gen.
Jackson, is a touching and graceful expression of feeling. In it he used
this remarkable language — remarkable in connection with the Con
script Act, in Ulustrating the conscientious purity of his position in re
gard to that raeasure.
" The country is now in great peril, and the city of Savannah threatened with au
early attack. Under these circumstances wliatever may be your opinion orr mine of the
the wisdom or propriety of the Conscription Act, it behooves us all as Georgians and
patriots, to sacrifice our personal interests, feelings and aspirations upon the altar of our
comraon country. I therefore admonish each and every oue of you, to perform in the
future, as you have done in the past, all your duties as soldiers, with promptness and
cheerfulness, and to remain in the service without regard to the expiration of your re
spective terms, till Savannah is safe, and the invaders driven from the soil of our -.be
loved State."
Taking it all in all the episode of this gallant division of state troops
was a right romantic one, and of striking interest, and its transfer was
full of touching features. Called into existence under a doubtful
authority, yet through a masterly prescience of the future in Gov.
Brown, it was vindicated by the very emergency that he foresaw and
that it remedied, and it was a crowning tribute to his daring readiness
to assume responsibility for the public good. It was this quality in
Gov. Brown that made him so valuable, so famous and so popular dur
ing the war. Signally clear-sighted and absolutely fearless, he uner
ringly divined future necessities, and fearlessly acted while other raen
deliberated. He did whatever he believed for the best, leaving con
sequences to take care of theraselves. Nor was there ^ny vacillation or
looking back after he had acted. He shrank frora no opposition or
criticism, but confronted the logic of his deeds with unflinching intre
pidity.

240 INJUSTICE AND BLUNDERING OF TIIE CONFEDERATE AUTHORITIES.
The legislative battle over the State troops was a highly colored act
of this lively drama. And it tested Gov. Brown's supreme nerve in
adhering to his will. It looked as if the legislature would crush him
out. It raised the black flag against him, nearly, and in its collective
majesty thundered his destruction, its august aggregate of condemna
tion striking him in his single-handed isolation. But he stood like a
rock, defied their arguments, recriminated their denunciation, and
boldly appealed to the people. They sullenly yielded the victory, which
he firmly clutched from their unwilling hands. But when the treasured
fortification of Pulaski fell and the sea-board was beleaguered with
fleets and armies, and the brave troops he had so long before called into
service on his own audacious and questionably authorized volition
stood the safe-guard and protection of Georgia's liberty, then did he
receive the full meed of praise and gratitude due to what was heroic
personal and official sense and courage.
Perhaps the most interesting matter connected with this superb divis
ion of state forces, this noble little Georgia army was the generous self-
sacrifice of its officers, who so promptly laid down their cherished
commissions and with them the opportunity of that exalted arabition,
which so largely enters into both the patriotism and military glory of
the soldier's career. Can it be wondered that a directing administra
tion should finally fail that so wofuUy blundered as to throw over the
superb officers who led this division, who had organized and dis
ciplined it, and who could point to a proud piece of handiwork,
renounced in a lofty spirit of self-abnegation, that deserved recogni
tion. There was not in the comprehension of both armies a brighter
galaxy of military spirits than the division and brigade coramanders of
this rare little force, and yet not one of them was retained by the Con
federate government, the coramand being received by regiraents and
battalions. It was a cruel injustice and a fatal folly. And the aggre
gate of such blunders helped the ultimate defeat.
The injustice was especially reprehensible in connection with the
heroic and capable commander of this superb division. Gen. Henry R.
Jackson. In the Mexican war he had served with Mr. Davis, and there
had been some intercourse not entirely smooth. Mr. Davis has been
noted for carrying with him the memory of resentments. There would
bo no severe stretch of probabilities to read in the treatment of Gen.
Jackson the invisible stimulus of an unforgotten prejudice. He had,
in order to take this state coraraand at the call of his native coraraon
wealth, been forced to lay down his brigadiership, a leave of absence

MAJOR GENEE.VL HEJfEY R. JACKSON. 241
for that purpose having been refused hira by the Confederate govern
ment. He had wrought his division to superb organization and effi
ciency. In the hour of proud consummation he unmuriuuringly yielded
it up to the Confederate authorities to avoid embarrassment created by
his rank, and retired to tho ranks, even offering himself as a private
in the company he had taken to Me.xico. The people of Florida,
through a committee, called for him to command there, but another was
assigned to that duty.
A Georgia delegation from the army of Tennessee applied for Gen.
Jackson, but the President received the application in sUence. When
Gen. Cobb was ordered to the command of a military geographical
division, embracmg Florida and a part of Georgia, he wrote to Gen.
Jackson to ascertain whether he would desire the command of a district
under General Cobb, should a plan which he had submitted, dividing
his command into two districts, be adopted. Gen. Jackson replied that
he would be thankful for any position in the field, and wrote to Gen.
Cooper, the Confederate Adjutant General, soliciting the appointment.
Gen. Cooper replied in a brief note that, as the President did not
approve of Gen. Cobb's plan. Gen. Jackson's " services were not
needed." It was a strange purposa that withheld service from an
eager, gallant, skilled and experienced officer of such consummate
abUity, who so urgently and variedly sought military duty.
Gen. Jackson was finally restored tardily to his Brigadier's rank in
the Confederate army when the ill-fated struggle was drawing to its
close, and with a noble brigade skillfully handled, he accorapanied
Hood to Tennessee. He shone in every battle, and finally in the Unes
before Nashville he held his place until both flanks were driven back,
and was captured by overwhelming numbers. He was retained as a
prisoner of war until the surrender of the armies of the Confederacy,
which occurred a few months afterwards, and thus honorably terrai
nated the railitary career of this brave, accoraplished and patriotic
officer. Several incidents occurred that deraonstrate Gov. Brown's quality of
decision. Upon the issuance of Gov. Brown's order stopping the dis-
tUlation of whiskey. Col. Laughridge, the commanding colonel of the
Murray county militia, not only denied the right of the Governor to
issue the order, but hiraself disobeyed it by running a stiU. The Gov
ernor immediately ordered the arrest of Col. Laughridge, and he was
court-martialed, convicted, and fined $500. When the Governor ordered
the seizure of salt, he took one thousand bushels belonging to A. K.
16

242 MRS. MARY A. waLLIAMS, AUTHOR OF DECORATION DAY.
Seago of Atlanta. Mr. Seago was paid for his salt and receipted for the
money. The salt was placed in charge of William Watkins, one of the
military store-keepers of the State. Mr. Seago filed an action of Trover
against Mr. Watkins, and made the necessary affidavit to put him under
$32,000 bail. Gov. Brown promptly ordered the sheriff to release Mr.
Watkins from arrest and abstain from any further proceedings, declar
ing that in time of war, with the enemy on our soil, he could not per-
init military operations to be hindered by civil authority. Learning
that there was some talk of the sheriff refusing to obey the order, the
Governor issued an additional instruction to Gen. W. P. Howard, com
manding the 1st Brigade of the 11th Division of the militia, to use any
force necessary to prevent Watkins' incarceration in prison, or if ira
prisoned, to release him and arrest the sheriff. This settled the raatter
and quieted the sheriff.
During the early part of 1862, two very valuable Georgians died.
Col. C. J. Williams of Columbus, colonel of the 1st Georgia Regulars,
and Col. Walter Ector of the 13th Georgia Infantry, both gentlemen
dying from disease incurred in the service in Virginia. Col. Williaras
.stood very high in the State, and had been prominent in our politics.
He had been Speaker of the House of Representatives. He had in a
.high degree, the confidence and esteem of Gov. Brown. His widow,
Mrs. Mary A. Williams, originated the beautiful " Decoration Day" that
(has become an established custom of the country. North and South,
since the war. And she also conceived and started into actual opera
tion, from Georgia to Virginia, the beneficent systera of " Wayside
Homes " for soldiers, that did so much good during the war. She was
the daughter of Major John H. Howard, a noted politician and raUroad
president. In 1846, she presented a flag to the 1st Georgia regiment,
comraanded by Col. Henry R. Jackson, her prospective husband, C. J.
Williams, being Major, whom she married after the Mexican war. She
died in Columbus, at the house of her son, on the 15th of AprU, 1874,
and was buried with military honors. Her grave is decorated every
memorial day. She sent her only son to the war at fourteen years of
age. In Appendix " C " wiU be found the original communication,
written to the Columbus Times, suggesting the " Meraorial Day " custora.
A son of hers, C. H. Williaras, is one of the leading journalists of the
State, now publishing the Atlanta Gazette.
Upon the refusal of Mr. Toombs to accept the election as Confederate
States Senator, the Hon. Alfred Iverson, ex-United States Senator, pub
lished a letter declaring that he would not accept the appointment from

MRS. MART A. WILLIAMS, Author op the Dbcoration Dat CtrsTosi.

THE AMUSING MISTAKE OF THE TYPES. 243
Gov. Brown, the legislature having defeated him for the office. He
took occasion to refer to his famous Griffin speech, to which reference
has been made in this volume, and which elicited so much hostile com
mentary, and was declared to have buried him politically. In that
speech he had declared for disunion on the ground that the abolitionists
raeant to destroy slavery, and separation alone would save slavery. He
had been discarded for that speech, but called attention to the verifica
tion of his views, and the fact that the people now stood with him. The
concluding sentences of this letter of the distinguished ex-Senator are a
striking expression of the confident spirit of the tiraes, and like raany
other prophecies of that day, read incongruously in the light of the final
result. In complacent review of his disunion efforts, Mr. Iverson thus
spoke :
"Our liberties will be won; our government will be maintained; our independence
achieved and acknowledged by all nations. The blasts of ' wild war ' will subside and
gentle peace return to bless and smUe upon our beloved Southern homes. Having con
tributed all in my power to bring about these glorious results, I ask no more than to
enjoy in peace and quiet the blessings of freedom under a government for which my
heart has yearned for years."
An amusing, mistake occurred in connection with the patriotic spirit
of the people as shown in the willingness expressed to strip their roofs
to furnish material to mould into cannon. The raatter was generally
discussed. In the over-mastering desire to aid the cause, the people
were ready to raake any sacrifice and give up any property that could
be used. The Adjutant General of the State, Gen. Henry C. Wayne,
wrote to a Savannah lady in reply to an inquiry about utilizing brass
and copper for manufacturing cannon. The letter was published in the
Savannah JSTews, and contained this expression: "I mention this that
we may not have our wives stripped to no purpose." The letter was
widely copied and evoked a volley of comment and speculation as well
as raiUery. The Atlanta Commonwealth solemnly declared that " an
official announceraent of the fact was uncaUed for." It seems that the
General's, letter should have been printed with the word " roo/s " in
stead of wives, which would have made the expression read, " I raention
this that we may not have our roofs stripped to no purpose." The At
lanta Intelligencer stopped the very ridiculous agitation with an expla
nation of the matter, and trusted that the good wives of the country
would be satisfied and pardon that printer's blunder.
In AprU of this year, 1862, occurred a raost audacious atterapt of
some Federal spies on the State road. The leader in it was a man by

244 BOLD ATTEMPT TO DESTROY THB STATE ROAD.
the name of Andrews, who was at the head of a band of twenty-two
men. He was a tall, black-bearded man, wearing a mUitary black over
coat with a large cape. The object of the raen was the destruction of the
thirteen bridges on the Western and Atlantic raUroad, besides general
damage to the road. The project was more daring than feasible, or of
any practical utility, as it contemplated injury that could so soon be
remedied. But it illustrates the spirit of adventurous hazard that
prompts bold men in war times. These men got on the train at Marietta
and at Big Shanty, some twenty-five miles from Atlanta, uncoupled
the engine and three cars from the passenger train while the passengers
were in at breakfast, and raade for Chattanooga. Mr. W. A. FuUer, the
conductor, with Mr. Anthony Murphy, the superintendent of the road
shops, and the engineer Jeff Cain, started on foot in pursuit. They soon
reached a hand-car, and gathering reinforcements as they went along
they pushed vigorously for the audacious depredators. It was a long
and an exciting chase. At Acworth the track was blocked with forty
or fifty cross-ties, and the telegraph wires were tom down for a quarter
of a mile. Reinforced by another hand-car and ten more men, they
swept on, to be tumbled in a ditch near Etowah by the torn-up track at
a short curve. Here an engine was obtained belonging to Hon. Mark
A. Cooper, and also a coal car. At Kingston the artful spies had made
up a story about carrying ammunition to Beauregard, and duped the
switch keys from the agent. Here the Rome engine was obtained and
they dashed on twenty-five minutes behind the bridge burners.
Near Adairsville they came upon a torn track. Fuller and Murphy
took it afoot and met the down train at Adairsville and turned its
engine back, having to stop every short while to reraove cross ties
from the track. A mile and a half beyond Calhoun they came in sight
of the flying fugitives, who dropped a car to stop the way.. Near
Resaca another car was detached. The indomitable Fuller switched
these two cars on a sideling at Resaca and dashed on. The spies had
loaded their remaining car with cross ties, and dumped thera out at
intervals to block the way. The trouble with the ready-witted fellows
was that their steara was giving out. The oU-cans and everything
else inflammable were hurled into the diminishing fire. In sight at
Dalton and also at the Tunnel, they drove their engine to the last.
At Dalton they piled up cross ties. At Ringgold the engine began
to flag, and several miles beyond the race was over, though they ven
omously reversed their engine to collide with ours, and then they took
to the woods. The purs,uit through the country was as vigorously

THB SPIES PUNISHED. 245
pressed, mounted men having started out from Catoosa. Andrews
when captured, offered $10,000 to be released. He had several thou
sand dollars on his person. The whole number of the spies, twenty-
two, was caught and carried to Knoxville, where they were tried by
a court martial convened by Gen. Ledbetter, coraraanding the post.
Col. Leander W. Crook was President of the Court Martial. The
prisoners v^ere defended by Hon. John Baxter and Judge Gait, The
raan i\iidrews proposed the scherae to Gen. Mitchell at Shelbyville, and
was to be paid $60,000 in gold if successful. . Seven men of the 2nd
Ohio regiraent volunteered, and fourteen of the 21st Ohio Regiraent
were detailed on this duty. Andrews and the seven volunteers, naraed
Wra. CarapbeU, Geo. D. WUson, M. A. Ross, P. G. Shadraok, Samuel
Slavens, S. Robinson, and John Scott were convicted, and hung near
Atlanta. Andrews was executed in June, 1862, near Walton Spring,
and the others south-east of the Atlanta ceraetery. The 14 detailed
raen were not tried, and afterwards were regularly exchanged. The
father of M. A. Ross, who lives in Christianburg, Ohio, came for his
son's body after the war. Col. W. J. Lawton was coraraanding the
Post of Atlanta at the time, and O. Winningham was the officer of
the day.

CHAPTER XXVI.
A GLOOMY CHAPTER OF WAR'S RAVAGE.
Georgia had Done her Whole Duty.— Negroes for Coast Fortifications.— Gov. Brown's
Strong Message on Conscription.— Sentiment Conflicting —Conscription Tested
Judicially.— A Warm Time in the Legislature.— Linton Stephens' Great Speech. —
Calumny by the Governor upon the Supreme Court Charged by Judge Cabaniss.— C.
S. Senators Elected,— CaUed Session of the General Assembly.- The Stupendous
Measure of the .State assuraing the Confederate War Debt.— Gov. Brown against it.
 AppaUing Figures of Indigence. — Desperate War Stress. — A Beautiful Incident of
Gov. Brown.— He gives his surplus Corn to the Poor.— Large Loss of Georgians.—
Gen. T. R. B. Cobb KiUed —Gen. Lee's Exquisite and Touching Letter.— Ben. HiU
the Prop of Davis' Administration.— The Curious Interweaving of the Lives of
HiU and Brown.— Gov. Brown's Rare Joke.— The MiUtia Officers put in the
Ranks. — Tory Troubles
The Legislature held its second annual session, beginning Novem
ber 6th, 1862, under much brighter auspices than its session of 1861.
The Confederate cause was in the ascendant. We had achieved some
great victories in Virginia, Lee defeating McClellan, Pope and Burnside
in swift succession. Stonewall Jackson had dazzled the continent by his
marvelous triumphs. Shiloh in Tennessee and Elkhorn in Missouri
had adorned Southern valor. Bragg had made his brUliant Kentucky
incursion. Confederate prowess had been illustrated by success in
grand battles against great odds. William L. Yancey, who had been
sent as a Commissioner to Europe to induce intervention if possible,
returned stating that the people of that continent were against us on
account of slavery. This enunciation, publicly made, had satisfied the
South that we must depend upon ourselves for independence. And
the splendid successes of our arras had inspired us with buoyant con
fidence -in our ability to triumph.
Georgia had done her whole duty. She had sent 75,000 men to the
field. We had sixty-one infantry regiments, five cavalry regiments, six
teen infantry battalions, three cavalry battalions, two legions and four
ranger battalions, besides scattering companies and large numbers of
individual soldiers sent under the conscription act to fill up existing
companies. Our cavalry regiments were:
1st Georgia Cavalry, Colonel J. J. Morrison.
2nd " " " W. J. Lawton.

GEOEGIA REGIMENTS. 247
3d Georgia Cavalry, Colonel M. J. Crawford.
4th " " " L W. Avery.
5 th Partisan Rangers, " S. J. Sraith.
The cavalry battalions were comraanded by Lieut. Colonel Charles
Spalding, Major M. Cumming and Major D. L. Clinch. The Fourth
Georgia Cavalry was organized under Confederate authority. The germ
of it was the Georgia Mountain Dragoons, raised by Capt. I. W. Avery,
in Whitfield county. It was increased by Capt. Avery, first to the
23d Battalion of Georgia cavalry, and then to the 4th Georgia cavalry
regiment. The Dragoons participated in the campaign of Gen. Albert
Sidney Johnson, including the battle of Shiloh. Girardey's Georgia
Battery also fought in that battle. The Dragoons were an independent
scouting corapany connected with Gen. Hardee, and was once compli
mented by Gen. Beauregard, commanding the army, for penetrating
the Federal army lines and bringing out important information at a
critical time. The following infantry regiments we had in addition to
those reported at the opening of the session last year:
26th Regiraent, Colonel W. H. Atkinson.
27th " " L. B. Sraith.
28th " " T. J. Warthen.
29th " " W. J. Young,
30th " " D, J. Bailey,
81st " " C, A, Evans,
32d " " Geo, P, Harrison, Jr.
33d « " A. Littlefield.
34th " " J. A. W. Johnson.
35th « " E. L. Thomas.
36th « " J. A. Glenn.
37th " " A. F. Rudler.
38th " " George W. Lee.
39th " " J. J. McConneU.
40th " " Abda Johnson.
41st " " C. A. McDaniel.
43d " " R. Henderson.
43d " " Skid Harris.'
44th « " R. A. Sraith.
45th " " Thomas Hardeman.
46th " " P. H. Colquitt.
47th " " G. W. M. WUliams.
48th " " Wm. Gibson.

248 -WAR MEASURES IN GEORGIA
49th Regiment, Colonel A. J. Lane.
50th " " W. R. Manning.
51st " " W. M. Slaughter.
52d " " Wier Boyd.
53d " " L. T. Doyal.
54th " " C. H. Way.
55th " " C. B. Harkie.
56th " " E. P. Watkins.
57th " " W. Barkaloo.
59th " " Jack Brown.
60th " " W. H. Stiles.
While our Georgia coast was constantly threatened, the suramer had
witnessed comparative quiet on account of our warm climate. The fall
brought more activity. The Brigadier General in command, H. W.
Mercer, had made strenuous efforts to get Savannah and other points
properly entrenched and fortified. He had called upon the Confederate
authorities for assistance, which was refused. He had then appealed to
Gov. Brown, who issued a proclamation asking the planters t» promise
a portion of their slaves for such work. The response was nieager.
And when the legislature met the necessity for labor to complete the
defenses of Savannah was reported to the body.
Gov. Brown's message gave to the General Assembly the railitary
work of the. year in Georgia. Of the five millions appropriation
$2,081,004 had been expended: 8,000 state troops had been employed
and supported for si.x months; the state's quota of Confederate war
ta.x, $2,494,112.41, had been paid; a state armory had been estabUshed
in the Penitentiary which was turning out 125 good arms a month; and
arrangements had been made in Virginia for the manufacture of salt.
The Governor recommended measures for the prevention of the distiUa-
tion of grain; provision for soldiers' families; the seizure of factories
and tanneries to furnish clothing for the soldiers; a tax upon cotton to
prevent its production; the continuance of state railitary; and the
appropriation of three mUlions for railitary purposes.
Governor Brown sent a special message to the General Assembly
upon the subject of conscription. The Confederate Congress had
passed an additional act, extending conscription to erabrace aU raen
between 35 and 45 years, and compelling them to enter old organiza
tions until they were filled to a maximum number. Gov. Brown had
imraediately written to Mr. Davis that he should not permit enrollment
under the new law the few weeks until the Legislature raet and acted

THE GEEAT CONSCEIPTION ISSUE. 249
on the subject, as it would practically disband his state militia, and
urged Mr. Davis to call for the troops he wished as he was authorized
to do under the old laws. His special message furnished to the Legis
lature a copj' of his letter to Mr. Davis, and proceeded to discuss the
whole subject in a lengthy paper of surpassing ability, presenting the
issue whether Georgia, ready to furnish more than her quota of men
and means, should sutmit to a method of enlistment that degraded her
soldiers and violated the very state sovereignty for which the war was
inaugurated. He covered the ground embraced in his correspondence
with IMr. Davis, a summary of which has been given before in this
volume. This clear vigorous message created a profound sensation and a con
flicting variety of corament. There was little difference of opinion
upon the illegality of conscription. But there was a decided conflict
upon the policy of insisting upon state rights and constitutional re
strictions in the existing emergencies of the war. And there was also
a fixed diversity of view upon the policy of conscription. Sniyif; fi| \hp.
ablest men in. the..Siate-AhaHght"WatL-Governor Brown, aniong,- .them ..the
Stephen s hrother,s^ Gen — Toomba. ex-Gov. Johnson.and nthR.f.s~.,„The
Cobbs, Mr. HUl^ and_ othere_were for sustaining- conscription. A case
was made before Judge Thomas and another before Judge Iverson L.
Harris, to test the constitutionality of conscription. Judge Thomas
decided it unconstitutional, and Judge Harris sustained its constitution
ality. Both decisions were able and elaborate. The case decided by
Judge Harris of Asa O. Jeffers conscript, versus John Fair, enroUing
officer, was carried to the Supreme Court, and the decision of the con
stitutionality of conscription affirmed. Judge Jenkins delivering the
opinion. The court held, however, that the officers of the State were
not subject to conscription.
A warm discussion of the matter was precipitated in the General
Assembly by a message frcm Gov. Brown on the 13th of Noveraber,
1862, coraraunicating the fact that an incursion of Federal negro soldiers
had been made in Camden county, and property destroyed and ladies
insulted. Col. Henry Floyd, commanding the Camden militia, asked
leave to caU out the mUitia to defend the county. Doubting his
authority under the Conscription Act, and its approval by the Georgia
• Suprerae Court to caU out the railitia. Gov. Brown requested the legis
lature to give direction in the raatter and instruct hira whether as Gov
ernor he had the right to use the mUitia to defend our imperiled
homes. He stated in this message that the decision of our Supreme

250 LINTON STEPHENS GEEAT SPEECH.
Court had been raade under heavy outside pressure, and the counsel on
both sides had agreed in their individual opinion that the decision
should be made as it was made.
The Senate promptly passed a resolution authorizing the Governor
to caU out the militia. The resolution was immediately transmitted tO
the House and there occasioned an able and warm debate. Strange to
say there was opposition to the resolution. Judge Cochran moved a
substitute to inform the Secretary of War and ask help, and in the mean
time to call' out the militia. Judge Cabaniss moved the reference of
the whole raatter to the railitary committee, which was done. On the
14th the military committee reported, adopting the part of Judge
Cochran's substitute that caUed on the Secretary of War, but instead of
authorizing the call of the mUitia, in the meantirae resolving to take
iramediate action upon bUls then pending. The discussion that ensued
upon this matter continued for days, and was marked by a good deal
fjijbitterness.
' Judge Linton Stephens made a speech of great power, taking strong
ground against the Conscription Act. He showed that conscription
-tad been put upon the country " from no necessity, from no conviction
of necessities, but from premeditation and deliberation." This speech
was, perhaps, the finest ever made by this sinewy debater, and made a
profound impression. He defended Govemor Brown from the charge
made by Judge Cabaniss, that the Governor had uttered a calumny upon
the supreme court, a charge showing the heat that was pervading the
discussion. The interesting question was also sprung that the decision
of the court was not binding upon the legislature, which was a coordi
nate power of the governraent. Mr. Norwood replied to Mr. Stephens
with great vigor and ability. The debate went on for days. Some idea
may be formed of the interest it excited and the intensity of feeling
that existed from the fact, that at the election for Confederate States
Senator on the 18th of November the issue was openly raised by Mr.
Whittle as to the position of the candidates on the conscript law and
the decision of the supreme court. This was after the first ballot, which
had resulted in: H. V. Johnson, 84 votes; .laraes Jackson, 59; R. Toorabs,
24; HoweU Cobb, 6; T. R. R. Cobb, 12; Alfred Iverson, 3; A. H. Chap
pell, 1; Wra. Dougherty, 1; J. W. Lewis, 7; J. E. Brown, 1; A. R.
Wright, 1; H. V. M. MiUer, 2.
None of the gentlemen voted for had been put in nomination but H.
V. Johnson and Jaraes Jackson. When Mr. Whittle sprung the con
scription issue, Mr. Vason reraonstrated against such an issue. Mr.

H. V. JOHNSON ELECTED CONFEDERATE STATES SENATOE. 251
Whittle said that he understood Gov. Johnson to believe the conscrip
tion act unconstitutional, but he would support the law and the
adrainistration. Judge Jackson and Mr. Cobb favored the law and
sustained the administration. Mr. J. H. R. Washington and Mr. Candler
both thought the discussion inappropriate, while Mr. Stephens protested
against the proceeding as extraordinary and out of place, and calculated
to convert the legislative hall into a hustings and to draw party lines.
The second ViallrLt-ggyft t.hA pipftinn pf TTprgpholl V .Tr^hncr.n^ hg rCCelv-
ing 111 votes: Jackson,, 40; Dougherty. 24, afld Toombs, J.4.
The House appears never to have acted on the Camden county matter.
The joint coraraittee on the State of the Republic raade majority and
minority reports on the conscript law. The raajority report was pre
sented by Judge E. A. Cochran, chairman, and declared that the Con
federate government could not raise armies by compulsion, only through
requisitions on the states, leaving each state to exercise such corapulsion
as may be necessary in her own case and to appoint officers; and all laws
of the Confederate Congress using direct corapulsion without requisition
and impairing the right of the states to choose officers were unconsti
tutional. The raajority report, however, declared that Georgia would
furnish her just quota of troops and leave the conscription acts undis
turbed, reserving such rightful reraedies as raay be deraanded by future
emergencies. Judge E. G. Cabaniss presented the minority report, signed by hira
self and J. A. L. Lee, S. L. Barber, W. J. Reese, Z. B. Hargrove, Geo. S.
Black, Peter E. Love, O. L. Sraith, L. D. Carlton and Geo. T. Barnes.
This report declared the Conscript Acts constitutional, recoramended
acquiescence in the decision of the Suprerae Court, and that, the Gov
ernor countermand all orders suspending the execution of the Conscript
Act. These reports were discussed in both houses by the ablest men,
and nuraerous substitutes were offered, but the legislature adjourned on
the 13th of Deceraber, 1862, without taking any action, to convene on
the 4th Wednesday in April. The General Asserably passed acts lirait-
ing the cultivation of cotton to three acres to a hand; appropriating
^500,000 to supply the people with salt; $100,000 for cotton cards;
$545,000 to obstruct our rivers; 1400,000 for the Georgia Relief and
Hospital Association; $1,500,000 for clothing for our soldiers; $2,500,-
000 for the support of the indigent widows and farailies of deceased or
disabled soldiers; $1,000,000 for a military fund; $300,000 to remove
indigent white non-combatants from any part of the State threatened
with invasion. This aggregated over six millions appropriated for war

252 ASSUMING THE CONFEDEEATE WAE DEBT. ^
purposes. The Govemor was authorized to raise two regiments for
home defense, and to impress hands to perfect the defenses around Sa
vannah. The General Assembly further passed a resolution that
" Savannah should never be surrendered, but defended street by street
and house by house, untU if taken, the victors' spoUs should be alone a
heap of ashes."
Just before the adjournment of the legislature. Governor Brown sent
in a raessage urging that some action be taken to secure to our volun
teers the right which they were seeking to elect their own officers in
vacancies occurring in regiments already in service. But nothing was
done. Gov. Brown convened the legislature by special proclaraation, on the
25th of March, 1863. This was done to urge that the law be altered
allowing the planters to cultivate three acres of cotton to the hand. The
great question of the revolution was one of Bread, and the farmers
must produce bread and not cotton. In his message this matter and
others were discussed. The project was mooted at that time of the
states assuming the Confederate war debt, and several states, Alabama,
Florida, Mississippi and South Carolina had agreed to do this. Gover
nor Brown opposed the policy with wonderful acumen, taking ground
for giving aid to the Confederate government by direct taxation. This
measure occasioned a heavy struggle in the General Asserably. There
were .majority and minority reports and debates and substitutes innu
merable, but finally a bill authorizing the guarantee of the bonds of
the Confederate States on Georgia's proportionate share of $200,000,-
000 was defeated by four votes.
The fund of two and a half millions for the indigent famUies of sol
diers was distributed between the two sessions, and the distribution
reported at the March session. The figures are interesting and pathet
ically demonstrative of the devotion of our people to the cause and the
ravages of that great war among our patriotic population. The vast
total of the unfortunate beneficiaries of this generous fund was 84,119.
Of this terrible number of war indigents, 45,718 were children, and
22,637 kins-women of poor living soldiers; 8,492 were orphans, and 4,003
widows of deceased and killed soldiers, and 550 were helpless soldiers,
disabled in service. These are appalling figures for less than two years'
warfare for a single state of the Union, and they testify with over
whelming emphasis to the awful magnitude and destructiveness of the
struggle. No words can bear such impressive witness to the deadly
drift and extent of that revolution as these simple statistics.

geoegia's despeeate steess. 253
The plain, unvarnished truth is that the pressure of that day was
soraething desperate. Georgia had three-fourths of her voting popu-
.lation fighting in other States, '^vho^werejjlajnqring for prop.er. clothing
gn(^ fof^ Her own borders were threatened by a raerciless enemy.
And poverty and destitution were raging among her people. The
orders and appeals with which the papers were filled, will afford some
conception of the stress. There were calls for troops, orders for desert
ers, appeals upon appeals for clothing and shoes, proclamations doling
out salt by the half bushel, savage prohibitions of whiskey distillation,
impressments of negroes for fortifications, begging for hospital funds,
lists of dead and wounded and diseased' soldiers. It was a dolorous
and incessant activity. Every heart and every hand were, busily at
work, thinking, toiling, straining in the single, overshadowing cause of
brutal war.
Gov. Brown devoted himself with an herculean and grandly sell-
abnegating zeal to the war. A beautiful incident is related of him, that
touches even at this long day, from its occurrence. He went up to his
farm in Cherokee for a day, in March, 1863. A gentleman on officia.
business followed him. As he neared the farm, the gentleraan overtook
a large number of wagons and carts, atid foot passengers, going the
same way as hiraself. When he arrived at his destination he found a
host of other vehicles and people, and Gov. Brown in person, engaged
at his com crib in the gratuitous distribution of some four thousand
doUars' worth of corn and' shucks to the poor people of the county in
proportion to the size of their families and 'their wants. These people
receiving his generous bounty were the families of the soldiers from
Cherokee county, and he was giving to them every bushel of his sur
plus corn. Said the narrator of this incident :
" The sight was a most grateful one to our traveler, who came back to Atlanta, im
pressed with the double conviction of Gov. Brown being not only a good Governor, but
a good man. The grateful tears which he saw in the eyes of the good woraen of Chero
kee wlio were being made the recipients of Gov. Brown's patriotic liberality, raade an
impression upon him which he says will be lasting, and which has taught him not to
be chary iu his charities iu the future."
It is little to be wondered at that Gov. Brown had gained such a
hold upon the masses of the people in that dreadful time. He not
only drove straight to practical success in every measure he urged or
attempted, but he gave practical daily evidence of his sympathy with
the wants and sufferings of the unfortunate. He showed the most
subtle perception of the popular wishes, and at the same time he boldly

254 GEN. lee's TEIBUTE TO GEN. T. E. E. COBB.
ignored the trammels and circumlocution of official red tape. Every
controversy he had with any authority or power but strengthened him
with the masses, and was a battle in their interest. In tl^e Camden
county matter, he was protecting the coast, and the delay and oppo
sition of the General Assembly but magnified his own daring and eager
readiness to go to the aid of the alarmed. His fight against conscrip
tion was for the two-fold purpose of vindicating the cherished sover-
ignty of the State, and assuring to our volunteers a recognition of their
rights and manhood. Add to all this, unquestioned championship
of the people's wishes and interests, his boldness and common-sense
genius, and then cap the whole with his unsolicited devotion of his
means to a generous charity, and it would have been a raarvel if he had
not clutched the public heart with a resistless grasp.
During the year 1862, the Georgia troops suffered very rauch. Gen
erals Toombs, Lawton, and Ranse Wright were all wounded, and Col.
C. A. McDaniel of the 41st Georgia, and Gen. T. R. R. Cobb were
killed. The death of Gen. Cobb was the occasion of the foUowing
beautiful and feeling letter frora Gen. Lee. " Camp neak Fredekioksburg, )
Dec. 18, 1862. )
" Gen. HoweU Cobb. General, I beg leave to express my deep sympathy iu your great
sorrow. Your noble and gallant brother has met a soldier's death, and God grant that
this army and our country may never be caUed upon to mourn so great a sacrifice.
" Of his merits, his lofty intellect, his accomplishments, his professional fame, and
above all his Christian character, I need not speak to you who knew him so intimately
and well. But as a patriot and soldier death has left a deep gap in the array, which
his railitary aptitude and skill render it hard to fill. In the battle of Fredericksburg he
won an immortal farae for hiraself and his brigade. Hour after hour he held his posi
tion in front of our batteries, while division after division of the enemy was hurled
against him. He announced the deterraination. of hiraself and his men never to leave their
post until the eneray was beaten, and with unshaken courage and fortitude he kept his
proraise.
' " May God give consolation to his afflicted faraily, and may the name and fame of the
Christian statesman and soldier be cherished as a bright example and holy remembrance.
" With great esteera, your obt. svt., " E. E. LEE."
Such a letter as this from the moderate and pure-souled Lee, using
words so strong, is a crown of honor worthy of all esteem. Consider
ing the source and the terms it is as high a panegyric as any man ever
won. Less for its beauty, great as that is, than its inspiration and
truth, should it be valued. The two raen, Bartow and Cobb, were a
glorious brace of raartyrs that Georgia gave to the cause of Southern

A^^^^r-^^^^^^CtJt.^

GOVEENOE BEOWN AND BEN HILL. 255
liberty, and it was an ominous incident that these two men, who thus
grandly yet uselessly perished, were the two raost representative cham
pions and zealous enthusiasts in the Disunion movement. Purer men
never gave up life in any cause.
It was at this time that Hon. Benjarain H,_ Hill became prominentias
the congressional prQp.fll jthe_ Confederata administration. And from
this tirae on no raan in the Confederate Congress was raore potential
with that adrainistration. Georgia, in Mr. Hill, resuraed her influence
in the direction of the revolution. Closely linked to Mr. Davis in syra
pathy, a constant and devoted personal friend and official adviser,
entrusted -with frequent and important missions of delicacy, a brilliant
and earnest defender and exponent of the Confederate policy, through
the reraaining two lurid years of the struggle, Mr. Hill and Mr. Davis
stood in a warm cooperation with each other. Georgia could not evade
her inevitable destiny of leadership in this war. Mr. Hill came to
Georgia and made to the Legislature a raagnificent speech in favor of
conscription, and in it he handled Gov. Brown with the gloves off.
It has been curious how interwoven have been the political careers of
Governor Brown and Mr. Hill, sometiraes antagonistically, and then in
a reraarkable harraony. When Gov. Brown first ran for Governor it
was Mr. HiU whose glittering oratory, his horaely but magnetic comraon
sense vanquished. It was Mr. Hill's burning utterances that vitalized -
the next campaign of Govemor Brown, though he was not the figure
head as before. In Reconstruction days Brown and Hill locked shields
in a famous encounter of brains. And to-day, in warm accord, they
focalize the celebrity due to two raasterful senators of the United
States, splendid complements to each other's rare and raost different
endowraents. In that day of conscription. Hill, representing the Davis
policy, came at Brown with hard blows. Brown struck back as he
always strikes, with vigor. And he rather obtained the advantage of
Mr. Hill, who made the mistake of giving his argument a personal
direction. The flaw in Mr. Hill's logic was that he voted against the
conscription in Congress, which he was so ably advocating, and Gov.
Brown used it unsparingly. No man ever had a keener perception of
the weak places in the armor of his foemen than Gov. Brown, nor
drove the hamraer upon the flaws raore mercilessly.
The adjournment of the legislature without any action upon con
scription left Gov. Brown uninstructed. He had refused to Jet his
railitia officers be enroUed as con.'jpi'ipts, the Suprerae Court having
held that they were not subject, and the claraor was very boisterous

256 GOVERNOR BROWN ORDERS THE MILITIA OFFICERS OUT.
The opposition press rang with abuse of his favoritism to his pets. He
took the storm of abuse with his wonted coolness, and soon gave his
abusers a dose of practical punishment that created a lively clatter.
Gen. Beauregard was commanding the Southern coast. Savannah was
threatened in February, and Gov. Brown was called on for help. It
was a rare inspiration, blending a grim patriotism with a certain rich-
flavored humor, that led the Governor to order his whole legion of
railitia officers, frora the Generals down to the humblest company rank,
into service at Savannah. The order was perfect in its lively details.
It transforraed Major Generals into Captains of companies, turned
Brigadiers into Lieutenants and Captains and Lieutenants into pri
vates. If any officers refused to go, their exemption from conscription
was incontinently withdrawn. This novel order commanded immediate
service, and it concluded with these inimitable words:
" The high character, inteUigence and military training of the persons of whora this
force wiU be coraposed, justifies the expectation entertained by the Coramander-in-
Chief, that they wiU not only render the State the most effective service in this hour of
trial, but that they wiU display an intrepidity of valor upon the battle field, which will
raake them invincible, and will satisfy all that injustice has been done the militia officers
of Georgia by those who have doubted their willingness to sacrifice their lives, if need
be, in the defense of their State."
This order created a wonderful sensation in the State. Even the
opposition press gave in to its felicity and relished and approved it.
A grin, so to speak, spread over the State, that added a tinge of
relief to the impending horrors of invasion and the darkness of a really
grave situation. The papers comraented upon it spicily, and Governor
Brown with a stern complacency surveyed the conclusive effect of his
happy order. Men that had reviled him for shielding favorites frora
conscription, frankly owned that they were raistaken, and that he had
shown that he was actuated by an honest desire to raaintain the con
stitutional rights of the State. The Macon Telegraph, a persistent
opposer of Gov. Brown, declared that it was a good conception of his,
that it would give new vigor to the volunteer raoveraent, and that the
example of officers shouldering their guns and taking place in the
ranks as privates, would stimulate the spirit of self-sacriflce in all
classes. And Mr. Clisby, the editor of that paper, with a fine humor
that belonged to him, gave a vivid account of the effect of the order
upon the astounded railitia officers. The Confederate authorities had
conceded to Gov. Brown the exeraption of these militia officers frora
conscription, and they were taken aback at this reduction in rank and

TORY TROUBLE IN NOETH-EAST GEOEGIA. 257
summary injection into service. They obeyed promptly, however, and
reported in Savannah, but the emergency passed and they were sent
back horae subject to recall if required.
At this tirae also begaiL-trD.u,h.l.e in..the nortli;.gastern coun,ties of the
State, Rabun, Unionj Gilpier and adj.oining counties,, that continued
raore or less to_ the end of,.tIie, -jgar. At the beginning there was some
Union feeling in that section that threatened formidable resistance to
secession, and which as we have shown, was quieted by Governor
Brown's admirable tact. That section in the latter part of 1862 and
_the_first_part of 1863 became the refuge of a band of deserters and
Union sympathizers^ w^ux ^organized a rebellion^ on their, .own account
against Confederate^authority and ±ha-peace,of thg State. They plun
dered about generally. Gov. Brown issued his proclamation outlawing
these men, and sent Maj. Gait and Maj. Wynn, coraraanding detach
ments of reserve infantry and cavalry, to break up the mischief. These
officers seized sorae 50 of the ring leaders, headed by a deserter naraed
Jeff Anderson, returned some 200 men directly to their comraands, and
hustled out fully 2,000 absentees.
The year 1862 ended with one dollar of gold being equal to three and
four of Confederate money. Our Confederate currency was rapidly
depreciating, and patriotic men in vain resisted it. For instance, a
pubUc raeeting was held in Macon, presided over by that noble gentle
raan and distinguished ex-Judge, Thaddeus G. Holt, to devise raeans to
strengthen the raoney of the new nation. Provisions and clothing had
nearly quadrupled in value. One of the greatest obstacles that the
South had to contend against in the war was the speculation that was
constantly made in the staples of life. The General Assembly of
Georgia constantly fought against it. In nothing did Gov. Brown raore
signalize hiraself than in his unsparing warfare against the speculators
and extortioners. He stopped at nothing to thwart their infaraoiis.^
schemes and disappoint their subtle calculations. He seized their
hoards without mercy, and struck dpwn their nefarious projects.

17

CHAPTER XXVIL
THE INCREASING WAR FEVER OF 1863.
The Average of 1863 against the South. — Gov. Brown Wished to Retire. — His Con
scription for Governor Irresistible — The Augusta Constitutionalist Leads Off. —
An Urgent Letter from some Augusta Gentleman calls Gov. Brown Out. — Brown's
Letter. — Joshua HiU aud Timothy Furlow against Brown. — A Triangular Fight. —
Foreign Comraent. — " Model War Governor." — Brown Elected the Fourth Time.
— Confederate Congressmen.' — The Legislature of 1863-4. — Its PersoneUe. — Gov.
Brown's Clarion Inaugural. — His Message. — -Military Changes. — John B. Gordon
Rising into Fame. — Gen. Toombs. — Longstreet's View of Toombs. — Gov. Brown
aiid Hon. James Seddon. — Gov. Brown's Second Memorable Controver.sy. — Gov.
Brown and Mr. A. FuUarton, the British Consul. — A Spicy Correspondence. — Gov.
Brown's Interest in the Soldiers. — His Part in the Missionary Mass Meeting and
Baptist Convention. — Forest's Capture of Speight. — The Repulse by Fort McAl
lister.
The year 1863 was one of increasing war-strain in Georgia. It
was marked by an heroic raonotony of sacrifices and service. At short
intervals came demands for troops, to which our unconquerable men re
sponded with a gladsome readiness and in every case far beyond the
call. The Federal Government bent to the conflict with the energy of
a giant. Congress voted Lincoln five hundred millions of money, and
three millions of soldiers to whip the fight. On the first of January
Lincoln issued his famous Emancipation Proclamation. The South
met the colossal storm unquailingly. The year went on in blended vic
tory and disaster, but the-average was against us. We lost Tennessee,
that luxuriant land of milk and honey, the bounteous paradise of the
soldiers' campaigning. A^icksburg fell, and the Confederacy at one
stroke was riven into two fragments, split and cleft hopelessly asunder.
The battle of Gettysburg was fought and lost, grandest fight and most
disastrous defeat of the war, and deadly ending of the only formidable
invasion of northern territory made by the South. Stonewall Jackson,
that wonderful warrior, was fatally wounded by our own raen and lost
to the Confederacy. We won the battle of Chickaraauga, fateful Rivee
OF Death, but failing to follow it up, a terribly punished foe rallied
and gathered his forces, and the cruel blistering, inexcusable defeat of
Missionary Ridge by Gen. .Grant, closed the year with our Western

GOVEENOE BEOWN CONSCRIPTED FOR A FOURTH TERM. 259
army shattered and demoralized at Dalton, and the besom of devastation
hovering at Chattanooga upon our own beloved State.
Our regular biennial election came on this year of 1863. The press
ure upon Governor Brown had Ijeen superhuman. He had been very
ill once or twice during his term. It was his wish to retire frora ti|e
gubernatorial chair. But again the people, with a spontaneous and deep- 1
voiced earnestness, called upon him to serve for a fourth term. It was 1
a grand tribute to the raan and the officer, to the individual, the patri^r
and the Governor. Despite his innumerable conflicts, that bred antago
nisms against him hot and fierce, and many of them implacable, the
masses of the people clamored for him to continue in his great trust.
Letters from all parts of the state poured upon him, beseeching him to
remain. Journals that had opposed hira insisted upon his re-election.
Distinguished officers of the array wrote to hira to consent to serve.
The moveraent for his re-election appears to have been started by that
powerful paper, the /^nm^fa-ta. Cnn.lf.ffif.f.i.rm.rdi£t^..-mhiAh haA lippn alm.n.gt.
uniformly_opposed toJiira. This journal, early in the year, carae out in
a strong editorial and candidly admitted that in a
" Great crisis, a time of much peril and excitement, with new revolutionary phases con
tinually presenting theraselves, he has adrainistered affairs with singular wisdom, justice
and success, has maintained the character, credit, rights and honor of Georgia and her
people, and aided largely to bring the great struggle in which we are engaged to a suc
cessful and triumphant issue."
On the 16th day of May, 1863, Messrs. George Schley, B. H. Warren,
James Gardner and Robt. H. May of Augusta, addressed a letter to
Gov. Brown asking him to allow his name to be used. They stated that
they had differed with hira on raany points of public policy, but appre
ciating his honesty of purpose, his adherence to the welfare and charac
ter of Georgia, and his devotion to the interest and corafort of our
soldiers, as lovers of oiir country, they believed they could best proraote
her cause by merging aU past differences in Gov. Brown's re-election.
Gov. Brown replied on the 21st of May that he would serve if elected.
He said that he had desired the position in time of peace. He had
been gratified. He 'could not now decline its responsibilities in time of
trouble. He alluded to the raain ground of objection that had been
urged against him, that he had opposed the Confederate administration
on its conscription policy. He had done it conscientiously, under an
honest difference of opinion. He frowned upon any attempt to build
up an opposition party to the Confederate administration. He also
opposed any reconstruction of the old Union.

260 BROW^N, JOSHUA HILL, AND T. M. . FURLOW.
There is some interesting secret history connected with Gov. Brown's
fourth candidacy for Governor, that has never been in print. The facts
were furnished by Col. P. Thweatt. Gov. Brown had decided not to
run, and called a meeting of a large number of his friends at the
executive mansion to whom he announced his purpose. Gov. Brown
wished Gen. Toorabs to be Governor, and induced Col, Thweatt and
other friends to canvass his chances, and after a careful scrutiny it was
believed that Mr. Toombs' trouble with Mr. Davis would prevent his
Section. Gov. Brown was very warmly attached to Gen. Toombs, and
earnestly desired his election, and reluctantly gave up the idea of his
candidacy. At the raeeting of friends, araong whora were Col. Thweatt,
Mr. Seward of Thomas, Mr. Gordon of Chathara, I. R. Foster of Chero
kee and Gen. Wayne, Gov. Brown announced his resolution not to run,
and asked them to look about for some one else. It was moved to
appoint a committee, and an additional raotion was raade that Col.
Thweatt be added to it. Col. Thweatt declined to take any part in the
matter, expressing the opinion, that none of the gentlemen proposed
could be elected, and urging Gov. Brown, if he wished to take care of
and sustain his friends, to withdraw his deterraination and let his friends
run him again. This stopped further action. And Gov. Brown, under
the strong pressure, yielded his inclinations and ran the fourth time.
Col. Thweatt-says. that untU.Gen. Toombs a.ssailed Gov. Brown in 1868
liS_QSXei.iadjLW^anner_pxjnore_deyo^ This acceptance placed Gov. Brown before the people again. The
opposition sought tp get out a number of gentlemen. Gen. Gartrell,
Gen. Colquitt, Judge Cabiniss and Judge Jenkins were all pressed to
run, but declined. FinaUy the Atlanta Gazette put out the narae of
Hon. Jos^a_.Hill, and stated authoritatively that he would serve if
elected, tut that he would not send forth nor deliver any address. The
Rome Southerner hoisted Mr. Hill's narae. The Atlanta Gazette
orainously expired before the election. ..A .pretty heavy-fusiUstde-ssas
made against Mr. Hill, that he was in favor of a reconstruction of the
Union. Messrs. George W. Adair, Jno. J. Thrasher and James W.
Calhoun of Atlanta, addressed him a letter about this charge, to which
he replied denying it, but raaking no announceraent of policy.
The Milledgeville Recorder put out the name of the Hon. Timothy
Furlow, and that gentleman accepted in a letter declaring vigorously for
the support of Mr. Davis and his administration. Thus stood the
triangular contest. It was inspired by a shrewd policy, Mr, Hill was
thsJ^pxesfictativ^of^the^ confer vative elamfintjindthe rallying point for

GOVEENOE BROWN ELECTED GOVEENOE THE FOUETH TEEM. 261
a decided and growin^JLJnion^fragment in Nprth Genrp;ia.. Mr. Furlow
was a secessionist and an ardent war man, and was expected to divide
Brown's support. It was hoped by the opposition that in the split of
elements the election would be thrown into the legislature, as it was
not believed Gov. Brown could get a majority over both of his compet
itors. Mr. Furlow was a wealthy, liberal gentleraan, devoted to the
Southern cause and very popular. The campaign was only tolerably
lively. People were too much absorbed in war to take much interest in
poUtics. The enemy was at the door. The field of conflict was on the
point of transfer to Georgia soil. Civil matters were at a discount in
the jturbulence of strife. The jingle of the sabre and the tread of armed
men silenced the ordinary tumult of political agitation. A sort of mild
carapaigning was done, but it made little noise. The dread work of
revolution was running its bloody course, and men felt little inclination
to vex themselves over civil place. Gov. Brown left his canvass to take
care of itself, and busied himself with preparation for the storm gath
ering against Georgia.
How he was impressing impartial rainds can be understood from the
following opinion of the Mobile Register:
" Whatever the Georgians may think of their Governor he is immensely popular
away from horae. In his own State he appears to have bitter enemies, and this is evi
dence to our mind that he is a man of grit and not of straw. We look upon Mr.
Brown as a model War-Governor — a veritable Stonewall Jackson among State Execu
tives. . . . For our part we render our sincere thanks to Governor Brown, and
we believe his course meets the general and f uUest approbation of the country."
The New York Herald watched the contest closely and predicted
Mr. Hill's election. But the ballots told a different tale. There were
64,804 votes polled, only half a vote, showing the abstraction of the public
raind from politics by the war. Governor Brown received 36,558,
Joshua HiU 18,222, and Timothy Furlow 10,024. Gov. Brown had
18,336 majority over Hill and 26,534' over Furlow, and he beat both 8,312,
The army vote from seventy-three regiraents was 15,223, of which
Brown received 10,012, HUl 3,324, and Furlow 1,887; Brown's array
majority over Hill was 6,688, and over Furlow 8,125, and over both
5,801. These figures show how Gov. Brown stood with the fighting
men of the State, and how fully and emphatically the soldiers endorsed
hira. The vote also shows the terrible decimation our Georgia regiments
had undergone in the service, testifying eloquently to their manhood.
The following gentleraen were elected to the Confederate Congress:
First district, Julian Hartridge; second district, W. E. Smith; third

262 THE LEGISLATUEE OF 1863.
district, M. H. Blanford; fourth district, Clifford Anderson; fifth dis
trict, J. T. Shewmake; sixth district, H. Echols; seventh district, James
M. Smith; eighth district, George N. Lester; ninth district, H. P. BeU;
tenth district, Warren Akin.
Of these, Wm. E. Smith, H. P. Bell and Julian Hartridge 'have been
United States Congressmen since the war, James M. Smith, Governor
.of Georgia, and Clifford Ahderson is at present Attorney General.
In the Legislature there were some very able raen. Among the Sen
ators were Thos. E. Lloyd, the great civil lawyer of Savannah; T. L.
Guerry; Phil Cook, since a Congressman; J, H. Pate, now a Judge of
the Superior Court; Gen. A. R. Wright, the brilliant Ranse, a Congress
man subsequently; E. H. Pottle, now a Judge; Alex. M. Speer, now a
Justice of the Supreme Court; and C. D. McCutchen, recently a Judge
of the Superior Court. Araong the leading Representatives were Gen.
W. S. Holt and Thoraas Harderaan of Macon, the latter an ex-Con
gressman; J. B. Jones, ex-member of Congress; L. N. Trammell, Presi
dent of the Senate since for two terms; Philip M. Russell of Savan
nah; W. F. Wright; R. Hester; Morgan Rawls, a Congressman after
•the war; M. Dwinell, a prominent journalist; Gen. R. W. CarsweU, now
a Judge; Jas. M. Russell; J. R. Stewart, now a Judge; Thos. G. Law-
son, now a Judge; and B. H. Bigham.
The Hon. Thomas Harderaan was elected Speaker of the- House, and
Hon. A. R. Wright President of the Senate. The fourth inaugural ad
dress of Governor Brown was a remarkably ringing docuraent, that
seemed to have caught the clang of steel from the spirit of the great
conflict. It had a single idea in it, put with singular eloquence. It
simply sounded in a clarion voice the manly duty of the hour. Scan
ning the vast struggle, it sped to the State one throbbing idea that we
were in to the death, and must unite and achieve freedora.
The annual raessage of Governor Brown to this legislature, of Novem
ber 1863, was one of the best papers of his executive career. It put the
situation clearly and concisely before the people. It urged some very
decisive measures, the repeal of the substitute law, authority to civil offi
cers, to arrest absentees from the army and the increase of the pay of
soldiers. He argued that our soldiers should be clothed and their fam
ilies fed by the State whenever it was necessary to any amount. The
improper impressraent of private property, the rig-ht of the State troops
to elect their own officers he warmly advocated.
The Legislature adjourned December 14, 1863. It appropriated
$500,000 to the " Georgia ReUef and Hospital Association; " $2,500,000

CONTINUED WAE ENLISTMENTS. 263
for soldiers' clothing; $6,000,000 for indigent farailies of soldiers;
$500,000 for salt; $3,000,000 for a railitary fund; $750,000 for a blockade
stearaer. The enrollment of all railitia between 16 and 00 years was
authorized, and the Governor erapowered to call them out if necessary.
Resolutions were passed re-affirming the resolutions of the General '
Assembly of 1861, pledging the state to the fight tmtil peace was
established upon the basis of So\ithern independence. A resolution
was also passed, accepting battle flags of the 4th, 14th, 20th and 20th
Georgia regiments and the 12th Georgia battalion, and several Federal
flags captured by the 4th Georgia and Dole's brigade.
During the year 1863 raany interesting military matters transpired
in Georgia and in connection with Georgia troops. The two regiments
of Georgia state troops were organized by the election of E. M. Gait
Colonel of the 1st regiment, and R. L. Storey. Colonel of the 2d. The
following infantry regiraents also had been organized for Confederate
service: 60th Georgia, Colonel Wm. H. Stiles.
61st " " John H. Lamar.
62d " " J. R. Griffin.
63d " " George A. Gordon.
64th " " Jno. W. Evans.
65th " " Jno. S. Fain.
Some light infantry battalions had also been formed. Also the
foUowing cavalry regiraents:
5th Georgia Cavalry, Colonel R. H. Anderson.
6th " " John R. Hart.
7th " " E. C. Anderson, Jr.
8th " " J. L. McAllister.
9th " " J. TaUaferro.
— ^Also a second 4th Georgia cavalry under Col. Duncan L. Clinch.
Mr. Da-vis had raade requisition for 8,000 horae guards. Go-vernor
Brown called for these troops, and 18,000 offered, demonstrating the
ready gallantry of our Georgians and the correctness of Gov. Brown's
position that the conscript law was unnecessary in Georgia to raise
soldiers. I\Ir. Davis would not permit the selection by tliese coramands
of their brigade and division officers. Gen. Howell Cobb was raade
Major General and assigned to the charge in Georgia. He assumed
coraraand Septeraber 14, 1863. Gen. Alfred Iverson, Jr., and Gen.
Henry Jackson were reported Brigadiers under him, the former at Rome
and the latter at Savannah. Gen. Gustavus W. Smith, who had resigned

264 GENEEAL TOOMBS EESIGNS.
from the Confederate army, was eraployed by Gov. Brown in aid of the
fortification of the state. Col. R. A. Sipith of the 44th Georgia, Lt.
Col. J. C. Mounger of the 9th Georgia, and Lt. Col. W. T. Harris of the
2d Georgia, were killed. A very sad loss to the state was Col. Peyton
H. Colquitt of the 46th Georgia at Chickamauga, one of the most
brilliant young 'men in the commonwealth. Col. Wm. Gibson of the
4Sth was badly wounded. lLjKasJn»A|idl, J£fi.S., tMtAGeorgia^^entJe-
man was,inad.e. Brigadier General, vvho became the most faraous and
brilUant^soldier thg, state^had. in the war. Gen. John B. Gordon.
It was early in this. year that Gen. Toombs resigned Of this versatile
genius Gen. Longstreet, who arrested him once, said that if he had been
educated at a military school in subordination, he would have been as
illustrious and successful as a soldier as he was as' a statesman, so_great
were his natural military abilities. And a curious incident is told which
is vouched for by Col. Raphael J. Moses, who was serving under him,
that at one period Gen. Toombs was desired at the same time by Gen.
Lee and President Davis, one desiring to consult hira on a war point,
and the other 6n a raatter of civil administration, both important
affairs, and he had to hurry from Richmond to the front the same day
to fill both raoraentous advisory roles. Yet his ungovernable spirit of
intractable insubordination to any authority kept him in hot altercation
with his superiors, and resulted in such bitter feeling that he resigned
his coveted stars. His farewell to his brigade was a model of eloquent
pathos and incisive soldierly ardor. He came home, refused to run for
Congress, and started to raise a regiment for the home service.
During this year, 1863, Gov. Brown had several of his memorable
controversies that gave him so much celebrity in the Confederacy.
In May, 1863, a correspondence occurred between Gov. Brown and
, Hon. James A. Seddon, Secretary of War, in regard to the right of
the Fifty-first regiment of Georgia Volunteers to fill by election, the
colonelcy raade vacant by the kiUing of Colonel Slaughter at Chancel
lorsville. This regiment was one of twelve organized regiments turned
over to the President in February, 1862, under requisition of Mr. Davis,-
and declared by Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of War in 1862, to be entitled
to elect their own officers and have them commissioned by the Gov
emor of Georgia. Gov. Brown claimed, apart from this pledge, that
this regiment came under the clause of the Constitution reserving to
the States the appointraent of the officers. Mr. Seddon clairaed that
Iinder the conscription law the President was authorized to appoint the
officers. Gov. Brown argued that the conscription law was in conflict

GOV. brown's CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE BRITISH CONSUL. 265
with the Constitution, and the Constitution must govern. Gov. Brown
plead that the principle had been decided on this very question, raised
in Col. Benning's regiment of Gen. Toombs' brigade, in favor of the
right of the State to commission. Mr. Seddon refused to yield. Gov.
Brown concluded his final -letter with this thrust:
" The President has the power in his own hands, and I am obliged for the present
reluctantly to acquiesce in what I consider a, great wrong to thousands of gaUant
Georgia troops and a palpable infringement of the rights and sovereignty of the State.
I will only add that this letter is intended more as a protest against your decision than
as an effort to protract a discussion which it seems can be productive of no practical
results." There was probably no raatter of higher value to our spirited volun- 1,
teers than this very privilege of selecting their officers, and the Con- 1
federate authorities raade a great raistake in their policy on this poiii,t- |
While it was true, as a general principle, that the ordinary war rules
were founded in a long experience as to regular and professional sol
diers, our voluntary citizens' array was an organization of patriotic
gentleraen, inspired by love of country and a blended sentiment of
duty and honor. Mr. Davis and Gen. Bragg, both of them, failed to
¦comprehend the difference. Some of our most skillful fighters and best
strategists were civilians who had not enjoyed railitary education. The
great bulk of our officers were men untrained in war. Gen. Sidney
Johnson and Gen. Lee both appreciated the regime best for the volun
teer. The Legislature endorsed Gov. Brown's views on this subject of
election of officers, and passed a resolution urging them on the Confed
erate Congress.
A very spicy correspondence is that between Gov. Brown and Mr. A.
FuUarton, British consul at Savannah. This was in July, 1863, when
Gov. Brown ordered a draft of eight thousand raen for home defense
from persons between eighteen and forty-five years, including British
subjects. Mr. FuUarton protested against such service, stating that for
maintaining internal peace and order, British subjects were liable to
duty, but not for fighting the United States troops. He claimed that
the United States was not a foreign power in relation to Georgia. Gov.
Brown replied, refusing to exempt British subjects from such duty or
modify his order. The United States was a foreign nation at war with
Georgia. If the British subjects did not wish to incur the burdens of
living in Georgia they could leave. Mr. FuUarton replied that while
advising British subjects to do police or patrol duty, he counseled them
if they were required- to leave their horaes or meet the United States
forces in actual conflict, to throw down their arms and refuse to render

266 REMARKABLE STATISTICS.
the service, which violated their neutrality. He claimed that Gov.
Brown's course was in contrast with the practice of the United States
Government and other Southern Governors. Gov. Brown replied that
while Her Majesty's subjects lived in Georgia they must perform the
duties imposed upon them by the law of nations. The Governor put
in a home stroke by saying that if - FuUarton really thought the United
States was not a foreign power hostile to Georgia, he should have
appealed for protection to British subjects resident in this State, to the
government in Washington, and not to the Governor of Georgia. He
added that if Her Majesty's subjects should act on Mr. FuUarton's
advice and throw down their arras on the approach of danger, and thus
be guilty of the unnatural and unmanly conduct of refusing to defend
their domiciles, they would be promptly dealt with as citizens of this
State would be committing such dishonorable delinquency. As to
the United States exempting British subjects, as it had by the use
of money drawn large numbers of recruits from the dominions of Her
Majesty, in violation of the laws of the realm, it may well afford to
affect a pretended liberality which costs it neither sacrifice nor incon
venience. Mr. FuUarton gave up the contest, and there is no report of
any hardship being suffered.
In all subjects pertaining to the welfare of the soldiers. Gov. Brown
not only took a deep interest, but did an active . part. A Missionary
mass meeting was held in Griffin, April 26, 1863, Rev. Dr. Mell pre
siding, the object of which was christian ministrations among our sol
diers in the field. Gov. Brown attended and raade an earnest sjieech
for this noble cause, and gave a handsome donation to army colportage
for the dissemination of reUgious reading among the troops. In the
Baptist Biennial Convention at Augusta, May 11, 1863, resolutions
of Dr. Broadus were reported, rendering hearty support to the Con
federate government and paying tribute to Stonewall Jackson. Rev.
Dr. Boyce, of South Carolina, opposed these resolutions as covering po
litical ground. Gov. Brown made a speech of great power and fervor
in support of them, and they were unanimously passed. In September,
1863, a dinner was given by the Atlanta ladies to the paroled Vicks
burg prisoners. Gov. Brown was the orator of the occasion, and made
a most effective and patriotic speech.
There are some remarkable statistics for this year. Confederate
raoney fell in value until from 4 to 1 in 1862, it became 21 to 1 in gold
in 1863. The property of the state swelled in figures, frora $578,352,-
262, in 1862, to $991,596,583, in 1863. Polls decreased in nuraber from

GEORGIA THE HEAVIEST LOSER OF MEN.' 267
91,562 to 60,168. The State road paid in to the treasury, $1,650,000.
The-public debt_Jiad_graffin to $14,149,41Q. The Bank capital of the
State had enhanced to $70,713,048. ~ An iiicorae tax had been iraposed
which showed $15,737,479 .of profits ou business in the state, yielding a
tax of $683,235. But the most striking and honorable statistical fact — ^
placing Georgia in a position of unequaled distinction for the patriot
ism and valor of its people, and its guiding agency in the war, was her
greater loss of soldiers than any other Southern State. The Second
Auditor at Richmond, published the following statement df soldiers'
deaths to December 31, 1863: Georgia, ,9,504; Alabama, 8,987;' North
Carolina, 8,261; Texas, 6,377; Virginia, 5,943; Mississippi, 5,367; South
Carolina, 4,511; Louisiana, 3,039; Tennessee, 2,849; Arkansas, 1,948;
Florida, 1,119.
It was during this year that two small but most conspicuously briU
iant military exploits took place on Georgia soil, the fame of which a
just and appreciative history will not permit to die. The raid of Streigh-t
the Federal cavalryraan into Georgia, with a splendid band of 1,800 dar
ing and thoroughly equipped troopers was thwarted, and the whole
command captured at Rome by the unparalleled Forrest with but 600
men. Following them night and day, assaulting thera at every stand,
he finally corapelled a surrender at the very threshold of the picturesque
little mountain city, and saved the state sorae dreadful devastation.
The other equally historic and glorious incident was the repulse of a
fleet of seven Federal raonitors and gunships by the intrepid little gar
rison of Fort McAUister, at the raouth of the Ogeechee river on the
Georgia coast, in March, 1863, under coraraand of Capt. Geo. W. Ander
son. Major John B. Gallic, the 6oramandant, Was killed at the begin
ning of the engagement. This was the seventh attempt that had been
raade to take this Fort, a simple earthwork with sand parapets, all of
which had failed. This was the last and crowning effort. The garrison
resisted an eight hours' desperate bombardment with guns, throwing as
large as 15-inch shot and shell, and flnally drove off the attacking ex
pedition crippled and whipped. The papers rang with the splendid
achieveraent, and the General commanding complimented it in a general
order, directing the garrison to inscribe on their flags, " Fort McAllister,
March 3rd, 1863."
The history of war may be searched in vain to find two more heroic
and dauntless achievements than these matchless instances of skill and
valor. They were unsurpassable exhibitions of chivalric courage and
sublime patriotism.

CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE FIRST HALF OF THE MOST THRILLING YEAR OF
GEORGIA ANNALS, 1864.
Georgia becomes the Crucial Battle Ground of the War. — Virginia and Georgia. —
Georgia the Hope of the Confederacy. — Gov. Brown Convenes the Legislature. —
His Great Message. — A Document that Vivified the Confederacy. — Extraordinary
Press Comraent. — The Focal Southern Governor. — It Evokes, ako. Savage Censure. —
Linton Stephens' Resolutions and Memorable Speech on Gov. Brown's Line. — Gov.
Brown Endorsed. — The Repeal of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Recomraended. —
Alec Stephens' Strong Speech. — Protest against the Resolutions. — Linton Stephens'
Faraous Adjustraent Resolutions. — Gov. Brown's Fixedness. — Special Message that
the Legislature raust act or he would Re-convene it Iraraediately. — The Grapple of
Joe Johnston and Sherman. — Resaca. — Tanners Ferry. — The Anguish of Leaving
Homes to the Enemy. — Cassville. — New Hope Church. — The Dead Lock. — Keune-
saw and its Twenty-three Savage Days of Fight. — Over the Chattahoochee. — Joe
Johnston Reraoved, and the End Begun. — The Protest against Reraoval. — Davis'
Misgivings. — The Anomaly of Johnston's Career. — Georgia Adhering to her Fate
of Supreme Agency in the War.
The year 1864 was a vivid and raeraorable one in Georgia annals, the
most dramatic, thrilling and eventful in her century and a half of
august history. From the first to the last week of this fateful twelve
months there was a continued succession of throbbing and vital incidents
that involved the fate of the Confederacy and the destiny of the conti
nent. The State became the crucial point of the war, the decisive
battle ground of the conflict, in strange pursuance of that mysterious
fortune that seemed to make her the foreraost instrumentality of the
revolution. Both' in civil and soldierly matters she was the scene,
during this salient year, of controlling occurrences that shaped and
settled the struggle. With the result of events in Georgia in 1864 the
war was practically ended. The conclusion was clearly in sight frora
the smitten and smouldering wreck of our noble State — ravaged, battle-
charred and desolated out of recognition. The bloody swath through
this State of four hundred miles, from the Tennessee line to the ocean
border, quartering the Confederacy, and destroying the Confederate
base of supplies, left the Southern cause crushed, quivering and doomed.
The Georgia campaign made the Virginia campaign simply a question
of time, after which the end was at hand, close, final, deadly.

GEORGIA THE HOPE OF THE CONFEDERACY. 209
The difference between •Virginia and Georgia, in their relative situa
tions and iraportance in the anatomy of the revolution, was very striking.
Virginia was a gate-way on the border. Georgia was the very vitals of
the Confederacy. When Vicksburg fell it was a gloomy halving of the
young republic of the South. Georgia became the heart of the cause.
This State was the main source of grain supplies. It was also the chief
raanufactory of railitary stores, Atlanta being the grand center of
production and distribution. Back in the supposed interior point of
safety, the thousands of Federal prisoners in our hands, held under a
Federal policy of non-exchange, were huddled at the famous Aadersop-
ville stockades in gouth-We.stepi fieorgig. But the living, dominant

spark of Confederate existence and power lay in the grand army, one
of the two that propped up the super-incumbent and raassive yet
tottering cause of Southern nationality. This array reposed on Georgia
soil, gathering its wounded energies for the last, conclusive, desperate
ordeal. The war was at length focalized in Virginia and Georgia, and the crucial
point was Georgia. The loss of Georgia was not only the destruction
of one array, but it was the cutting off the source of subsistence and
raunitions for the other army, and therefore the more important prize.
The operations everywhere save at these points were about ended. The
Mississippi Valley was practically gone, Tennessee, Missouri and Ken
tucky were riveted, beyond hope, back to the Union, and in the other
states resistance was barren. The unspeakable importance of the cam
paign in Georgia can be iraagined, and the vital value of the Southern
array here in that vivid year can be but faintly estiraated.
The hope of the Confederacy rested lipon the coramonwealth of
Georgia, and the year 1864 records the most romantic, sustained and
versatile passage of arras on a large scale with the mightiest results
known to modern history. As the year 1863 broke in gloora, so the
year 1864 began for the South in the sarae darkness. After the bat
tle of Missionary Ridge our army lay crushed at Dalton. Bragg was
forced by public opinion to yield its leadership. Gen. Hardee took
teraporary command, but in the grand spirit of patriotism, as morally
heroic as it was unexampled, he declined the permanent generalship.
That incomparable organizer. Gen. Joe Johnston, was placed over the
shattered force, and the work of rehabilitation proceeded thoroughly
under his superb direction. The Federal head-quarters were at Chatta
nooga, and a magnificent army was organized there, ready when the
" tugging leash " was slipped to precipitate upon the devoted soil of

270 WARM COMPLIMENTS TO GOVEENOE BROWN.
Georgia the glory and the woe of this lasi trial of the stupendous
revolution. The whole country pulsed with the thrUl of the impending stOrm.
The authorities at Richraond and Washington looked with equal and
fierce anxiety to the clash. The South gazed in breathless suspense.
The people of Georgia braced their unquailing and intrepid energies
for the encounter, and their dauntless Executive, composed and self-
reliant, masterfully met the emergency with every resource of a power
ful state and every sympathy of its gallant citizens. Gov. Brown called
the legislature together to convene Thursday, the 10th of March, 1864.
He sent in to that body the best raessage of his Executive career; It
was a genuine inspiration. He incarnated in its glowing sentences the
central idea of constitutional governraent and the very genius of South
ern heroism. It fell upon the Confederacy with the vivifying potency
of a blended slogan of battle and of law. From every part of the Con
federacy came back the answering echo of encomium and approval.
Said the Selma (Ala.) Reporter, " From the sea of blood whose fell
waves threaten to sweep away the guerdons that encircle the Ark of
our Covenant of Freedom, there rises, in the -person of Joseph E. Brown
of Georgia, a nucleus around which a summoned resistance will aggre
gate which it were madness to oppose."
Said the 3Iississip>picm : " The country, the People are with Gov.
Brown in sentiment. We hear it on steamboats, in cars, in hotels, in
private and public circles." Said the Charleston Mercury : " Our sjan-
pathies are in unison with the whole course of Governor Brown's argu
ment." Said the Petersburg Express : " The Governor of Georgia is
devoted heart and soul to the cause of the South." Said the Memphis
Ap2)eal: "Such action by the Sovereign States is at this time needed
to prevent usurpation, centralization of power, and preserve intact the
personal liberty guaranteed to us."
These extracts, taken at random from the mass of contemporaneous
expression of opinion out of the State, will give an idea of Gov-
?3rnor Brown's prominence in the South, and how he loomed above the
whole file of Southern Governors in that aniraated day. His influence
went out beyond state bounds* He was the acknowledged leader and
exponent of the large element of citizens in his way of thinking. In
the State the Aiajority of the press was against him, as curiously
enough it has been during the greater portion of Gov. Brown's long
and successful public career. But he received from a powerful minority
. of the State press • some striking commendation upon his message.

GOVERNOR brown's WAE MESSAGE. 271
The Columbus Su?i, Augusta Chronicle, Atlanta Intelligencer, Atlanta
Confederacy, and M.iil&dg&yi\le.. Union aU endorsed the Governor in,
gtrong terms.
The message covers forty-five pages of the journals of the General
Asserably, and a perusal of its burning sentences and unanswerable
arguments will explain the profound sensation it created over the
South. The message recomraended some additional war measures, and
then entered into a fervid, powerful disc-Cission of two great subjects.
One was the Da,s.sa.ge by the Confe(lera.tje Congress of, anjgnlarged. con-
scription act, enrplUng citizena-Erom 1^ to 50 years^^of^ age, _and.-Qf_an
j£t_ suspendingjhe. w.rit oLfMiieas^corjjjis. The other subject was the
principle involved in the war, and the conduct of the struggle by the
North. These two vital and gigantic public themes were treated with
a vigor and exhaustiveness, with an ability and energy, that could not
be surpassed, and the overmastering docuraent fell upon the public
mind with treraendous effect. Sorae parts of this stern, dorainant
paper are magnificent expressions of sentiment and thought clothed in
lofty language. There pervades the whole document a sublimated
spirit, born of the extraordinary times, and as exalted as the majestic
subjects discussed. There was a high and sustained power in it that
showed a wonderful ability wrought up to a sublime exercise of its
strength. The seemingly extravagant encomiums of the press out of
the state given before will demonstrate how able minds regarded this
remarkable state paper. Ij:. was aiii.on£.ealojyic^aj_prote_st_ against- cen
tralized despotism.iB..infin4 and,foe,„, anda mfi,sterfn],plf;a,„f,or±b.a sanctity
of our cause.
Looking at the message, with its ability proportioned to the subject,
and this is saying much, it was a rare exhibition of discernment and
courage, a profound and philosophical discussion of the principles of
constitutional liberty and a bold, timely admonition of statesmanship.
An Alabama paper voiced the public estiraate in these strong words:
"It is a majestic pyramid of impregnable facts, built with the skill of a scholar
and a logician — a pyramid whose base is as broad as the sovereignty of the states, with'
an apex as lofty as the ambition of all lovers of constitutional freedora. It is an epitome
of the war in its vital aspects, and luminous with a grasp of practical statesmanship
adequate to the salvation of the Confederacy, provided its admonitions and teachings
find a lodgraent in the popular raind at the South."
Perhaps the most valuable personal tribute to this message was the
one paid by Gen. Toombs, who wrote to Gov. Brown a characteristic
and lengthy letter, presenting some additional arguments in its sup-

272 LINTON Stephens' geeat speech.
port. In this letter he tendered Gov. Brown his " sincere thanks for
the ability, firmness and success with which you have supported the
cause of personal liberty." And he went on with these strong words:
"Araong your many and well-merited claims upon the confidence and gratitude of the
people of Georgia and of the whole Confederacy for your great, valuable and unwearied
services iu the cause of Southern liberty, none rank higher or endure longer than
this noble defense of the most valuable of all human rights."
The message also elicited some very harsh and opposing criticism,
and there was a warm diversity of opinion upon the policy of question
ing the acts of the Confederate authorities in the desperate pressure of
the confiict. Sorae very hard naraes were applied to Gov. Brown, " dis-
organizer," " madman," " marplot," etc. Hon. Linton Stephens intro
duced' resolutions enforcing Gov. Brown's views. The debate was
able and earnest. Outside gentleraen raade speeches at night. Jloffigll
Cobb, A. H. Kenan and .Hon.^Xii. Q- .C. Lamar _ of ^ Mississippi made
strongj_eloqugnL_addresses^ in support of tli_e Acts of the Confederate
administration.  Alexander. H. Stephens delivered a lengthyand ,^l^b-
orate speech upon the Une of Gov. Brown's messag^e. Linton Stephens
raade perhaps the strongest speech on the subject — an enunciation of
great power and intensity, in which he uttered with nervous fire the
memorable and ringing expression, " I am foe the cause and not foe
DYNASTIES ! " The Augusta Chronicle is responsible for the statement
that the lobby of the Legislature was filled with prorainent adrainistra
tion officials opposing Gov. Brown's policy. The resolutions passed by
a raajority of three in the House and eight in the Senate. Tliey
<isclarg(J...tlie,.act. of .Congress. suspending.7ia5egg.gor;jtfg unconstitutional,
i^gcommended repeal by the next Congress and obedience to the act
until_re£ealed. A protest was entered against these resolutions, signed
by 43 raerabers, among thera Thos. G. Lawson, M. Dwinell, J. D. Jlat-
thews, Thos. Hardeman, Jr., D. P. Hill, W. S. Holt, W. O. Fleming
and others. The protest was based upon the ground that the law
should be acquiesced in untU decided unconstitutional by the courts.
Georgia thus led off in the protest against this infringeraent upon
liberty, and took the initiative as the honored sentinel, in the language
of Alex. Stephens, to preserve Constitutional liberty and independence
as objects " co-ordinate, co-existent, co-equal, co-eval and forever insep
arable." Nor was this action without practical and solid results. The states
of Alabaraa, North Carolina and Mississippi, the home of Mr. Davis,-
followed Georgia and Gov. Brown in this vital raatter and protested

TIIE FAMOUS GEOEGIA PEACE EESOLUTIONS. 273
against the suspension of habeas corpus. But this was not all. The
second Confederate Congress after a powerful, exhaustive and heated!
discussion refused to continue the suspension though Mr. Davis insisted /
upon it. It was a signal triuraph of the Georgia policy inspired by j
Governor Brown.
A resolution was also passed expressing unabated confidence in Mr.
Davis. Another very celebrated action of Georgia through her General
Asserably at this time was the passage of some resolutions, also the
work of Linton Stephens, declaring the ground on which the Confed
erate States stood in the war, and the terras on which peace ought to be
offered to the enemy. These resolutions have become famous, and
stand as a monuraent of that governing statesmanship that during the
revolution Georgia so supremely and without rivalry exercised. The
resolutions declared the object of good government and the right of the
people to alter government to secure those objects; that the Declaration
of Independence was the outcome of this principle; that Georgia was
such a nationality as was entitled to exercise the full right of self-gov
ernment; the causes of separation and a justification of secession; the
vindication of secession by the subsequent policy of Mr. Lincoln,
especiaUy the proposition to establish governments in the seceded states
if one-tenth of them were loyal to the North; that an honorable close
of the war was highly desirable, and to put an end to the unnatural,
unchristian and savage work of carnage and havoc, the Confederate
governraent, after signal successes of arms, should officially tender peace
on the great principles of 1776, allowing the border states to raake free
choice of future associations; that the effect of such a course would be
salutary upon the foe and upon our soldiers and people; but renewing
pledges of the prosecution of the war, defensive on our part, until an
honorable peace was obtained and the independence and nationality of
the Confederate States established upon a perraanent and enduring"
basis. An incident illustrating Gov. Brown's fixedness of purpose was this:
The legislature passed a resolution to adjourn on the 19th of March,
1864, at 12 o'clock m., without acting on the Habeas Corpus and other
matters. The morning of the 19th Gov. Brown sent in a message noti
fying the General Assembly that unless the great questions requiring
action were finally settled in some way, he should convene the body in
extra session on the 21st. The session was prolonged until night and
action taken. Araong the acts passed by this General Asserably, of an
aggressive war character, was a law allowing loyal Southern feraales in
18

274 Johnston's famous eeteeat begins.
Georgia to secure total divorces from husbands in the military service
of the United States, or voluntarily in the lines of the enemy furnishing
them aid and corafort. The battle flags of the 10th and 50th Georgia
Regiraents were placed in the archives. The Georgia troops whose
time had expired had generally re-enlisted and resolutions of corapli
raent were passed.
On the 4th day of May, 1864, began the great Georgia carapaign
that ultiraately ended in the downfall of the Confederacy. Gen. Joe
Johnston had in the interval between the 27th day of December, 1863,
and May, 1864, brought up the array to the highest point of efficiency
from its sadly disorganized condition after the calamitous defeat of
Missionary Ridge. His force was 42,856. Gen. William T. Sherman,
commanding the Federal army, had 98,797 and 254 cannon; or raore
than double Johnston's array. It is to be doubted if there was ever in
mUitary annals a more consumraately conducted carapaign. It was a
game of chess between masters. It was a grapple of giants. It was a
joust of arms of unsurpassed skill between two warriors who exhibited
each the highest art of warfare. Both were wary, adroit, sagacious
strategists, and both were bold fighters. Johnston's policy was to pre
serve his precious army at the sacrifice of territory, draw Sherraan
away frora his base of supplies, and give battle, only where he had
the chance of success, and where defeat to Sherman would be most
disastrous. The writer was with Johnston during a large portion of the retreat,
commanding cavalry, and participating in the actions until wounded at the
battle of New Hope Church. He therefore knows practically the raan
ageraent of the campaign by Johnston. It was a faultless demonstra
tion of soldierly genius. The fighting was continuous. Johnston fought
under shelter of entrenchments, preserving life to the utmost extent,
administering all the punishment possible, and when flanked, leisurely
falling back without the loss of a gun or canteen or wheel-spoke, his
army intact, deliberate and orderly as on parade. There were no sur
prises, no discomfitures, no disorders. The men were troubled at
giving up their homes to the eneray. But their confidence in Johnston
never abated.
Sherman's policy was to precipitate a great battle and crush Johnston
at one blow. Failing in this, he shied around the strong fronts and
corapelled Johnston's retirement. The two captains both showed a
marvelous subtlety in penetrating each other's adroit designs. Between
Dalton and Ringgold where the two arraies confronted each other, lay

GElSTERAIi WILLIAM T. SHEBMAN".

t.vnnee's feeey compels resaca given up. 275
Rocky Face Mountain with Johnston irapregnably settled against direct
attack. Making a vigorous show of assault on the front with Schofield's
and Thomas' armies, Sherman sent McPherson's army through Snake
Creek Gap on the left, to Resaca, eighteen miles below Dalton on the
State road. Johnston had seen the trap and raade Resaca too strong
for assault, and the catch failed. Johnston quietly gave up Dalton and
concentrated his array around Resaca.
The town of Calhoun is six railes below Resaca. At Calhoun was
Johnston's base and reserves. The Oostanaula river runs by Calhoun
down to within a mile of Calhoun, when it turns and goes in the
direction of Rome. At Tanner's Ferry, two and one-half miles, a near
point of the bend to Calhoun, Col. I. W. Avery of the 4th Georgia
Cavalry was stationed with a brigade of cavalry and a battery of artil
lery defending two railes of the river. A raile behind hira was Gen.
John T. Morgan's brigade of cavalry in reserve, and at Calhoun Gen.
W. H. T. Walker's division of infantry, both of which commands he
was directed to call upon if too heavily pressed. On the afternoon of
the 14th of May, 1864, Sherman made a general attack on Johnston's
array at Resaca, and siraultaneously threw a heavy force at Tanner's
Ferry to drive a crossing. Col. Avery's brigade, extending along two
miles of river, presented a thin line of defense. Iramediate dispatches
were sent both to Gen. Morgan and Gen. Walker of the attack, and a
most stubborn resistance was made, but the crossing was forced after
several hours' fighting, in which one half of the brigade was destroyed.
Gen. Morgan arrived a short while after the enemy were over, and after
dark Gen. Walker arrived. The Federals entrenched and strangely
delayed to raove upon Calhoun, to which they were three and one-half
miles nearer than Johnston's main army at Resaca. The next raorning.
Gen. Walker, deceived by the enemy's quiet, and against the opinion
of the cavalry officers in front, dispatched Gen. Johnston that the
report of the passage of the Oostanaula was unfounded, and caused a
change of plan. Gen. Walker then threw Gen. Jackson's brigade of infan
try against the quiet enemy and met' with a quick and bloody repulse,
and iraraediately notified the army commander. That night Gen. John
ston retired from Resaca, having repulsed the Federals with a loss to
them of 5,000 men, while his own was inconsiderable.
On the morning of the 16th, Gen. Hardee rode out to the Picket line
where Col. Avery was, and after a close- inspection of the enemy's
lines, came to the conclusion from the inactivity that no movement was
threatening. In five minutes after he left, there was an advance sweep-

276 SOLDIERS GIVING UP HOMES TO THE FOE.
ing the cavalry back, and a lively brush occurred between Hardee and
McPherson. Johnston fell back to Cassville. Rome was abandoned to
the Federals. At Cassville, Johnston determined to give battle. It was
a very strong position for us. The men were burning to fight. The
writer remembers well the afternoon of the 19th of May, 1864, reading
Johnston's ringing battle order — a raodel of terse, fiery rhetoric to his
brigade in the falling twilight, in an old field environed by solemn
woods. The men called for a speech, and in coramon -with others, the
writer made a few words of deep-felt Appeal from a convenient stump.
The delight of these grim soldiers at the prospect of fighting for their
beloved homes was inspiring. The writer's command was composed
mostly of men frora the section we were giving up, and in retreating
they were leaving their wives and children behind them to the ruthless
mercies of the foe. It is such a test as this that tries brave men tj the
very depths. None can understand the anguish of such a retreat, save
those who have undergone it. Death almost were preferable to an or
deal so full of agony of soul and wretched dread for loved ones. This
was bringing horae to soldiers the last and worst horror of the blighting
war. And when it was announced that a stand was to be taken and the
battle fought, there was such a thrill of joy pulsing the hearts of these
brave patriots as gave stern token of the unconquerable fight they
would have raade. Men were never more earnest, and they would
have never yielded that field. But the battle purpose was unwisely re
linquished by Gen. Johnston, and the golden opportunity of the cam
paign was lost against his decided judgment. Gen. Johnston afterward
traveled with the writer in the fall of 1864, from Macon to Charlotte,
and said that the battle was renounced by him at the urgent entfeaty of
Generals Hood and Polk, two of his corps coraraanders, who said they
could not hold their positions; while Gen. Hardee, the other corps com
mander, who had the weakest place in the line, declared his ability to
maintain his ground. Gen. Johnston himself, said he regarded it as the
loss of the best chance of the retreat, and that he had always regretted
that he did not give battle then. He apprehended, however, that Hood
and Polk would not fight with zeal if they did it in fear of defeat, so he
yielded to them. The army was discouraged at not fighting this battle,
but soon recovered, and it shows their stem sense of duty and sturdy
patriotism, that they remained in the ranks, though they were leaving
their horaes in the hands of the eneray.
Sherraan, presuming that Johnston would utUize the AUatoona Pass
for a stand, made another flank movement for Dallas. The sleepless

THE NEW HOPE CHURCH BATTLE. 277
Johnston detected the new step and quietly interposed his army at New
Hope Church. Here was a desperate bout, furious and bloody, in
which Sherman was frightfully punished. Early he made an effort to
turn our right and get in between Johnston and the railroad. This was
the aftemoon of the 26th of May, 1864. Col. Avery was thrown at the
double quick with a part of the 4th Georgia Cavalry to check the
moveraent until troops could get up to thwart it. Gen. Johnston in his
Narrative says of this perilous attempt upon his flank, "Although
desperately wounded in the onset. Col. Avery, supported in his saddle
by a soldier, continued to coraraand, and raaintained the contest until
the arrival of forces capable of holding the ground." Major Sidney
Herbert, the capable and careful correspondent of that powerful paper,
the Savannah News, writing in 1878 the particulars of a conversation
with Gen. Johnston, reported hira as making this additional statement
about this raost dangerous and nearly successful effort of a corps of the
enemy to cut him frora his base, an effort prevented in a manner show
ing the value of moments and of the determined resistance of even a
small force against a large one at the opportune tirae: " Finding him
self confronted by the advance guard of several divisions of Federal
troops. Col. Avery saw that it was hopeless to contend against such
odds, yet a stern sense of duty made it plain to him that he raust resist
their advance until the Confederate forces could have time to place
themselves in action. Under these circumstances, and impelled by this
strong sense of duty, he fought against overwhelming numbers and
with bloody results, until the needed reinforcements carae up. His
rare personal courage inspired his brave soldiers. Although severely
wounded, he reraained in his saddle supported by a soldier, and thus ac
complished, under great physical suffering, his grand self-imposed task
for duty's sake." From this time to the 4th day of .lune the two armies
lay in a dead-lock, fighting daily. Every effort made by Sherman to
trip his adversary was abortive. Every assault was bloodily repulsed.
Sherraan began to flank again, this tirae moving to the right of
Johnston, and the two vast gladiators faced each other, Sherraan near
Acworth, and Johnston near Marietta. Johnston manned a Une of emi
nences, of which Pine Mountain in the center. Lost Mountain on his
left, and Memorable Kennesaw Mountain on his right composed the ob
structive trio. Rested, reinforced, provisioned, Sherman determined to
break the cordon if possible by force, and on the 9th of June, 1864, he
commenced. The history of war reveals no such battle. Until the 3rd
day of July, twenty-three savage days, he battered away with his ponder-

278 THE DESPERATE TWENTY-THEEE DAYs' BATTLE.
ous huinan mallet to break down and through the interposing wall of flesh
and steel. It was one incessant straining battle, lulling occasionaUy to
a hot skirmish, and then blazing into a deadly struggle. Hood had the
right, Hardee the left, and Polk the center. McPherson confronted
Hood, Schofield faced Hardee, and Thomas grappled with Polk. On
the 14th of June the Bishop-soldier Polk yielded his sacred life. Sher
man pushed the mortal game with a grand tenacity. Pine Mountain
was first abandoned, and then Lost Mountain was sullenly relinquished,
and Johnston contracting his line presented a stronger chain of obstacles
than ever, while Sherman had spent men in vain with a prodigal thrift-
lessness. For the first time .lohnston threw Hood against the eneray's
right -in a crisp tentative reconnoisance, but it was done with a repulse
and a loss. On the 27th of .lune Sherraan made his crucial drive, and
a mad, terrific clash it was, Thoraas and McPherson with three-fourths
of the Federal army striking Hardee and Loring, who had succeeded the
noble Polk, The Federal line, with a desperate courage unsurpassed
anywhere, rolled against Johnston's entrenched ranks, but it recoiled,
smitten and shattered, in crumbling, bloody fragments, with the loss of
thousands, Sherraan wa"s satisfied with a direct march upon our army
for over three straight crimson weeks, and he returned to his tactical
waltzing. He shot McPherson's army for the Chattahoochee on the
right, and back slid the undeceivable .lohnston out of the strategic trap,
and after a number of days of lively snapping, on the 9th of July, 1864,
he crossed the Chattahoochee with his army as soUd as a packed cotton
bale, and North Georgia, reposing in Sherman's grim clutch, helpless and
miserable. Both armies went to sponging off for the next grapple. For two
weeks they rested. It is always wise to heed a foe. The following
pregnant and impressive sentences so aptly tell the truth that quoting
thera is an irresistible teraptation. They are from Swinton's faraous
Book. " In the latter days of the Confederacy, the grim fatality which from the outset had
walked with it, side by side, along its destined course, silent aud unseen, seemed to
throw off, at length, the cloak of invisibility, to stab it boldly with mortal blows. While
in the enthusiasm of the contest, it seemed hardly fanciful to declare that fate itself,
shadowing the Confederacy so long through successes, with unsuspected presence, at
length revealed its sardonic figure iu the moraent of destiny, to fix its doora and down
fall. One such raysterious blow to the Confederacy was that by which Gen. Johnston
was removed from its Western army, at the moment when he was most needful for its
salvation, kept frora command till an intervening general had ruined and disintegrated
it, and then gravely restored to the leadership of its pitiful fragments."

GENEEAL JOB JOHNSTOn's REMOVAL. 279
On the 17th of July, 1864, the Federal array resumed its active work,
and on the sarae day the President, Mr. Davis, relieved Gen. Johnston
9Ltbe.-Comniand of his army, and substituted Gen. Hood in his stead,
Johnston had made vigorous preparations for the defense of Atlanta,
He was sitting in his tent talking with Gen. Mansfield Lovell, when a
package of comraunications was brought to him. He read one, and
then with a quiet unconcern and a pleasant sraile handed it to Gen.
LoveU, saying, " What do you think of that ? " It was the order reliev
ing hira of comraand. Stunned at the order. General LoveU begged
hira to raake no obedience to it until an effort could be made to get it
reversed, , Johnston declined to make any effort. Gen. Lovell, how
ever, got the corps commanders together. Generals Hardee, Stewart and
Hood, and they petitioned and protested against the change, deputizing
Gen. Hood hiraself as a raatter of courtesy to send the protest. ' Gen.
Hood sent the dispatch, but it was worded in such a way as to carry no
force and exert no effect, Mr. Davis declined to withdraw the order
and Johnston returned to privacy.
In this connection it is said upon the authority of two gentleraen
closely connected with Mr. Davis, one of them, alleged to be Gen. A.
R. Lawton, who had been made the Quartermaster-General cf the Con
federate armies, and the other,. Gen. Gilmer, that he was opposed fo
removing Gen. Johnston, and reluctantly yielded to the advice of his
Cabinet advisers. The account goes that at the meeting when it was
determined, Mr, Davis walked up and down the room with his hands
behind him in deep anxiety, saying with earnest emphasis and a most
troubled manner, that he doubted the propriety of it. This report is
the more important because it conflicts with the generally accredited
opinion and puts Mr. Davis in a different light.
It is not perhaps irrelevant nor an exaggeration to say that Gen,
Johnston's career presents the most remarkable anomaly of military
annals. Frora the beginning to the end he was distrusted and depre
ciated by the Confederate authorities, yet he held frora first to last the
confidence and adrairation of armies and people. And every effort of
the several made to retire him to obscurity, but strengthened him in
popular esteem, and resulted in calling him to new exaltation of power,
new display of genius and increase of fame. It seeraed impossible to
dispense with hira. The public outcry for his installation in responsible
leadership was irresistible. His genius was openly decried, and his
adrainistration conderaned by his superiors, yet it was utterly in vain
so far as the public confidence was concerned. The people stubbornly

280

THE DOWNFALL BEGAN,

believed in him, and the soldiers clamored for his Generalship and
fought under it with an unshakable trust and a loving enthusiasm.
And while he labored under a continuous censure from the Confederate
rulers, he enjoyed a constant triumph of praise from the raasses of the
people. It certainly presents a strange incident of the war, this incon
gruity of Johnston's connection with the struggle. Another curious
fatality of Johnston was, that his genius was conspicuously and raost
raournfuUy vindicated by the. blundering faUure of others, instead of
the successes achievable by the enforceraent of his counsels and plans.
When Gen. Johnston was reraoved he had been fighting an army
double his own for seventy-four consecutive days. He had lost in
killed and wounded 9,450 men, and inflicted a loss upon the enemy
equal to the Southern army. He turned over to Gen, Hood a splendid
experienced array of 50,627 veteran soldiers, disciplined, seasoned and
buoyant, as fine a band of fighters as the world ever saw, well equipped
and armed, vvell officered, weU organized and invincible in Gen, John
ston's hands against attack. The reraoval of Johnston was the begin
ning of the end. It was the turning point to ultiraate failure. Sher
man gave a long, deep breath of relief, and said, " Heretofore the fight-
.ing has been as Johnston pleased, but that hereafter it would be as he
pleased." ,
From this time on, the cause steadily sank, untU it was engulfed in
ruin. The army was the prop of the cause, and the leadership was
given to one who was brave enough, but who fatally underestimated its
value. Territory lost could be regained. The army gone, the cause
was dead. The downfall was progressing surely, and our great Georgia
was the theater of its enactment in strange fuUUlment of romantic
destiny.

GEN J E.JOH NSTON.

CHAPTER XXIX.
SHERMAN TEARS ATLANTA FROM HOOD.
The Georgia Militia. — Gen. G. W. Smith. — Gov. Brown's Heroic Ardor. — Johnston's
Praise of Brown. — Brown and Davis. — Hood's Gallant Waste. — The Battles of the
18th and 22nd of July around Atlanta. — The Death of Col. John M. Brown,
brother of Gov. Brown. — Shermanis Cavalry. — Stoneman's Capture. — Hood's At
tack 28th July. — Bombardment of Atlanta. — Gov. Brown orders out County
Officers. — Hood Sends off his Cavalry. — Jonesboro. — Atlanta Falls. — Its Moral
Effect. — The South Stunned. — The North Vivified. — Compliments to the State
Militia. — Gov. Brown and Mr. Sedden in their Last Stern Correspondence. — The
Close of a Series of Intellectual Conflicts that will Gain Interest with Time. — De
Fontaine's Peu Picture of Joe Brown. — Sherman in Atlanta. — His Exile of her
People — Hood and Sherman. — Tart Letters. — Beauregard. — Convention of Gov
ernors. — Mr. Davis and Ben Hill Visit Georgia. — Davis' Unwise Speech at Macon. —
A Photograph of Mr. Davis. — His Qualities and Needs. — Hood sent to Tennessee.
— And the Dark End at Hand. — The Appointment of General A. R. Lawton
Quarterma.ster-General of the Confederate Government. — A Distinguished Officer.
— The Great Compliment of this Assignment. — A Vast Responsibility Well Borne.
— Georgia's Controlling Agency Continued in this. — Gen. Lawton's Brilliant Admin
istration. — Destruction of all the Quartermaster's Papers. — The Enlistment of
Negro Soldiers. — A Remarkable Document.
We have come to Hood's fatal assumption of coramand, in the heart
of Georgia, of the most important of the twin armies of the Confeder
acy, on the 17th day of July, 1864. Atlanta and its vicinity were to
becorae the arena of momentous occurrences. The defenses around
Atlanta had been going on for weeks. Heavy rifled cannon had been
brought frora Mobile; the railitary shops had been removed. Gov.
Brown had organized over 10,000 of the State mUitia, and placed them
in the trenches around Atlanta, under Major-General Gustavus W.
Smith, with Gen. Toorabs as chief of staff, who was placed under Gen.
Hood's orders. The conduct of Gov. Brown in this crisis deserves all
praise. He did all that mortal man could to aid the desperate and fail
ing cause. His appeals were eloquent and urgent for the sons of the
State to rally to its defense. He had used every possible means to
supply the troops with arras and clothing. He had chartered ships to
import supplies. The Confederate Secretary of the Treasury refused
to permit any vessel to clear unless she carried out one-half of the
cargo for the Confederate government, which blocked Gov. Brown's

282 THE BATTLE OF ATLANTA, JULY 22ND, 1864.
operations. He had bought 30,000 blankets for soldiers and 30,000
cotton cards, and had 300 bales of cotton loaded on the ship Little
Ada to send out and pay for them, when Mr. Memminger refused a
clearance for her. Gov. Brown, in conjunction with Gov. Clark, Gov.
Watts and Gov. Vance appealed to Congress for relief. The matter
created much comraent at the time, but the Confederate authorities
refused to yield.
Gen. Johnston states in his " Narrative," that on all occasions he was
zealously seconded by Gov. Brown. Quite an important correspond
ence took place between Gov. Brown and Mr. Davis in June, 1864.
Gov. Brown wrote to Mr. Davis asking if reinforceraents could not be
sent to Georgia, and suggesting that Forrest or Morgan cut Sherman's
communications. Mr. Davis replied, saying that he could not change
the disposition of our forces so as to help Gen. Johnston more effec
tually. Gov. Brown answered: " If your mistake should result in the
loss of Atlanta and the occupation of other strong points in this State
by the enemy, the blow may be fatal to our cause, and remote posterity
may have reason to mourn over the error."
Gen. Hood lost little time in assuming the aggressive. Throwing
completely over the cautious Fabian strategy of Johnston, Hood cora
mitted an error that the raost ordinary soldier would have avoided —
threw his army against Sherman's double force, strongly entrenched,
and raet with a bloody repulse. If Sherraan with twice the raen had
been unable to ever drive Johnston, what hope could Hood possibly
have to force strong entrenchments with half the men. Hood took
comraand at sunset on the 18th July, 1864. On the 20th, in the after
noon, he struck Sherraan on the Buckhead road running frora the
Chattahoochee river to Decatur. He indented the Federal line at the
first onset, but a five hours' gory battle sent hira hustling back with a
loss of about 5,000 raen against a Federal loss of 1700. Nothing
daunted. Hood moved out on the Federal left on the night of the 21st,
and on the morning of the 22nd pounced savagely upon Sherraan.
There has been no heavier fighting than this fierce battle. From 11
o'clock until night it raged. The Confederates secured several important
advantages by sheer audacity. Gen. James P. McPherson was killed
in this battle. Gen. McPherson, though a young officer, was one of
the most brilliant* in the Federal armies. A monument in the woods
near Atlanta marks the spot where he fell. Several batteries were
captured, and several valuable positions taken gallantly. Wheeler's
cavalry did good service. Prodigies of superb but useless valor were

¦^^'f*^^'^;

^ w

>.£A,J_- 1 lEN. .lAl-zTF S B. M? PH KRS 0 N .

GOVEENOE brown's BEOTHEE KILLED. 283
done by Hood's noble men. But Sherman was too strong and too game.
Hood withdrew frora his fatally earned inches of progress with two
pitiful guns and the loss double the eneray, whose hard fighting was
shown in a suraraary of 3,722 casualties. In this battle Gen. W. H.
T. Walker was killed and Gen. Mercer wounded. Among the desper
ately hurt was Lieut. Col. John M. Brown, a brother of Gov. Brown,
who was wounded while leading his regiment, one of the State organi
zations, gallantly in a charge. He was twenty-five years old. He had
been wounded at the battle of Resaca while holding the rank of Major.
He returned to his command before his wound was healed, and was unani-
raously elected Lieut. Colonel. He took part in the Kennesaw battle.
He was coraraanding the regiment on the 22nd. He was a very prom
ising officer, and beloved by his regiment. This was the second brother
that Gov. Brown lost in the service. Col. Brown died from his wound
at the executive mansion on the 25th of July, 1864. While standing
by the bedside of his dying brother. Gov. Brown was called upon to
provide means for the defense of Milledgeville threatened by a raid, and
it seemed doubtful if he would be permitted to bury his brother in
peace. Sherman's cavalry were very active. Garrard broke sorae bridges
near Covington on the Georgia road. Rousseau tore up the West Point
road at Opelika. Stoneraan with 5,000 troopers and McCook with 4,000
went out to meet on the Macon road and rip up matters. Both cora
mands were surrounded. McCook escaped, but Stoneman surrendered
to a force consisting of Iverson's Georgia brigade, Adams' Alabaraa
brigade and Williaras' brigade, under coraraand of Brig. Gen. Alfred
Iverson. Stoneman had attacked Macon but had been repulsed by a
part of Gov. Brown's militia under Gen. Cobb, both Gov.' Brown and
Gen. Cobb being on the field, and acting under suggestion of Gen. Jos.
E. Johnston, who was present supervising the engageraent. Over 600
Federals were captured. The grateful citizens of Macon proposed a
dinner to Iverson and his coramand, but the command was ordered away.
before the purpose could be carried out.
The fighting around Atlanta up to this time had been done on the
South-east. Sherman moved his forces over on the west side, and Hood
followed hira up. On the 28th of July, 1864, Hood made another of
his daring onslaughts upon Sherman with the same unsuccessful and
bloody result, a loss of three or four of his own men to one of the
enemy. The losses of Hood in killed and wounded, not including the
captured, up to July the 31st, frora the night of the 18th, or thirteen

284 THE BOMBAEDMENT OF ATLANTA.
days, w^re 8,841, or only 609 less than Johnston had lost in seventy-four
days' continuous battle, in which Johnston had whipped every conflict
and Hood lost every one he had fought. On the 5th of August Schofleld
struck Hood's line, but was driven back with a loss of 400 raen. This
was the sole Confederate success won by Hood, and it illustrated the
wisdom of Johnston's strategy. A division of Federal cavalry made an
attack upon Macon, but were repulsed by Maj. Gen. Howell Cobb with
two regiments of militia and several other coraraands.
Sherraan constantly bombarded Atlanta, throwing his shot and shell
into the heart of the city. The private residences were daily struck.
The dwelling of Judge C. H. Strong, the present clerk of the superior
court, the stores of Beech & Root and W. F. Herring on Whitehall
street, the residences of E. B. Walker and A. M. Wallace on Ivy street,
and hundreds of others, were damaged. People burrowed in their
cellars for protection; basement stories were at a decided premium;
and holes in railroad cuts were utilized in the cause of personal safety.
The campaign was rapidly culminating. Sherraan finding that direct
assault was unavailing, and that Hood had learned by. costly experience
the lesson that Johnston had so astutely understood at the start, that
he must economize his army, again resorted to his old strategy. In the
meantime Gov. Brown, appreciating the emergency, was reinforcing the
State militia. He used every means to get raen to the front. Sorae
foreigners were dodging military duty. He issued an order dri-ving
aliens from the State unless they would do service. He ordered out the
county officers. He infringed pretty nearly upon the cradle and the
grave. His energy was unbounded. And the raw State railitia did
noble duty. Gen. Johnston on the 7th of July wrote to Gov. Brown
complimenting the Georgia State troops. After the battle of the 22nd
of July Gen. Hood wrote Gov. Brown that they had fought with great
gallantry. The field officers were as follows:
First Brigade, Brigadier General R. W. CarsweU.
First Regiment, Colonel E. H. Pottle.
Second Regiment, Colonel C. D. Anderson.
Fifth Regiment, Colonel S. S. Stafford.
First Battalion, Lieutenant Colonel McCay.
Second Brigade, Brigadier General P. J. Phillips.
Third Regiment, Colonel Jno. M. Hill.
Fourth Regiment, Colonel R. McMillan.
Sixth Regiment, Colonel J. W. Burney.
Independent ArtiUery Battalion, Colonel C. W. Stj^les.

ATLANTA LOST BY THE CONFEDEEATES. 285
The Staff was as follows:
Major General, Gustavus W. Sraith.
Inspector General, General Robert Toombs.
Adjutant General, Major W. K. De Graffenseid.
Chief of Artillery and Ordnance, Colonel Joseph S. Claghorn.
Chief Quartermaster, Colonel L. H. O. Martin.
Chief Commissary, Major W. J. Williford.
Medical Director, Dr. H. R. Casey.
Division Surgeon, Dr. Thoraas A. Rains.
Aid-de-Carap, Colonel Linton Stephens.
Gen. Sherman struck out on the 25th of August, 1864, for his final
raischief in the raatter of securing Atlanta. Gen. Hood perpetrated
another of his irreparable blunders, that Gen. Johnston so unerringly
avoided. He sent off Wheeler's cavalry to cut the State road. Sherman
leaped to the opportunity. He dashed down on the West Point railroad
and tore up twelve continuous miles. He then raade for the Macon
raUroad, threatening it for eleven railes frora Rough and Ready to Jones
boro. Hardee and S. D. Lee were at Jonesboro, and made a rushing
onslaught upon the Federal force on the 31st of August, 1864, but
retired, finally with a heavy punishment upon both sides. The next day,
the 1st of September, Lee having been withdrawn by Hood the night
before, Sherman attacked Hardee's attenuated line late in the afternoon.
The fight was a frightful one, and Hardee's dauntless corps, fighting
overwhelming odds, covered itself all over with glory. But a break was
raade at one point by the pure pressure of numbers. The line reforraed
in the short distance of one hundred and fifty yards frora the break, and
held until night. But the carapaign was ended. The road to Atlanta
was in Sherraan's hands, and Hood raoved out of Atlanta araid the
thunder of exploded magazines and the baleful light of burning military
stores, fired to destroy them. In the silence of the night the reverbera
tions of this ominous noise, the counterfeit of battle, and the gloomy
glare of conflagrations at Atlanta, came down the twenty miles to cheer
the slurabering Federal conquerors, and to sadden the weary, mutilated
legions of Hardee, sullenly leaving the blood-stained streets of Jonesboro.
The moral effect of the fall of Atlanta was simply imraeasurable. In
Virginia, Lee had repulsed every assault, destroying innuraerable Fed
erals, and manning his lines with a seemingly untouched capacity of
resistance. Jubal Early, in the Valley, had won a startling success. The
North was gloomy. A convention there clamored for peace. The peo
ple grumbled savagely. An additional half a million of soldiers was

386 THE EFFECT OF THE FALL OF ATLANTA.
drafted, and Lincoln squinted at peace negotiations. In this pervasive
depression, the capture of Atlanta thriUed the -Union with its ringing
spell. The Southern Heart was reached. Half of Georgia lay writhing
in Sherman's iron grasp, and with it the Gate City, the Key to our
Southern railroads, workshops, granaries, prisons, and arsenals. Stand
ing midway between the cotton and grain belts the Federal commander,
viewing the successful issue of his wonderful campaign, with its superb
succession of battles and strategy, and the sorely wounded army of his
foe, driven, shattered and bleeding frora its cherished and vital strong
hold, sent back to the North such a note of encourageraent and triuraph
as gave lasting inspiration to the Union cause.
But if the taking of Atlanta so enthused and strengthened the North,
it fell upon the South with a proportionately depressing effect. Men
began to talk of peace. Some gentlemen wrote to Alec Stephens and
HerscheU V. Johnson, the two strong Union men at the beginning of
the war, for their views of the propriety of attempting a peace move
ment. Both replied advising against it then. In the lull in operations
following the fall of Atlanta, Gov. Brown furloughed the state raUitia
for thirty days to go home and look after domestic matters and prepare
for the next campaign. This militia force embraced men not included
in the conscription law, the state officers and boys down to 16 years,
and old men up to 55. Many of them had seen service and been
discharged for disability. They were dubbed " Joe Brown's Pets."
They were unable to stand much hardship, but as has been seen they
had fought heroically, and performed service that was gratefully ac
knowledged by both Generals Johnston and Hood, in the following
letters: " Neak'Chattahoociiee, 7th July, 1864.
" To His Excellency, .J. E. Brown, Governor :
" I have the pleasure to inform you that the State Troops promise well, and have al
ready done good service. While the army was near Marietta they were employed to
support the cavalry on tlie extreme left, and occupied a position quite distinct from any
other infantry of ours. According to all accounts, their conduct in the presence of the
enemy was firm and creditable. Such Federal parties as approached the crossing places
of the Chattahoochee guarded by them, have been driven back. These proofs of their
value make me anxious that their number shall be increased. Is it possible ? You
know that the distinguished officer at their head is competent to high command.
" Most Respectfully, Your obedient servant, J. E. JOHNSTON."
" Head-quakters, July 23d, 1864.
" To His Excellency, Governor Brown :
" The State Troops under Major Gen. Smith fought with great gallantry in the
action of yesterday. J. B. HOOD, General."

COEEESPONDENCE BETWEEN GOV. BEOWN AND ME. SEDDON. 287
The following is an extract from a letter from Major General G. W.
Smith to Gov. Brown, relative to the fight of the 22d July, at Atlanta:
" The Militia did themselves great credit outside of the trenches on Friday. They
marched over the breastworks — advanced upon the entrenchmeuts of the enemy in fine
order, took position within three hundred yards, and silenced the artillery by musketry
fire through the embrasures. We had uo support on our right within a raile, none on
our left within six hundred yards, and our troops on the left were driven back.
" We held our position for several hours, and only withdrew after receiving iin order to
that effect from General Hood, which onier was given because the troops upon our left
had been repulsed. There was not a single straggler."
These troops were the occasion of the last raeraorable controversy
between Gov. Brown and the Confederate administration. Mr. Davis,
through Mr. Seddon, made requisition upon Gov. Brown for these 10,000
railitia and such other force as he raight be able to raise; those in Gen.
Hood's departraent to report tb him, and those outside to the command
ant of South Carolina and Georgia. This requisition was dated August
30, 1864, and alleged the condition of the State subjected to formidable
invasion as the basis for it.
In the desperate stress of the Confederacy and the stern spirit that
pervaded all classes in the consciousness of irapending disaster, the
forms of politeness were ignored. The antagonism between these high
officials had widened and become inore embittered. The correspondence
is as fiery, incisive and biting as it was possible to be. It was war to
the knife. The requisition of Mr. Seddon was received on the 12th of
September, and Gov. Brown raade iramediate reply. He regretted that
Mr. Davis was so late in discovering that Georgia was in such danger.
The " forraidable invasion " began in May and was still going on. He
scathed the railitary policy that had scattered forces instead of concen
trating at the point of danger, that had withheld reinforcements until
the damage was accomplished, and that had left in our rear a camp of
30,000 Federal prisoners. He scored the administration for not discov
ering that these troops were already in the trenches fighting under Gen.
Hood. As the call for them was unnecessary, he argued that Mr. Davis
desired to get control of the whole of the reserve railitia, disband its
organization and put his own officers over the troops. These coraraands
had been gallantly fighting and many of them filled soldiers' graves.
No other state had organized such a force not subject to conscription,
and placed it in command of the Confederate general, and no such
requisition was made upon the Governor of any state but Georgia.
The requisition, too, was made in such a manner as to take the troops
out of the trenches rather than putting them in, dividing the troops and

288 THE SECEETAEY OF WAE AND GOVERNOE BEOWN.
sending a part of thera to Charleston. Gov. Brown refused to honor
the requisition, but said that he should keep these troops at the front
under comraand of the Confederate General as long as he staid in
Georgia. Gov. Brown went on to suggest that Georgia had fifty regi
raents in Virginia besides soldiers in every State. If her brave sons
could return to fight for their own State, if they could not drive back
the invader, they would perish in a last effort.
October 8, 1864, Mr. Seddon replied. He began : " It requires for
bearance in reply to raaintain the respect I would pay your station and
observe the official propriety you have so transcended." The reason of
the call was to get the full organization of railitia, impart unity and
efficiency to the troops, and subsist and pay thera at Confederate expense.
The President had the right to call such militia. This is the first case
where the right had been questioned. In the war with Great Britain,.
Massachusetts and Connecticut had raade some such point, but it was
overruled, and the impression was created that these states were in
collusion with the enemy. Mr. Seddon directly charged that Gov.
Brown's prominent and influencing reasons sprung frora " a spirit of
opposition to the governraent of the Confederate States and animosity
to the chief magistrate whora the people of the Confederacy have
honored by their choice and confldence." He said that Gov. Brown's
resistance to conscription had irapaired the help given to Georgia; that
his suspicions of Mr. Davis wanting to disband the militia to reorganize
it with his own officers was chimerical; that he had formed nondescript
organizations, scant in men and full of officers, affording scarcely a
decent division of 4,000 men out of an alleged 16,000, and that Gov.
Brown had, by the spirit of his past action and public expressions,
caused our enemies to feel encouraged, and the patriotic citizens of the
Confederacy to feel mortified. He closed with these biting words:
" To the department it would be far more grateful, instead of being engaged in
reminding of constitutional obligations and repelling unjust imputations, to be co-operat
ing with your Excellency in a spirit of unity and confidence in the defense of your State
and the overthrow of the invader."
Gov. Brown, on November 14, 1864, repUed that he intended no
personal disrespect in his letter. He was dealing with princijsles and
proposed to do so frankly. He dissected the nature of the call made on
him for boys and old men not subject to conscription or to serve in
armies, and showed there was no analogy to the case of Massachusetts
and Connecticut, who were called on for men liable to service. In the
case of Georgia the call was for militia not subject to duty, or to Con-

SOME SHARP SPARRING. 289
federate call, and not called for from any other State, but already in
the field under the Confederate commander. Gov. Brown went on in
this letter to answer the various points made against him; that his
"nondescript" organizations were in exact conformity to the law;
that his " scarcely decent division " of 4,000 men only embraced the
territory between Atlanta and the Tennessee line, leaving the territory
below with 12,000 men untouched; that any interruption with Con
federate plans was imaginary; that he could scarcely have given more
encouragement to the enemy than Mr. Davis did in his Macon speech
when he informed the world that two-thirds of the Confederate soldiers
were away from their posts, and . that his animosity to Mr. Davis
was really his unwillingness to indorse the errors of the administration.
His concluding sentence thus reads:
" No railitary authority, State or Confederate, can be lawfully used for any other
purpose than to uphold the civil authorities, and so much of it as the Constitution of my
country has confided to my hands shall be used for that purpose, whether civil society,
its constitution and laws shall be invaded from -without or within. Measured by your
standard, this is doubtless disloyalty. Tested by raine, it is a high dutv to my country."
Mr. Seddon answered on the 13th of December, 1804. His letter
continues the sharp discourtesy, stating that if there had been any
" want of faith or breach of duty " Gov. Brown was the " guilty party,"
alluding to what he called Gov. Brown's " garbled extracts " from the
correspondence with the department, and speaking of his " wanton and
reckless assaults " upon the Confederate administration. In his con
cluding letter, dated January 6, 1865, Gov. Brown refers to the devasta
tion of Georgia, and says that the only slight barrier to the foe was this
very militia of boys and old men that he refused to turn over to Mr.
Davis and permit a portion of thera to be sent to Charleston as required
by Mr. Davis while they were in the trenches defending Atlanta.
This correspondence reflected the temper of those stern days, and
closed a series of constitutional conflicts that will gain interest with the
passage of time. And they will become unceasingly famous in illustrat
ing, to use the expressive language of Mr. Grady, that vivid user of
words: "Brown, the pallid, forceful mountaineer, who held the helm
through Georgia's bloodiest days, and went through a revolution as the
foU of its President, standing for the sovereignty of the States against a
centralized confederacy."
It will not be inappropriate in this connection to quote from the
journalistic correspondence of that day a portion of a letter written
from Georgia to the Charleston South Carolinian by Mr. F. G. De Fon-
19

290 F. G. DE Fontaine's sketch of goveenoe brom'n.
taine. He wrote over the name of " Personne," which he made famous
then, and he was a rival of our own Georgia war correspondent. Col.
P. W. Alexander, who under the initials " P. W. .A." achieved so rauch
distinction for his war letters. De Fontaine was very brilliant and his
letters were vivid and sparkling pictures. Here is his letter alluded to,
and it portrays Gov. Brown:
" Take a delicately constructed human form, robe it in a sumraer suit of black with
that careless grace which so well becomes a Southern gentleman ; give it a light quick
step and an easy motion wliich betokens at once the peacefulness of a lamb or the leap
of a tiger ; let there rise from the recesses of a roughly turned shirt collar, a long mus
cular neck, on -which there sets a handsomely shaped head — not too broad across the
eyes, but long from front to rear, and high from ears to summit — a little too large for
the body below, both as regards motive power and proportion ; surmount the whole with
a not too quickly growing raass of iron gray hair, which is brushed well back from the
temples, revealing a tall, expansive and expressive forehead, marked with lines of men
tal toil; set under a brow indicative of the moral strength of the man, a pair of keen
dark eyes, mild or piercing as his thoughts mivy chance to flow, whose variable color
raay be' either gray, black or brown ; fasten in its proper place one of those solid looking
noses by which Napoleon used to choose his thinking men ; close the catalogue of feat
ures by the addition of a large Henry Clay style of mouth, with an under jaw that can
work with the force and vehemence of a trip hammer, and lips so pliable, that like his
eyes, they express every feeling, and you have the tout ensemble of the not ungraceful
form and clean shaven face of a man whose name has gone the rounds of every house
hold in the confederacy— His Excellency, Joseph E. Brown, Governor of Georgia.
"An hour's convfersation has revealed liim to me .as one of the most remarkable men
it has been my fortune to encounter during the war, not remarkable perhaps for high
intellectual attainments — thougli probably he is not wanting in these— but remarkable
in the possession of those .strong personal qualities which erainently fit hira for the posi
tion he now occupies, as a leader of the people of his state, and au obstinate opponent of
the policy of the general governraent.
" If his manner is polite to a fault, and winning in its silent eloquence, his conversa
tion is doubly attractive, as the outpouring of a nature evidently sincere, conscientious,
and fully irabued with a sense of the grave responsibilities with which he has been in
vested. His utterances are rapid, though frequently overtaking speech, and his gestures
few, but forcible and nervous. Fastening his eyes on one who converses witli him, fa(t
after fact, and statement after statement roll from his lips iu quick succession, until the
whole arguraent clearly aud corapletely shaped stands before you like a picture. Then
he becomes a ready listener, with great frankness, he combines a determination th<at
never baulks at difficulty, and would make him almost fierce in the achievemeut of an
end, the way to which was environed with obstacles. Shrewd as a politician, genial in
his social intercourse, accessible to any and all, plausible iu his statements, with great
success in the administration of state .affairs as an unimpeachable fact to back him, and .
raore than all, for his strength and fortress a principle always taking with the mass of
the people, I can readily understand the secret of the popularity wliich has been attaiueJ
by Gov. Brown.
"Remarking to him, iu the course of our interview, that his policy was not generally
understood beyond the limits of liis own state, and was accordingly regarded as inimical

"peesonne's" sketch of governor brown, continued. 201
to the best interests of the Confoder.acv, he replied, and not without some force, that the
platform on which he sto.id now, \vas tlie same as tliat occupied by every state of the
Confederacy iu 1861. Georgia, in common with her sisters, as a .sovereign state, liivd
delegated to the general government, as an agent, certain powers ; and only when these
were transcended or usurped by Mr. Davis, or by Congress, had he (the Governor)
stepped forward to enter his protest agaiust the act. In so doing he had merely raade
au issue on principle, that it might not be retorted upon hira in the future that he
silently acquiesced in raeasures clearly inconsistent with the spirit of the Constitution.
The encroachraents of centraliz.ed power Iiad been the curse of tlie coutineut, and it be
hooved every statesman in the South to see to it that wliileyieldiiiL;- to our own general
government all proper support, every attempt by it to interfere with the action of the
state authorities should be promptly raet and checked. To use the Governor's own
illustration — we were all sailing iu the sarae boat, and although the pilot at the helm
miglit be steering upon a reef, the crew while discovering the da'nger should only pro
test, not mutiny. Thus he would be the last man iu the Confederacy to tlirow obstacles
in the w.ay of the President, and had ever rendered all the support in his power. He
had always furnished raore troops than vvere demanded, and he was in the present in
stance calling ou his militia without a hint to that end from the Executive. Peace he
did not want and -would not have, except on terms consistent witli the honor of the
South ; and hence he was utterly and every way opposed to tlie efforts on the part of
a faction in North Carolina to get up a state convention, looking to the accomplishment
of that object by any other means than those now employed. He had advised against
it and should continue to do so. The idea of a further secession on the part of any
Southern state was preposterous, and those who imagined th.at the attitude of Georgia
to-day, or of auy of her oSicials, lent color or probability to such an event, were commit
ting one of the greatest of errors.
" I confess rayself surprised at the frank definition of his position which Gov. Brown
gave me. Although the above is but the substance of his remarks, I repeat thera to
your readers, because they will serve to disabuse raany a raind of the idea, that he is
tlie dangerous ' element of discord ' which thousands now believe him to be."
This letter is a valuable, and in many respects a remarkable one, and
especially so in the intuition of Gov. Brown's character attained in so
brief a scrutiny. It is a fine piece of word-painting, and an accurate
comprehension and fair statement of Gov. Brown's iraportant position.
ilr. De Fontaine's picture is well worthy of preservation.
Recurring to Gen. Sherman's occupation of Atlanta, he inaugurated
a vigorous policy. His idea seemed to' be to make it purely a military
station. Upon his entrance he was met by the Mayor, Col. .lames M.
Calhoun, and other citizens, who sought the protection of the city. He
issued an order outlawing Col. G. W. Lee, Col. Alexander M. Wallace,
Capt. G. W. Anderson and ]\Ir. C. W. Hunnicutt, on account of certain
alleged offenses against Union people. He ordered the departure of all
the citizens from Atlanta, and he notified Gen. Hood, on the 7th of
September, 1864, that he would remove them and their baggage to
Rough and Ready, sending the letter by James M. Ball and James R.

292 THE EXILE OF THE ATLANTA PEOPLE.
Crew. A sharp correspondence ensued. Gen. Hood replied jironounc-
ing the measure unprecedented in transcending the " studied and
ingenious cruelty of all acts ever before brought before the attention of
mankind, even in the darkest history of war." Gen. Sherman retorted
back, tartly telling Gen. Hood to "talk to the marines;" that the act
was a kindness to the people of Atlanta; and arraigning the Southern
generals for savagery in warfare, and the South for causing the war.
Gen. Hood replied, repelling the charge of harsh warfare by the South
em generals, declining to discuss any political questions, and declining
also to accept the statement, that the exile of a whole people of a city
at the point of the bayonet from their homes in the interest of the
United States government, was a kindness. The whole number thus
exiled was reported to be between 1,600 and 1,700 persons.
The policy of Gen. Sherman was a severe one, but it was based upon
the philosophy that war is a cruelty, and he drove to results unspar
ingly. The exile of the whole people, and the destruction of the city
afterwards, were evidently parts of his plan, which had the military
merit, whatever may be said of its humanity, that it gashed the Confed
eracy to death and ended the war in favor of the North.
Gen. Beauregard "vs'as assigned to the command of the Department
including Georgia. He visited Gov. Brown at ^lilledgeville, and received
an ovation from the people, to whom he made a brief speech expressing
his belief that Sherman could be driven from Georgia in sixty days if
the absentees would return to the army. Gen. A. R. ^A'right was
ordered to Georgia and placed in comraand at Augusta. Gen. Hardee
was ordered to Charleston and placed in charge of the coast.
A convention of the Governors of Georgia, Virginia, North Carolina,
South Carolina, Alabama and Mississippi, was held in Augusta on the
25th day of October, 1864, when resolutions of Gov. ^^"illiam Smith
were passed, expressing confidence in the success of the cause, and
pledging to the soldiers in the field every effort to increase our armies;
and also recommending the passage of certain measures to aid the
present prosecution of the war.
Early in October President Davis, accompanied by Hon. Benjamin H.
Hill, visited Georgia. During all of these trying days Mr. Hill was in
close counsel with Mr. Davis, affording him a hearty co-operation and
sympathy. It was a coincidence at once interesting and suggestive,
that the main props and opponents of the administration's policy were
Georgians. Before the removal of Gen. Johnston, Mr. HiU had made a
visit to him as a quasi-representative of Mr. Davis. On the visit in

JEFFERSON DAVIS. 293
October, 1864, Mr. Hill was with him, and they spoke together. At
Macon, Mr. Davis made a speech, to which Gov. Brown raakes reference
in his last letter to Mr. Seddon in the correspondence about the State
railitia heretofore given. Mr. Davis gave a gloomy view of matters in
this noted speech. He stated that two-thirds of the Southern armies
were absent from duty. He also called the retreat from Dalton a " deep
disgrace." He declared the raan who charged that he had abandoned
Georgia a " miserable man " and " a scoundrel." In that unconquerable
spirit which belonged to this raost heroic man, — the very type and
incarnation of dauntless courage — he urged the people not to despond.
But in spite of this resolute spirit that breathed from him unquailingly,
his speech did infinite harm. It encouraged the foe and chilled our own
people. The revelation was impotent for good. The tone of Mr. Davis
was damaging to our cause. It was a sour, spiteful utterance, that
showed deep concern and unpoised irritability. It was the anguish of a
conscientious soul over calamity to cherished hopes.
Mr. Davis had noble qualities and was a great man. He had many of
the requirements of his terrific position — his overwhelming trust. But
yet he was not the raan as a whole for it. He was brave, able, honest,
loyal, firra. The heroic element in Davis was great. His intellect was
of uncommon power and culture. Mr. Davis was an orator, a statesman,
a general, a patriot. He was intelligent and conscientious. But he
lacked mobility. He was a man of stubborn prejudices and a jagged
teraper. The diplomacy of statesmanship he knew not at all. He had
a large faculty of making enemies. He was not a wise raan. He lacked
great common sense. He obstinately clung to useless and unavailable
instruments. His resentments potently and yet unknowingly governed
his action. He was a singular blending of the true and the unwise.
Mr. Davis did not seera to learn anything from his mistakes. All men
make blunders, and raost men profit by thera. He profited nothing.
He clung intrepidly to his errors. He showed a sublime tenacity in
adhering to unpopular and unsuccessful recipients of his confidence.
But it is undeniably true that the Confederacy had than he no higher
symbol of unvanquishable courage, constitutional principle and exalted
patriotism. Mr. Davis and Mr. Hill went to Hood's head-quarters, and the result
of the conference of the President with the General of this priceless
army was that in a few days Hood started on that ill-fated expedition
into Tennessee which ended in the annihilation of the army. And Sher
man was free to go on his "March to the Sea," which gave the death-

294 GEN. A. R. LAWTON, CONFEDEEATE QUAE.-MASTER GENEEAL.
blow to the Southern Confederacy. Georgia stuck grimly to her fate
ful potency in the revolution. It seemed out of the range of possibility
to thwart this remarkable destiny.
Another conspicuous instance of Georgia's extraordinary and controll
ing agency in this war, was the appointment of that distinguished
Georgian, Gen. A. R. Lawton, to the head of the raost iraportant practi
cal branch of the war department, the Quartermaster's. Gen. Lawton
took charge as Quartermaster-General in August, 1863, and continued
to perform the stupendous duties of that responsible office until the sur
render. He was a South Carolinian by birth, a graduate of West Point,
and served in the 1st Regiment of U. S. Artillery for eighteen months on
the frontier of the British Provinces. Resigning he became a lawyer,
graduating at Harvard Law School, and settled in Savannah. He has
been one of the acknowledged leaders of the Georgia bar, conducting
many of the most important cases in the Supreme Court of Georgia, some
of them having been carried to and argued in the Supreme Court of the
United States.
As has been stated, he was Colonel of the only Volunteer Regiment
in Georgia when the war begun, and seized Fort Pulaski under Gov.
Brown's orders. He retained command in Savannah under state com
mission until in April, 1861, he was comraissioned Brigadier General in
the Confederate army and assigned to the comraand of the Georgia
coast until June-, 1862, when at his own request he went to Virginia with
5,000 men of his command that Gen. Lee called on him to send. Gen.
Henry R. Jackson had turned over to him his superb division of State
troops, and he had overl2,000 men under him at one tirae.
In Virginia his service was brilliant and honorable. He joined Stone
wall Jackson in the Valley, and returned with hira to make the flank
movement against McClellan and take part in the seven days' fight
around Richmond. His Brigade was the largest in Gen. Lee's army
and bore a conspicuous part, losing heavily in the battles of Cold Har
bor and Malvern Hill. When Ewell was wounded at 2nd Manassas he
took charge of that officer's division, which he commanded at Chantilly,
Harper's Ferry and Sharpsburg. He was seriously wounded at Sharps
burg and his horse killed. He was disabled untU May, 1873, when,
though still lame, he reported in person for duty to the Adjutant Gen
eral in Richraond. Under Gen. Lawton's command the Ewell division
made a glowing record. The Richmond press declared it had " covered
itself with glory."
Before Gen. Lawton reported for duty in May, 1803, the Confederate

?-"

'3

A. R. LAWTON,
Quartermaster-General, C. S. A.

GENERAL A. E. LAWTOn's GREAT RESPONSIBILITIES. 295
congress had conferred additional rank on the office of Quartermaster-
General, and thus gave the President the opportunity to confer that
rank on the officer then at the head of that Bureau, or to assign some
General officer to the discharge of its duties. The President and Secre
tary of War decided to assign General Lawton fo that position, tie ob
jected strenuously to ths assignment, declaring that he had entered the
service for duty in the field, that he had no experience whatever in
bureau service, and that the resources at the command of the Quarter
master-General were so reduced that no hand new at the business could
reorganize it with success. His objections were such as to cause a delay
of two or three months in ordering him to that duty. When it was
pressed upon him a second time. President Davis said that he considered
the position one of such importance to our success that there was no
man, of any rank whatever in the Confederate service, save only the corti-
manders of the two great ar.-nies, whom he would not withdraw from the
field, and assign to that duty, if he could find the person who was best
fitted for it. Under these circumstances Gen. Lawton was ordered to
the head of that Bureau, and took charge of it in August, 1863, and cour
tinued to perform its great and invaluable duties until the close of the war.
This assignment was a strong tribute to this distinguished officer, and
it curiously continued the masterful instruraentality of Georgia in the
revolution. The responsibilities thus assumed by Gen. Lawton were
appalling. The Quartermaster's department had charge of all field and
raUroad transportation over the whole iramense theater of war, includ
ing the furnishing and foraging of horses for all branches of the service;
it furnished all buildings, tents, and camp and garrison equipage, even
to cooking utensUs; all the clothing of the army; and was charged with
the payment of the troops. Its supervision extended from the Potomac
to the Rio Grande. Railways, destroyed by the ravages of war, had to be
kept in condition for transportation in a country practicaUy without
iron, -without locomotive works or rolling raills. Etorses had to be fur
nished for all the exigencies of war, within a territory which had never
supplied one half the demand, even for farming purposes and pleasure rid
ing. Clothing had to be created where there were not wool and leather
enough within the territory at our command for a coraplete outfit for
twelve months. These were some of the vast difficulties to be overcome.
A prominent Englishman, near the close of the war, remarked that it
was easier for his people to understand how one man, suffering under
wrongs and injuries inflicted, could meet and vanquish two or even three,
than it was for them to understand how we made one horse serve the

296 SOME OF GENERAL LAWTON's ACHIEVEMENTS.
purpose of three, and one pound of iron, or leather, or wool, perform the
service of three. These great difficulties were met by Gen. Lawton,
our capable and resolute Georgian, with an unsurpassable tact and
energy. His enterprise and resources were boundless. While the
papers of Richmond especially, and of other places, were constantly
declaring against and finding fault with the other supply departments
of the government, not one word of censure was ever written against
the administration of the Quartermaster-General's office while Gen.
Lawton was at the head of it. This constitutes remarkable testimony
to the efficiency of his administration of this stupendous duty, for he
had in the very nature of things to refuse five applications where he
could grant one, so liraited were our resources and so great the wants.
It was a colossal responsibility nobly borne.
Nor were his difficulties lessened by the fact, that nearly every one of
the appointments to office were made under the administration of his
predecessor, and therefore he had to deal with the personelle of a
department which he had no hand in selecting. He availed hiraself of
every opportunity to diminish the number of Quartermasters, and
steadily refused to increase them. He had to transport nearly all of the
food and horses of Gen. Lee's army a distance of six to eight hundred
miles by land, a thing never before accomplished in the history of war.
Perhaps the most striking case of prorapt transportation on worn-out
railroads that ever occurred, was the transfer of Longstreet's Corps
from the Rapidan in Virginia to the Chickamauga in Georgia, in time
to change the results of that bloody battle of the " River of Death."
Gen. Lee had a long and serious interview with Gen. Lawton about
sending that corps away, it being a most critical moment, and he feared
that the absence of these troops might expose his array to great danger,
while they might be too late to help Bragg. Gen. I^awton had all the
calculations made, based upon our resources, and promised to land this
corps at its destination by a certain day and hour. The corps reached
it twelve hours before the promised moment. Gen. Longstreet's corps
had quite a sprinkUng of Georgia troops. It was a striking coincidence
that the administrative genius of this Georgia Quartermaster-General
in the extraordinary movement of this body of troops, composed to a
considerable extent of Georgians, should have given to the Confederate
arms on Georgia soil one of the greatest victories of the war. Gen.
Sorrell, Adjutant-General to Gen. Longstreet, expressed the opinion
that this feat of transportation was one of the most successful o^ the
revolution.

COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, AS A DEPOT OP SUPPLY. 297
There were many briUiant features of Gen. Lawton's administration
of this great department — features raarked by that fine, discriminating
judgment that constitutes one of the most essential qualities of execu
tive capacity. He found that most of the factories had been stranded
by the irregular and arbitrary raanner in which the governraent had
taken control of their wares. He first appointed inspectors to visit
thera all and ascertain their resources, capacity and probable results.
They were then required to sell only a certain portion to the govern
raent, leaving thera free to sell the rest to the people, so that they could
procure the raoney, or other things by barter, necessary to keep thera
running. Thus was avoided tha danger of killing the goose that laid
the golden egg. The sarae course was pursued as to leather and other
articles required for the array.
In this connection every Georgian will take pride in the fact, which
also runs in the Une of our State supremacy to which so many allusions
have been made, that the city of Columbus, Georgia, furnished more
raanufactured articles of every kind to the Confederate Quartermaster's
department than any place in the Confederacy except Richmond, which
had all the protection and fostering care of the government. This
superiority was not relative, according to population; but absolute,
producing more clothing, shoes, hats, cooking utensils, axes, spades,
harness, etc., etc. Gen. Lawton found that clothing and other articles
coraing to us through the blockade were at once distributed and con
suraed under the orders of commanders controlling the ports where they
arrived; and of course those in "safe places " got the lion's share. This
was all stopped, and every bale of cloth, box of shoes and other supplies
were put under the exclusive control, on arrival, of the Quartermaster-
General, and thus they reached the men in the field.
Every branch of this vast and varied department was thus systema
tized, iraproved and raore economically administered by this clear-headed,
capable, positive Georgian, and from the civil and military heads as well
as the arraies and people, there was a continuous and universal approval
of his raasterly regirae.
The Quartermaster-General did not hold money or property; not be
ing a bonded officer, no funds were placed in his hands by the Treasury
department, and he never receipted for any property. The confusion of
the surrender found hira with nothing left in his charge, but the records
and papers of the Bureau, which were all destroyed in the great fire at
Richmond on the day of the evacuation.
Perhaps nothing can demonstrate more vividly the stress of the

ggg COLORED ENLISTMENTS URGED.
Southern cause in the last days of the conflict, and tiie desperate pur
pose of its defenders to succeed than the foUowing extraordinary docu
ment, which not only urged the enUstment of negro soldiers, but pro
posed to take colored recruits into white regiments. Gen. Lee and Gen.
Cleburne favored the policy of negro soldiers, but the people, the armies
and the leaders, were against. Public sentiment was so rauch opposed to
this method of. recruiting our armies, that it was never done. The objec
tions offered to it were two-fold— that it would take away the laborers
from the field who were raising provision to feed the soldiers, and it was
equivalent to practical emancipation. But as large nurabers of the
colored men were enlisted in the Federal army and fought against us,
it is a grave question whether it would not have been wise to have thus
UtUized the blacks, offering them freedom for theU service. Whether
it would have had any appreciable effect upon the result is a matter of
speculation. The e.xperiment was not tried on the Southern side of the
struggle, and the faUure to make it was a conspicuous example of the
strength of sentiment in directing an immense practical matter.
" Camp 49x11 Ga. Reg. I
Near Petersburg, March 15, 1865. )
" Col. W. H. Tavlor, A. A. G. :
"Sir: The undersigned comraissioned officers of this regiraent, having maturely
considered the following plan for recruiting this regiment, and having freely consulted
with. the. enlisted men, who almost unanimously .agree to it, respectfully submit it,
through you, to the Coramanding General for his consideration.
" First, That our corapanies be permitted to fill up their ranks with negroes to the
maximum nuraber under the recent act of Congress.
" Second, That the negroes iu these counties of Georgia, from which* our companies
hail frora, be conscribed, in such nurabers and under such regulations as the War De
partment may deera proper.
" Third, That after the negroes have been so conscribed, an officer or enlisted man
from each corapany be sent home to select from the negro coijscripts such who may
have owners, or raay belong to farailies of whom representatives are iu the company, or
who from forraer acquaintance with the men, may be deemed suitable to be incorpo
rated iu those companies.
" For the purpose of carrying out more effectuaUy and promptly tlie plan, .as indi
cated under the third head, it is respectfully suggested that each man in the regiment
be required to furnish a list of relatives, friends or acquaintances in his county, of wdiom
it is likely, that negroes may be conscribed, so as to facilitate the labors of the officer or
man who may be detailed to bring the negroes to tlie regiment.
" When in former years, for pecuniary purposes, -we did not consider it disgraceful to
labor with negroes in the field, or at the same work-bench, we certainly -jvill not look
at it in any other light at this time, when an end so glorious as our independence
is to be achieved.' We sincerely believe that the adoption throughout our army of the
course indicated in the above plan or something sirailar to it, will ensure a speedy

GENERAL LEE APPROVES COLOEED ENLISTMENTS. 299
availability of the negro eleraent, in our raidst for railitary purposes, and create or
rather cement a reciprocal attachment between the men now in service, and the negroes
highly beneficial to the service, aud whicli could probably not be otherwise obtained.
We have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servants,
" J. T. Jordan, Colonel,
J. B. Duggan, Major,
M. Newman, Adjutant,
L. E. Veal, First Lieutenan.t Co. A,
L. L. Williams, Captaiu Co's B and G,
J. F. DuGQAN, Captain Co. C,
L. M. Andrews, Captaiu Co. D,
C. 11. Walden, Lieutenant Co. E, •
A. G. Brooks, Lieutenant Co. F,
S. J. Jordan, Lieutenant Co. H,
AV.-U. T. Mullaly, Captain Co. I,
E. S. Anderson, Captain Co. G."
"Head-quahtees Thomas Brigade, I
March 18, 1865. j
" Respectfully Forwarded : Approved. "EDWARD L. THOMAS, Brig. Gen."*
"Head-quarters Wilcox's Light Division,)
March 21, 1865. )
" Respectfully Forwarded : Believing that the method proposed within is the best that
can be adopted. "C. M. WILCOX, Maj. Gen."
" Head-quarters, Third Corps, A. N. Va. |^
March 22, 1865. j
" Respectfully Forwarded : The plan proposed is commended as worthy of attention
and consideration. "H. HETH, Maj. Gen. Comd'g."
" EespectfuUy Returned : The Coramanding General commends the spirit displayed
by this regiment. The plan of organization which has been regarded most favorably,
proposed a. consolidation of the regiments of ten companies as tliey now exist, into
six companies, and that the regimental organization be maintained by attaching to the six
thus formed four companies of colored troops. Each regiment would then preserve its
identity. " Perhaps this plan would be equally as acceptalile to the 49th Georgia Regiment.
"By command of Gen. Lee.
" W. H. TAYLOR, A. A. G.
"March 27, 1865."
This novel and earnest document is an historic curiosity, a brave, prac
tical, patriotic paper, that will have a vital interest in all annals of this
great war. Gen. W. S. Walker, now living in Atlanta, urged the
policy in 1863 and 1864, and made the prediction, that the measure
would be proposed when it would be too late.

CHAPTER XXX.
SHERMAN'S PEACE EFFORT AND FAMOUS MARCH TO
THE SEA.
The First Atterapt at Peace.— Gen. Sherman its Author.— Georgia Keeps up her
Momentous Play in the War.— Gov. Brown and Alex. Stephens.— Mr. Lincoln
Looks with Interest.— Joshua HiU.— Judge A. R. Wright — Hood's Fatal Tennessee
Piogrararae. — Sherraan's Peril Ended by Confederate FoUy. — Georgia Gashed. —
" Smashing Things."— Atlanta Destroyed.— MilledgeviUe Captured.— Gov. Brown
and Gen. Ira Foster.— The Convict Soldiers, — The Cabbage Calumny upon Gov.
Brown Corrected. — The Cadets — Battle of GriswoldviUe by Joe Brown's JMilitia. —
A Dreary Narrative of Ruin.— Union Sentiment Stamped Out.— Fort McAllister
Taken.— Hardee Leaves Savannah.— The March to the Sea Euded.— The Death
Blow of the Southern Cause. — Georgians out of the State. — Olustee and. Alfred H.
Cohiuitt.— Gen. J. B. Gordon. — The Georgia MiUtia at Honey HiU.— Gen. Ranse
Wright. — Two Governors. — The Legislature. — Gov. Brown's Message. — State
Property.— Our Indigents. — Our War Millionaires. — Fabulous Prices. — Bewilder
ing Aspects of the Pending Downfall.
Imjiediately after the capture and occupation of Atlanta, Sherman
conceived and attempted the execution of an idea, that if he could have
carried into operation, would have ended the war much earlier. ^A^hen
the history of our great civil war comes to be written, one of the
most interesting chapters will be the account of the episode here
referred to, the first effort that was made at peace. Geri. Sherman, as
has been stated, was the author of this attempt, and Georgia was both
the theater and object of his endeavors. The event was a continuation
of Georgia's momentous play in the war. She appeared fated to figure
in every possible role.
The facts of this important peace movement show it to have been
\ subtly conceived, important in its results of possibUity to the conflict
and eagerly watched by Mr. Lincoln, the President of the United
States. Gen. Sherman, in his .Memoirs of the A^^ar, makes brief allusion
to this peace matter, but he gives such meager details that the interest
and curiosity of the reader are only whetted for fuller information. B\'
an accident the writer's attention was called to it, and by direct
application to all the parties connected with it, including Gen. Sherman,
Hon. A. H. Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederacy, Gov. Joseph

PEESIDENT Lincoln's interest in sherbian's peace eefoet. 301
E. Brown, Hon. Joshua Hill, Judge Augustus R, Wright and Mr. WiUiam
' King, the full particulars of this striking and valuable episode of the
great war were obtained.
Gen. Sherman knew that Mr. StejDhens, the Vice-President of the
Confederacy, had so differed from Mr. Davis and his advisers as to lead
ing measures of his administration, that he took no share in the direc
tion of affairs, and seeraed to be in no sort of active connection with
the ruling powers. He opposed conscription and favored the govern
ment buying up the cotton crop and sending it to Europe to be used as
a basis of supjfly of munitions and recruits. Gen. Sherman also knew
of Gov. Brown's controversies with the Confederate authorities, that
had culminated in what seemed an embittered antagonism. These pow
erful public men were known to represent a large and popular sentiment
in Georgia.
In this state of things, the main cause discouraged, the Confederacy
riven into fragments, Georgia half overrun, and her leaders — many of
them — believed to be disaffected, and with the prospect .of a complete
devastation of the Commonwealth imminent. Gen. Sherman, with that
prolific fertility of resource and ready discernment of opportunity that
belonged to the man, seized the occasion to strike what, if it had been
successful, would have proved a powerful blow for the Union. It was
practically the attempt to eliminate the powerful state of Georgia with
her large forces from the opposition, and at one stroke to have blood-
lessly disintegrated the Confederate cause. If Georgia, through her
Govemor and his coadjutor in the work, the second officer of the Con
federacy, had withdrawn Georgia from the v/ar, or even induced her to
take the resolute initiative in peace, the great struggle would havfe been
practically ended.
Gen. Sherman, in his dispatch to President Lincoln, states his high
hope in the raatter, and the tremendous importance that he attached to
the movement when he says: "I am fully conscious of the delicate
nature of such assertions, but it would be a magnifi,cent stroke of
ptolicy if we could, without surrendering prhiciple or a foot of ground,
arouse the latent enmity of Georgia against Davis." And Mr. Lincoln,
in his response, said: " I feel great interest in the subjects of your dis
patch." And when later Mr. Davis made his visit to Macon and Hood's
army, Mr. Lincoln believed, as he telegraphed to Gen. Sherman, that
the object of Mr. Davis' visit was to see Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown,
to stop the peace mischief that Gen. Sherman had inaugurated with
those two dangerous gentlemen. Gen. Sherraan's idea was to appeal

302 the defisct of Sherman's peace effort.
to Georgia's safety from further war ravage and work it through
officials supposed to be liostile to the Confederate administration. No*
less than three messengers were sent by Gen. Sherman. Mr. William
King was his ambassador to both Gov. Brown and Mr. Stephens.
Judge A. R. Wright, of Rome, was sent to Washington, to talk with
President Lincoln, and by him entrusted with messages for Mr. Davis.
Hon. .loshua Hill, of Madison, Ga., was sent as messenger to Gov.
Brown. j\Ir. King was a citizen in private life, an elderly gentleman of
high character, old family, fine intelligence and unquestionable isatriot-
ism. The other gentlemen have been spoken of in tliis volume.
The fundamental idea of Gen. Sherman was separate State action of
Georgia; and herein was its intrinsic weakness. As much as ilr.
Stejahens condemned the policy of the administration of his Executive —
Mr. Davis — and as antagonistic as Gov. Brown felt to certain leading
measures of the Confederate authorities, neither of them was capable, in
any stress of disaster, and under any possession of State influence, of
deserting the fortunes of the Confederacy and leaving the other mem
bers of the compact to bear the calamities of failure. Wliile it was
simply an impossilsility that the soldiers or people of Georgia would
have been willing to purchase exemption from the common peril and
universal ruin by abandonment of the cause, thus securing safety by
dishonor. And both Gov. Brown and Mr. Stephens, frora their very
supposed attitude of disaffection and hostility to Mr. Davis, were
necessarily the raore careful in their conduct that no possible sus-
nicion of bad faith should attach to them.
j Both Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown declined to accept Gen. Sher-
' man's invitation to visit him on this peace mission. Mr. Stephens con
sidered that neither he nor Gen. Sherman had the proper authority to
represent and bind their respective governments, though if Gen. Sher
man should think that there was any prospect that he and Mr. Stephens
could agree upon terms of adjustment to be subraitted to the govern
ments, he would, with the consent of the Confederate authorities, meet him
and enter upon the task of restoring peace. This reply of JMr. Stephens
dissipated the idea that lie would act in the slightest degree independ
ently of 'Sir. Davis and take part in a separate negotiation by the State.
Gen Sherman, in his dispatch to President Lincoln, discloses the
agency he hoped Mr. Stephens would play in this shrewdly conceived
peace project, in these significant words: "The people do not hesitate
to say, that Mr. Stephens was and is a Union man at heart; and they
say that Davis wiU not trust him, or let him have share in his govern-

GOV. brown's action in the sherman peace movement. 303
ment." j\Ir. Stephens, by his reply, corapletely dropped himself out of
the project. Gov. Brown was unwilling to enter into any negotiations
involving separate State action. His dismissing the State militia for a
tirae to go horae and harvest the crops, and his calling the Legislature
together to consider the critical state of affairs, impressed Gen. Sherman
with the belief that Gov. Brown was leaning to the peace idea; that the
temporary disbandment of the State troops was an initiatory movement
in the raatter, while he wanted the Legislature to share the responsibility.
Mr. Davis raade his visit to Georgia at that tirae, and so strongly had
the peace plan of Gen. Sherraan, by securing Georgia's disaffecJ;ion
through Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown, seized and irapressed Mr. Lincoln,
that the President conceived and telegraphed Gen. Sherman : " I judge
that Brown and Stephens are the objects of his (Davis') visit." i
But Gen. Sherman and Mr. Lincoln were both mistaken. Tllfi^ nUs-
conceived Gov^Browiywho-never -fojLai mQineiit entertained the idea of
-vvithdi-a.wi^lg GQaia»a<»-4TTWiJ.i.g.r fipi-^fpflerafp. p.Hia.nGP... It is due to him
to say this, and it is also due to say that the peo2Dle of Georgia would
not have entertained such a proposition. They were comraitted to the
Confederacy, and raeant to rise or fall with it. There is no ground for
believing, as jMr. Lincoln iraagined, that Mr. Davis visited Georgia at
that time to look after Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown, and stop their
supposed peace raischief. His raission was to confer as to the proper
direction to be given to Hood's army in this critical juncture.
The peace mission was so important a one that Gov. Brown, at the
time, made a note of the whole raatter so far as he was concerned, which
was published for the information of the people. His action involved
an exceedingly able presentation of the question, showing that he gave
the raatter profound and conscientious reflection. That Georgia, in her
sovereign capacity, had the right to withdraw from the Southern Con
federate compact, not through her Executive, but through a convention
of her people, he had no doubt. But while she possessed this power,
she would never violate her faith pledged to her Confederate allies,
never shrink frora the suffering that fell to her lot, never raake separate
terms to save herself, and " whatever may be the opinion of her people
as to the injustice done her by the Confederate administration, she wUl
triumph with her Confederate sisters, or she will sink with them in one
common ruin." Gov. Brown argued, that Gen. Sherman and he had no
power or right to represent the governraent of the United States and
the government of 'the Confederate States, or in any way bind them.
Hon. Joshua HUl, in his interesting and graphic account, gives

304 JUDGE A. E. Wright's visit to president Lincoln.
sorae valuable information, showing Gen. Sherraan's desires, and also
contributes convincing testimony as to the stubborn fidelity of the
people to the cause. He made a strenuous effort to influence the Legis
lature to take some peace action, but could get no encouragement, and
finally desisted. Gen. Sherman, however, began to doubt the jiossibility
of success on his original idea of detaching Georgia from the Confed
eracy, and he widened his project to include broader negotiations and
larger agencies. Here comes in Judge Wright, who was sent by Gen.
Sherman to see President Lincoln, and, learning his pacific temper and
views, convey them to Mr. Davis.
The version furnished by Judge Wright is a most important contribu
tion to this peace narrative. He spent two weeks in Washington,
conferring daily with President Lincoln and his Cabinet, and finally
brought back to Mr. Davis messages of his willingness to enter upon
peace negotiations. The report of Mr. Lincoln's views is wholly new,
and is of incalculable value historically. Some of his statements will
be a revelation, and must do great honor to his raeraory. Among the
remarkable statements were, that " the South was a part of his country,
and as dear to him as the North. He had never had an idea of inter
fering with her rights." Also, that "he then had his proclamation of
amnesty written for the whole South, from Mr. Davis down to the
humblest citizen, and though a part of his Cabinet was opposed to it,
the day we laid down our arms it would be published, and the South
restored to her rights in the Union as far as was in his power." _Also,
that he was favorable to^.gradual emancipation.of the. jjiacks iru£wenty-
oiie^ years. . Mr. Lincoln's message to Mr. Davis was a very earnest one.
Judge M' right says that Mr. Lincoln " extracted frora him a solemn
promise that his friendly sentiments and his earnest desires for peace on
the basis of the rights of the States should be truly, fully and earnestly
impressed upon JMr. Davis."
Judge ^^'"right never had the chance of seeing Mr. Davis until after
the close of the war, and the message was, therefore, not delivered.
Judge Wright, however, told Mr. Lincoln that the peace raission would
be hopeless. There is little doubt, in the light of subsequent events,
that Mr. Davis would have refused to act on these raessages. His
unquenchable faith in the ultimate success of the Confederate cause,
and his unbending resolution to make no coraproraise, would have been
an insuperable barrier to any peace based upon the only idea upon
which Mr. Lincoln was willing to close the war, viz. : the submission of
the South to the Union.

PUBLIC OPINION IN GEOEGIA ON SUEEMAn's PEACE EFFOET. . 305
Rememberuig that his peace effort was raade in Septeraber, 1864, and
that the celebrated Hampton Roads conference between Mr. Lincoln and
Mr. Seward, of the North, and Mr. Stephens, Mr. Hunter and Judge
Campbell, of the South, took place in February, 1865, five months after,
it will be seen that Gen. Sherraan's atterapt at peace was the first that
was raade. The South, in 1864, was in a rauch better condition to nego
tiate peace than in 1865, and could have gained better terras. ^Ir.
Stephens was engaged in both attempts. In his book, " The ^^^ar
between the States," he gives a full account of the Hampton Roads
¦conference, and it is a matter of interesting significance that it is shown
very clearly that Mr. Lincoln was governed by the sarae ideas of policy
in both. The two peace efforts constitute a valuable and striking
episode of the great struggle, and will form an important and suggestive
chapter in the history of our civil war.
The matter at the tirae created a good deal of exciteraent in the
pubUc mind in Georgia. There was a varied comment upon it. Sorae
claimed that it was the duty of Gov. Brown and Mr. Stephens to accept
General Sherman's invitation, and make an effort to settle our troubles
by negotiation. Others, though not man}"-, in their flaraing zeal, con
tended that it was the duty of the Govemor to seize General Sherman's
messenger and order him hung as a traitor. The prevailing opinion
was that nothina: would come of it. But the incident was another
link in the chain of Georgia's governing influence in the great struggle,
an influence that covered both the war-like and peaceful features of the
revolution. The final strategy of tljis ghastlj- Georgia carapaign raust look, far
off in the cool, impartial future, like a terrible drama of tragic harle
quinade. Hood did the very folly that Sherraan would have praj-ed
' for hira to do, had he been a pious raan. As it was, the wily Federal
said, " If Hood wiU go to Tennessee, I wiU give hira rations to go
with." Mr. Da\'is had most unwisely blazoned in his speeches to the
dejected public this Tennessee programme. And as it reached Sherman
he had thus spoken. With Forrest banging and gashing at his long
line of communication, hundreds of miles, and a stout, solid, fierce
array before hira, he would have had a tough time. His fiat of exile
for the city of Atlanta evidenced his sense of danger. To have stayed
in Atlanta was unspeakably perilous. To have gone back would have
vielded the good of his victory. To go forward was to cut loose from
his base into the atmosphere like an anchorless ship. Sherraan was
deeply anxious. As he took Atlanta he made with a part of his force
20

306 SHERMAN STARTS TO TIIE SEA.
a little tentative dash at Hood's entrenched line at Lovejoys, and
recoUed, shivering". In this perplexing hour. Hood gayly bid adieu to
Atlanta, and coquetting up the state road, capturing squads at Big
Shanty, Acworth and Dalton, and destroying a respectable amount of
raUway track, skipped into Alabaraa, and thence into Tennessee.
Sherraan sent off Thoraas to care for Hood, took a little scout himself
in that direction, satisfied himself that Hood had really gone blunder
ing, and stripping himself to about 60,000 men, he started for the
Atlantic Ocean.
He began his easy but destructive raarch on the 15th day of Novem
ber, 1864. Spreading out his columns to a width of about forty miles,
foraging his army as he went along, tearing up every mile of railroad
track, gutting vUlages, cleaning up provisions, piUaging houses, destroy
ing furniture, gathering hordes of negroes to be dropped, the jaunty,
massive column left a blistering devastation for three hundred mUes
upon the fair bosom of our noble state. In the writer's teraporary
home in Sandersville a piano was butchered to fragments, books and
pictures destroyed, and for days the female inmates of the household
lived upon corn gathered from where the horses of the Federal troop
ers had been fed. In his dispatches to Gen. Grant about this move
ment Sherraan foreshadowed the desolation in such e.xpressions as
"utter destruction of roads, houses and people," "raake Georgia
'howl," " make a wreck of the road and of the country," " smashing
things to the sea," " make the interior of Georgia feel the weight of
war," and " ruin Georgia."
There was no opposition to speak of. The strange spectacle had
been seen of two great armies in deadly tug, deliberately leaving each
other, and raarching in opposite directions to conquer the fight. A
division of Wheeler's cavalry pegged away on the advancing column.
At Macon, Gen. Cobb went out and rattled with a division of the
Georgia militia at the huge serpent. At GriswoldviUe, ten miles below
Macon, there was a bloody little fight between Sherraan and our Georgia
railitia, in which these troops fought with the gallantry and skill of
veterans, inflicting heavy loss and suffering severe punishment with
steady nerve. In Burke county there was sorae sprightly but ineffect
ual brushing. But Sherraan went on flipping off these attacks with
unconcern. Our little force kept the thing lively in proportion to num
bers. Sherman reports 764 raen lost on the march, and 1,338 captures
of Confederates.
The incidents of this march were dramatic in their destructiveness.

WHAT WAS DONE IN MILLEDGEVILLE. 307
Atlanta was fired, and Sherman marched out amid the crimson flames of
the city and a volley of exploding araraunition that sounded like a des
perate battle, his men singing, " John Brown's soul goes raarching on."
Of about 5,000 houses all were destroyed except about 400. Eleven-
twelfths of the place, shops, depots, mills, dwellings, stores, were burned.
A few stores on Alabama street were left. The residences between
Lloyd and Washington streets were left, and piost of the churches,
thanks to Father O'RUey of the Catholic church. Three thousand car
casses of animals lay in the streets. The very dead were taken from
their vaults and the coffins stripped of sUver tippings. Gen. Sherraan
had his headquarters one night on Howell Cobb's plantation, and on
learning the fact ordered the soldiers to spare nothing.
On the 23d day of Noveraber, 1864, the legislature of Georgia, being
in session. Gov. Brown received a telegram during the dinner hour that
General Sherman had left Atlanta the day before and was on the march
through the country for Savannah. As soon as this information was
spread through the town, the people became greatly excited, and the
members of the legislature, who had adjourned for dinner at the time,
participated in the excitement, and began making preparation for a
rapid transit from the Capital, as it was not known how soon the cav
alry, who were supposed to. be a good way in advance of the army,
might reach MiUedgevUle. The bUls and other matters before the Gen
eral Assembly at the time it adjourned for dinner, were left lying on the
desks and no one returned to look after them. Fabulous prices were
paid for conveyances of different sorts ; and the merabers during that
afternoon had nearly all left the Capital on their way home with the
best means of conveyance at their command, taking such routes as in
their opinion could not be interfered with by the invading army. Some
took the raUroad trains; others got carriages, buggies, wagons or what
ever else came in their way. This left the city almost destitute of
vehicles for transportation.
Soon after Gen. Sherman's movements were known. Gov. Brown gave
orders to Gen. Ira R. Foster, the prompt and efficient 'Quartermaster-
General of Georgia, to secure the removal of all the most valuable per
ishable property of the State then at the Capital, consisting of books
of record in the State House, the more valuable furniture there, the
furniture from the executive mansion and the property of the most value
in the penitentiary, arsenal, armory, and in the Quartermaster and Com
missary departments. Herculean efforts were made by the Quarter
master-General to procure transportation and convey the public property

308 THE CONVICTS ORGANIZED.
to places of safety as rapidly as possible ; and no one was better quali
fied for the task than General Foster, as he had ability, promptness, de
cision and dispatch in such matters, that were very remarkable.
Upon consultation with the Governor it was concluded that the more val
uable books of the library and other such property should be carried to
the lunatic asylum and there stored. But as the asylum was located
some three miles from the city, with the limited transportation at cora
raand, it was impossible to carry there within the short time
allowed all the other public property. It was known of course that
General Sherman would not burn the lunatic asylura, and it was sup
posed that State property stored in it which could in no way be used
for forwarding the purposes of the war would be safe. On further con
sultation it was concluded that it would be best to haul the bulk of the
public property of the character above-mentioned, and all the more val
uable property of the State in the city to the railroad depot and try to get
it to Macon, before the railroad should be cut, and shipped to south-west
Georgia, as it was believed that neither the cavalry of the eneray nor
the infantry would likely traverse that countrv. Part of a train of cars
was detained at MilledgeviUe for that purpose, and other cars in reach
were ordered to be sent there proraptly. The property was then hauled
rapidly to the railroad and loaded on the cars. But as very few wagons
could be obtained, and there was great consternation in the city, it soon
became next to impossible to procure labor.
Here the Quartermaster-General again consulted with the Governor,
who was doing all in his power to aid in the removal, and the Governor
informed him that he had determined to pardon the convicts in the
penitentiary, and put them under command of the Quartermaster-Gen
eral for the time, to aid in removing the property of the State to a place
of safety, and that he would pardon each who would enlist in the State
service, and thus try to turn them to the advantage of our cause instead
of leaving them for Sherman to use against us. As we were making
guns in the penitentiary, it was expected that it would be burned; and
if the convicts Were in the walls when Gen. Sherman reached there thev
would either be turned loose for indiscriminate plunder or enlisted in
the Federal army. To avoid this Gov. Brown determined promptly on
the policy of enlisting them in the State service for the benefit of the
Confederacy. He went immediately to the penitentiary, had the convicts
drawn up in a line, delivered a short address to them, appealing to their
patriotic pride, and offered pardon to each one who would aid in the re
moval of the State property, and then enlist for the defense of the Con-

THE DISPOSITION OF STATE PAPERS. 309
federacy. They responded almost unanimously. There were a few life
time men in for murder, who were not included in the offer, and they
were sent through the country under guard to a point where they could
be shipped on the railroad to South-west Georgia, where they were kept
till after Sherraan passed through and were then brought back and 'con
fined in Milledgeville. But the great body of the convicts were forraed
into a railitary company under the notorious Dr. Roberts, who was a
very intelligent man, and who promptly volunteered, and in that capac
ity they did valuable service in aiding to reraove the State property, and
loading it upon the train. As soon as this service was done, a suit of
soldier's clothing and a gun were furnished to each, and Captain Roberts
was ordered to report to Gen. Wayne, who had comraand of the
Georgia cadets, from the MUitary Institute, at Marietta, then in Mill
edgeviUe, and a small battalion of other railitia. The company was ac
cepted by Gen. Wayne, and carried by hira to Savannah, on his retreat in
advance of the Federal array, and they were used in annoying it wherever
Gen. Wayne saw an opportunity to strike a blow. A portion of the
convicts deserted and left, but a large majority of thera, including Capt.
Roberts, remained at their post doing duty faithfully during the cam
paign; so that the discharge became honorabla
As already stated, the members of the legislature generally left the
city on the afternoon of the 23rd day of November, 1864. Gov. Brown
and faraily, and Gen. Foster, and Gen. Wayne, and some of the other
heads of the departments remained in the city until the next aftemoon.
All the more valuable property of the State had been secured either in
the asylum or sent to safe places or loaded upon the cars ready to be re
moved to South-west Georgia. In the State House the old files of doc
uments and letters for the last half a century or more, which were not
regarded very valuable and could not be assorted and taken care of in
the liraited time, were left in their respective places of deposit. After
Gen. Sherraan had passed through Milledgeville, and the officers of the
State were permitted to return, they found these papers scattered all
over the floor of the State House; and as reported by the citizens, large
quantities had been used by the soldiers in kindling their fires. In this
way many of the old documents, and many of the papers that were filed
were destroyed or lost, though they were generally of a character not
deeraed to be very valuable; and the time, and means of transporta
tion were not sufficient to enable the authorities to care better for thera.
The furniture in the Executive Mansion was the last thing attended
to. During the afternoon the raore valuable ahd portable portion of it

310 GENERAL IRA E. FOSTERS ACCOUNT.
was removed as rapidly as possible to the railroad depot and placed on
the trains. The scene was a busy and, an exciting one. During the
twenty-four hours the Governor and the Quartermaster-General re
mained in the discharge of their duty, in taking care of the public prop
erty ; their efforts were untiring. A letter addressed by Gen. Foster to
a friend in this city at a recent date draws the following picture of the

" I have oftentimes thought of the scenes through which we passed in getting ready
to leave Milledgeville on Sherman's descent on that ancient but raeraorable city of hills.
In this drama, I see a man serving his fourth term as Governor of the Great Empire
State of the South, after giving orders to his Quartermaster-General on the near ap
proach of the enemy, and putting him in charge of the public property with direction to
see that it was taken care of and removed, reversing the order of things by laying hold
with his own hands and working both day and night under the direction of his subordi
nate to secure a fulfillment of his general orders. And I see by his side a delicate but
anxious wife, unceasingly laboring to accoraplish the same end. Notwithstanding this,
it has been printed in a'book and published in newspapers, and reiterated by many mis
guided tongues, that Gov. Brown, while Sherman's army was descending on Milledge
ville, carried off his own property, including cows and cabbage, and left the State pro
perty behind unprotected. I was in comraand of the trausportation of the property at
the tirae, and I know whereof I speak and I know these statements are unfounded.
I know they are untrue. I ought to know more about the taking care and the protection
and the removal of the State property at Milledgeville than any one else, as I was there
in person and had immediate supervision, with the entire control of the whole thing un
der my own coramand.
" It is true that some of the old papers were left in the State House, which, if I had had
further time, would have all been removed. But the fates of war denied me the desired
privilege. The reraoval of the furniture frora the Executive Mansion was the last work.
In looking around the mansion to see what ought to be taken along, I discovered in the
garden a fine lot of coleworts, aud I directed old Aunt Celia, the good old colored cook,
without the knowledge or presence of her raaster or mistress, to cut down the coleworts and
bring them near where the wagons were being loaded. I intended to take away the last
one of them, as they would be lost wdiere they were, and I had sufficient room in the car to
carry thenl. And I knew the Governor's faraily would need some, and my own family,
then at Dawson, iu South-west Georgia, as Refugees driven from their home in Atlanta
before the fierce march of Sherman, would like- to have part of them, as they were in a
strange country and had no time to raise vegetables, and were much pressed for food of
that character.
" I had also, at the Exile camp, near Dawson, seven hundred persons, composed of the
widows, wives and childre'n of Confederate soldiers, aged men and maimed and dis
charged soldiers, who had been expelled from Atlanta by Gen. Sherman, homeless and
without food. Under Gov. Browu's orders they had been picked up from the line of
railrojid from Atlanta to Macon, and shipped to Dawson, where I had erected nearly one
hundred houses in which they were sheltered and fed at the expense of the State, under
the immediate supervision of Capt. Milton A. Candler, who did his -whole duty in their
behalf. To these homeless sufferers I intended to give most of the coleworts; but in

GENERAL IRA E. FOSTEE'S ACCOUNT. 311
this I was disappointed. As I was having the last load of furniture at the Executive
Mansion placed on the wagons, a few raoments after I had given the order to Aunt
Celia to cut the cabbage. Gov. Brown received information by telegrapii, that Sherman's
cavalry were making rapid advances towards the Central railroad, between MilledgeviUe
and Macon. This message admonished us that we should be up and off, else we niiglit
fiud ourselves prisoners of war. So I had only a few cabbage which were cut aud car
ried to the gate by Aunt Celia, thrown ou top of the load. Teams weie hurried to tho
train, wagons quickly unloaded ou cars, leaving, for want of time to save them, almost
the entire lot of fine cabbage standing in the garden. Steam being up, orders were
given the engineer to sound his whistle and press for Macon with all possible speed' It
is presumable we probably made the trip quicker than it was ever done before by any
engine on that particular road. At Gordon we stopped a moment to bid farewell to
Gen. AVayne and his staff, who had trausportation to carry thera down the Central rail
road, with orders to do aU in their power to protect the railroad bridge. The State
Cadets, a noble band of boys, was uuder Wayne's coramand.
-'¦A very short time only was spent at Gordon, when the train conveying the Governor
and - family, the Quartermaster-General and his assistants, and a large amount of
state property and furniture was on its way under a full head of steam for Macon, where
we arrived just before dark. And on reaching Macon a telegram was handed Gov.
Brown, stating that the Federal cavalry had just, cut the road at GriswoldviUe, the next
station below. The advanced cavalry must have been almost in sight of GriswoldviUe
when the train passed.
" We remained in the cars that night at Macon. Next morning I went down to
South-west Georgia with the train ; and as Sherman's infantry had not reached Macon,
and it was understood they would not before that evening. Gov. Brown ran down with
us as far as Montezuma, where his family were set off by the side of the road, and left
to make their way to his plantation, thirty miles from that point in Dooly county. He
took an engine and returned upon it rapidly, that evening, to Macon, and reached
there, as I am informed, just as Sherman's coluran, passing by, fired upon the militia.
The engagement amounted to very little. The militia were entrenched, and it was not
Sherman's policy to attack localities ou the lines of Ms march. His desire was to get
through to the sea with as little delay and as little difficulty as possible.
" While we were switched off on a siding at Montezuma, a hurried dinner was pre
pared, and while eating dinner aboard the cars I said to Mrs. Brown, she ought to have
had for dinner some of our Milledgeville greens. This was the first time I had
named to -Gov. Brown or to his wife that 1 had cut and put on the train any of the cole
worts frora the garden in MilledgeviUe. I doubt that any member of the family knew
up to that time that a small number of the coleworts which I had secured were on the
train,, as the family had left the mansion for the train before tho last wagon left that
carried the coleworts out and put them upon the cars. Aunt Celia knew that she had
cut and loaded a small lot iu the yard ; but as she had gone with the family into the
train, she did not know that they had been transported to the train.
" I have been thus particular in giving the whole facts, as there was rauch merriment
made over the cabbage story at the time, and much injustice done Gov. Brown, who was
in no way responsible for the removal of the few that we carried, and knew nothing
whatever about it until after it was done."
At Gordon the following incident occurred. Gov. Brown's eldest

312 THE DESTRUCTION OF THE MAECH TO THE SEA.
son, Julius, a lad sixteen years of age, was a raember of tho cadets,
and got aboard to tell the family good-by. The Gove:-nor said to him
that he must reinain at Macon with the troops; that there was no one
to go with his mother and Uttle brothers and sisters to South-west
Georgia, and he had better go with them. The youth said he would
obey, but he would rather die than to do it, as he was unwilling, under
any circumstances, to leave the cadets, or fail to share with thera the
corfimon danger. The governor told him to go and do his whole duty;
sorae provision would be raade for his raother and the children. He
went forward with the cadets, and they were placed by Gen. Wayne
to guard the Oconee bridge a day or two after, on the advance of the
army, where they had a sharp engagement with the enemy; and one of
the cadets was shot down by young Brown's side. They drifted down
before Sherman to Savannah, and there reported to Gen. Hardee, and
were carried across into Carolina. And this gallant little band of
3'ouths did good service as soldiers during the campaign. They were
finally retumed to Atigusta, where they arrived almost naked and half
starved. Major G. C. Connor, in charge of some state stores there,
furnished them with a suit of clothes apiece; .and after their arrival at
Augusta they had the necessary rations. Among them were raany of
the best youths of the state, belonging to some of the most respecta- ¦
ble families. They were a gallant and faithful little band.
Gen. Beauregard, from Corinth, Ben Hill and our Confederate Con
gressmen in Richmond, sent dispatches to the people to destroy the
enemy, to be firm, to fly to arms, to burn everjrthing they could not re
move, which the Federal officers read in papers, captured at Milledge
ville and ridiculed unmercifully. In the old State house the Federals held
a mock legislature, and in a grim spirit of fun repealed the ordinance
of secession. Several well authenticated cases of rape occurred. The
negroes gave a cordial greeting to the Federals, and many accompanied
them to Savannah. Many colored women tramped after the soldiers.
It is a dreary narrative to chronicle the ruin wrought by this " March
to the Sea " in the proud old .state. It would take volumes to record
the detaUs. There had been in Georgia a growing drift in public opin
ion to the idea of reconstruction of the Union. But the march of
Sherraan killed it. Men standing amid the ruins of their dear homes,
with starvation for their loved ones staring upon them, and bitter raem
ories of insult and injury rankUng in their bosoms, had no gentle feeling
towards the foe that had done the ruin. The work of devastation had
but one redeeming feature, — it was, while complete, very brief.

LTGEN. HARDEE.

THE FALL op SAVANNAH. 313
On the 10th of Deceraber, 1864, Sherraan reached and invested
Savannah. On the 13th, Gen. Hazen with his division, carried Fort
^McAlister after a gallant resistance by Major Geo. W. Anderson and
his heroic garrison of 250 raen. Gen. Wra. J. Hardee had about
10,000 troops in Savannah manning the fortifications. On the night of
the 20th of December, Gen. Hardee, finding that he could hot hold the
city, quietly withdrew into Carolina, having on the 17th refused to sur
render. Gen. Sherman took possession of the beautiful Georgia City
by the Sea, and Sherman's March was an accomplished historical fact.
The Northern exultation over this achieveraent was delirious, and Con
gress, voicing the public delight, passed warm resolutions of thanks to
Gen. Sherman and his array. Concurrently with this substantial victory
came the news of Hood's hopeless and irretrievable defeats at Franklin
and Nashville, and the practical annihilation of his army that could not
be replaced. Surely there never was a swifter dissolution of a noble
and indispensable force under a purposeless lead of incapacity.
These treraendous movements really ended the war. The surrenders
of Lee and Johnston did not come until April, 1865, several months
later, but it was a hopeless struggle frora this time. But the end
Was approaching. The Georgia campaign gave the death-blow to the
cause for which so much blood had been shed, so much treasure expended
and so much splendid heroism wasted. It is remarkable, however, and
evinces the stern purpose of the Southern people that during these last,
hopeless, bloody months of the struggle they were raore determined
than ever to succeed, and with the cause palpably crumbling before their
eyes, they persisted and fought to the last. The various State Legisla
tures passed resolutions against reconstruction, and the State Execu
tives made messages full of ring and defiance.
During this year, 1864, the Georgia troops out of Georgia had main
tained their wonted renown. Gen. Alfred H. Colquitt had earned the
splendid title of the " Hero of Olustee " in the famous little battle in
'Florida, which at one stroke had ended Federal operations there. Upon
every battle field in Virginia our Georgians had illustrated the State.
Gen. John B. Gordon, according to a correspondent of the London
Times, had become the rising military genius of our armies. In South
CaroUna, at Honey Hill, Gen. Gustavus W. Smith, at the close of the
year, with his division of Georgia railitia, had defeated the Federals in
a heavy engageraent, Gov. Brown having instructed him to carry the
Georgia militia into Carolina if the good of the cause required it. Gen.
Dick Taylor, in his book called "Destruction," makes stateraents in ref-

314 T-WO GOVERNORS OF GEORGIA.
erence to the militia, on this point, that are wholly unauthorized by the
facts. We had lost many fine officers. Gen. George Doles, Col. Ed.
WiUis, Col. John M. MUlen, Col. J. H. Lamar, Lieut. Col. Van
Valkenburg and others.
The occupation of Atlanta was imraediately resuraed. The Atlanta
Intelligencer issued a Uttle sheet amid the ruins, on the 10th of Decem
ber, 1864. It was printed on one side only, and was about twelve by
eighteen inches in size. Gen. Howell Cobb, accorapanied by Col. I. W.
Avery, rode up there frora Macon, picking a way carefully through the
debris. Col. L. J. Glenn was raade coraraandant of the post as early as
Noveraber 26th. The Atlanta exiles had been carried and quartered
near Dawson in Terrell county, at " Exile Carap." Some 300 were cared
for there at public expense.
A novel collision of civil authority occurred, that constitutes a very
interesting incident of that chaotic timQ. On the 21st of November
Gen. Ranse Wright, who had been assigned to command in Augusta,
and who was president of the Georgia Senate, issued an order at
Augusta, that as Gov. Brown was cut off frora coraraunication with the
portion of the State east of the Oconee river by the interposition of an
hostile array, it becarae his duty, as president of the Senate and ex-
officio Governor, during the disability of the Govemor, to assurae cora
mand of all Georgia out of the jurisdiction of the Governor. He
revoked all orders of Gov. Brown, and directed all railitia east of the
Oconee to report to him. Gen. Wright wrote to Gov. Brown explaining
his action, and asking if he approved of it. Gov. Brpwn replied stat
ing that Gen. Wright's course was unnecessary. The press made some
exceedingly piquant comraentary upon the matter at the time, though
Gen. Wright's conduct was highly patriotic, but it was speedily forgot-
ten in the rush of events and the tragic drift of the revolution.
/The General Assembly met on the 3rd of November, 1864. Gov.
Brown's message was a frank criticism of the campaign, and a candid
stateraent of the sit nation, but it was also a bold, stirring exhortation
to a continuance of the struggle. While the fight lasted. Gov. Brown
aided and pressed its unyielding prosecution. In the darkest hour he
urged the conflict, and flung the resources of the state, both men and
money, into the affray without stint. 'Sie_Iiprthem_J3fiiaa.cratiQ party
Ijad^adyised a convention of the sovereign states, to negotiate an adjust-
jnent of the contest. Gov. .Brown favored such a moveraent, the action
of such a convention having.to be submitted to^the..st,attes for ratijca-
tion or rejection. He argued the idea masterfully, but at the same time

THE DREARY PIGUEES OF GEORGIA'S CONDITION. 315
he urged that every arms-bearing man in the South should go to the
front to sustain our armies. The war had reached the point where
statesmanship might aid arms in the settlement of the great issue.
Looking at the situation then. Gov. Brown's strong advocacy of this
plan was a tiraely piece of judgment, and could it have been carried
out, would have saved a failing cause.
The State's finances exhibited strikingly the effect of the war. The
property of the State had been inflated from $840,041,127 to $1,612,-
592,806, the inflation evidencing the ruinous depreciation of Confeder
ate currency. Polls had fallen from 52,764 to 39,863, demonstrating
the ravages of the war upon our men. The State's expenditures for
1864 had run to $13,288,435. I^e pubUc debt had grown to the enor-
raous sum of $23,980,69.2. But a raost oniinous fa.ct was that bank
capital had fallen frgrp fe7n,i?J-3/li.8: to-ii4^.^a7.a»..or ncady jjue^half.
The numbfir nf ind^ori;rif,'ppnp]^, fg^^^riilip!; i^f snirlipi-g, hiad. sweUed to.ihe
appalling size of 117,889, or the full proportion^i^jthg...entirejTOting
population of the~~St4f,e at thg b<;£Ji3n'"g oXilie-.war. Could the rav
ages of this terrific contest be more strikingly shown than by this awful
statistic of wholesale impoverishment ? Chatham county had 3,058
indigents, Cherokee county 2,598, Gordon county 2,390, Gilraer 2,106,
Paulding 1,875, Gwinnett 2,390. These are frightful figures, and mustl
be appreciated to understand the crushing tale of raisfortune and misery I
that they reveal. The shocking aggregate of want and distress cannot!
be conveyed in its full practical meaning.
There is another side of this economic question, equally as interesting
and suggestive as these dreary numbers of personal indigence and
famUy bereavement. There had-befin-siifib.apeo.ulation ..by the n.on-c.Qjn-
batants that thexa.jKa&A-gmDderiul aristocracy of suddeiLWfialth-— Of
J^2J£;ff_tTy_pTypr'i fift"°n wfrfi w^H*^ over half. a-raiUJaa:.. thirty-six ijyjer
$300,000; 131 over $2.Q.Q.QflQ; 829 over $100,QO0j. 2,628 .over $5.0,000;
4,047 over $30,000; 4,780 over $20,000; 10,648 over $10,000; 13,215
over $5,000; 10,438 over $3,000; 8,742 over $2,000; 13,081 over
$1,000; and 22,311 were worth $1,000 and under. This was estimated
according t" C""federate values.
There is a strange and dramatic teaching in these figures — a lesson of
pathetic and momentous iraport. WhUe the brave soldiers were strik
ing at the eneray in the field, and their families were practical paupers
at home living upon the bounty of the State, there was behind the pro
tecting aegis of a craven non-combatancy thousands of enterprising citi
zens filling their coffers, and gorging their purses with the profits of

THE FABULOUS PRICES OF 1864.

sorae sort of greedy trading. Think of fifteen millionaires in our war-smit
ten comraonwealth in that destructive day, and a thousand men worth
over $100,000 each. Georgia, in her palmiest prosperity of peace, never
raade such a prodigal showing of rich citizens. There was soraething
dreadfully wrong. It was a cruel incongruity, and it sapped the cause
with an unseen but immeasurable potency.
Not less interesting is the range of prices for all articles of trade. It
took, on the 31st day of December, 1864, forty-nine dollars in Confed
erate raoney to buy one dollar in gold. And the private soldier was
receiving his $11 a raonth for his bloody seryice. A month's pay would
buy him a pound of meat that he could eat in two days. Hats were
worth seyeral hundred doUars; a horse several thousand; a bushel of
wheat from $40 to $50; a drink of poor whiskey, $5, and good, $10.
The government churned out its money prodigally, but the soldiers had
little chance at it. There was little to buy, and what there was brought
fabulous sums. The commercial aspects and features of that Confed
erate period were among its most romantic characteristics.

CHAPTER XXXI.
THE CLOSING THROES OF THE REVOLUTION AND THE
TRAGIC END.
The Destruction at Milledgeville. — The Legislature in Macon. — The Last Session un
der the Confederacy. — Enlisting the Slaves for Soldiers. — Gov. Brown Against it.
— Gov. Brown urges a Southern Convention. — An Eloquent Message. — War Pluck,
— Toombs, Cobb, Hill and Stiles make war speeches. — Attacks upon Brown. — L. J.
Aired arrested for Treason. — Judge Lochrane releases Him. — Gen. W. T. Wofford.
— North Georgia a Ruin. — Federal Rule in Savannah. — Submission Meeting there.
— Salt for CaroUna. — The Hampton Roads Conference. — Mr. Stephens. — Georgia
Figures Foremost to the Last. — Gordon, the Corapanion Figure .with Lee, in the
Last Throes. — Surrender. — Davis and His Cabinet Fly to Georgia, where The Con
federate Administration Dissolves. — Last Act of the Confederacy. — Romantic Inci
dents. — The Gold Bullion — Gen. Toombs. — Major R. J. Moses. — Davis Captured
in Georgia. — The Stupendous Losses of Georgia. — Gov. Brown.
The legislature of Georgia had adjourned upon the 18th day of Novem
ber, 1864, upon the approach of Sherman's army. The occupation of
MUledgeviUe by the Federal force, while it did not -witness the destruc
tion of the state buildings, yet it was marked as has been stated by
great and irreparable injury to our public records, the floors of the cap
itol and the grounds around being strewed with the debris of valuable
papers, and many of them were burned. The penitentiary was burned.
Gov. Brown reconvened the legislature on the 15th of February, 1865,
in Macon. The Senate raet three days in succession before there was a
quorum. In the absence of the presiding officer, Hon. T. L. Guerry
was elected temporary President. Gov. Brown's message to the General
Assembly was alike a syrabol of the raan and of the desperate crisis.
He put the dreadful situation plainly. He discussed unraincingly the
causes that had led to the stress. He criticised Mr. Dayis freely. He ,
placed blarae where, it lay. He concisely argued the great, grave ques
tion, which was then in everybody's raind as an extreme expedient to
get out of our peril, whether we should arm our slaves and put them to
fighting. Gen. Lee favored the policy, and he was a strong authority
for any measure. Gov. Brown took a square stand against it, and his
argument was practical and very strong. He condensed the objec
tion to it in the idea that negroes would not fight heroically to continue

318 GOVERNOR brown's MESSAGE.
the enslaveraent of their wives and children. Lincoln could disband
them by brigades, by a proclamation of freedom and protection. If we
offered them freedom to fight, it was an abandonraent of slavery.
Gov. Brown capped his message by urging the call of a convention of
the Southern states to consider the crisis and provide a remedy. He
pressed the abandonraent of the fatal conscription policy and the return
to the constitutional method of raising troops by the states; the reor
ganization of the troops under officers of state selection, which would
put into the army the hordes of enrolling officers and other exempts;
the repeal of impressment laws; and the appointment of a commander-
in-chief with full control, except subject to reraoval by the President,
and Senate. The concluding sentences of this message are well worthy
of quotation, and convey vividly the stern spirit of the Executive and
the tottering condition of the cause.
" The further pursuit of our present policy not only endangers our rights and our lib
erties, but our independence also, by destroying the institutions and breaking the spirits
of our people. Let us beware how we trifle with the rights, the liberties, and the happi
ness of millions.
" I am aware that the freedom and plainness, which a sense of duty to my country
has compelled rae to exercise, in discussing the measures of the administration, and the
policy of the government, may subject my motives to misconstruction. I feel the proud
consciousness, however, that I have been actuated only by a desire to promote the cause
so dear to every patriot's heart, and thereby secure the independence of the Confederacy,
with the civil and religious liberties and constitutional rights of the people, without
which independence is an empty name, and the glory aud grandeur of our republican
system is departed forever. No one can be more vitally interested than myself in the
success of our cause. I have staked life, liberty and property, and the liberties of my
posterity, upon the result. The enemy have burned my dweUing and other houses, de
stroyed my property, aud shed in rich profusion the blood of nearest relatives. My des
tiny is linked with my country. If we succeed, I am a freeman. Bnt if, by the obsti
nacy, weakness or misguided judgment of our rulers we fail, the same common ruin
awaits me which awaits my countryraen. It is no time to conceal ideas in courtly phrase.
The night is dark, the tempest howls, the ship is lashed with turbulent waves, the helms
man is steering to the whirlpSol, our remonstrances are unheeded, and we must restrain
him, or the crew must, sink together submerged in irretrievable ruin."
The legislature remained in session until the 11th day of March, 1865.
The body refused to call a convention. gfiS-Qlutions .were passed to
Qpntinue_jthe_ ^TOJ^^^ddr^s^s_ rf encouragementwere made, by
GenJTopmbs, Gen. Cobb,. Ben IJii]L, and WjiuJHL_Slil£;s, to the raembers
and citizens. Gov. Brown's raessage excited a varied contrariety of
comment. Like everything else this positive man uttered and did, it
evoked warm commendation and hot censure and a spirited antagonism.
The friends of Mr. Davis abused Gov. Brown, and the latter's friends

L. J. ALRED AND JUDGE O. A. LOCHRANE. 319
defended him. One or two papers, the Macon Telegraph especially, in
editorial charge of a bright, little black-eyed poet, Harry Flash, who has
written some of the finest war lyrics in the EngUsh language, struck at
the Governor savagely, and he came near having a duel in consequence
thereof with J. Henly Sraith, editor of the Atlanta Confederacy. The
soldiers and the people were with the Governor, however, in spite of the
bitterest kind of denunciation frora a fierce rainority, that hit hira frora
first to last with raerciless raalignity. Every conceivable charge had
been brought against him. He had been a;fifliiaad— of- speculating.. ..and
raaking raoney out of corn and salt and ..cotton jTid_eyeryjt]jijig..elae.
He struck down these slanders, one by one, with vigorous blows. It
has been one unfailing peculiarity of Gov. Brown, that he has met
attack, whether in the shape of slander or argument, promptly and
aggressively. His opposition to the conscription act brought against
hira constantly a torrent of crimination that he was untrue to the Con
federate cause. But against all of these calumnious accusations stood
his sleepless practical devotion to the cause and sacrifices and labors in
its behalf.
A very interesting episode of this General Asserably was the action
it took against Hon. Lemuel J. Aired, the member of the legislature
from Pickens county, so long connected -with public matters in Georgia,
and who to this day preserves his potential agency in the local affairs of
his county, and represents it in some capacity in all of the conventions
and legislatures of the State. He was charged with treason and dis
loyalty, and resolutions of expulsion were introduced. It was alleged
that he had raised a tory company, and stood to the United States flag.
He was iraprisoned in jail and released upon a writ of habeas corprus by
Judge O. A. Lochrane of the superior court, who thus pronounced
against the truth of the charge after an investigation of the raatter.
This release by Judge Lochrane was a peculiarly courageous and credit
able exercise of judicial duty. Judge Lochrane had been appointed by
Gov. Brown, and his confirraation was pending in the Senate. Yet he
antagonized the body by his prompt reversal of their action and the
release of Aired.
This session of the General Assembly was a notable one in that it
was the last held in Georgia under the Confederate governraent; and,
notwithstanding the disheartening condition of raatters and the glooray
war outlook, it sustained the manhood and honor of the State with an
unshaken courage, and kept its shining faith to the Confederacy in the
darkest calamities of its own ruin.

320 GENERAL WILLIAM T. WOFFORD.
During this woful period one of the distinguished soldiers of the
State did a service that entitles hira to the State's gratitude. This
officer was Gen. Wm. T. Wofford. He was a firm anti-secessionist, and
carried his county against secession. On the 23rd of January, 1865, by
the request of Gov. Brown and the people of Georgia, .and by his own
desire, he entered upon duty as a department commander in North
jJSfS&egia.. This favored section of the State, rich, healthy, beautiful,
was a continuous ruin. It exemplified the horrors of war. The white
section of the State, it furnished the bulk of the Union element. The
arena for contending armies for a long period, it was desolated in its
entirety. Left for months outside of the protecting aegis of both gov-
¦^nments, the hiding-place of guerillas of both armies, the theater of
that worst of all strifes that exist between iniraical local factions, it
realized in all its dread malignancy the miserable suffering conveyed in
the realization of anarchy. The TnplanchriiljT- cpnditinn nf thi,s section is
the saddest picture of all of_^e_sad pnes_ofjtheJalfi-Jvar. Those able
to flee, fled. Those unable to get away staid in armed despair, ever
present peril, and subject to daily rapine and death. Courts were sUent,
schools empty, churches deserted. Dwellings were burned and fences
destroyed, until the civilizing demarkations of home and farm were lost
in indistinguishable ruin. Strolling bands of deserters and robbers
herded in the mountain caves, made predatory excursions from their
fastnesses, and in their inhuman collisions and murderous orgies kept up
a reign of terror. It was once a smiling country, peaceful, prosperous
and happy, converted by the fell Moloch of war into a bloody scene of
utter desolation. And to these awful horrors, universal and unmitigable,
the possibility of starvation was superadded. No crops could be raised
in this hideous time, and charity could not penetrate this wUderness of
devastation. To redeem this cursed land, certainly a blessed mission. Gen. Wofford
was sent by Mr. Davis at the request of Gov. Brown, who knew his fit-
ness'for the duty. It was a labor of love for Gen. Wofford, and he en
tered upon his difficult duty with zeal. He called in and organized over
7,000 men, large numbers of them deserters and stragglers. He exhib
ited decided executive ability in his work. The railroad track was torn
up and twisted, so that railway transportation could not be used. He
overcame with raasterly will and abUity the intrinsic difficulties of his
position. He obtained corn and distributed it among the starving peo
ple. His cool, resolved tact -^as the very quality to handle the turbu
lent lawlessness of the section. He sent a flag of truce to Gen. Judah,

THE DISTRESS OP CAPTURED SAV.VNNAH. 321
the Federal commander in North Georgia, and obtained a personal con
ference, in which he induced Gen. Judah to do the noble act of distrib
uting corn to the starving people furnished by Gen. Wofford.
The capture of Savannah was a very valuable one to the Federals.
Gen. Sherraan sent the following agreeable dispatch to President
Lincoln : " Savannah, Ga., Dec. 22, 1864.
" To His Excellency President Lincoln, Washington, D. C.
" I beg to present you as a Christmas gift the city of Savannah, with one hundred
and fifty heavy guns and plenty of ammunition, also about twenty-five thousand bales of
cottou. W. T. SHERMAN, Major General."
It turned out that there were 250 coast guns and 31,000 bales of cot
ton. The city was placed under railitary government. An order was
issued, that among other things, restricted the publication of newspa
pers to two, and threatened the editors and proprietors with severe
punishment in person and property for " any libelous publication, mis
chievous matter, premature news, exaggerated statements, or any com
ments whatever upon the Acts of the constituted authorities." This
was freedom of the press with a vengeance. The wives of Generals
G. W. Sraith and A. P. Stewart of the Confederate army were in the
city, and were accorded special protection. The capture was a sore
crisis for raany elegant people. Savannah is a city of unusual culture,
and was inhabited by a citizenry of wealth and high-bred reflnement
and luxury. Ladies of the best families were compelled to vend cakes
and pastry at their basement windows to raise means to subsist. Gen.
Sherman issued provisions to many 'families. A meeting of citizens
was held upon call of the Mayor, Dr. R. D. Arnold. Dr. Arnold was
made chairman, and A. S. Hartridge and Robert Irwin secretaries. A
committee consisting of Col. Rockwell, Alderman Lippman, Dr. Willis,
Alderman VUlalonga, Martin Duggan, J. G. WiUs, W. D. Weed, Alder-
¦ man Lachlison and Alderman O'Byrne, reported resolutions which were
unanimously adopted, seeking peace by laying down arms and submit
ting to the national authority, claiming the imihunities and protection
of the Federal governraent, and asking the Governor to call a conven
tion of the people of Georgia to give them an opportunity of saying
whether the war should continue.
This action of Savannah was the initial note of submission. On the
19th of January, 1865, Gen. Sherman made the flrst general orders for
his raove into Carolina, the continuation of his march. In speaking in
his memoirs of this movement, he uses this language:
21

322 THE GEORGIA AND CAROLINA MILITIA.
" We were all anxious to get into the pine woods again, free from the importunities
of rebel women asking for protection, and of the civilians from the North who were
coming to Savannah for cotton, and all sorts of profit." ,
No words could better convey the condition o£ the people of this cap
tured city than these few simple words of the General of the Federal
army. Between_th®-conqneri:ng soldiery_3j]jd-ihe,r.apa&LQ.iis sp,agulatii3rs
the citizensjad-a^hard tinie. The correspondence between Gen. Sher^
man~and" the Federal authorities throws full light not only upon the
march through Georgia, but its continuation through Carolina. Says
Gen. H. W. HaUeck:
" Should you capture Charleston I hope that by some accident the place may be de
stroyed, and if a little salt should be sown upon its site, it may prevent the growth of
future crops of nullification and secession.''
To this gentle suggestion Gen. Sherraan replied:
" We are not only fighting hostile armies but a hostile people, and must make old and
young, rich and poor, feel the hard hand of war, as well as their organized armies. . .
Before we have done with her. South Carolina will not be quite so tompestuous. . . I
will bear in mind your hint as to Charleston, and do not think ' salt ' will be necessary.
When I move, the fifteenth Corps will be ou the right of the right wiug, and their posi
tion will naturaUy bring them into Charleston first ; and, if you have watched the his
tory of the corps, you will have remarked that they generaUy do their work pretty well.
The truth is, the whole army is burning with an insatiable desire to wreak vengeance
upon South Carolina. I almost tremble at her fate, but feel that she deserves all that
seems in store for her. . . I look upon Columbia as quite as bad as Charleston, aud I
doubt if we shall spare the public buildings there as we did at MiUedgeviUe."
From these expressions of the Federal Generals it can well be under
stood that the frightful severities of this campaign in Georgia and Car
olina were intended. It is not our purpose to follow the fighting far
ther. On the 23rd of February, 1865, Gen. .loseph E. .lohnston was
re-instated in command of the inconsequential fragment of a Southern
array. In this little force was 1,100 South Carolina raUitia and reserves.
It is not irrelevant to contrast this small body of Carolina .militia, de
fending Carolina soil, to the 10,000 of Georgia militia raised and armed
and put in the field by Gov. Brown for raonths in defense of Georgia
soil. The fact illustrates not the superior patriotism of the Georgia
citizens, but the superior vigor and zeal of Georgia's war Governor.
On the 3rd of February, 1865, took place the celebrated Harapton
Roads Peace Conference, between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward of the
North, and Mr. Stephens, Mr. Hunter and .ludge Campbell of the
South, which resulted in nothing. This Conference is given in full in
Mr. Stephens' great work, " The War Between the States," and consti
tutes one of the raost valuable chapters of that important work. It is

GENEEAL JOHN B. GOEDON. 333
a singular coincidence that an illustrious Georgian should have been the
main actor in both of the two (^M&jjjjmi, peace between the sections, and
it keeps up the remarkable destir^^rereorgia as the crowning factor of
the revolution.
But the end was at hand. The colossal contest was drawino- to its
desperate and tragical conclusion, and it was a strange and unerrino-
exemplification of the influential fataUty of the State of Georgia in the
struggle, that in the person of her gaUant Gordon she figured so con
spicuously in these fateful final scenes. He was the second figure to
Lee in the dismal glory that marked the gory faUure of the revolution.
In the terrible last days, it was the ringing name of John Gordon that
most frequently thriUed the public ear. In the mighty throes of this
expiring and gigantic war, it was the knightly figure of Gordon that
led the forlorn hopes of the faUing cause. It was Gordon with his
unconquered bayonets, that last left the futUe fortifications of Peters
burg; it was Gordon, undaunted and undismayed, that in the calamitous
retreat led and fought in front of the enemy with his shattered band of
heroes; and it was this same Gordon that was chosen to cut his way
through the encompassing legions with his fragment of 2,000 intrepid
men, in the most forlorn hope that was ever contemplated by soldierly
desperation. And when the historic scene of Appomattox Court
House came, -with its memorable surrender of the army of Virginia, and
its consequent collapse of the Southem cause, it was Georgia's Gordon
that divided with his great chieftain, Lee, the sad celebrity of that
heroic but irreparable conclusion of the grand drama.
On the 2nd of April, 1865, Lee's line at Petersburg was broken, and
Davis and his cabinet left Richmond and went to Danville. On the 9th
of April, Lee surrendered. On the 26th of April, Johnston surrendered,
and in swift succession followed other surrenders up to the 25th of May,
when the great war was ended — forever. Georgia witnessed and felt the
horrors of a cavalry invasion by Gen. Wilson of the Federal army frora
Alabama, that officer reaching Macon at the time of being stopped from
farther devastation by the truce foUo-wing upon Johnston's surrender.
The President and his' cabinet, the small nucleus of the dead Confed
erate government, the helpless representatives of its defunct authority,
were fugitives and uncaptured. The State of Georgia was not to be
balked of its curious fate of a foremost agency in the revolution, even
in the final matter of being the arena of the last order of Confederate
power, and the theater of the dissolution of its adrainistration and
capture of its President.

324 DAVIS AND CABINET AT WASHINGTON, GA.
As soon as Richmond fell Mr. Davis and his cabinet went to Danville.
Remaining there a few days, he proceeded to North Carolina. When
the armistice was arranged between Sherman and Johnston, Mr. Davis
determined to go to Texas. A corapany of Dibrell's brigade of cavalry
was assigned as escort. This was company B of the Ninth Kentucky
cayalry. Captain Given Campbell. Mr. Davis had with him Gen. Breck
enridge, secretary of war; John H. Reagan, postmaster general;
ex-Governor Lubbock, of Texas, aid-de-oarap; Burton N. Harrison,
private secretary; Col. WiUiara Preston Johnson, Lieut. Hathaway, Mrs.
Davis and four children. Miss Howell, his wife's sister, and Midshipraan
Howell, her brother. At AbbevUle, S. C, his escort left him, except
the captain and ten men, including privates H. C. Anders, Jaraes H.
Smith, J. T. Walbert, W. N. Ingrain, Heath and Hartness. The party
had five wagons and three ambulances. Mrs. Davis and the family were
sent on ahead. Mr. Davis arrived at Washington, Wilkes county, Ga.,
the home of Gen. Robert Toombs, on the 4th day of May, 1865. Gen.
Bragg, Gen. J. M. St. Johns, commissary general. Gen. A. R. Lawton,
quartermaster-general, and a large number of Confederate officers
arrived there. The various heads of departments all had left Richmond
together, and they remained with Mr. Davis in Washington, Ga., untU
they separated by his order. It was here that the Confederate adrain
istration dissolved and the last official order of the Confederate govern
raent was issued, which is given in this chapter; and it was a singular
and suggestive coincidence, strikingly exemplifying the strange caprices
of human events, that a little country village, in a section of Georgia
out of the range of military operations, and the home of the man who
did more than all other men in the South to spring the revolution, and
who had been the organizing premier of the Confederate government,
should, by a fantastic fatality, be the spot where the heroic but ill-fated
venture went to pieces and its last note of official authority was given.
President Davis and most of his staff stayed at the Heath House in
Washington. The building was occupied also as-a bank. Mr. Davis was
very much worn, and saw but little company while in Washington. He
remained there about thirty-six hours, reaching the town at noon of the
4th, and leaving it the 5th of May. St. Johns and Reagan spent the
night with Gen. Toombs, as did Major Raphael J. Moses, of the commis
sary department, from whom we have obtained the most interesting
particulars of this matter, and to whom we are indebted for a copy of
the official order referred to. Major Moses was commissary for the State
of Georgia, having been appointed to fill the place of Major Locke, who

THE FAMOUS CONFEDERATE SPECIE TRAIN. '325
had died. He had been sent to South-western Georgia by Gen. Lee, to
try what effect direct appeals frora one fresh frora the field would have
in inducing the people at horae to send forward raore liberal supplies of
food to the suffering troops in Virginia, who, alraost without rations,
had been opposing the well-fed troops of Grant at the Wilderness and
other points. On Major Locke's death. Major Moses was put in his place,
and his duties as state comraissary located him at Augusta in April, 1865,
and his presence was required along the line of the Georgia railroad,
and at the time written of his duties called him to Washington, where
he received from Gen. Toombs an invitation to stay with him. Such
hospitality was acceptable beyond expression, at a time when the pay of
a Confederate major was $162.50 per month, in a currency that com
raanded at the same time a day's board for the moderate amount of $50.
WhUe Major Moses was in Washington, the President and his party
arrived. Araong the other attractions, that which filled the public eye
of the watchful Washingtonians almost as much as the distinguished
visitors, was the far-famed specie train, containing really between
$100,000 and $200,000, which amount Darae Ruraor exaggerated to
untold raiUions, and which was an object of keen stimulus for the popular
cupidity. The bulk of this money was in uncoined bullion — mostly bars
of the precious metal, unmolded into dollars.
Gen. Dibrell gives this interesting account of what he knew of this
famous and exaggerated money:
" I was directed to furnish four additional wagons to transport the specie, and Gen.
Breckenridge in person directed Gen, Duke, with his brigade, to guard the specie train.
We crossed the Savannah river and halted near Washington, Ga., about sunrise on the
morning of the 2d of May. The specie train was parked in a lot near a house occupied
by Gen. Breckenridge for head-quarters. The specie was taken into his room. I was
present part of the time. The first box opened contained bullion, and was nailed up
again. By direction of Gen. Breckenridge, muster rolls of aU troops present were made
out. This money for the troops, upward of $108,000, -was turned over to Maj. E. C.
White, my division quartermaster, (he being the senior quartermaster present,) and the
amount due each soldier, $26.25, was paid through the regiraental quartermaster on
each muster roU. Each officer and soldier, including infantry and cavalry, as well as
Gen. John C. Breckenridge, received just the same araount, $26.25.
" Maj. White, after the payraents were all raade, handed rae a report in writing of th,e
amount received by him and the payments made to each comraand, showing how he had
disbursed the $108,000. This report I broughthorae with me, but have lost or mislaid
it. Maj. White was a citizen of Anne Arundel county, Md., but of late I have been un
able to learn his address. G. G. Dibrell."
Just before the President (Mr. Davis) left. Gen. Joseph E. Johnston
sent Major Moses an order to furnish 250,000 rations to troops return-

326 INCIDENTS AT WASHINGTON, GA.
ing to their homes. The Confederate States had at the time of John
ston's capitulation with Sherman a very large supply, comparatively
speaking, of rations at different points on the Georgia railroad, which
connects Atlanta and Augusta, some one hundred and seventy miles
apart, but as soon as it was knpwn that the last hope of the Confederacy
had passed away, the half-starved people along the line of railroad soon
transferred the Confederate commissary stores to more convenient
places, and there was not a week's rations for one hundred men from
one end of the road to the other.
We not only had no rations to feed the returning troops, but if we
had had enough to fill every storehouse on the route, there was no way
of protecting them. It was in this contingency that Maj. Moses wrote
and induced the Commissary General, St. Johns, to sign the last official
order ever drawn by the Secretary of War of the Confederate govern
ment. It was signed by Gen. J. M. St. Johns, by direction of the Con
federate Secretary of War, in Washington, Ga., while in transitu and,
bound for parts unknown. It ordered Maj. Moses to arrange with
some Federal general at Augusta or Macon to supply the returning
troops and provide the hospitals with rations and necessary medicines,
and for that purpose apply to the Confederate government for the
necessary funds. The order being signed, Maj. Moses did apply, but it
was like calling spirits from the vasty deep. They did not come. In
this emergency Maj. Moses applied to Gen. Toombs, and he obtained
an order from Gen. Breckenridge, the Confederate Secretary of War,
upon the officer in charge of the specie train, to pay Maj. Moses $40,000
in buUion, of which $10,000 was to be turned over to the Quartermaster
Departraent, in charge of Felix R. Alexander, Assistant Quarterraaster
under Gen. Alexander R. Lawton, the Confederate Quartermaster-Gen
eral. Armed with this order, Maj. Moses overtook the train of wagons
a mile or so from Washington, the' night of its departure, and received
and receipted for what was estimated or guessed to be $40,000 of gold
bullion. This bullion was carried back to Washington, and being guarded over
night, $10,000 was paid over to the Quartermaster-General, Lawton,
and with the other $30,000 Maj. Moses started for Augusta, guarded by
four members of the Washington artillery. Maj. Moses had a stirring
time with his perUous treasure. It was, of course, known immediately
that he had it in possession. The war had unhinged men's ideas
and principles. But stiU more demoralizing of the public conscience
was the desperate stress of the people, coupled with the knowledge

ATTEMPTED RAPE OP TIIE BULLION. 327'
that the Confederate cause was dead, and that this specie was ownerless
and a probable treasure trove and booty for the Federal soldiery. Maj.
Moses, with punctilious honor, was resolved to part with it only with
his life and to deliver it according to orders in fulfillment of its kindly
mission. On the train frora Washington to Barnett, where the branch road
joins the Georgia raUroad, he was watched and raenaced with constant
danger. At Barnett he had his car switched off before the train arrived
at the depot and left in a cut, but the eager crowd swarraed around it.
The car was taken up to the depot, and for several hours, until the
Augusta train arrived, Maj. Moses was in the raost perturbing perplexity
and strain of his life. There were sorae two or three hundred return
ing soldiers, besides the no less deterrained citizens. These desperate
men, a reckless mob, coolly demanded the money, as being as much
theirs as any one's, and they were armed to enforce their demand. A
number of soldiers and officers stood by Maj. Moses, giving him friendly
aid, among whora were Private Shepherd, forraerly of Columbus, Ga.,
then of Texas, and Gen. Sanford, who is now practicing law in Mont
gomery, Ala. Maj. Moses remonstrated quietly and argumentatively
with the menacing men surrounding him, and appealed tcj>their honor
and patriotism and stated his orders. At length it seemed nothing could
avert the attempted ravishment of this specie.
A wounded officer seeraed to be the ringleader. Finally, as if by an
inspiration, Maj. Moses- stepped up to this officer and addressed hira in
these words:
" Sir, your rank indicates that you are a gentleraan, and your wound
testifies that you have been a gallant soldier. I appeal to you in the
spirit of that honor that belongs to all- brave raen, to assist me in the
discharge of this trust."
The officer promptly responded tlje.t he would willingly aid in the
raatter, and he went around among the threatening soldiers, quieting-
thera. Maj. Moses was enabled to safely continue his trip, and delivered
the bulUon to Gen. Molineux, stationed at Augusta, and did so upon his
promise to feed the returning soldiers and see that the sick in the hos
pitals were cared for. The bullion was weighed and turned out in
excess fully $5,000. It was delivered by order of Gen. Molineux to
one Adams, of Massachusetts, then acting as provost marshal of
Augusta. Maj. Moses has since atterapted to learn whether this raoney
ever reached the Federal treasury, and went in corapany with Maj. J. ¦
D. Waddell to Washington city, and delivered it to the Hon. Jerry

328 GOLD FOR GENERAL TOOMBS.
Black, with the request that he would trace the "fund, but he has never
heard the result of the investigaftion.
Just after the departure of Gen. Breckenridge from Washington
with a body of cavalry, a cavalry man rode back in a gallop and threw
a bag of gold coin over the fence around Gen. Toombs' residence, and
then rapidly rode away. No explanation was give;i of this liberal act,
no instructions accompanied the money, and there was no clew ever
obtained as to the motive or purpose of the soldier. The bag contained
l>5,000 in gold currency. Gen. Toombs at the time was in great stress
for money, and was borrowing gold for his contemplated flight out of
the country, but he swore with a round oath he would not touch a dol
lar of this money, so strangely and unexpectedly showered upon him.
The bag was turned over to Capt. Abrahams, a Federal commissary, for
the purchase of flour and other provisions for the returning Confed
erate soldiers, and Maj. Moses states that his son aided in this disposition
of the fund. Gen. Toombs was a princely flnancier and has always had
a lordly scorn of unclean or illegitimate money. His escape and adven
tures abroad were right romantic. After Mr. Davis and his party had
all scattered out from Washington, and Gen. Toombs was about to get
away, a FeiSeral soldier rang at the door. Gen. Toombs himself went
to the door, and the soldier told him he was after Gen. Toombs and
asked if he was at home. The General replied " Yes," and asked the
soldier to wait while he informed the General. Going in and teUing
Mrs. Toombs to delay the soldier as long as possible. Gen. Toombs Went
out the back door, mounted a horse that he had ready back of his
premises, in anticipation of just such a contingency as this, and took to
the woods, raaking for the coast. Mrs. Toombs held the soldier on
one pretext and another for nearly half an hour, carrying him from room
to room, all locked and the keys lost. These raoraents enabled Gen.
Toorabs to get away. •
In England he was without a dollar in raoney; but a banking firm,
for which he had done legal business before the war, learned of his
being in that country and tendered him $100,000 for his use, which he
declined, except several thousand dollars that he used for a friend. He
was traveling on the train and met accidentally a nobleman whose
acquaintance he had made in Washington, and this gentleman imrae
diately consulted him professionally on a raatter connected with sorae
Araerican securities, and for this legal opinion Gen. Toorabs received a
fee of 15,000, which relieved his necessities. No raan in the Union has
been a more successful maker of raoney than Gen. Toombs.

-.^y^^^u^ j/Cy<^^ y,yZ',ifi>Y ^ 'x^v"

/^

^•^-^

.^'^ -i!^t!^ .,«5t-;j!<!!U-«>c-.e_<s^ ,^-L-^f^tL^.e..' ^^2-^ -¦^Knttjj^^*^!*)
!r <:a4u44'^>'
The Last Oeder of the Confederate Goveenment,
Given at Washington, WUkes County, Georgia, May 5, 1865.

the last oedee of the confedeeate government. 329
We now come to the last official writing ever issued by the Confed
erate administration. For four years it had conducted this unparalleled
war, directing the raovements of a raillion of soldiers and disbursing
$1,000,000,000. It had issued orders affecting the destinies of States,
armies and a grand nation. It had witnessed the dissolution of its
massive hopes, and here was the end of it all, the last official act of an
agent of siich colossal duties. The paper is both intensely interesting
and touchingly pathetic. It is as historic a curiosity as the world
affords, this last flicker of a mararaoth revolution, this final order of a
stupendous rebellion — this concluding authoritative act of the war of
the semi-world. Such thoughts cluster around it as would raake a grand
epic. It is a short document, written upon the Confederate made paper
that was manufactured in those days, a yellow, coarse, porous writing
material, itself a significant syrabol of Confederate times. The paper
is of the coraraercial note size, thin, flazy, hardly bearing ink, rather a
tough textured, blotting sheet, than a usable writing medium. As an
ordinary document of every day life it would be valueless. It merely
directed the payment of $10,000 of gold bullion, and on the order is
written the receipt for the bullion, the paper thus testifying to the
honesty and promptness of the disbursing officer of a great shattered
government — an administration gone down hopelessly in a grand ruin.
But as the last order of that Confederacy, that for four years had main
tained the mightiest war of all history, that was alike the center of such
an imraeasurable range of hopes and memories, and the striking object
of such an immense and turbulent conflict of blood, it has an interest
and a poetry that cannot be expressed and that will grow with time.
By some curious chance the receipt comes first, and then follows the
order, indicating that it was all one transaction. The order was written
by Maj. R. J. Moses, as also the receipt. We give the order first:
"Maj. R. J. Moses, C. S., will pay $10,000, the amount of buUion appropriated to Q.
M. Dep. by Sec. War, to Maj. R. R. Wood. By order of Q. M. Gen.
" W. F. ALEXANDER, Maj. aud Ass. to Q. M. Gen.
"5 May, 1865, Washington.'"
The receipt is as foUows: "Washington, May 5, '65.
" Received frora Maj. R J. Moses three boxes estimated to contain $10,000 in bullion.
This has not been weighed or counted, and is to he opened before two comraissioned
officers and a certificate of contents made, which certificate is to be forwarded to Maj.
R. J. Moses, and by the amount certified to the undersigned is to be bound.
"R. R. WOOD, Maj. and Q. M."
With Mr. Davis was captured the balance of the coin and buUion,

330 THE LAST OF THE CONFEDERATE BULLION.
which was carried to Washington, D. C. In 1866, certain Virginia and
Louisiana banks claimed that this money was their p^-operty and not the
property of the Confederate States. Treasurer Spinner insisted upon a
particular description of the captured coin, which could not be given.
Subsequently, Secretary McCuUoch, by order of President Johnson,
directed Treasurer Spinner to turn the money over to the claimants, but
on consultation with Secretary Stanton, he refused to do so, and soon
after the bullion was coined. At Treasurer Spinner's instance. Congress
passed a resolution, approved March 22, 1867, ordering that this raoney
be conveyed into the treasury by warrant. This was done. In 1873 Judge
Joseph Casey, attorney for the Bank of Louisiana, made another
attempt in the United States Court of Claims, to get this money. He
had a rule issued on the Secretary of the Treasury to show the kind
and amount of coin captured, whether there were certain kegs of gold,
Spanish and American coin, sixty kegs or less, and boxes of silver coin,
and the disposition made of such coin, and the authority for the dis
position. Secretary Boutwell referred the rule to Treasurer Spinner,
who gave the information desired, but clairaed that Congress, having
by resolution disposed of the matters, was the only power that could give
relief. This appears to have ended this episode of the last of the Con
federate finances captured on Georgia soil with the President of the Con
federacy in the sunny May of 1865.
It was a singular coincidence that the Davis government should have
finally dissolved in a place having the same name as the seat of govern
ment — Washington — the objective goal of the war efforts of that ad
rainistration. It was a fitting conclusion of the young government
that, after four years of unequaled resistance to a Power that had
been backed by the civilized world, it marked its last act of authority
by a thoughtful loyalty to the comfort of its penniless and starved
defenders. On this 5th day of May, 1865, the Confederate administration thus
gathered at Washington, Ga., and standing at last shorn of every ves
tige of authority, means, support and power, helplessly fugitive, its'
long-fought cause done forever, dissolved and scattered, never more to
meet. General Breckenridge, the Confederate Secretary of 'W^ar, went
in one direction ; General St. Johns, the Commissary General, in an
other ; General Lawton, the Quartermaster-General, in still another ; .
whUe Mr. Davis and Mr. Reagan, the Postmaster-General, fled leisurely
at the rate of about thirty railes a day into the interior of Georgia. It
was a strange want of vigUance and rapidity in Mr. Davis as an escap-

GEOEGIA THE HEAVIEST LOSEE OF THE SOUTH. 331
*ing fugitive, and it almost seemed as if he either did not apprehend or
did not care for capture.
At Irwin's Cross Roads, in Washington county, a band of despera
does raade a deraonstration upon Mr. Davis and his party, dgnorant of
who they were. . At Dublin another attack was threatened by some
thirty deserters, but in both cases the bands were frightened or per
suaded off. A federal force of about two hundred cavalry, under Lieu
tenant Colonel B. D. Pritchard, of the Fourth and Second Michis-an
regiments, finally captured Mr. Davis and his party near Irwinville, at
daylight on the morning of the 10th day of May, 1865. The federal
cavalry was divided and ran upon one another unexpectedly, firing and
killing several soldiers.
For a long time the Northern press circulated the stateraent that
Mr. Da^'is was captured in woraan's clothes, but the statement was
false, and was undoubtedly fabricated to throw ridicule upon him and
the cause he represented. The report was an ungracious piece of
malignancy, as ungenerous as it was malicious.
With the capture of President Davis on Georgia soil, the final blow was
given to the Confederate government and the Southern cause that it rep
resented. The first act of war had been committed on Georgia territory,
and the ultimate ending, by a providential fortune, carae here too. The
brilliant beginning and the calaraitous conclusion both belong to Georgia,
and with her other raasterful instruraentality in the mighty episode, weave
together a story of heroism, power and disaster, that will live in all ages.
The simple record of the sacrifices of the state of Georgia will show
resplendently her war record. She sent to the field over 120,000 sol
diers, or 20,000 more than her voting population at the beginning of
the war. No statistics were gathered until 1867, after she had enjoyed
' two years of recuperation, and there is no means therefore of accurately
estimating the daraage she suffered. Her, aggregate wealth _in.. 1867
was $191,235,520^_£i3;Li4.81^497,381 Jeaa. than in, 1864, and.liei:..gain..from
1865 must have been fully_ fifteen or twenty^jnUUonSjjmakin'g her jjar
loss araount to .th.e prodigious propartioii-oi threQ7fourths of ,i£jc. wealth,.
We can best Ulustrate Georgia's heroisra and suffering by comparing
her losses with those of the other Southern states: Georgia, 481
millions, or over three-fourths -of her wealth; South Carolina, 326, or
two-thirds; Mississippi, 355, or two-thirds; Virginia, 186, or two-
sevenths; North Carolina, 160, or one half ; Kentucky, 104, or one-fifth;
Louisiana, 185, or two-fifths; Tennessee, 69, or one-fifth; Florida 36, or
one-half; Missouri gained 286 millions.

332 THE EXTENT OP GEORGIA'S RUIN AND THE WAE ENDED.
Her loss in slaves alone '^?:gj^.^' '^?!jPJA£^.'^.ijg!liJ2Jlliy,if ."" r V? })) iOBS. ffl "^^
than her present wealth. Her lands fell off in value one-half. Qne-
quarfer of her railroad track was totally destroye.d..„- Over 2,^iQ„aaji9,re
miles of her terri-tory Kad been stripped^and ^''^y.ggg.d PiUd,,,i^ade a -wil
derness of wreckT" The public debt was run to over twenty-five millions
of dollars7or*which over six millions were expended on the families of
soldiers, four millions in sending clothing to the Georgia troops,
and six millions more upon our state forces outside of Confederate
operations. No state in the Confederacy approximated Georgia in her
voluntary expenditures iri aid of the war. And truth requires the
candid admission that Gov. Brown led in this unequaled policy of gen
erous and unstinted railitary zeal. Concurrently with all of his stub
born and unyielding conflicts for constitutional principle, he to the
fullest extent of his official power, gave practical cooperation to the
cause, and contributed his private fortune. The substantial significance
of such a force cannot be overlooked.
But the end had corae. Our efforts, our sufferings, our sacrifices had
been unavailing. The war had gone against us, hopelessly, finally.
And from the unredeemed wreck of- unsuccessful revolution the people
of Georgia turned their crushed energies bravely to rehabilitation and
the future.

PART III.

The ."Reconstruction Travesty and
a Superb jRehabilitation.

CHAPTER XXXII.
THE TRANSITION PERIOD OF PURE BAYONET RULE.
The Whimsical Tyranny of Reconstruction. — Venomous Times. — Gov. Brown's Dra
matic Experience. — Outliving a Merciless Ostracism. — Gen. Wilson. — Stephens, '
Cobb, Hill and Brown arrested. — Gov. Brown's Release. — Gen. Wilson Squelches 1
the " Rebel State Authorities." — Federal Cleverness. — Gen. Wofford. — Mules and ;
Corn Distributed. — Gov. Brown's Resignation. — His Philosophy to " Do the Best
we Can." — The Enfranchisement of the Black and Taking the Oath. — The Georgia ;
Xlijion Club in Savannah. — James Johnson Provisional Governor. — His Pronuncia-
I mento. — His Macon Speecli. — Civil and Moral Chaos. — Johnson's Mistake. — Cling
ing to Slavery. — The Dazing Effect of Preedom on the Black. — The Freedman's
Bureau. — The African Problem. — Grira Satire of the Chicago Times. — A Black
Deluge and Wliite Bondage.
We come now to that anomalous, indefinable period in Georgia his
tory, that must stand as the indescribable incongruity of her existence
as a commonwealth. It is an epoch that baffles description. Neither
war nor peace; marked by the anarchy of war without its dignity and a
pretense of peach without its reality; ruled under a scorching travesty
of law, alternating with bayonet despotism governed by mob caprice;
this era of whimsical yet savage tyranny, known by the abhorrent name
of Reconsteuction, must .ever remain the ridicule of patriotism and
the contempt of statesraanship. It was the spawn of unbridled might.
It violated every principle of good government. It sported wantonly
with every facred axiom of civil liberty. Inspired by hate, and oper
ated with malice, it abortively retarded for a decade of years, the very ob
ject it claimed to seek, viz: — a solid and fraternal rehabilitation of a sun
dered Union, and a warring people. It was the crudest bit of political
harlequinade ever practiced by an enlightened civilization.
The mother that bore the monster Caliban, must have had the same
feeling as she gazed upon the foul, ill-shapen, hideous creature, as the
authors of reconstruction at this day, have in looking back upon the ap
palling abortion, they called into existence to re-unite in holy wedlock,
the resentful sections of a riven nationality. The annals of the -qjorld
show no more wicked and inexcusable botch of governmental polity.
In using this strong language there is a meed of justice due to honest
Southem men, who favored the principle of a martyr's submission to

336 GOVEENOE beown's ALTEENATION 01' POPULARITY.
hard terms, as the patriotic requirement of our conquered condition.
And there is still another meed of justice due to honest Northern
men, who conderaned the drift of what they deeraed a necesary policy.
The acriraony of reconstruction was really no less intense and ruthless
than the savagery of battle. Men were as mad and brutal, and reveled
in fully as fiery passion. It is not altogether certain that men were not
more hostile and implacable than when fighting, for the spilling of
blood, and the clash of arms was a vent for the turbulence of hostility
that toned down the inner heat, and satisfied the vengeance. But the
repression of active deed during reconstruction made the inspiration
of rancor over wrong flame the hotter inwardly.
Those reconstruction days were venomous times, spiteful, acrid,
ferocious, absolutely unreasoning. Their fever was different from the
war-heat, more stinging and unsparingly prescriptive. There was
raore execration about it, and utter disregard of raagnanimity. It was
an epoch of state history, that' no Georgian can ever wish to see re-
enacted. War has its glories, , its stirring delirium, its triumphs, its
renown. But that horrible era of reconstruction has nothing but bitter
memories unredeemed by a single element of alloy. This era was to
witness the most dramatic experience and tragical test of Gov. Brown.
For years he had enjoyed such power and popularity as are vouchsafed
to few men in this world. He had strongly swam, not floated, for he
bravely breasted his own firm course, upon a fiood current of public
favor in as stormy a crisis, and as long as any leader ever did in human
chronicles. He had raade himself the foremost civilian of the Con
federacy, engendering a reputation to be envied, with just enough of
iraplacable enmity to give the proper seasoning to his celebrity, and
point to his victories. He was destined to suffer an alternation of pub
lic favor, so sudden, so complete, so overwhelming and savage as to
constitute th,e most extraordinary personal vicissitude of the extraordi
nary period. He was to be the victim of this remorseless odium too,
without a shade of moral obliquity or a transgression that the raost
punctilious, social, moral or legal scruple could fasten to hira.
He, himself, in his uncomraon sagacity foresaw much of it and pre
dicted it, but he had no conception of its reach and intensity. He had
displayed exceptional daring and firmness in raany trying emergencies.
But iie never had so ferocious a strain upon his adamantine nerve as in
this reconstruction time, when he battled with the sentimental but her
culean prejudices of the people. It was a frightful struggle, and must
give hira the horrors to this day. It battered and ostracized him, it made

ARREST OP DISTINGUISHED GEORGIANS. 337
him for a long time an exile and a practical outcast. It was enough
to have crushed and crazed any man of ordinary or even extraordinary
mold. Yet he not only resisted but he whipped it, and his political
recuperation is as remarkable a case of sublime and indomitable political
vitaUty as was ever seen. It was a grand test of the man's gigantic
endurance and power. The writer was warraly on the other side in
these fierce-hearted days, and in doing justice to Gov. Brown has noth
ing to recant of his own convictions. The day of passion, even in
raeraory, has passed, and the tirae has come for rational fair-minded,
good-tempered justice. Gov. Brown has been more fortunate than
most men in outliving misconception, so terrific that the pangs of death
were preferable. And he has won such a victory over aspersion as will
make the remaining years of his eventful life happy and influential for
good beyond estimate, and all the brighter for the antithesis of the long
dark epoch.
The surrender left the state in military hands. Gen. Sherman, the
most relentless practicer of war's severities, had, with a splendid states
manship, endeavored to give effect to the true consistent theory of the
Union movement, and considered the states restored to their autonomy
when arms were laid down. Gov. Brown acted on this idea. He called
the legislature together to raeet in Milledgeville on the 22d day of May,
1865. Gen. Wilson, the Federal coraraander at Macon, had notifled him to
surrender the State troops, and he had done so, taking a parole as the
commander-ia-chief -with Gen. Gustavus Smith and his division. Gen.
Upton was in comraand at Augusta, Gen. Croxton in Macon, Col. B. B.
Eggleston in Atlanta, and Maj. M. H. WiUiams in MUledgeviUe.
Just at this tirae the surprise was shot upon the state of the arrest
of Alex. H. Stephens, Gen. Howell Cobb, Hon. B. H. Hill and Gov.
Brown. The latter had returned to Milledgeville the day after he was
paroled. The next night the Executive mansion was surrounded by
an arraed Federal force under the coraraand of a captain who notified
the Governor that he was instructed to arrest him. Gov. Brown
denied indignantly the right to molest him, producing his parole. But
the officer replied, " I am instructed by Gen. Wilson to take that from
you." The Governor protested against the outrage, claiming that, as
he had not violated his parole, the faith of the United States was
pledged to protect hira. The officer would take no denial, and there
was no chance to resist the armed force, so the parole was delivered up.
He was permitted just thirty rainutes to make his arrangements for
departure, and was not allowed a moment of privacy with his family,
22

338 THE DREADFUL CONDITION OP NORTH GEORGIA.
from whom he vvas thus so unceremoniously torn. He was carried on
to Washington and incarcerated in Carroll prison. He addressed, a
tetter to President Andrew Johnson, recounting the circumstances of
his parole and arrest, and urging the injustice and bad faith of the
treatment. After the lapse of a week he was accorded an interview
by President Johnson, who promised to investigate the matter. At
the end of several days Gov. Brown's release was ordered on his parole,
and he returned to Georgia.
Gen. Wilson issued an order forbidding the Legislature to meet, as
called by Gov. Brown. His order stated that " Neither the Legisla
ture nor any other political body will be perraitted to asserable under
the call of the rebel state authorities." The order further said:
" The people of the state are earnestly counseled to resurae their peaceful pursuits,
and are assured that the President of the United States will, without delay, exert aU
the lawful powers of his office to relieve them from the bondage of rebel tyranny and
to restore them to the enjoyment of peace and order, with security of life, liberty and
property under the constitution and laws of the United States and of their own state."
There must have been a grira vein of satire in Gen. Wilson's corapo-
sition. The idea of protecting the people of Georgia from " rebel tyr
anny " raust have been the suggestion of a satirical humor inspired
by an intuitive prevision of the coming cruelties of reconstruction.
In many particulars -the Federal soldiers acted very cleverly. Gen.
Wilson turned over to Gen. Ira Foster the Confederate raules, horses,
wagons and harness, for distribution among the poor, and Col. J. H. R.
Washington of Macon, was associated with Gen. Foster to aid in the
distribution. In North Georgia, Gen. Wofford induced Gen. Thomas
to loan the people 30,000 bushels of corn to feed them while making a
crop, and to let the citizens have the straggling govemment stock scat
tered over the country, to help them to farm. These incidents do
iraperishable honor to the gallant Thomas. Gen. Wofford, by his tact
and manly, liberal dealing, established a good understanding with the
Federal Generals, that enabled him to serve the people effectually. The
day after his surrender, which took place on the 12th of May, Gen.
Judah paid him the compliment of asking hira to prepare orders for
the government of the country, and Gen. Thoraas invited him to a
conference for consultation. This northern section was in a dreadful
condition, and its distress continued a long tirae, it had been so fear-
fuUy ravaged. Gen. Wofford was elected to Congress this year, but
was not aUowed to take his seat. He went to Washington to get an
issue of provisions for the thousands of destitute citizens. The Demo-

GOVERNOR BROWN RESIGNS AS GOVERNOR. 339
cratic merabers of Congress could do nothing, and discouraged him.
Nothing daunted, the resolute Wofford interested Judge KeUey of
Pennsylvania, in the matter, who introduced and obtained the passage
of a resolution authorizing Gen. Howard, of the Freedraen's Bureau, to
furnish all of the supplies needed, and reraedy the faraine of this
large section. Even in the middle of the war these upper counties had
to be supplied by the state. It was a suggestive coincidence that this
section of Georgia, the most reluctant in going into secession, was the
raost sorely punished by the resulting war.
Gov. Brown returned to Georgia to find that he was not allowed to
exercise the functions of the Executive. The language of Gen. Wil
son, speaking for Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War, was :
" The restoration of peace and order cannot be entrusted to rebels and traitors who
destroyed the peace and trampled down the order that had existed more th,an half a
century iu Georgia."
On the 2flth of .Tune, 1865^ Gov. Brown, in order to facilitate the re
organization of the state government and remove any impediment that
he raight personally interpose to the solution of the great reconstruc
tion problera, resigned his place in a creditable spirit of patrifliiara. His
address was a dignified, manly paper, and a curiously characteristic enun
ciation of the man. It was the utterance of one who has been noted
all of his thrilling life for facing unpleasant facts fearlessly, and raeet;
¦ing an emergency plumply, without dallying with iraprobable possi-.
bilities, or wasting time upon useless expedients. We have never in
the South had a raore practical man than Gov. Brown. He drives
straight to substantial results, having the end in sight at the start, and
it is his nature to work with a view to that end. He had given every
energy of an unusually powerful nature to winning success in the war,
and if all of the raen of the South had shown his spirit we would have
whipped the fight. When the cause was irretrievably lost, it was the- irre
sistible nature of the raan, and the raoveraent of a profound coramon
sense to seek the quickest exit from our dreadful abasement and utter
ruin. Being conquered summed all the horrors of the situation. And
the defeat following such an effort as we had made was the worst of all
failures — that in which resistance had continued until we had desperately
spent every resource, and were absolutely exhausted and helpless.
Gov. Brown recognized our condition, and faced it in entire frank
ness. The fighting day was gone. He had put out his best efforts
while the war was on. When the thing was over, and the day had gone
against us, and hope was at an end, the unconquerable practicality of

340 GEORGIA DISFRANCHISED.
the man formulated, in that early hour, the policy which he consistently
followed to the last, under such hideous pressure as was simply a mir
acle to have withstood. Here was his declaration of purpose, in his let
ter of resignation:
" The statesman, like the business raan, should take a practical -view of questions as
they arise, and do for those dependent upon him the best that can be done, under aU
the circumstauces, by which they are at the tirae surrounded."
Carrying out this idea Gov. Brown advised instant and entire acqui-\
escenceTnThe^abolition of slavery, a cordial support of President John-
so'n's adiriiiiistraf ion, and the prompt and general taking of amnesty for ]
particijialion'm' the government by all not excepted. President John-
—^girhad off eredr amnesty ,to aXCwho. tQ,ok. lEe.. oath-aL-aIlegiaJijQe,-ascept
ciyil officers of the Confederate governraent, railitary- officers above. the
rank of_Colonel, naval officers above the rank pf LieutenaiUt,.B,Q£vgrn-
ors. Congressmen, Judges, West Point officers, and citizen^ yorth oyer
$2^^prTiT"tKe'last class there were 12,470 in the state at the close of the
war according to the tax books. Adding the civil and military officers
excluded, we had in Georgia somewhere between fifteen and twentj'
thousand raen excepted frora voluntary amnesty, this number including
the wealth and civil and political leadership of the State.
The two main subjects of consideration and action were submission
to the enfranchisement of the black and taking the oath, both of thera
hard, bitter pills then ; one involving the unconditional renunciation of
slavery, the cherished " corner stone " of our fabric for which we had
gone to war, and the other, absolute allegiance to the power we had so
long fought. Yet where was the power to resist these deraands ?
Govemor Brown took the initiative in urg'ing an instantaneous cora
pliance with them, and his letter breathes a strong spirit of patriotism.
In Savannah, on the 31st day of May, 1865, a raeeting had been held
of what was called the " Georgia Union Club." The President was
Col. Wra. H. Stark, and the Secretaries L. A. Dodge and J. R. Sealy.
A coraraittee on business was appointed consisting of L. S. Bennet, M.
Duggan, E. S. Riddell, E. Padelford, H. Brigham, Mr. Wadleigh and J.
G. Mills, who reported resolutions which were adopted declaring that
sympathizers with secession should not be supported for office, and ask
ing for the appointment of a mUitary Governor. And the following
coraraittee was appointed to visit Washington to secure the enforce
ment of the resolutions : W. Woodbridge, Wm. H. Stark, Henry Brig
ham, W. A. Stone, L. S. Bennett, E. S. Riddell, J. G. Mills, C. K. Os
good, Dr. P. Y. Clark, Ed. Padelford and H. B. Weed.

HON. JAMES JOHNSON PROVISIONAL GOVERNOE. ' 341
On the 17th day.-of June, Jlon. Jaraes Johnson of Colurabus was a£^
pointed by President Andrew Johnson, Provisional Governor, of Georgia
to reorganize tjj^e.ptate. Lie had been a member of Congress, defeating
Gen. Henry L. Benning in 1851. Gov. Johnson repaired to MUledge
viUe, and on the 13th day of July, 1865, he issued his Proclamation an
nouncing his appointment, and calling a convention of the people to be
elected the first Wednesday in October, 1865, and to asserable on the
4th Wednesday in October in MUledgeviUe. The oath of amnesty had
to be taken to qualify citizens tn vote. AU redress _.for wrong was te-
raitted to the inilitary authority, and slavery was declared_extin,ct. The
most remarkable announcement in this military civil pronunciaraento,
was the following, which wUl give the reader an idea of the unhinged
condition of the tiraes.
" That the idea, if any such is entertained, that private property wiU be distributed or
parceled out, is not only delusive, but dangerous aud mischievous ; and if any attempt
should be made by any person or persons to effect such an object by violence or unlaw
ful means, it wiU only secure to him or them speedy aud merited punishment."
On the 15th of July, 1865, two days after his proclaraation. Gov.
Johnson raade an address in Macon, in the City Hall, Gen. Wilson
and Hon. Thomas Hardeman being with him on the stage, in which he
made -a frank stateraent of his powers and purposes. He declared that
he was appointed for the single object of enabling the people of
Georgia to forra a governrtient — that slavery existed no raore, and the
fact would have to be constitutionally recognized. Gov. Johnson pro
ceeded to say some very unwelcome things, and it must be confessed
that his manner of saying them was not calculated to woo adhesion to
his counsel. He declared the war a " stupendous folly " of our own
seeking. He concluded with the expression of the belief that Georgia,
under the new regime, would increase in prosperity and civilization.
The condition of feeling among our people was very peculiar at that
tirae. It is difficult to give a conception of it now. It was a civil and
moral chaos. The South was crushed and bleeding. The only sur
viving faculty was the united capacity for grief and resentment. Prop
erty was gone. From the ashes of a universal ruin, raen looked out
upon a future apparently without hope. The old order of things was
destroyed. All previous experiences had been set at naught. There
was nothing to forecast the future. Men were called upon to do hercu
lean things, to bury cherished prejudices, to clean away the saddening
ruins of dear hopes, to sepulcher fierce animosities, to conform to
loathsome necessities, to remodel everything precious, social, political

342 THE CLINGING TO SLAVERY.
and moral. It was a cruel thing in Gov. Johnson to go to abusing the
people, and the ungracious reproach he put on the helpless citizens in
their misery handicapped him for guiding and serving them. When
he closed his speech in Macon, his hearers retired in a sullen dissatisfac
tion. There was an unpleasant conflict of feeling in the state over
slavery. Men clung to the dead body, and hoped by sorae miracle to
either revive it, or utilize its remains. The black problem was a grim
puzzle in that day. There was all sorts of eager, fanciful hoping about
it. It was hard to realize its utter death, and to submit to it. There
was hot and curious contention among our folks over the carcass.
Strange as it may seem now, in this day of ripe acquiescence in Afri
can freedora, in the chaotic raonths foUowing the surrender, and up to
the October convention in 1865, the vital issue was whether slavery
was dead or alive, and it was acrimoniously discussed. The Govern
ment had proclaimed slavery dead, the " Freedman's Bureau "• was
universally established, and the negroes, as " Freedmen," were making
voluntary labor contracts, yet, strange to say, a large part of our people
stuck to the hope of at least some modified form of slavery. The
decisive opinion of Gov. Brown and other sensible men carried its
weight, but was not conclusive, and the chimerical and mercenary
fought this barren issue. ,
We, who are living under organized government, can form no idea of
what it is to be as we were then without civil law, and threatened with
an unknown and perilous future. It was an appalling situation that
we were in, under the arbitrary control of armed men who had been our
foes, who were ignorant of our laws and institutions, and only had the
caprice of their own will to govern them and us. Add to this the anxiety
about the ignorant, dangerous element of free black labor demor
alized with the novelty of license, and there was room for thoughtful
men to be troubled. The negroes were as unsettled and disturbed as
the whites. The phase of the colored raind in the bewildering ex
perience of freedora was a psychological study. During the war the
negroes had generally manifested a noble fidelity to their masters.
Their quiescence was remarkable in the light of the fact that they were
the ostensible cause of the struggle, and their destiny was involved.
This was due largely to their want of education and the hereditary
spirit of subordination born of centuries of slavery.
When freedom came there was no proper conception of it in their
ignorant intelUgences. The sudden transformation from slavery un
leashed a legion of wild aspirations, blending in their scope unbridled

THE GREAT BLACK PROBLEM, 343
appetites and luxurious indolence. The essence of their new liberty
was relief from labor. Idleness and vagrancy were the delicious reali
zation of freedora. It seemed irapossible to raake thera believe that
they raust work and support their f ainiliesT The'oouiitry iiegroes flocked
tp the towns an'd'oities to live upon the" bouriiy of the" govemment "or
steal. They had the most impracticable conception of "their rights.
TEe~miUtary masters found an elephant upon their hands. It was a
quaint but grave burden to manage the obstreperous and fantastical
freedraan of that day. The orders published then are a vivid illustration
of the times. And they were curiously inconsistent in their arbitrary
disregard of individual right. It -was a comical comraentary upon -this
new era of Utopian abolitiomsm, that^its beneficiaries, in the- first flush
of their sacred^ .SS52°iE&tion, rushed inopnjiilgntly to-theft. and_vaga-
bondism. And the bewildered commanders issued pronunciamentos as
despotic as any ukase of the Russian Czar. Capt. Nunan of the 3rd
Ohio cavalry, commanding the post at Milledgeville, promulgated an
order that reads like a travesty of law. Said this extraordinary fulmi
nation of authority, "Freedmen that will use any disrespectful lan
guage to their forraer raasters will be severely punished." They were
not allowed to go frora one plantation to another without passes. A
daily inspection of negro cabins was raade, to stop stealing and killing
of stock. Trading with negroes from the country was prohibited to
check the plundering of plantations, and all blacks had to have a writ
ten perrait to sell things given by their eraployers, and specifying the
articles to be sold. Those under contract, who run away from their
employers, and those who harbored run-aways, were arrested. And yet,
with all of this interference with personal liberty, there was a religious
adherence to the name of " Freedmen," the outward symbol of freedom.
It is due, however, to truth, to say that during this transition period
of pure bayonet rule, the Federal officers generally sought to adiriin-
ister justice and conserve the public interest. They had a hard tirae
between the rapacity of the black and the unrest of the whites. They
were obliged to repress the delusion of the negroes that they were to
own the property of their old masters, or indeed any property they did
not buy, and it was a difficult task.
In looking at this stupendous black problera, out of the blinding in
terest of those rancorous days, it presented an overwhelming difficulty
for solution. The emancipation of four millions of slaves, worth two
thousand billions of doUars, was a vast economic question. The regula
tion of this huge body of unlettered labor and hereditary ignorance.

344 THE BLACK DELUGE.
and the establishment of proper relations for it to the body politic un
der an order of things antipodal to its entire previous existence and
governraent, was the largest question of our vital century. It is not to
be wondered that the raatter was frightfully blundered and botched.
For forty years the republic had been throbbing convulsively over the
slave issue. The Union had split upon it. The greatest war of history
had ended in its overthrow. And as before the crash, so this dominant
black question, in the dubious day of national rehabilitation, clutched
the country to the exclusion of everything else. In the hazy chaotic
air just following the revolution, the abolition sentiment was wild over
the stupendous achievement of African emancipation, and it kept up
such a clatter as drowned for the time all other theraes. Said one of
the Western papers, the 'Chicago Times, of July 7, 1865, vividly de
scribing this black craze :
" The African inundates us. Inky floods pour over the nation and threaten us with
another and a worse than Noachic cataclysm. The black deluge ploughs through our
streets, pours along the national avenues, and encircles the altars of religion.''
This sarae paper concluded with this eloquent waU of grim satire :
" There is a chance in this country for philanthropy. There is a good opening for
abolitions. It is to relieve twenty-eight raiUions of whites held in a cruel bondage by
four millions blacks. It is a bondage worse than that of Helotism. It is one which re
tards our growth, directs our thoughts and absorbs our efforts. It drives us to war, it
ruptures our government, it disturbs our tranquiUity and threatens direfuUy our future.
There never was another such a race of slaves as we ; there never was another people
ground so complete in the dust as this nation. Our negro masters crack their whips
over our legislators aud our religion. They have established a tyranny over us worse
than that of the Pisistradids.
" It is tirae there was something done for these twenty-eight millions of white slaves
held in fetters by four millions of greasy, flat-footed Africans. Having labored and
argued and legislated and fought for these our masters, for many years, it is time that
we should be emancipated and enjoy the fruits of our labor. We see no hope, aud the
future of the country is as black as the subject of this article."

CHAPTER XXXIII.
THE ORGANIZATION OF THE STATE GOVERNMENT UNDER
PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S PLAN.
Some Ludicrous Incidents of Bayonet Despotism. — The Macon Journal Suppressed
because its Editor " Smiled " on taking the Oath. — Judge Erskine. — Mrs. Toombs.
— Pardon of Gov. Brown. — Springing his Name for Governor. — The Convention of
1865, Typifying the Resurrection of Dead Sovereignty. — Its Personelle. — Judge C.
J. Jenkins its Leader. — Gov. James Johnson's Biting Message. — Abolition of Slavery.
— Repudiation of War Debt. — Thaddeus G. Holt. — Fine Appeal for Disfranchised
Citizens. — Gov. Brown and the State's Cotton. — Investigation and Strong Tribute to
Gov. Brown and his Subordinates. — Gov. Brown to Judge Jenkins — Judge Jenkins
Elected Governor. — Congressmen. — The Legislature. — Its Personelle. — Gov. Jen
kins not aUowed to be Inaugurated Immediately. — His Final Installation. — His
Superb Inaugural. — State House Officers. — Frightful Condition of the State. — Gov.
James Johnson's Retirement. — The Black Code. — Gov. Brown's Advice Against it.
— Gov. Jenkins' Message. — Inconsistency of Reconstruction. — Both in and out of
the Union. — Judges Elected. — Important Legislation.
This epoch of genuine sword rule in Georgia was raarked by some
characteristic incidents of an arbitrary despotism. One in particular,
while unspeakably ludicrous, and at this distance silly, illustrates alike
the seriousness of that day and the fatuous drift of a capricious bayonet
tyranny. The editor of the Macon Journal and Messenger, Mr.
Augustus P. Burr, took the amnesty oath, and published in his issue of
July 30, 1865, the oath with the editorial stateraent, that he had to
" fortify hiraself for the occasion with an extra araount of ' Dutch
courage,'" and that after "the perforraance we 'smiled' and we were
fortified in rear and front."
Such badinage should have only elicited laughter or derision. Brig.
Gen. C. H. Grosvenor, commanding the post at Macon, took it seriously,
and in an order, unparalleled for its travesty of sense and its ridiculous
folly, declared Burr's article " a high crime against the United States
governraent," and an " open violation of the oath taken by the editor."
This extraordinary order proceeded to declare solemnly " the editor is
necessarily a bad man — incendiary in his character. His word is worth
less, and his oath not to be trusted.'' Mr. Burr for his harmless pleas
antry was arrested, his office seized and his paper suppressed. A sirailar
incident occurred in Colurabus. A man by the narae of Betts, a sports-

346 JUDGE JOHN ERSKINE.
man, jocularly insisted, when taking the oath, that his dog should do
the same thing. For this he was arrested and imprisoned in jail some
time. Arrests were raade upon the statement of a commissioned officer over
his official signature. Judges were appointed by the Generals com
manding districts, by Gen. Steadman at Augusta, and Gen. Washburn
at Savannah. It was at this time that Judge John Erskine was
appointed, by President Johnson, Judge of the United States district
court, an appointment that he has held up to the present time, filling
the bench with ability, kindness and dignity. With a large power to
oppress the people, having questions to handle full of grave responsi
bility and bearing directly upon our prejudices, oftentimes burdened
with duties odious to the people and disagreeable to our citizens, Judge
Erskine has so deported himself as to win the respect and the confi
dence of men opposed to his political views in a long period of unprece
dented political rancor and personal proscription.
An incident that attracted much attention at the time was an order
from Brig. Gen. Wilde, assistant coraraissioner of the Freedmen's
Bureau, to Mrs. Gen. Robert Toorabs to vacate her horae with only two
weeks' provisions, as the premises were " abandoned property," to be
taken and applied to the uses of the Freedmen's Bureau. Gen. Stead-
man, a humane and gentlemanly officer, revoked the cruel order and
reinstated Mrs. Toombs. Thus were the liberties and property of the
people raade the shuttlecocks of men's caprices, and law and right
quivered upon the shifting wiU of petty, irresponsible miUtary despots
in every county. It is little to be wondered, that a man so sagacious
and practical as Gov. Brown, should have seen in the prompt acceptance
of disagreeable stipulations, that could not be resisted, the escape from
a condition of things abhorrent to every lover of law and liberty.
On the 7th day of August, 1865, Gov. James Johnson issued his
proclamation that Ordinaries could administer the oath of amnesty, and
that civU officers who had taken the amnesty, and were not excepted,
could resume their official functions. Gov. Brown received his pardon
in the middle of September, 1865. The "Federal Union," comraenting
upon the raatter, used this prophetic language:
" Gov. Brown is now at Uberty to devote his great raind and unsurpassed energies to
the restoration of his beloved State to the rights and dignity of a sovereign State of the
Union, and we feel well assured he wiU do all iu his power to make her pathway smooth
and her passage expeditious. Gov. Brown accepts the terms of reconstruction, and will
take hold of the situation in downright earnest. He is not the man to stand -idly by

THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OP 1865. 347
while there is snch important work to do. We expect, therefore, to see him among the
foremost in shaping our new destiny as a coraraonwealth.''
It was a striking deraonstration of Gov. Brown's popularity, that as
soon as his pardon was announced, the papers began to teera with
articles urging his candidacy for Governor again. He was resolved,
however, not to perrait the use of his name. His houses on his farm in
Cherokee county had been burned down, so that he could not go there
to live. In December, 1865, he moved to Atlanta, where he has resided
since, and where he was to experience the most draraatic episodes of a
life that had already been startling in its eventfulness.
The convention ordered by Gov. James Johnson, assembled on the
25th day of October, 1865. It was called to order by Gov. Johnson.
Judge Iverson L. Harris adrainistered the amnesty oath. A nuraber of
delegates were excepted frora amnesty, but President Johnson had gen
erously pardoned them that they raight serve. There was a peculiar
solemnity and iraport in the convening of this body. By the rude hand
of war the State had been remitted to chaos and disorganization.
Ordinarily the raoraentous autonomy of governments grow from incon
siderable beginnings by steps of organized accretion, until they swell
to the fuU-fledg-ed dignity of august sovereign States. Here we had a
great comraonwealth of a raillion of people with a long and illustrious
history, resolved by the crushing and brutal force of war into a tyran
nous anarchv, and seeking the rehabilitation of its bloody and shattered
nationality. It -was an irapressive and grave spectacle, and a tragic
experience for the proud State. It was the regeneration of a grand
republic. It was more — it was the imperial resurrection of the dead
spirit of august popular sovereignty. The reconstruction of no State
of the Confederacy was looked to with the same interest that invested
Georgia. More instrumental in the inception of the storm, more pow
erful in its conduct, more devastated by its ravages, Georgia, in the res
toration period, was regarded with a deeper interest, and filled a more
influential and exalted r6le than any of her sister States.
E^x-Gov. Herschel_l_V^Joh,nsonjva§_g]£ajjed^xesidea.ty^^ and.J.amjej„p.
Waddell secretary, o£ this important convention. Araong the leading
delegates vvarAugurtVrHrKenan7J.~R. Tarrott, afterwards president
of the convention of 1867-8; Judge C. B. Cole, T. G. Holt, now Judge
of the City Court of Macon; Thomas E. Lloyd, E. C. Anderson, Solomon
Cohen, W. F. Wright, John C. Nichols, a Congressman since; David
Irwin, Gen. A. J. Hansell, John H. Christy, a noted editor; M. A.
Candler, a Congressman since; Morgan Rawls, a Congressman since; N.

348 GOVERNOR JAMES JOHNSON'S SEVERE MESSAGE.
J. Hararaond, now a Congressraan; J. I. Whittaker, G. W. Adair, Niles
W. Lewis, Gen. Eli Warren, C. T. Goode, J. H. Blount, now a Congress
raan; Wier Boyd, Phil Cook, now in Congress; E. G. Cabaniss, Joshua
HiU, T. P. Saffold, WiUiara Luffman, Hines Holt, A. H. ChappeU, J. J.
Floyd, P. Reynolds, J. D. Matthews, J. A. Blance, J. L. Warren, Chas.
J. Jenkins, John P, King, ex-president of the Georgia railroad; George
R. Black, now in Congress ; J. L. Wimberly, recently Judge of the Supe
rior Court; Gen. M. Bethune, James L. Seward, A. T. Mclntire, since
in Congress; H. D. McDaniel, since a State Senator; Judge J. S. Hook,
William M. Reese, since Judge; and Williara A. Harris.
The body was an able one, and patriotic, and conservative. Th&MA-
questioned leader of the convention was Judge Charles J. Jenkins, upon
whose clear judgment and crystal honesty, the raerabers reposed with an
unreservecl trust. Gov. Jaraes Johnson sent in a message to the conven-
tion, a cold, brief docuraent, stating the condition of the commonwealth,
and urging certain measures. He said that the cotton purchased by
the state had been captured or burned, and the assets held abroad were
drawn against, to their full value. The state rnad -wa.s rebnilt by the
United^tates, and turned over to the state, .on_the_ 25th of September.
The pub,UeuieLt.jv.as.^.2.Q.813.535. of which $3,667.750 was ante-war.-se-
ouritiesj and $18,135,775 incurred during the war. He advocated the
repudiation of the latter, in language harshly condemnatory of the war.
He declarfed all who participated in the effort to sever the country, vio
lators of law, and the overthrow of the Confederate cause an extinction
of the unconstitutional debt. His words were very acrimonious, and the
teraper of this , curt message, so unsympathetic and biting, as to have
placed him unpopularly with the people. 
The convention continued in session until the 8th day of Noveraber
1865. It repealed the ordinance of secession, repudiated the war debt,
and abolished slavery. A new constitution was adopted. The state
was divided into seven Congressional, and forty-four Senatorial Dis
tricts. Perhaps no action of the., convention excited a deeper feeling
thajutlie. repudiation pf,^the war xjebt. The matter had been anhnatedly
Uscussed long before the convention, and the people were against it.
But when both Mr. Seward and President Johnson telegraphed that the
ixtinction of the debt was necessary to the restoration to the Union,
;he repudiation was reluctantiy done, and eighteen miUions of liabUity
svas wiped out at one stroke, upon the behest of Federal power. It is
a, valuable historic fact, in connection with this unwilling and com
pulsory repudiation, and an honorable tribute to the Convention, that

THADDEUS G. HOLT, JR. 349
Gov. James Joljpson telegraphed to President Johnson these significant
words, " We need some aid to reject the war debt." Two raembers of
the convention. Col. A. T. Mclntire of Thoraas, and one other, voted
against the raeasure anyhow.
Among the more notable acts of the convention was the passage of
an address, asking amnesty for our disfranchised citizens. Hon. Thad
deus G. Holt, of Macon, was the author, he being the chairman of the
coramittee appointed . for the purpose, consisting of T. G. Holt, Jr., M.
A. Candler, C. T. Goode, J. I. Whitaker and G. R. Black. This ex
quisite meraorial deserves reproduction, alike for the beauty of its sen
tiraent and diction as for the tribute it paid to our people.
" His Excellency, Andrew Johnson, Peesident United States :
" The people of Georgia, through her delegates in Convention assembled, respectfully
and earnestly invoke the exercise of the Executive clemency in behalf of those of our
feUow-citizeus embraced within the exceptions to the late Amnesty Proclamation, who
may as yet remain unpardoned.
" Including, as the vast roU of her disfranchised citizens does, many of her finest
inteUects and purest patriots, and involving much of her available wealth, the Conven
tion of our State respectfully recoraraend these men to your magnanimous clemency, as
our needed coadjutors in the mighty task of reorganization, and as worthy subjects of
your raost generous kindness. •
" The Convention pledges their future fidelity to the government of the United
States. The very tenacity of their devotion to the South in the late struggle, the
very heroism and magnitude of their efforts in an unsuccessful cause, and the very chiv
alry of their characters, as evinced in the trying vicissitudes of a gigantic war, will be
your best guarantee of the virtue of their resignation to the result, and of the sincerity
of their aUegiance to a government which disarms them by its magnanimity, enchains
their gratitude by its kindness, and punishes them only with its clement pardon.
" Believe us, sir, there is no looking back. The State of Georgia is prepared to do
her whole duty in and to the government, and she now asks for the restitution to her
control and use of her entire citizens, for whose integrity and loyalty she gives you
her most solemn pledge, in order that they may assist her to work out from her travail
and desolation the high destiny she still trusts is in store for her and them, under a
government that has just emerged unharmed from the raost desperate convulsion of the
world's history, and whose tremendous power wiUbe infinitely strengthened by its
imraeasurable benignity."
Captain, now Judge Holt, the author of this fine paper, had been
one of our raost gallant cavalry officers, and was the scion of that large
faraUy of Holts whose narae is an honored and powerful one in Georgia
annals. The convention provided for an election of state officers and congress
men on the 15th of November, 1865. It changed the appointment of
judicial officers by the Governor, with the consent of the Senate, to the
election of Supreme Court Judges by the Legislature, and of Superior

350 WHAT BECAME OF GEORGIA'S WAR COTTON.
Court Judges by the people of their respective districts. An important
matter investigated was the disposition of the cotton bought by Gov.
Brown for the state during the war. There has at various times been
some attempt to reflect upon Gov. Brown in connection with this
cotton by those unacquainted with the facts. The records of this con
vention and of the Legislature of 1865—6 show every bale of cotton and
every dollar of raoney realized frora the sale of cotton properly
accounted for. A coramittee consisting of Thoraas P. Saffold, Chas.
S. Jordan, Sr., and O. A. Lochrane, investigated the subject of the
state's financial transactions during the war, for three months, advertis
ing for and exhausting every source of information. This coraraittee
fully exonerated every one of the state officials frora any suspicion of
wrong doing.
Gov. Brown bought 6,432 bales of cotton for the state under act of
1864, for $1,500,000. Of this 382 bales were Sea Island cotton. The
disposition of this cotton was as follows:
Exported safely Upland,  1,556^
Lost at sea,  58
Sold to Confederate Government,  282J
Used to pay freight on imports,  . ggl
Sold to Mr. Brigham,  926
Burnt,  2,642
Captured,  223
Sea Island, burnt,  202
Sea Island, captured  82
Exchanged and lost by owner,  gg -
6,432
There was also bought 275 boxes of tobacco, which was shipped to
Wilraington, and taken possession of by Gen. Johnston's array at Tim-
raonsviUe. Vouchers, receipts and drafts covering every dollar of the
raoney in Europe and Nassau were shown by Gov. Brown, and the com
mittee raake this sweeping and unanimous stateraent:
" Our conclusion is, after the most rigid scrutiny into the public and private affairs of
these officers, from Gov. Brown down, that not one of these rumors has been sustained
by the slightest proof. Instead of fortunes having been made by thera, we have found
them generally poorer than when they went into office."
This is the solemn official record upon this matter, that has stood from
that day to this unrefuted and irrefutable, demonstrating a matchless
integrity in vast transactions where the control was almost unlimited.
The enormous sum of eighteen millions of doUars was disbursed during
the four years by the same set of officers, under the distractions and

HON. THOMAS HARDEMAN,
Speaker of the Georgia House of Representatives.

'CHARLES J. JENKINS ELECTED GOVERNOR. 351
temptations of the changeful drama of war and subjugation, yet so per
fectly had the accounts been kept, and so methodically had the huge
business been raanaged, that after three months searching examination,
a committee of able and unimpeachable gentlemen were able to say, after
tracing every dollar, that these great duties had been discharged " in
times of great public trouble with singular ability and official integrity."
This is a grand tribute to Gov. Brown's adrainistration, and a fitting
climax of Georgia's resplendent war record.
Gov. Brown, having unconditionally declined to allow the use of his
name for Governor, the universal thought turned to .Iudg;e__Jenkins.
Gov. Brown, on the 30th of October, 1865, voicing the public desire, ad
dressed Judge Jenkins requesting him to permit the presentation of his
name to the people for Executive responsibility. Messrs .1. P. King,
A. H. Kenan, R. A. T. Ridley, WUson Lumpkin, Asbury Hull, E. A.
Nisbet, Washington Poe, Wm. C. Redding and others urged the can
didacy. Judge Jenkins replied on the 2d of Noveraber, 1865, in a let
ter that is a raodel of good taste, elegant rhetoric and high sentiraent.
Tbe following expressions deserve preservation:
"An honest and intelligent review of our past half century convicts us of two
egregious errors ; too great proneness to agitation, and too much division among our
selves. If my fellow-citizens detect in me aught of vindictiveness for past divisions, or
of proscription for honest opinion's sake, let them all proscribe me."
There was no opposition, and Judge Jenkins was elected Governor by
the unaniraous vote of the^eople, receiving _37,.200 votes, a proud.,§jjd •
"crowning tribute to this distinguishedJjeorgiMi. The following gen
tleraen were elected to Congress, but were never seated. 1st District,
Soloraon Cohen; 2d District, PhU Cook; 3d District, Hugh Buchanan;
4th District, E. G. Cabaniss; 5th District, James D. Mathews; 6th Dis
trict, J. H. Christy; 7th District, W. T. Wofford.
The legislature assembled oh the 4th day of Deceraber, 1865. ^1-
Uam Gibson vvas, .elected Jtoidentotf.. the ...Senate, and Thomas.. Harde-
man, Jr., Speaker _o|jthe_ HLguae. Among the leading Senators were
George S. Owens of Savannah, David E. Butler, Dr. H. R. Casey, and
J. A. W. Johnson, of Dalton, an eloquent criminal lawyer of North
Georgia. Mr. Butler and Col. Johnson are both living, and are araong
the raost effective public speakers we have in Georgia. Araong the
leading representatives were Jenks Jones, ex-Congressman, Gen. G. P.
Harrison, Philip M. Russell, R. L. McWhorter, C. W. DuBose, T. B.
Cabaniss, J. M. RusseU, Thos. G. Lawson, now Judge, George Barnes,
npw Georgia member of the National Democratic Executive Committee,

352 GOVEENOE CHAELES J. JENKINS INAUGURATED.
C. Snead, now Judge of the Augusta Circuit, J. D. Stewart, now Judge
Flint Circuit, B. H. Pottle, Judge Northern Circuit, Hon. Thomas O.
Wicker, and Col. R. J. Moses.
Gov. Johnson's message was a plain, brief document, raainly urging
the ratification of the 14th araendraent to the United States Constitu
tion abolishing slavery. On the 6th of December, 1865, a legislative
committee notified Gov. Jenkins of his election, and asked him to ap
point a time to be inaugurated. Gov. Jenkins replied, stating that he
had received the following communication:
"Executive Office, Milledgeville, Dec. 4, 1865.
" Hon. C. j. Jenkins :
" Dear Sir : In the discharge of an official duty I beg leave to inform you that I have
been directed by the President of the United States to continue to act as Provisional
Governor of the State of Georgia, untU reUeved, and my successor recognized by the
Government. Your obedient servant, J.JOHNSON, Prov. Gov. of Georgia."
Gov. Jenkins designated the 16th of January, 1866, for his inaugura
tion, provided by that time he should be recognized by the United
. States government. The legislaturejmmediately ratified the thirteenth
araendment abolishingjlavery". A law was also, passed allowing Freed-
menjo testifj;, in the £a!i£ts. This was advanced action of Georgia on
the negro question, and was an indication of the liberal spirit that gov
erned our people. On the 11th of December, 1865, President Johnson
telegraphed to Gov. Johnson:
" The Governor elect will be inaugurated, which will not interfere with you as Pro
visional Governor. You will receive instructions in a few days in regard to being re
lieved as Provisional Governor. Why can't you be elected as Senator V
On the 14th of Deceraber, 1865, the variegated draraa of reconstruc
tion furnished the gladdening act of the inauguration of our noble
Jenkins as Governor. It was a grateful spectacle for the State, and yet
it was marked by raost unpropitious surr'oundings. The day was cold,
raw and rainy, and there was lacking the usual display of beauty. It
seeraed as if nature was giving token that the episode was a temporary
and ineffectual part of the tragic comedy of reconstruction. Gov.
Jenkins' inaugural was a very fine paper, eloquent, ornate, stately, earn
est, statesmanlike. There was a singular felicity of language and idea
in its strong and polished sentences. It breathed a spirit that every
patriot could endorse. It contains some striking paragraphs. Said this
masterly address:
" Five years since reason abandoned and the sword assumed the arbitrament. We
open not that record of violence ; would that we could stamp it with the seal of oblivion.

q^tyKBMll a S.m,rBiir.:Mii :'Ll'T

S_ J^ ^^..^it.^^A'O'l^L^

GOVEENOE JENKINS' ELOQUENT INAUGUEAL. 353
Now the wager of battle is over, and the award is against us, as parties to the issue.
Our whole people have risen up and accepted it as by the will of one man. What valor
failed to achieve, wisdom has proraptly renounced ; and truth herself has set her signet
to the attestation of the deed."
With exquisite beauty and wisdom he added:
" A tempest of unsurpassed fury has swept over the land. The elements do not sub
side into their normal quiet instantaneously with the luU of the wind, the sleep of the
lightning, and the hush of the thunder."
This extraordinary and unsurpassable inaugural was most remarkable
in its discussion of the negro question. Its kindness to the black race
was unstinted yet discriminating. It abounded in happy utterances.
Emancipation had come upon us like the "destructive engulfing of
the earthquake in volcanic localities." The reaUzation that it was
unalterably fixed was the first step toward the adjustment of the new
systera. The blacks had exhibited a fidelity in the past and a decorum
under the distracting influences of the present " without a parallel in
history." They should be protected against the " crafty machinations
of the designing" as weU as the "fatal delusions of social equality."
This part of the address thus fervently concluded:
" God is merciful ! God is mighty ! God in his abounding mercy and in the plenitude
of his might so di.spose our fortunes and theirs, that each class shall be to the other a
blessing, not a curse."
The extracts frora this superb enunciation will be well ended with
this spendid and prophetic paragraph:
" Peace restored — the machinery of government once more put iu operation — public
and private enterprise aroused from their long slumber — educational institutions re
opened — our sacred temples and our altars with their holy ministrations frequented as of
yore, and the blessing of Almighty God overspreading aud vivifying aU earnest effort, .
Georgia will iUustrate the teachings of adversity by speedily achieving an enlarged
prosperity." The General Asserably only remained in session until the 15th of
Deceraber, when it adjourned until January 15, 1866. The following
State House officers were elected: N. C. Barnett, Secretary of State; J.
T. Bums, ComptroUer General ; John Jones, Treasurer, and J. W. Burke,
public printer. Col. Barnett is still the Secretary of State, enjoying a
ripe old age, and honored with a degree of popular confidence founded
upon a life of spotless integrity and a character full of manly and social
excellencies. The condition of Georgia at this time was full of anxiety for patriots.
There were organized bands of thieves all over the State under the lead
of bad white men. Every newspaper teemed with accounts of robbery.
23

354 THE STATE ON ITS FEET.
Stock was stolen every night, and punishment was rare. In localities
were shocking exhibitions of lawlessness and crime. Large nurabers of
the Federal soldiers had been withdrawn from the State, leaving the
people without the protection of their authority and arras. The bad
element of the blacks had become violent, and reveled in a carnival of
vicious insubordination, and the courts were not in sufficient punitive
operation. Colored incendiaries from abroad were stirring about araong
the negroes and stiraiilating thera to lawlessness. The cities and towns
especially were scenes of murder, plunder, assassination and riot. In
this bad condition of order Gov. Johnson contemplated the remedy of
organizing and arming companies of discreet volunteers.
On the 19th day of Deceraber, 1865, Gov. Jenkins received the fol
lowing telegrara from Washington, which terminated the temporary
administration of Provisional Governor Jaraes Johnson, and put upon
its legs what seeraed the permanent state government of the people.
The cherished end seemed at last in sight, and the travaU of a painful
reconstruction gloriously ended. "Washington, D. C, 19th December, 1865.
" To His Excellency the Governor op the State of Georgia :
" Sir, — By direction of the President I have the honor herewith to transmit to you a
copy of a comraunication which has been addressed to his Excellency, James Johnson,
late Provisional Governor, whereby he has been relieved of the trust heretofore reposed
in him, and directed to deliver into your possession the papers and property relating to
the trust.
" I have the honor to tender you the cooperation of the Government of the United
States, whenever it may be found necessary, iu effecting the early restoration and the
permanent prosperity of the state over which you have been called to preside.
" I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant,
" W. H. SEWARD."
The thrill of joy that pulsed through the smitten state at the publi
cation of this joyful document can be better understood than described.
It was the practical reaUzation of that farailiar holy history of the
proraised land after a toilsome pUgrimage of unspeakable woe. But
the draraa of reconstruction was the kaleidoscope of a harlequin. The
seemingly glad recovery of our political hope was the beginning of the
dreariest and most fantastic political tragedy of the world's annals.
pAnd the consistency of the unparalleled picture can only be preserved
I in the mind by connecting with this graceful and dignified installation
of a splendid representative state governraent, its brutal and ignoraini-
ous overthrow and expulsion, and the erecting in its place of a dynasty'
of force, plunder and execration.

THE peeedman's CODE. 355
The Legislature re-assembled on the Sth day of January, 1866. The
raost serious subject for action was the governraent of the emancipated
blacks. The Convention had authorized Gov. Johnson to appoint a
committee to prepare a negro code of laws. That committee consisted
of Judge Ebenezer Starnes, W. Hope Hull, L. E. Bleckley and Sarauel
Barnett, and was a rare selection of able, brave and pure-minded men.
These commissioners, after long and conscientious preparation, pre
sented to the Legislature the result of their labors — a code of laws
just and liberal to the freedmen, and safe to the whites. It gave araple
security to rights of person and property, but withheld political privi
leges. This code was a raatter of solicitous thought and patriotic
concern among the raembers, and the opinion upon it varied and trem
ulous. Several of the General Assembly, R. A. T. Ridley, F. A. Frost,
D. E. Butler, John D. Stewart and Jesse A. Glenn addressed a letter
to ex-Gov. Brown, asking his opinibn^ C>n the_j4ith_oLFgbrua,ry, 1866,
he replied in a letter of masterly wisdom. It was a singularly clear-cut,
sententiqi-j,';,. pVficticnl pnimciatinn of vipw, ^,nd in t.hft^l^in-ht. of results
wonderfully correct. __Itjtook positive^jquare^ ground against a special
Ireedmarfs_(f_ode, .or^jjiyjaws, discrijijijig^ingincourt rights and rem-
edies. H,a.said <ihifii.TJnif;fld St^tf^ Gnvpmmpnt v|7Qi-i1fl nnt. permit the
enforceraent of a separate pjsnal.and civil cqde,_ He used this expres*.
sion, which was a vague and intuitive premonition of the coraing
spread of the colored revolution: "Unless madness rules the hour,
they -will never be placed upon a basis of political equality with us."
, But even this far-sighted gentleman did not realize the inexorable
drift of events under the changed order of things, and at that tirae,
as always, he manifested his thorough Southern syrapathy ; and he did
not advocate in advance the inauguration of measures whose accept
ance he afterwards advised as a matter of necessity. It is important
to look at this in properly estimating his after course, which entailed
upon him so much bitter odium.
Gov. Jenkins in his raessage called attention to a curious inconsistency
of the reconstruction going .on. President Johnson had proclaimed the
araendraent to the United States Constitution, adopted by the vote of
Georgia, which had been solicited and accepted in recognition of her
rights as a state of the Union. Yet the incongruous sight was witnessed
of the state being both out of and in the Union at the same tirae. If she
was out, the araendraent adopted by her vote was void. If she was in,
her rights were perfect. This anoraaly of her position was one of the
farcicalities of that reconstruction that raarked the end of our great war.

356 ALEXANDEE H. STEPHENS' SPEECH.
The legislature elected as Judges of the Suprerae Court, Dawson A.
Walker and I-trerson L. Harris. Walker beat Gen. Benning and Rich
ard F. Lyon. Harris beat Hirara Warner, Richard H. Clarke, Barnard
HUl and John Schley.. The defeat of Gen. Benning, a soldier, by Judge
Walker, a non-combatant, was a strange victory, and keenly felt by
Gen. Benning. It was largely due to WUliam Dougherty, the great
lawyer who fought Gen. Benning about his decision in the Colurabus
Bank cases, as has been noticed before in this volume. Tlie_G^eral
Assembly elected Alexander H. Stephens and Herschell V. Johnson,
United States Senatorsr Mr7 Stephens bear^^^ Hill ^IfcJoliBson
beat Gen. L. J. GartreU, C. Peeples and jamesj^^ingpn. Gen. Gartrell
received ninety-three'voteTon one baUot, the contest being a Uvely one.
He finally withdrew on the sixth baUot when within one vote of an elec-
'tion. Neither of these senators were ever admitted to their seats. Dur
ing the session, Mr. Stephens was formally invited to address the legisla
ture, and his speech appears upon the journals of the General Assembly,
— an unwonted and distinguished corapliraent. The speech was a pro
found and statesraanlike utterance, philosophical, dispassionate, concil
iatory. It took the distinct ground that " we raust accept the issues
of the war, and abide by them in good faith."
The legislature adjourned on the 13th day of March, 1866. 4fflQng
tlie important measures passed, were stay and homestead laws; appro
priations to repajr_and eqmp the state road, and buy artificial Umbs for
maimed soldiers, and resolutions complimenting' President Johnson^ and
requesting: the withdrawal of soldiers. Gov. Jenkins s-ave a marked ev-
id.en.c.^..p|,_hi.s. firmness and courage, by vetoing the stay and homestead
jaws in the teeth of a universal public clamor for these'me'asiires as a~re-
lief in the pecuniary stress of the state. Conceiving them unconstitu
tional, the brave and honest statesman refused them his sanction under
the solemn obligation of his oath. But the stay law was passed over

CHAPTER XXXIV.
THE SECOND IRON HANDED AND WHIMSICAL PHASE OF
RECONSTRUCTION.
The Memorable Strife between Andrew Johnson and Thad. Stevens. — The Fourteenth
Amendment. — Negro Citizenship and White Disfranchisement. — The Fierce Ee-
construction Committee of Congress. — National Union Convention. — Gov. Jenkins'
Message against the Fourteenth Amendment. — The Legislature Rejects the Amend
ment. — Conservatism Baffled at the North, and the South Trembling in Eadical
Clutches. — Two Reconstructions. — Practical State Matters. — The Federal Court. — ,
Ex-Gov. Brown and his Triumphs on the Test Oath and the Stay Law. — Freed
men's Bureau. — ^Ladies' IVIemorial Association. — Emigration to Mexico and Brazil.
— The Sherman Bill. — Negro Suffrage Added. — Andrew Johnson's Impeachment.
— The South Inflamed. — Gov. Brown's visit North to Probe the Situation. — His
Fateful Letter advising Acceptance of the Conqueror's Terms as the ouly means of
State Regeneration. — A Letter that Scorched his Career for Years. — Ex-Gov. Brown
Predicts its Unpopularity.— The Terrific Storm of Odium he Met. — His Frightful
Associations. — The " Carpet Bagger." — T. M. Norwood. — Gov. Jenkins' Suit to
Test the Sherman BUl. — An Instructive Antithesis. — Brown and Jenkins.
The year 1866 raarked the inauguration of one of the most exciting
civU conflicts in the history of our great republic. This was the ever
memorable struggle between the President and Congress of the United
States, over the reconstruction of the seceded and conquered States.
President Johnson had exacted the abolition of slavery and the repu
diation of our war debts. These demands had been complied with, and
the Southern States reorganized. Congress refused the admission of
our Senators and Representatives and remitted the matter of recon-
straction to a special committee. The extreme Republicans of the
North were not satisfied with the concessions made by the South, and
the fight began over President Johnson's policy of national restoration.
In April, 1866, President Johnson proclaimed peace restored, and the
great insurrection at an end. The Southern insurrection was indeed
over, but the war waged none the less furiously against the South, not
a war of blood, but a war of malice and proscription. Thaddeus
Stevens led the crusade* whose object was the further humUiation of
the South, and the crusade ended in the passage of the Fourteenth
Araendment to the Constitution of the United States. This amend
ment made negroes citizens, reduced representation in Congress in pro-

358 NATIONAL UNION CONVENTION AT PHILADELPHIA.
portion to citizens refused the voting privUege, and disfranchised all of
our citizens who had held office before the war and fought on the South
em side. It was fiercely opposed all over the South. Our people stood
solidly against it. The measure excited a heated discussion over the
whole country. Another measure that was passed over President John
son's veto, and which excited a deep feeling and a hot argumentative
conflict, was the Civil Rights bill.
The implacable Reconstruction committee of Congress, headed by
Thad. Stevens, continued fulminating its harsh propositions in swift
succession, which congress after stormy debate passed. A resolution
was forced through that the rebellion deprived the South of civil
governraent, and it was the duty of Congress to provide them with civil
governments, to continue suspension of habeas corpus and keep soldiers
in the South to protect the blacks and Union citizens. Then another
was ground out that no Senator or Representative be admitted from
any Southern state until Congress shall have declared such state en
titled to representation. Upon these came the Fourteenth Araendraent,
-which the Southern States raust ratify to gain admission.
j The National Union Convention was held in_Kiiladelphia on the 14th
jof August, 1866, to stop, if_possible, this_radical mischiefT Gov. Brown
presided at a county meeting in FuitflB couaty to arrajJg.e for delegates.
and made an_ admirable speech that was...widely copied and compli-
mented. He used this language: "While we cannot ij,ccr.rrl tn thp
Jiej;ro_race social and _£olitical equaIity,Xb,el.ieve iLi.s,the..flxed purpose
of nineteen-twentieths of the people p_f Georgia^ to see that thev have
tegal equality ^f^.^.th^t^j^uftije and equity be constantly administered."
J The delegates appointed from Georgia were: State, A— H— Stephens,. H.
y. .Johnson. A. H. Chappell and D. A. Walker; District, W. B. Flem
ing, J. B. Guirdon, Eli Warren, J. L. Wimberly, H. Warner, E. H.
Worrell, T. Hardeman, P. W. Alexander, Linton Stephans. A. R.
Wright, J. H. Christy, R. McMillan, R. F. Lyon, Jas. Milner. But all was
unavaiUng. The extreme Republicans had the power and they pushed
it ruthlessly. Their whole course was an unbroken carnival of inconsist- "
ency and despotism. They fought the war for the Union, and after
success themselves smashed it. They battled for the constitution, and
having estabUshed, they then ignored and violated it. They were for
party and not the country. They acted against law, justice, humanity
and the constitution, yet that mattered nothing. And opposition to
their demands but increased the number and severity of their exactions.
The Fourteenth Amendment disfranchised the leading whites of the

THE EOUETEENTH AMENDMENT REJECTED. 359
South, but it did not confer suffrage on the negro. The rejection of
the one brought both, and it was a perception of the futility of non-
corapliance, and the injury of opposition in evoking additional^ wrongs
and RCYiiirmi luting flpT^ditions of humiliation that impelled the practical
wise-visioned Brown to advise ceasing unavailinjgL. contgntion, and _stqp
oppression by the acceptance of irresistible term^.
The legislature met in November. Gov,Jtenkinsin hi,^...m£saagfi-giado
a raasterly arguraent, against  the Fourteenth^ A,}iigJxdxo&at, which
echoed the public heart. The joint legislative coramittee, headed by
B. A. Thornton of the Senate, and R. A.T. Ridley of the House, made
a masterly and unanswerable report, written by Col. R. J. Moses against
it, which took these two siraple and impregnable positions:
"1. If Georgia is not a state composing a part of the Federal government, known as
the Government of the United States, amendraents to the Constitution of the United
States are not properly before this body.
" 2. If Georgia is a state, composing a part of the Federal governraent, known as the
governraent of the United States, then these amendments are not proposed according to
the requirements of the Federal Constitution, and are proposed in such a raanner as to
forbid the legislature from discussing the merits of the amendments without an implied
surrender of the rights of the state."
This superb report concluded with this resolution:
" Resohed, That the legislature of Georgia declines to ratify the proposed amendment,
adding a fourteenth article to the constitution of the United States."
The Senate voted unanimously in favor of it, and the House passed
it with only two dissenting voices, Ellington of Gilmer, and Umphrey
of Fannin. Such unanimity has rarely been witnessed. The two irre
sistible considerations governing the rejection of this amendment were
that it was without the authority of the constitution, and it made our
people the ignominious authors of the disfranchisement of our own best
citizens. The year 1866 closed with conservatism baffled and beaten in
national raatters, and the South panoplied in argument and robed in
right, yet trerabling in the cruel clutch of a pitiless Radicalisra, angered
by the contemptuous rejection of its bitter terras by its helpless vic
tim. We had enjoyed two reconstructions. Sherman accepted our
surrender on terms of the immediate restoration of the States to the
Union. Johnson repudiated this consistent result, and, compelling the
abolition of slavery and our war debts, organized us on these ideas.
Congress upset Johnson as he had overthrown Sherman, and demanded of
the South the voting of citizenship to the ilegro and the disfranchise
ment of the Southern leaders. This was spurned, and the high-con
tracting parties stood lowering at each other in the throes of a battle

360 STATE INCIDENTS.
more bitter than the one of bullets so recently ended. But it was all
one-sided. There could be but one result. We were powerless ; they
implacable. Resistance did not convince, it only . stiraulated anger.
Failing of effect, opposition invited increased exaction, and put ami
cable agreement out of the question in the savage temper of our adver
saries and the unbridled force of our victors. Looking back to that
burning day, and reviewing the perplexities of that eraergency, there
was no choice but between the two extremes, the acquiescence of Brown
or the deathful hostility of Toombs. The one gave peace, the other
wooed extermination. The situation presented no middle ground seem
ingly. But the medium line was pursued, and the writer was its advo
cate, and there came in due and inexorable sequence an additional in
stallment of this hybrid reconstruction, more fantastic and harsh than
ever. During the year 1866 a good deal was done in practical State matters.
Majj^Camjjbell Wallace was put in charge _ of jthe_Stj^ road, and Col.
^JJk,M^2rMJ?y inade, president oftheCentral raUroad. Mr. T. W.
Chichester borrowed $400,000 in New York for Gov. Jenkins. Nearly
$300,000 was spent to buy corn for the poor of the State. Sorae
$^630,000 of State, bonds-had been issued to repair^tiie^tate road, pay
2a^due_coupons and bonds^^^andbuy corn, s-welUng our State debt from
$2.676.500 to $5.a.iail£lfl. Notwithstanding our desperate condition of
poverty and ravage, our securities brought ninety cents on the dollar.
And in spite of the fact that we were not regarded as a State, the gen
eral government levied upon the State as a State her quota of a direct
tax levied on the Union, her part being $584,067.33. There had been
granted in the South by President Johnson 7,197 pardons up to the
flrst of May, 1866, of which 1,228 were in Georgia. Judge Erskine
had opened the Federal Court in Savannah on the 9th day of May,
1866, with Henry S. Fitch, a brilliant Indianian, as United States
District Attorney. Judge WUliam Law, who had practiced forty-nine
years in that court, applied for admission and was refused because
he could not take the test oath. Ex-Gov. Brown represented him in
attacking the constitutionality of the law creating the test oath, and
made a speech of great length and magniflcent power and legal learn
ing. Mr. Fitch made a reply of uncommon merit and eloquence. Judge
Erskine ruled the oath unconstitutional and Jud'ge Law was admitted.
The Supreme Court of the United States afterwards declared the test
oath unconstitutional.
Ex-Gov. Brown also was eraployed in an important case involving the

THE BEGINNING OP THE COTTON CRAZE. 361
constitutionality of the Fjtate staj,^ law, and made a speech of surpass
ing erudition and logic. The entire people were deeply interested
in this absorbing question, and the case was looked to with profound
intensity of feeling. He„.ggn his caaSt. *-^<^- -""XE.^':';'^ court deciding
the law C0nstiti"t,irfpn1. After-vya..rd,ci^ Yf.h^n- .n.p .j-ho_^,jpvon-|Q bench as
Chief -Justice, he ruled iQ_f;uLQ.r .of the constitutionality of _ this class of
laws. A systera of county courts was created, the judges being elected by
the people of each county, and holding office for four years without
salarj'^, but allowed fees. These were iraportant courts, having jurisdic
tion of civil cases, except titles to land, and divorces, and criminal cases
except those capital. The Freedmen's Bureau had an almost exclusive
jurisdiction of negro affairs. It will ever remain one of the political
curiosities of that unique time. The power in these petty Bureau
officials was autocratic and sweeping. There was never in the world
such a travesty of law. These agents decided titles to land, granted
divorces, arrested and imprisoned for debt, made compulsory labor con
tracts for blacks who would not make them, and arbitrarily fixed the
value of the services of laborers at from $12 to $15 a month -with board
and lodging, the laborer, however, to furnish his own clothing and
medicine. There were so mariy outrages perpetrated by these agents,
and the claraor was so great, that finally the heads of the Freedmen's
Bureau were relieved in Georgia, the Carolinas and Alabama, and miUtary
officers were put in charge. It was this year that the planters began
the suicidal farm policy they have so pertinaciously pursued ever since,
and which has resulted in so rauch pecuniary embarrassment, of raising
cotton to the exclusion of provision crops. The West became the com
crib and smoke-house of the South. Provisions were bought on time
at enormous usury, and cotton raised at a loss, and thus the planters
became raore involved every year. There was a cotton craze, that for
a while seeraed incurable.
Among the tender and touching things done by the General Assembly
was the appropriation of $5,000 to the Ladies' Memorial Association,
under the lead of Mrs. Charles J. WiUiaras of Columbus, and Miss
Mary- A. Green of Resaca, to gather together our soldier dead scattered
about and properly raark their graves. Some exquisite speeches were
made in the Legislature b-y several of the members, among them, Hon.
James M. Russell, Col. R. J. Moses, Col. Claiborne Snead and J. A.
Glenn. ThJS-Legislature also granted state--.aid_toJ;he.M,a,oonjncLBrmi^-
-wick railroad,, attjs^lkyexY .animated strugglg. Ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson

362 A GLOOMY OUTLOOK AND MORE RECON.STEUCTION.
was re-elected United States Senator. In 1866, J. W. Clift and C. H.
Prince qualified as merabers of Congress.
Both duritig 1865 and 1866 there was considerable agitation of the
subject of eraigration to Mexico and Brazil, and quite a number fool
ishly expatriated theraselves. There was a small colony in Mexico,
among whora were Generals Magruder, Hindman and Price and ex-Gov.
Harris of Tennessee. But Gen. Lee advised against it, and the good
sense of our people condemned such expatriation. And finally the
exiles themselves returned, after a bitter experience of hardship in
foreign lands. It was the brave thing to stand to our dear land in her
adversity, and raise her frora her sad ashes. Araid all the obstacles and
distractions, the drawbacks and disturbances, there had been a little
progress in prosperity. Our people had gone to work bravely. Our
cities, especially, had picked up soraewhat. Our railroads had been
rebuilt, our farms restored in some degree. But the Radical policy had
hindered rehabilitation, creating distrust and engendering discourage
ment. Our agricultural labor, the basis of prosperity, was unsettled and
in an indescribable condition of demoralization. Adventurers had come
in to control this ignorant class, and poison thera against their old
masters. There was a brooding sense of calamity in the State, and the
outlook was gloomy enough.
In this nebulous state of darkness the Radical element in Congress,
relentlessly pursuing the strife with President Johnson, and imagining
the interest of their party to lie in a truculent increase of severity,
passed a raeasure offered by Mr. Sherraan, tendering back the same
Constitutional amendment that had been rejected, with negro suffrage
added. The other gentle features of this grim Sherman bUl were
simply the transformation of our state governraent into a Provisronal
concern, handicapped with a bayonet absolutism, and subject to the
imperial caprice of an acrid Congress. Truly it would have been a
marvel of ingenuity that could have conceived a more incongruous
abortion of politico-military polity than this. What a commentary it
was, too, on the rancorous and unreasoning popular sentiraent backing
^t at the North, that sturdy, stern old Reverdy Johnson, true and cour
ageous friend of the South in Congress, who had fought a generous
battle for us, sadly voted for this bill as the best he could get, and the
kindest measure possible. This was reconstruction with a vengeance.
Andrew Johnson garaely vetoed it in. words of grand force and elo
quence. But the constitutional raajority, inspired by public opinion.

WHITE DISFEANCHISEMENT AND BLACK SUPEEMACY. 363
brushed out his ineffectual yet unanswerable protest, and fastened the
iron enactment upon the quivering and helpless South.
It was an amazing piece of statesmanship to disfranchise our intelli
gence and make the hereditary slaves of two centuries rulers of our
political destiny. It degraded, alarraed and exasperated our people.
We had the whole arguraent of the case on our side. They had the
might. Our reconstructors had excelled theraselves in this last fantas
tic of national restoration. Our people were angered to white heat,
and they entered upon an uncomproraising fight against the astounding
project. In this crisis ex-Gov. Brown, with that cool method that dis
tinguished hira, went North to look into the matter, and see just how
earnest the North was, and what hope there was of resistance to these
most odious measures. He had taken ground as a matter of choice
against these wrongs. He was powerless, as were his people, to suc
cessfully oppose any measures that were inevitable. And he resolved
to ascertain just what was necessary to do to restore the state to the
control of his state-countrymen. Judge Dawson A. Walker accorapa
nied him. These gentleraen went to Washington early in February,
1867, while the Reconstruction raeasures were pending, and thoroughly
gauged public sentiraent upon reconstruction. Gov. Brown probed the
subject to the bottom. He conversed with the most influential men
upon both sides. From President Johnson down he conferred with
leaders of every shade of opinion. The impeachment crusade against
President Johnson had begun. Against the Sherman bill he had fired
a noble but ineffectual veto, and on the last day of the old Congress it
went through. The new Congress passed the supplemental reconstruc
tion bill providing for a registration of loyal voters, the calling of a
convention by the vote of the people, and the ratification of the consti
tution made by such convention by a popular vote, all under mUitary
guidance. Mr. Johnson struck this measure with another spirited veto,
but it was promptly passed, and the revengeful malignancy of impeach
ment gathered fresh force from the incident. .
It was a glooray state of things when the very constitutional exercise
of official prerogative upon the line of constitutional right in our favor
evoked so vengeful a spirit. Gov. Brown satisfied himself .that, the^e
terms, hard and galljag-as-they were, must -betaken, 4H-st-a.s_they. were
taken, and he came hqrae^^jjid^adxised , Jihalr ,a.cceptan£aJ3y-.thfe4)eo.pls.
Trapartially' "s"crnSiiizing__that ^aet^ of^ady ice, with Jtlii£„,passions ., of the.
hour cooled^nd jn^lJie light of finaL results, itjoust, be., confessed, that.
Gov. Brown's coursejwa^ ^practical,, pn1itic_and_jnspired by his-jconvic-

364 GOVEENOE beown's FATEFUL EECONSTEUCTION LETTER.
tions of duty. A letter was addressed to him on the 22d of February,
1867, by Ira R. Foster, James F. Alexander, A. R. Reagan, John Collier,
L. C. WeUs, P. Pease, W. R. Venable, D. F. Hammond, P. L. Wynatt,
A. K. Seago, R. P. Zimmerman, L. S. Salmons, William Herring, E. E.
Rawson, J. A. Hayden, Joseph Thompson, E. P. Watkins, J. J. Thrasher,
T. W. J. Hill and E. Hulburt, asking his judgment as to what course
should be pursued by tlie people of Georgia in the existing crisis.
He answered, and it was the most fateful letter of his life. It has
been burned into the history of the country, and it scorched his career
for dreary years. He was too sagacious a judge of public opinion, not
to foresee that it would elicit a large measure of unpopularity. He
showed it to some close friends, and with an accurate prevision of its
effect and of the public feeling, he said: "In the present excited state
of the popular mind, the chances are that bold leaders will inflame their
passions and prejudices, and they will reject the terms proposed, and
have to suffer the. consequences. And in that case, frora having been
for years one of the most popular men in Georgia, I shall become for
a time the most unpopular from the Potomac to the Rio Grande." The
gentleraen in whora he confided his views concurred with hira fully,
and begged hira to withhold the letter, and not imitiolate hiraself.
They urged that he was out of public office, and therefore was under
no obligation to give advice that would impair his popularity. Gov.
Brown's reply was to this effect: "I am indebted to the people of
Georgia for all that I ara as a public man, and I have made up my mind
to tell them the truth, and warn thera of their danger, be the conse
quences what they may to rae as an individual."
To estimate the full effect of this letter. Gov. Brown's position among
the people must be understood. For eight long and momentous years
he had been the civil autocrat of Georgia, ahd in a continuous series of
heated conflicts he had clutched popular endorsement with an irresistible
power. He was by long odds the most potential and idolized public
man in the State, seemingly impregnable among the masses. Such a
revulsion has rarely been witnessed. The popular idol at one stroke
was hurled to the ground, and upon him raged a pitiless storm of vin
dictive execration. The rautterings of the thunder and the play of the
Ughtning began at once on his devoted head. The raan who stands
before the prejudices of a people has a fearful task before him. But
when, as in this case, he confronts not only their prejudices, but their
convictions and their memories, the 'doom of an overwhelming odium is
his certain fate.

GOVERNOR brown's PAINFUL ATTITUDE. 365
The perusal of Gov. Brown's letter at this long distance from that
volcanic day, even by one who, like the writer, shared in the fever
that fired the Southern heart then, shows it to be a singularly argu
mentative, dispassionate, forcible document, calm-tempered, logical, and
driving his cool conclusions home with ponderous emphasis. The Sher
man biU had not even passed when he wrote, but he predicted its
passage. He discussed the relative condition of political parties at the
North, he stated the exact .realities of the situation, and he adv'sed a
prompt, full acceptance, of the conditions i'mposed-upoa..as,-as-wa jsould
offer no further resistance, and every delavbut incrgasatl,.^!}^ severity q^
the terms offered — Iherq^^iltJiis. strong eviignce.Bl^^isJOtes^fti sin-
cerity in his advice,_that he was no.t a candidate.for any office, nor seek
ing any personal benefit; _a»dua-addiJiQJLt£LAhis,.Ji&.was araong tiiQse
disfranchised bv the very_.bUi ^1;;o whoae hard ,,gti£iiJations_ he .jifluiUiaaUd.
obedieij.ce. Later. Mr. Sherman, the author of the bill, introduced a
measure in Congress Jor. GflK,.,BM.wn^aj:eUef,^nd,this-Jafi±™Baa, used
against the latter a^ane^adenceof^^some.coUiisi^ but it was not only,
not a part of anunderstanding, and wholly unprompted by him, buit it
was a natural outcome of Gov. Brown's attitude, and was probably
intended to show that the road to certain reconstruction was the path
of submission.
Another burdensome feature of this unpopular position of Gov.
Brown, was that it threw hira into frightful, personal, and political as
sociations. Home men of no character, unanimated by his patriotism,
and disinterested sense of public duty, and seeing in the cruel crisis the
chance for place or plunder, joined the reconstruction movement, and
such accessions imparted odium to him. The Federal array left among
us a host of adventurers, and our helpless condition invited a horde
frora the North, who naturally sought the protection of the government
and the security of Radicalism, in their schemes of personal advance
ment, whose main props were the unscrupulous and ingenious manipula
tion of the deluded African, the supporting tyranny of the soldier, and
the proscription of the good whites. To these some felicitous word-user
gave the memorable name of " carpet-bagger." The North and the
West have given to the South a large element of noble and precious
manhood, — social and business strains of virtuous and enterprising
blood, and no citizens stand better, or rank higher. And such superb
accretions of citizenship, are always welcome and cherished. But the
reconstruction carpet-bagger was none of these. Hon. Thomas Nor
wood has made a clever sketch of this wonderful creature. Said he:

366 Norwood's sketch op the carpet-bagger.
" His like the world has never seen from the days of Cain, or of the forty thieves in
the fabled time of Ali Baba. Like the wiud he blows, and we hear the sound thereof,
but no raan knoweth whence he coraeth, or whither he goeth. National historians will
be in doubt how to class hira. Ornithologists will claim him, because in many respects
he is a bird of prey. He lives only on corruption, and takes his flight as soon as the car
cass is picked. . He is no product of the war. He is ' the canker of a calm world,'
and of a peace which is despotism enforced by bayonets. His valor is discretion ; his in
dustry, perpetual strife, and his eloquence ' the parcel of a reckoning' of chances, as he
smells out a path which may lead from the White House to a custom house, a post office,
the internal revenue bureaus, or perchance to either wing of the Federal capitol. His
shibboleth is ' the Republican party.' From that party he sprung as naturally as mag
gots from putrefaction. . . Wherever two or three, or more negroes are gathered to
gether, he like a leprous spot is seen, and his cry, like the daughter of the horse-leech, is
always, ' give — give — me office !' Witliout office he is nothing ; with office he is a pe.-.t
"and public nuisance. Out of office he is a beggar ; in office he grows rich tiU his eyes
stick out with fatness. Out of office he is, hat in hand, the outside ornament of every
negro's cabin, a plantation loafer, aud the nation's lazarene ; in office he is an adept in
' addition, division and silence.' Out of office he is the orphan ward of the adrainistra
tion aud the general sign-post of penury ; in office he is the complaining suppliant for
social equality with Southern gentlemen."
No record of these unique days is complete without some description
of this remarkable character, that flourished in that congenial era with
the lu.xuriance of the " green bay tree." They flocked into the cohorts
of reconstruction, and shed by their unwelcome and irrepressible affilia
tion an ignoble discredit upon the honest and patriotic supporters, like
Gov. Brown, of a public policy condemned in principle, but assented to
as a raatter of force in the choice of evils. A raeeting was called in
Atlanta, and the split began iraraediately. The raeeting divided.
Gov. Brown raade a strong, clear talk, but it did not heal the breach.
Resolutions for and against reconstruction were passed by the sundered
halves of the gathering. A meeting was called in Dalton, and after a
warm discussion, in which the writer opposed the Brown policy. Judge
Walker was endorsed on the Brown line by a majority of four votes.
Gov. Jenkins went on to Washington and instituted proceedings to
test the constitutionality of the Sherraan bill. His lawj^ers were Jereraiah
S. Black, Robert J. Brent, Edgar Cowan and Charles O'Conor. This
was a great proceeding, that involved the existence of a state govern
raent of a million of people, and hundreds of millions of property. The
legal forra used was a bill reciting by a quaint anomaly, the atterapt
and failure of the state to secede, and her fixed status in the Union un
der the very phUosophy of such failure and as shown by the very act of
the United States government submitting constitutional amendments to
her for ratification or rejection. The bill urged that the Sherman bill

gov. JENKINS BRINGS SUIT FOR GEORGIA'S SOVEREIGNTY. 367
and suppleraent were unconstitutional, and asked that Edwin M. Stan
ton, Secretary of War, Ulysses S. Grant, General of the army, and
John Pope, General commanding Georgia, be enjoined from enfotcing
the Sherman bill in Georgia and come into court to answer. Gov.
Jenkins issued, on the 10th of April, 1867, an address, from Washing
ton city to the people of Georgia, advising " a firra but temperate re
fusal of acquiescence in an adoption of the Sherman bill, and a patient,
manly endurance of military government, until, in the efflux of time,
and on the subsidence of the passions generated by civil war, better
counsels shall prevail at the Federal capital — we, meantirae, strictly ob
serving law and order, and vigorously addressing ourselves to industrial
pursuits.'' The alternative of this course was prorapt acquiescence in
the demands of Congress, which he counseled against until at least the
result of the great case in the United States Supreme Court was had.
He concluded this dignified and important document with these grave
words, which powerfully indicate his deep sense of responsibility:
" Should we fail (as fail we raay) there will remain nothing that I can do for you.
Your destiny will be in your own hands, and you raust choose between the alternative
first presented. In raaking that choice, you have my counsel, perhaps erroneous but
certainly honest.
It was a peculiarly suggestive and interesting spectacle presented in
the antipodal attitude of these two distinguished Georgians, Gov. Jen
kins and ex-Gov. Brown, in reference to this tremendous question of the
vitality of a great sovereign State. Both were raen of unusual brain
power, both of uncommon firmness,, both of undoubted personal in
tegrity and truth, both acknowledged statesmen and patriots, and both
with the stimulus of an established fame and an exceptional popularity
to inspire thera. And here they stood in absolute conflict of counsel to
their people under all the great burden of their sacred reputations, the
fruit of long and crucial years of illustrious public service. It was a
dramatic antithesis of momentous advice. It was an opposition of for
midable powers over a gigantic issue. Gov. Jenkins was robed in offi
cial authority. Ex-Gov. Brown was but' a simple citizen, yet exalted
by the prestige of his recent and unprecedented Executive fame and
achieveraents. There were raany deep-hued accessories of this picture.
In the storray days of war Gov. Brown had been the exponent of its
clashing turbulence, and .ludge Jenkins on the Supreme Bench had
placidly adrainistered the civil law, the calm symbol of peace araid .the
red thunder of strife. Now when the cannon were irrevocably hushed,
and the current of blood had ceased beyond hope for the vanquished.

368 JOSEPH E. BROWN AND CHARLES J. JENKINS.
the unyielding battler stood in the fullest concession to the corapact of
surrender, working for the speedy and practical restoration of the State's
lost sovereignty and the people's crushed welfare, whUe the severe
jurist sturdily contended in a spirit equally patriotic against the sarae
concession, even to the certain prolongation of a subjugated condition.
It was a remarkable reversion of attitudes. And following out the
striking antithesis, the course of Jenkins led through the reverential
approbation of his own people to his deposition and their further politi
cal crucifixion, while the course of Brown steered through unmeasured
and unparalleled obloquy for himself, resulted in the ultiraate redemp
tion of the comraonwealth and the regeneration of her governraent.
Both of these gentlemen have since then received unusual marks of
popular confidence and favor, and now enjoy an enviable affluence of
public esteem. Gov. Jenkins, in his ripe old age, has retired from
public life, honored and revered, his active years passed away for all
tirae. Gov. Brown, as a United States Senator, in the very maturity
of his great powers, is exercising a raarked and beneficial influence in
controlling and molding the destinies of this gigantic nation. He is
nobly representing that very Georgia that once so execrated him for
his devotion to her interest. The matter illustrates the great fact that,
however obscured and hidden, the truth will ultimately prevail. And
it is of infinitely more concern to men that they should be sincere and
honest-purposed than that they should be either wise or correct. Gov.
Jenkins failed in his line, yet in spite of its probably protracting the
State's rehabilitation, its inspiration was so noble that his countrymen
held him in even higher esteem. Gov. Brown's course led to restora
tion, and the very ordeal of unpopularity that his unwelcome but
sagacious counsel created, evincing, his firra nerve in a disagreeable
duty, will but enhance the final valuation of his sacrifices and
sufferings.

CHAPTER XXXV.
A THROBBING CHAPTER OF RECONSTRUCTION HARLE
QUINADE ENDING WITH GOV. JENKINS' REMOVAL.
The Georgia BiU. — Gov. Brown's Sagacity. — The BiU Dismissed. — Gen. Pope aud Gov.
Jenkins. — The Storm upon Joe Brown. — Alec Stephens. — Gen. Toombs. — H. V.
Johnson. — B. H. HiU.— Brown and HiU in a Stern Controversy. — Brown's Iron Res
olution Fearfully Tested. — Gen. Pope's Curious Letter. — Judge J.W. H. Underwood.
— Judge I. L. Harris. — Judge Hiram Warner. — The Drift of Personal Government to
Absolutism. — Judge A. Reese removed. — E. Hulburt. — The Democratic Convention
at Macon. — Fight over Resolutions. — A Crisis in the Democratic party. — The Recou-
structionConstitutional Convention of 1868. — Its Personelle. — Colored Delegates. —
The Detested Symbol of Conquest and Odious Change. — The Proscription of Recon-
structionists. — Ludicrous Incident. — Gov. Brown's Strong Influence for Good. —
His Position. — Gen. Pope calls on Gov. Jenkins for Money. — Gov. Jenkins' Refusal.
— Gen. Meade Succeeds Gen. Pope. — Gen. Meade Re-applies to Gov. Jenkins. — Gov.
Jenkins Declines. — His Flavorous Sarcasm. — Gen. Meade Removes Gov. Jenkins,
and details Gen. Ruger as Governor. — Soldierly Moderation under Unlimited Des
potism. — Gen. Hancock.
Before the bill was filed for Gov. Jenkins in the Suprerae Court of
the United States to test the constitutionality of the Sherraan act, a
sirailar bill was filed by Gov. Sharkey of Mississippi, but it was dis
raissed for its severe terras. It was a notable continuation of Georgia's
foreraost place in every phase of the war, that she should stand in the
period following its close, as the pivot of reconstruction. Her destiny
as the regnant factor of the revolution seemed unavoidable. The
attention of the country was focalized upon the brave state and its
characteristic effort, in the highest legal tribunal of the land, to resist
degradation. But her attempt was unavailing. It was ably argued.'
Mr. Stanberry, the Attorney General of the United States, opened and
concluded the argument for the government, and Mr. O'Connor, for
Georgia, and Mr. Walker, for Mississippi, raade raasterly addresses.
The case was dismissed, and the ruthless crusade of Reconstruction
continued, the stronger and harsher for the futile spurt of impediment.
It was a striking instance of Gov. Brown's sagacity that he opposed
the action of Gov. Jenkins in filing the bill for Georgia and predicted
its failure on the very ground upon which it was dismissed, that it in
volved political questions over which the Congress and President were
24

370 GEORGIA SENTIMENT ALL AGAIN.ST GOVEENOE BEOWN.
the arbiters and not the court. The defeat in the Supreme Court left
the South remediless. Gen. Pope wrote to Gov. Jenkins, asking him if
he had seen his order prohibiting any attempt of officials to influence
the people on reconstruction before he issued his address advising them
against accepting the Sherman bill. Gov. Jenkins repUed that he had
not seen it, but that he should in the future do and say whatever his
oath required of him. Gen. Pope replied that State officers would not
be allowed to denounce the act of Congress under which he was acting.
The press poured hot shot into Gov. Brown. He was the subject of
a torrent of vituperation. Denunciations streamed upon him as " trai
tor," " betrayer of the honor and interest of his State," " unduly fright
ened," " weak-kneed," " desired to save his neck," " currying favor with
the Radicals," and a volley of such abuse. He was accustomed to spir
ited hitting from his enemies. But such rasping censure frora friends
carae hard. Gov. Brown, however, raet it gamely. He stood reso
lutely to his disagreeable views, and he raade strong, even-terapered
speeches in the leading cities of the State, urging the people to accept
ance of the terms of Congress. It was a complete separation frora his
old allies — an acrid divergence of political course. Mr. Stephens was
silent. Gen. Toombs had returned home from Europe in March and wrote
a letter to Mr. M. C. Corry, Corresponding Secretary of the Democratic
Central Committee at Cincinnati, declaring his readiness to establish
the right of secession. Ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson wrote a letter in July,
1867, urging registration but advising against acceptance of the terms
proposed. His advice was " never to embrace their despotisra," and to
hope for a reaction in the North and West against the overthrow of
constitutional liberty. Hon. B. H. Hill raade a speech in Atlanta in
July of this year, in which he denounced the reconstruction measures
with unsurpassable and flaming eloquence ; and he followed it up later
with a series of " notes on the situation " on the same line, that for
jjnagnificent invective equal anything in ancient or modem annals.
(There is no doubt that Mr. HiU was the undisputed leader in this savage
anti-reconstruction campaign.
In his Notes on the Situation he attacked Gov. Brown, and that in
domitable fighter came back with an unsheathed sword. The conflict
was a famous one. They were two ripe controversialists, mental Titans,
and the theme was big enough for any rainds. They had raet in the
gubernatorial race ten years back, when Brown was untried and yet
had won the Executive guerdon. They were at it again in the fiercest
era of the century, representing implacably hostile forces and theories

BEN HILL AND JOE BEOWN. 371
vengefuUy inimical. HUl had the public pulse on his side. Brown was
breasting an overwhelming popular sentiment. Hill rode a very flood
tide of the people's endorsement. Brown fought, crowded down 'with
public odium. The agitation gained intensity and bitterness as it pro
gressed. It became more venomous every day. Northern adventurers
thronged into the State and began their operations upon the credulous
blacks, poisoning their minds, working on their cupidity, and inciting
thera to hatred of the whites. It was a frightful time. The war was
more bearable and peaceful. The robust delusion of " forty acres and
a raule," and other impracticable schemes of spontaneous profit, were
used freely upon the bewildered colored people with wonderful success.
These rosy fictions were swallowed eagerly without a suggestion of dis
belief. The people hotly resented this invasion of the Vandals ; and
in the abhorrence of a raoral pestilence, the sincere, honest advisers of
the acceptance of. reconstruction, as the best that could be done in our
desperate stress, were pilloried in public scorn.
It was a dreadful alternative for a proud raan like Gov. Brown to be
exposed to, either to adhere to his oonyictigns of public dut£^ under an
appalling ordeal of popular hatred, and u^^ wi1;h men he
contemned, or ora,ven|y ,yiaLij[_ to_a_t^ornadq_of public^ passion .that he
could not control, and w];^fl§fi.^palicy:Jia.condjamned. But there was no
giving up in Gov. Brown's iron composition. As the hail of public indig
nation pelted upon him with an accumulating force, he with set lips and a
grim defiance confronted the hurricane and defied its fury. He never
faltered in his chosen course. It was proscription, fell and remorseless,
that he fought — proscription, social and political. Some idea of the
burning fever of the tirae may be gleaned from some of Mr. Hill's
white-heated invectives : " Hellish dynasty," " On, on with your work
of ruin, ye hell-born rioters in sacred things! " " Perjured assassins
of liberty, blasphemous conclave of a Congress," and a host of such
expressions testified alike to the violence of the epoch and the abusive
capacity of the orator.
These letters and speeches of Mr. Hill, Gov. Johnson and others,
were raade the text of a lengthy and right curious letter by Gen. Pope
to Gen. Grant on the subject of reconstruction. It made the strong
expressions and stern spirit of those utterances a justification of the
.disfranchisement of their authors, but at the same time it urged perfect
freedom of speech and the press. It candidly owned that some of the
reconstructionists were as bitter and prescriptive as the " reactionary
anti-reconstructionists," as he called them. It further said that if the

372 GENEEAL POPE AND THE STATE UNIVEESITY.
colored people progressed as rapidly as they had done, " five years will
have transferred intelligence and education, so far as the masses are
concerned," to thera.
.ludge J. W. H. Underwood and Judge Iverson L. Harris wrote letters
in response to some gentleraen asking their opinion, in which they
advised the people to register and vote for a convention. Judge Hiram
Warner counseled the acceptance of the terms, saying, " It would be a
useless waste of time to discuss political principles or constitutional
rights for any practical purpose." The division of opinion was very
marked, and views were extreraely varied. As a general thing in North
Georgia, in the white belt, a majority favored accepting reconstruction
simply as a choice of evils. A large nuraber of men were for non-action.
_ln_the~hegro 16elt the_whites we_re solid against, the measureTtothe last.
The steady drift of a personal government, unrestrained by fixed law,
is to despotisra. The arbitrary exercise of authority is siraply inevitable.
The South, under the rule of the Brigadier Generals in this year of
1867, illustrated this tendency. Gen. Pope began well, but he soon
drove into autocratic grooves. His orders show a svvift growth of abso
lutism. Men who displeased him were removed upon pretexts and,
perhaps, considerable provocation. First, mayors of cities were both
removed and appointed. Ti|os.ter-.Blodgp.tt— vva..s_a.ppninted mayor of
Augusta, Capt. Jo^ Blance, solicitor genp^-gl pf tha. Jallapoosa circuit.
and Col. Albert Lamar, solicitor general of. the JIuscogeeja££uitj_vrere
reijiasad. Sheriffs were displaced. A man charged with homicide, in"
Bartow county, and acquitted, was re-arrested and ironed. The State
university at Athens was closed because a student raade a speech
objectionable to Gen. Pope, and it was then re-opened, with the condi
tion expressed, that the press of the State should say nothing of the
affair, liut the appropriation was withheld for a while. The student was
Albert H. Cox, a briUiant young raan, and a member of the last General
Assembly. His speech was upon "The Vital Principle of Nations —
Obedience to Organic Law." A copy of the speech was sent to Gen.
Pope for him to critically examine. And when the college term was
resumed, Mr. Cox offered to retire from the institution if it was deemed
necessary to pacify the mUitary monarch of our destinies. This was not
required. Men were prevented frora sitting as jurors who had not regis
tered. Military officers were relieved from all civil process.
Judge Augustus Reese, of the Ocmulgee Judicial Circuit, declined to
obey the order that unregistered voters should not act as jurors, and he
was prohibited from exercising the duties of his office, after refusing to

A STATE CONVENTION CALLED UNDER MILITARY AUSPICES. 373
resign. This able and courageous jurist was warmly regarded for this
action. September 19th, 1867, Gen. Pope ordered an election to be held on
the 29th, 30th and 31st of October, for a convention, and for delegates
to the convention. The superintendent of registration_was CoL E.
Hulburt. who had been Superintendent of the Express company, a.H;.,un-
coramon individual. Cool, adroit, managing, energetic, bold, personally
very clever, Hulburt was a raarked character, and the raost useful in-
struraent Gen. Pope had. A large powerful man, prompt, decisive,
with superior administrative ability, he handled the problem of registra
tion with unvarying success, for any measure he championed. He had
large ideas, and a proportionate executive capacity, and he played a
vital part in this complicated drama of" reconstruction. The registered
voters numbered, according to Col. Hulburt, 188,647. The election con
tinued three days, and then was protracted two days longer. A conven
ient order, issued at the proper time, allowed men to vote in other coun
ties than where they registered, upon their own oaths that they were
entitled to vote. How far the repetition of votes was done under this
ambulatory method will never be known. There were 106,410 votes
poUed on the question of convention, and 102,283 in favor of it, thou
sands of voters who had registered, abstaining from the polls under the
suicidal non-action policy.
The Deinocrats called, a state convention to^meet at Macon, on the
oth day of December, 1867. to consult on thj^ situation. This was the
first political state convention, held since the surrender. There were
delegates from sixty counties. Benjamin H. Hill ,'was elected presi
dent. The convention was very stormy, and came near being broken
up. Among the delegates were Thoraas Harderaan, Gen. A. R.Wright,
C. A. Nutting, T. G. Holt, L. N. Whittie, W. S. Holt, A. W. Reese,
W. T. Thorapson, G. A. Mercer, WUliam M. Browne, W. F. Wright,
J. C. Nisbet, R. A. Alston, M. A. Candler, Nelson Tift, Augustus R.
Wright, M. Dwinell, W. G. Northern, G. F. Pierce, Jr., Eli Warren, C.
C. Duncan, J. W. Preston, J. H. Blount, D. E. Butler, P. W. Alexan
der, Thomas W. Grimes, C. C. Kibbee, Herbert Fielder, C. W. Han
cock, T. M. Furiow, C. T. Goode, C. H. C. WUlingham, E. H. Pottle,
I. W. Avery and W. K. Kiddoo. IlifiE£...sa§„.a,.ye,ry ^mall^ representa-
lion frora North..-Q,eprgia. only seven_counties North ofthe Chattahoo-
chee. having-delegatfifl.
The two raain points of difference were the non-action policy and a
resolution denouncing advocates of reconstruction as criminals. These

374 THE FIRST POLITICAL CONVENTION AFTER THE WAE.
were both raeasures of Mr. Hill, and weire warraly discussed. The
question of non-action was referred finaUy, to the State Executive Cora
raittee. Mr. Hill pressed the resolution in regard to reconstructionists
upon the platforra coraraittee, who rejected it. Nothing daunted, Mr.
Hill offered it as an araendraent to the report of the coraraittee in the
convention, supporting it splendidly. At this juncture, Col. I. W.
Avery, the delegate frora Whitfield, having vainly urged JudgeWright,
of Rorae, tp_ pres.ejit tha reasons for - opposing._the.,EesuLiitJaii,.-who
declared it useless to confront .tl^e current, took _tlie_^^orag^i^ it,
urging that in the white belt, fully 25,000 white Deraocrats had sup-
ported reconstruction as the best thing thev could do. and to denounce
these sincere and patriotic men ag criminals jwould drivg thera frora _the
£arty. G^nTSTRWright, Col? TJiomas, Haxdsman, L^ N. Whittle and
others supported this view. Mr^ HiU still pressed his.-respJutioji with
an evidently large support. The raatter was re-comraitted and additional
committeemen appointed. The original coraraittee was: George A.
Mercer, C. B. Richardson, Gen. Phil Cook, T. M. Furiow, P. W. Alex
ander, C. H. C. WilUngham, Thoraas Harderaan, Jr., D. G. Hughes, D.
E. Butier, E. H. Pottle, J. Graham, W. W. McLester, L. J. Glenn,
and J. A. Stewart. The added coraraitteeraen were W. T. Thorapson,
T. L. Guerry, J. A. L. Lee, T. G. Holt, A. R. Wright of Richraond, L
W. Avery and J. P. Hambleton.
The committee reported the resolution of Mr. Hill, and the battle"
over it in the convention was resumed with a lively animation and de
termined earnestness. The Macon Telegraph, in its report of the dis
cussion, stated the opposition to the resolution in these words:
" The gallant young delegate from Whitfield, Col. Avery, fought manfuUy for the
people of his section on this point. He was opposed to their views, but knew that they
were honestly entertained, and would never consent to denounce them as traitors or
crirainals. He believed they were wrong, but preferred to show them their error, and
persuade them t?» abandon it."
Finally, Col. Avery stated that hewas so thoroughly convinced of the
impolicy of the resolution, and its peril to the party in estranging
North Georgia, that if it passed, he should feel it his painful duty to
withdraw from the convention, as much as he should dislike to break its
harraony. Upon this declaration, the question was asked whether the
resolution would be acceptable if it was araended so as to denounce
the crirne of reconstruction, and say nothing of its supporters. This
change being satisfactory, the resolution was thus araended and unani
mously adopted. Had the resolution, as originally offered, have been

THE RECONSTEUCTION CONVENTION. 375
passed, as the solemn action of this convention, it would have split the
party asunder in a bitter antagonism. It was a curious coincidence that
the preamble and resolutions adopted by the convention were the reso
lutions (with some additions) written by Col. Avery, and passed at the
county meeting in Whitfield county, to select delegates to the converi-
tion, and read thus:
" Manly protest against bad public policy is the duty, as well as the right, of aU true
patriots. And this, without factious opposition to government, or untimely interruption
of public harmony. The season for honest discussion of principles, and for lawful op
position to existing abuses and their growth, is ever present aud pressing."
" The Southern people are true to constitutional liberty, and ready to acquiesce in
any policy looking to the honor and good of the whole country, and securing the rights
of all classes of people.
" We regard the efforts of the present ruling power to change the fundamental insti
tutions of the United States government as false in principle, impolitic in action, in-
jurious in result, unjust and detrimental to the general government.
" Silence under wrong may be construed as endorsement. Be it therefore
" Resolved, That we pledge ourselves to sustain law and order, to support cheerfully
all coustitutional measures of the United States government, and to recognize the rights
of all classes of people under enlightened and liberal laws."
To these were,a4,d8^.by.th^Cp,nvention_resolutions protesting against
the_reconstru£tioii_jneaj§aK§^„,,IJ,. V. Jphnson,,.A. H. Chappell, B. H.
Hill, Warren jycina^^^^ to issue an address
to the people. Goy^_^Joh^son^wroteJhe^_ddress, which was a very j,|)le
one and appealed for a united effort to jrestore constitutional govern-
 r 11^-,^ " ii -; — ri  ,"ni- in.nn  .imilliM ¦¦nn . i.nnf.w  iWliMi.i.iiiiwn.,^  -  Q ..^...fl,^
ment. The recQn.str.-ft.cJtJip,p. QQATOJitJQiP- .met in Atlanta, on the 9th day of Pe-
cember, 1867. It cons^is|,ed of 170 deleo-ates. The_^ majority of them
were unkn.QjaaL.-najgi&.au- Gqy,. IBrc^w^. Ji,ad.,adYis,ed . Jjj^_ people to , take
part, and._S£mL-their-„hfis,ti..iT'?en. The mistaken non-action policy had
been followed in many parts of the state. A gallant atterapt had been
raade in raany sections, however, in conformity with the counsel of Gov.
Brown, and there was quite, a,Ub.er§l_sp,riokling of good apd true Demo-
crats. Araong this class 'were H. V. M. Millgrj^JDAYJdJa£Ul.-A,.W. Hol-
combe, L. N. Trammell, S. E. Field.Tnd J. D. WaddaU. There was
another class of men who were pronounced Republicans, who were^sin-
cere in their politics and enjoved— Kfii:s.onal esteera. In this class were
H. K. McCay, T. P. Saffold, Benjamin Conley, R. B. BuUock, D. G.
Cotting, A. T. Akerman, Madison Bell, N. L. Angier, J. L. Dunning,
J. H. Flynn, H. G. Cole, J. R. Farrott, and A. G, Foster. XliSEe.were
others who have been prominent j.nj;herepublicai]. party: A. L. Harris,
R. H. Whitely, Foster Blodgett, J. E. Bryant, J. Adkins, C. H. Prince,

376 A BODY ODIOUS TO THE PEOPLE.
T. J. Speer, H. M. Turner^ G. W. Ashburn, Tunis Campbell, A. A.
Bradley, N. P. Hotchkiss, G. P. Burnett, M. H. Bentley, Isaac Seely,
C. H. Hopkins, W. L. Clift, Samuel Gove, J. Sherman, and J. S. Bigby,
whose names have become very familiar to the people of Georgia in
the years since, in the political conflicts that have transpired.
The convention was a new and odious body to the people. The old lead
ers were nearly unanimously disfranchised. Here was an organization,
incarnating the idea of force and conquest, based upon negro supremacy
and white disfranchisement, and with fully one-sixth of its number
colored delegates, in sudden shock of every prejudice and conviction,
and thus a fresh set of obscure men hoisted by abhorred means to the
leadership of the State. It was a spectacle that intensified the thrUling
bitterness of the time. In the course of years we have become accustomed
to the sight of colored legislators, but in that day it was a trying
experience and it stirred men's resentments implacably. To the State,
it seemed as if a menagerie had been ransacked for its stock of pup
pets and harlequins and the mongrel culling converted into the travesty
of a convention, to arrange the liberties and remodel the crushed sov
ereignty of a great commonwealth. And the body, symbolizing con
quest, hatred and ignominy, bore the seeming sacred imprimatur of the
public suffrage. Little wonder that the people spit upon, and reviled it
with a double-dyed loathing. And it was a terrible injustice, soinething
like hanging an innocent man for a murder, to involve in the unsparing
odium of the era, pure and patriotic men who conscientiously believed
in the necessity of conformiiig to the situation as the best thing obtain
able, pitiably poor as that was, for the loved ones and the country. Men
who favored reconstruction that day, no m.atter what their raotive, were
visited with a blind full-bodied damnation, both social and poUtical, that
was worse than death. And many a man who would have favored recon
struction was driven in terror from it by the proscription.
Of the nevy,„men_put forward, R. .,B._ Bullock bgcaiaS-JiiiBiaEaxdsJiP v-
ernor, Benjarain Conlgy President of the Senate, J. -E..-Bryant Represen-
tative and a noted,, leader of the colo.red men, .Foster Blodgett
Superintendent of the State Road, R. H. Whitely, Samuel Gove, and
T. J. Speer, Congressmen, J. R. Parrott, Judge, H. K. McCay, Judge
of the Supreme Court, D. G. Cotting Secretary of State, A. T. Aker
man, Attorney General in Grant's Cabinet, Madison Bell, Comptroller
General, and N. L. Angier Treasurer.
J. R. Parrott was elected President of the Convention. A ludicrous
incident occurred in the election of President that created much deris-

THE WORK OP THE RECONSTEUCTION. CONVENTION. 377
ion. When the name of H. H. Christian, a white delegate, was called,
he was absent, and a black negro voted in his place, which made much
excitement. Upon being questioned he said his name was " Jones,"
and he had been sent to vote for Mr. Christian, who was absent, and he
was dismissed frora the hall amid shouts of laughter. The incident
illustrates the colored man's crude conception of his privileges. The
convention was in session until the 11th day of March, 1868, taking a
recess frora Deceraber 24, 1867, to January 8, 1868. The Constitution
that was created was a very excellent one, containing many valuable
new features. Gov. Brown threw his whole influence in giving a con
servative direction to the legislation of the convention. Had his
counsel have been followed there would have been a much larger repre
sentation of able and representative men. But still, with the few right
men in the convention, and with Gov. Brown's potential guidance of
the Republican element in safe grooves, the general line of procedure
was kept well guarded and just. It was " a fortunate thnig^ in many
respects for the_jiHblia^tfi£egta^baL-a.- person like Gov..Bj:ow.n,,w9,s
aUgned •with_the,recanstructionists. ..^^Sbatssfil. .of„harm...that was done,
he3or,any_ona«fiQuM jaSffiSSi^§i4,.aJ^^ pQSsiM6...af, prevention,
he checked.
Retrospecting dispassionately, we can see how our righteous passion
injured us, increased our difficulties, retarded our restoration, and cre
ated new and harder terms. Popular fury is a very ruthless tyrant, and
none more so than a just and natural fury. It can seek and find justi
fication in its justice. We were very badly treated, and our wrongs
involved the cause of law and liberty. Yet the position of Gov. Brown
was very logical. " This is all true. It is very bad. But how can you
help yourself ? With a half million of armed men you were powerless
to reraedy smaller ills than these. What can you do now, conquered
and tied, except by contumacy to invite superadded harshness ? You
had lighter terras. You rejected thera and got heavier ones. If you
take these, as you cannot help doing, you will regain your freedom.
If you reject thera, you will have still harder terms to take. It is not
a raatter of right, it is a question of force, and you had better yield to
it at once, and remove its tyranny." But a gallant people would not
¦ see it, and the hopeless battle continued, and the cloud upon Gov.
Brown grew blacker and raore vital with storra.
During the deliberations of the convention two important changes
were raade, powerfully affecting the public weal, and illustrating with
a sweeping emphasis the capricious and tyrannical tenor of our rule.

378 GENEEAL MEADE AND GOVERNOR JENKINS.
Gen. Pope was, by order bearing date December 28th, 1867, relieved of
the comraand of our mUitary district, including Georgia, and Maj. Gen.
George W. Meade put in his stead as the arbiter of our poUtical des
tinies. The convention needed money for its expenses, and passed an
ordinance directing the Treasurer of the State to pay $40,000 to N. L.
Angier, the disbursing officer of the convention, for this purpose. It
was a comical travesty of civU governraent and of the genius of our
republican institutions, that here was an august convention of the
people, the highest delegated agent of popular sovereignty, and yet
every edict it made was formally promulgated and enforced by military
order. Was it not an unutterable caricature upon civil liberty and
constitutional law that constitutional principles were thus expounded
from the raouth of the musket, and interpreted under the whirasical
despotism of the bayonet? Gen. Pope issued his order to the Treas
urer, John Jones, to jJay the $40,000 for the convention. This order bore
date the 20th of December, 1867. Col. Jones responded the 21st of
Deceraber, declining to pay the araount because —
"Forbidden to pay money out of the treasury except upon warrant of the Govemor
and sanction of the Comptroller General, and having entered iuto heavy bonds for the
faithful performance of the duties so prescribed."
Gen. Pope took no action upon the raatter, but left it for Gen. Meade's
attention. On the 7th of January, 1868, Gen. Meade addressed a letter
to Gov. Jenkins as Provisional Governor, and requested him to draw
his warrant on the Treasury for the $40,000. He urged, that this was
" an appropriation made by law," and Gov. Jenkins could therefore do it,.
and attention was called to the precedent of the Constitutional conven
tion of 1865. Requesting Gov. Jenkins to show the letter to the Comp
troller General, Gen. Meade thus concluded:
" Hoping that in the perforraance of the difficult and erabarrassing duties now
devolved upon me, I raay have the co-operation and assistance of the Executive Depart
ment of Georgia, I am raost respectfully, &c."
Gov. Jenkins' response was a model of classic heroism. Through its
high-bred courtesy ran a veiled vein of sharp satire and unfiinching
defiance. There was no concession in it. The convention, he argued,
was called under a Federal law that prescribed tax to raise funds to pay
the body. This fund did not come under the purview of the constitu
tions of Georgia or of the United States, which he had sworn to obey,
and he added with a flavorous sarcasra:
"I have a serene consciousness that in declining to obey the behest of the convention,
and to coraply with your courteous request, I but pay a dutiful homage to both
constitutions."

GOVERNOE JENKINS REMOVED FROM HIS OFFICE. 379
Gov. Jenkins discussed the Reconstruction acts with reference to
this point, and put his view with another whiff of subtle irony thus:
" I can find nothing which, in the reraotest degree, authorizes the construction that they
intend to saddle the Treasury of Georgia with the cost of their novel enterprise.''
Continuing in the same satirical humor Gov. Jenkins said, that he
was unable to find any duty devolved upon him in the " multiplied recon
struction acts " except " not to obstruct " thera, which was a negative
duty, and he grimly added:
" BeUeve me. General, in my official position, compliance with your request would
involve a tremendous activity, nay, even the abandonment of previously imposed duty."
With the statement that the State's money could not pay the conven
tion and at the same time the regular burdens of governraent, Gov.
Jenkins respectfully declined Gen. Meade's request. The letter of Gov.
Jenkins bore date the 10th of Deceraber, 1867. On the 13th, Gen.
Meade, in a short but polite note, inforraed Gov. Jenkins that he
reraoved him from his office, viewing his refusal to pay this money, and
also, his refusal to pay the salary of M. S. Bigby, Solicitor General of
the Tallapoosa circuit, appointed by Gen. Pope, as obstructions of the
reconstruction laws. Treasurer Jones was also reraoved.
Brev. Brig. Gen. Thoraas H. Ruger was " deta,iled for duty " as Gov
ernor of Georgia, and Brev. Capt. Charles F. Rockwell, Treasurer of
'Georgia. On the 17th of January, 1868, the CoraptroUer General, John
T. Burns, was reraoved and Capt. Charles Wheaton " detailed for duty "
in his place. These are the words used to fill these great offices. The
order in regard to the Executive is given in full, as a document that
will read in the far distant future, when the raeraory of the war is a
dim tradition, as a rare; curiosity of military politics:
"Headquarters Third Military District,)
Dept. of Ga., Ala. and Fla. >
" General Order No.S: ' Atlanta, Ga., Jan. 13, 1868. )
" I. Charles J. Jenkins, Provisional Governor, and John Jones, Provisional Treasurer
of the State of Greorgia, having declined to respect the instructions of, and failed to
co-operate with the Major General coraraanding the Third Military District, are hereby
reraoved from office.
"II. By virtue of the authority granted by the Supplementary Reconstruction Act of
Congress, passed July 19th, 1867, the following named officers are detailed for duty in
the District of Georgia : Brevet Brigadier General Thoraas H. Ruger, Colonel 33d
Infantry, to he Governor of the State of Georgia ; Brevet Captain Charles F. Rock
weU, Ordnance Corps, U. S. Array, to be Treasurer of the State of Georgia.
" III, The above named officers will proceed without delay to MiUedgeviUe, Georgia,
and enter upon the discharge of tlie duties devolving upon them, subject to instructions
from these Head-quarters. By order of GENERAL MEADE.
[Official :] K- C. Drum, Assistant Adjutant General.
" George K. Sanderson, Capt. and Act. Asst. Adjt. Gen."

380 THE MODERATION OF OUE MILITAEY EULERS.
Reverting to those unhinged times, one wonders at the moderation of
tyranny that accorapanied the unlimited despotism in the grasp of these
lucky soldiers, invested as if by enchantment with supreme power. To
their credit be it said that generally they wielded their authority with
respect for old usages and established rights. -And where they broke
over the conventional forms, they did so under the soldiers' spirit of
obedience to orders. They were directed to enforce the Reconstruction
raeasures and they did it to the letter. General Hancock was the ex
ception in one splendid respect. He had ideas of civil law and liberty
and a rare conception of constitutional principles and of the spirit of
true republican government. In the coraing future his renown as a
soldier, great as that is, will pale before the resplendent radiance of his
fame as the champion of regulated civil right.

CHAPTER XXXVI.
THE FEVERISH MARCH OF EVENTS IN 1868.
Startling Incidents. — Officers Removed. — Gov. Jenkins' Suit. — Relief. — The Union
League. — The Ku Klax Ivlan. — Twin Excrescences of Reconstruction. — 11. B. Bul
lock Nominated. — Democratic Committee. — Judge A. Reese. — Judge D. Irwin. —
Gen. J. B. Gordon. — Gov. Brown's Frightful Ostracism. — E. Hulburt. — Sharp and
Quick. — Bullock counted in Governor. — Gov. Brown at Chicago. — The Killing of
Ashburn. — The Trial of the Columbus Prisoners. — Gov. Brown's Connection with
the Case Fairly Stated. — A Bitter Legacy of Censure. — The Champion of Civil
Supreraacy. — Gov. Browu's Speech at Atlanta. — The Charge of Inciting the
Negroes to Incendiarisra. — The Language Used. — An Admonition against Trouble.
— The State Democratic Convention. — Its PersoneUe. — The Electoral Ticket. —
Gen. Gordon.— Judge J. T. Clarke.— A. O. Bacon.— J. B. Cumming.— W. O. Tug-
gle. — Democratic Mass Meeting. — Splendid Invective of Toorabs, Cobb, Hill and
Moses. — The Famous Bush Arbor Speeches. — The Fury and the Virtue of that
Day. — Tempests of Huraan Passion.
Startling and revolutionary events succeeded each other swiftly.
Men ceased to be surprised at anything, and continued to bla^o with
an increasing indignation. No attempt was raade to conmliate our
masters. Exasperated and defiant, the South growled and fought like
a wounded and unconquerable lion. The soldiers were denounced, the
convention lampooned, the Federal authorities defied, and reconstruc
tion and its advocates spurned, insulted and hated. The people boldly
resisted reconstruction, and Gen. Meade firmly enforced it. Col. N. C.
Bamett, the Secretary of State, was removed, and Capt. Charles
Wheaton detailed in his stead. Comptroller-General J. T. Burns was
arrested and confined in jail a day or two, under a ludicrous mistake, for
a raan named Barnes. James J. McGowan, Tax Collector of Chatham
county, was arrested for refusing to pay the taxes collected to the Mili
tary 'Treasurer. Judge John T. Clarke, of the Pataula Circuit, was
removed because he adjourned his court on the ground of Gen. Meade's
" Ulegal, unconstitutional, oppressive and dangerous orders ! "
Gov. Jenkins went to Washington, carrying the Great Seal of State,
and about four hundred thousand dollars of raoney, which was placed
in New York to pay the public debt. He filed a biU complaining that '
Ulysses S. Grant of Illinois, George G. Meade of Pennsylvania, Thos.
H. Ruger of Wisconsin, and C. F. Rockwell of Vermont, had Ulegally

382 the union league and the ku klux klan.
seized the State's property and imprisoned the State Treasurer, and
asked an injunction of said parties from further spoliation. The con
vention adjourned, cursed by the people. It had witnessed some lively
scenes. A. Alpeoria Bradley, an incendiary negro, was the irrepressi
ble orator of the body, tackling with venomous and voluble impartiality
the Republican and Democratic leaders, until it was shown that he
had been, in fhe penitentiary in sorae northern state for seduction,
when he was expelled. One of the leading raeasures was relief from
old debts, and a large homestead law, and it was expected that these
popular matters would sugar-coat the constitution, and raake the
people swallow it. Mr. Akerman, an advanced reconstructionist,
opposed it. The extreme Radicals tried hard to direct legislation in a
bitter channel. Gov. Brown fought this, and declared tha^; if they
exceeded the requirements of the reconstruction raeasures he would
oppose their constitution. Some eloquent speeches were raade by such
raembers as L. N. Trammell, J. D. Waddell and Dr. H. V. M. MUler, ,
against the extreme acts.
No picture of that day will be complete that omits that trulv
" loval " org-anism, the " Union Leaorue," founded and run , in secret
deliberations in the interest of the Republican,. party.. .Its^, chiefs were
William Markham and Henry P. Farrow. It united its members in a
conipact, *oath-bound organization of wonderful cohesiveness and disci
pline. Its hidden partisan efficiency was remarkable, and it ruled
consummately its unlettered legionaries from Africa. Perhaps the
most pernicious damage done by this order was the utter loathsome
disrepute into which it brought the sacred idea of loyalty to govern
ment. AU dissent from the sanctity of oppression and the virtue of
tyranny was "disloyal;" all abject approval of every hideous abortion
of relentless despotism was " loyal." The line of loyalty was ignomini
ous subservience to power.
But there was a companion to this abominable dj'nasty in the dan
gerous order of the Ku Klux. The one caused the other. The Ku
Klux Klan was the perilous effect of which the odious League was the
unhealthy cause. The Klan was a veritable body, founded in a holy
object and often prostituted to violence under great provocation. The
writer knew all about it, and shared in its legitimate work. It com
bined the best raen of the State, old, virtuous, settled, cautious citizens.
Its object was the preservation of order and the protection of society.
It used mystery as its weapon. It was intended to aid the law and pre
vent crime. In the license of the era it was a raatter of self-defence

THE governor's RACE I'.ETWEEN GORDON AND DULLOCK. 383
against plunder, assassination and rape. Both the League and the Klan
were excrescences of reconstruction, the natural outcome of abnormal
politics and abortive government.
The convention provided for an election on the 20th of AprU, 1868,
for the ratification and rejection of the constitution framed by that
body, and for the election of a Govemor and General Assembly. Henry
P. Farrow vyas the choice of his party for Governor. He went into recon-
struction with a. ripping energv. He was badlv crowded by the Demo-
crats. But he was a ganj.ep.ei'spn. a,nd unlike the mass of his colleagues,
ready to meet P,,g,r,sonal__^resj3onsibili He was denounced as a
coward by Col. M. A. Nevin of Rorae. A correspondence ensued. Col.
Nevin was crippled. Farrow refused to fight hira, but went out and
exchanged shots with Capt. Thoraas O'Connor, the second of Nevin,
who then raanfuUy withdrew the charge of cowardice. The Republican
raerabers of the convention organized theraselves into a nominating
body, ignored Farrow, and upon motion of Foster Blodgett, norainated
Rufus B. Bullock for Governor. It was as good as a play to see the .
way of Republican politics at that time.
The Deraocratic executive committee was composed of E. G. Caba-
ness, chairman; E. A. Nisbet, J. J. Gresham, James Jackson, G.
W. Adaras, L. N. Whittle, J. R. Snead, A. W. Reese, Ambrose R.
Wright, J. Hartridge, N. Tift, P. W. Alexander, J. I. Whitaker, J. A.
W. Johnson, S. J. Sraith. The committee on the 13th of March, 1868,,
nominated for Governor, Judge Augustus Reese, and for delegates toi
the Democratic Presidential norainating convention, J. B. Gordon, A.
H. Chappell, B. H. HUl, H. S. Fitch; and alternates, W. Akin, E.
Starnes, A. H. Colquitt and C. J. Munnerlyn. * i
Judge David Irwin announced himself a candidate for Governofri
On the 24th of March, Judge Reese, who had on the 17th accepted the ';
Democratic noraination, declined on the ground that he was not
eligible, and recommended Judge Irwin. The committee thereupon nom- j
inated Judge Irwin, who accepted. The Republicans sprung the point i
upon hira that he had been a Confederate presidential elector, and Gen. j
Meade deciding this to disqualify him, he dropped, out. The committee, |
baffled in two trials for eligible material, consulted Gen. Meade as toi
the eligibility of John B. Gordon, and receiving the opinion of thej!
polite autocrat that the gallant Gordon was all right, put him out as \
the Democratic standard-bearer, against Bullock. The campaign that
foUowed was rancorous and much mixed. The Democratic policy was /
to defeat the Constitution and elect Gordon, which would have made Ij

384 E. B. BULLOCK COUNTED IN AS GOVEENOE.
¦ . . .
'. Gordon's triumph a nullity. The Republicans pressed both the Consti-
¦ tution and BuUock. A considerable number, led by Dr. H. V. M.
Miller, advocated the Constitution and Gordon. Varney Gaskill, that
wonderful piece of political versatility, ran this schedule.
("^ Rufus B. Bullock was a large, handsome, social speciraen of a raan,
pleasant-mannered, and well liked. He had been in Georgia nine years.
and_occupied the place of head of the express companv in the State.
^^^ president of the Macon and ,^.ugjj.§j^R.^Bii- He h^-d been somewhat
of a savage reconstructionist in the convention. The Democrats were
for defeating the reconstruction measures. Gov. Brown, therefore, had
I no alternative but to cooperate with the side that, if elected, would
' enforce his views, and he took the field for Bullock. All of his sympa-
1 thies and innate convictions were with the Democrats and Gordon. But
1 his sense of the needs of his State and people was for taking proraptly
the offered chance of restoration, and at one stroke end a military gov
ernraent becoraing daily more intolerable. The people battered their
old idol fearfully. Many would not listen to his speeches; others insulted;
all denounced and ostracized him. It was in sorae degree a question of
personal safety. Few men would have stood to the rack. Gov. Brown
was never one of the yielding kind. OpjDosition but intensified, abuse
but strengthened, and ostracism fired his combativeness. It raust ever
stand an unsurpassed exaraple of human endurance and pluck, that he
never flinched or wavered in this pitiless ordeal.
The election continued for four days. H'llb'itfn ^^ A^e a raaster of
.political qpportunities_ag_the world-evjer-sajK-Jiad-thft handling ofjegia.-
tration and the election returns^ It was a strategic novelty in elections,
to run them for several days. The watch of the run of things, and the
transfer of the unidentifiable colored voter to weak points, enabled a
" sharp and quick " raanager, like this unequaled strategist, to produce
any required result. The constitution was first declared ratified by a
raajority of 17,699 votes. The election of R. B. Bullock was then pro-
raulgated. The Colurabus Sun and Tinies published the following
unique and significant document: " Office Superintendent Registration, )
Atlanta, Ga., May 8, 1868. )
" John M. Duer, Esq., Columbus :
" Dear Sir : — Yours of 6th at hand. We w.ant affidavits proving force, fraud, intimi
dation, in violation of general orders. We must have them and plenty of them. Go to
work and get them up at once,
" The names of the parties making the affidavits .will not be known to any person
except yourself and the Board. They need have no fears ou that score. You can swear

GOVERNOE brown's couese. 385
them before Capt. Hill. Please go to work " sharp and quick.'' Get Chapman and
other friends to assist you.
" The election in your county will be contested. Defend yourselves by attacking the
enemv. " Respectfully, &c., " E. HULBURT."
It was generally understood, in spite of this " sharp and quick " sort
of practice, that the Legislature was Deraocratic. The National Derao
cratic convention raet in New York, and nominated Seymour and Blair
upon the bold platform that the new reconstruction amendments were
revolutionary, unconstitutional and void. This was the issue, and a
momentous one it was. It had been foreshadowed for sorae time, and
the South rallied to it with a joyful exhilaration, looking to the Derao
cratic party to undo Radical reconstruction and restore the governraents
fraraed by Andrew Johnson. A Deraocratic President elected upon this
issue would refuse to execute the Reconstruction Acts, and thus the
Southern states could overthrow the reconstruction governments. Gov.
Brown beUeved first, that the Democrats could not succeed on this plat
form, and second, that if they did succeed it would be resisted to blood
shed by the Northern Republicans, and bring continued suffering on the
South. So believing, and regarding Gen. Grant as favorably disposed
to the South, he thought he foresaw the only solution of our troubles
in the support of Gen. Grant and the Republican party. - —
Gov. Brown went to the Chicago Convention that_nominated General
Grant and participated^ as_^,,dele.gate. . His. presensa,.. ,tli.Q.r„§,. created
stormy commen-tary _ a-L-hoine, aTj.cLj^tracted general__a^ttentic)n . in the
North. He raade a characteristic speech in the convention, bold and
pronounced, that elicited a wide variety of criticisra. Jle was in favor
of acceptance of the terms of reconstruction. For this he was applauded
roundly. But when he announced that he could not support any policy
that would put the negroes of the South over his own race, he raised a
storm, and was denounced as a rebel. It was a daring utterance under
all the circumstances. Reviewing Gov. Brown's course out of the pas
sions of that time, and in the light of events that followed, seeing
how he antagonized the extreme men of both sides, how the odious
raeasures he advised to be accepted were swallowed whole after ineffect
ual resistance, how he pursued the unflinching tenor of his way through
a pitiless current of scalding execration, his perception and nerve were
crowningly deraonstrated. It took siraply unlimited courage to support
Grant and reconstruction in that day, and the man who dared do it, who
was an honest man as Gov. Brown was and is, did harder work than
fighting battles and storming batteries.
25

386 THE ASHBUEN MUEDEE.
It has been a peculiarity of Gov. Brown, from the beginning of his
public career, that he has had the firraness to lay down a course that
was unpopular, and adhere to it against every opposition until its result
has been tested. His course on reconstruction was a striking exaraple
of this. The universal opposition to his policy by the good people of
Georgia did not abate one jot of his resolution. His position in favor
of Grant was one of popular abhorrence, yet he never wavered in it.
But when Grant was elected, and developed a harsh spirit to the South
not expected, Gov. Brown openly opposed his course. The philosophy
of Gov. Brown's conduct was, that he approved of no measure oppres
sive to the South, but acquiesced in, or accepted, all measures that he
deemed certain of imposition upon us. His theory was, that if we
could lay down our arms conquered, abolish slavery forever, and repu
diate our war debts, we should swallow other bitter pills that we must
take if we would get our freedom and local self-government. And
believing that the sooner we took the terms offered by the conqueror,
aqd the less .usejess resistance, we raade, tLe, speedier_wquld be our pqlit-
ical rehabilitation, he conscientiously andunder unparalleled opposition,
^nd__with^uperliuman courage advocated such a course.
The support of Grant and the prosecution of the Colurabus prisoners
charged with the murder of G. W. Ashburn, were the two acts of Gov.
Brown at this time, that concentrated upon hira the public obloquy of
Georgians. The latter stood against hira, however, when the former
was forgotten and explained. The late carapaign for Governor that
resulted in the re-election of Gov. Colquitt to the gubernatorial chair,
and the popular ratification of Gov. Brown's appointraent as United
States Senator, has settled this raatter satisfactorily to a large majority
of the unprejudiced people of the State.
G. W. Ashburn was a member of the Constitutional Convention, a
native of North Carolina, and had been in Georgia for fully thirty
years. He had offered in the convention resolutions asking Congress to
relieve our people of disabilities. He was, however, a pronounced Rad
ical and an unlettered raan, and he lived with some negroes in Colum
bus. He was kiUed at night by unknown parties. The murder created
much excitement in the state. The military took the raatter in hand,
and arrested Elisha J. Kirkscey, C. C. BedeU, Jaraes W. Barber, W. A.
Duke, R. Hudson, W. D. Chipley, A. C. Roper, J. S. Wiggms and R. A.
Wood. A raUitary court was organized to try them, which convened
at Atlanta on the 29th of June, 1868. The counsel for the prisoners
were A. H. Stephens, M. J. Crawford, J. M. Smith, J. M. Ramsay, L. J.

GOV. beown's CONNECTION WITH THE ASHBUEN TRIAL. 387
GartreU, H. L. Benning and R. J. Moses. The prosecuting officers were
Gen. Dunn, Judge Advocate, assisted by ex-Gov. Jos. E. Brown and
Major Wra. M. Smythe.
While in confinement the prisoners were treated badly and subjected
to indignities. Inhuman means were used to extort confessions from
thera, and to suborn evidence frora colored witnesses. The sweat
boxes were resorted to at Fort Pulaski, where the prisoners were con-
•fined, to compel admissions of guilt. These cruelties occurred before
Gov. Brown's employraent by Gen. Meade in the case. Yet in spite of
this fact the odium of this bad treatment was thrown unjustly upon
him. It shows the morbid spirit of those days, that a lawyer in pro
fessionally accepting employraent in the prosecution of a raurder case,
should be acriraoniously abused.
Weighing the evidence in the raatter fairly and dispassionately. Gov.
Brown shows very conclusively that in taking part in this prosecution
he was governed by proper raotives, and did a service to the public and
the prisoners. He alleges that Gen. Meade eraployed hira on the con
dition required by hira, that he should control the case, and that upon
the restoration of civU law the case should be given up by the military
authorities. His employment prevented the retention of very extreme
men. The corroboration of Gov. Brown in this statement, of his agency
in this matter, has been very striking. It has been argued against its
credibility that during Gen. Meade's Ufe, no revelation of the explana
tion was made by Gov. Brown when that officer could have verified
or denied it. Major A. Leyden of Atlanta talked with Gen. Meade
several times, and says that he was assured by Gen. Meade that his
fears for the prisoners would not be realized. Mr. John C. Whitner of
Atlanta states that Detective Whiteley, who worked up the evidence
for the prosecution, told him that the understanding when Brown was
employed was that the military trial was to be run over into the organ
ization of the new State governraent, and the railitary court dissolved.
Gen. Williara Phillips testifies that Gov. Brown consulted with him at
the time upon the subject, and explained to him his object. Maj.
Carapbell Wallace had an interview at the time with Gen. Meade, and
that interview confirms Gov. Brown's statement. Many years ago Gov.
Brown gave to Hon. A. H. Stephens and Dr. J. S. Lawton his version of
this matter.
A part of the charge against Gov. Brown, in this connection, was that
he first sought to be employed by the prisoners for $10,000, and failing
in this, took a fee frora the governraent. Mr. W. A. Bedell explodes

388 COLONEL E. J. MOSES.
this aspersion, stating that he endeavored to employ Gov. Brown for the
prisoners, who replied that he was already retained by the Government.
The Legislature adopted the Fourteenth Araendraent on the 21st of
July. Gov. Bullock was inaugurated as civil Governor of the State on
the 22d of July, 1868, and on that very day Gen. Meade suspended the
proceedings of the railitary court till further orders. And on the 24th
of July, Gen. Meade issued a general order, reciting the welcome fact
that military power had ceased under the Reconstruction Acts in the
State, and that the miUtary commission for the trial of the prisoners
charged with assassinating G. W. Ashburn being adjourned sine die,
the prisoners should be transferred to the custody of Capt. Mills, with
instructions to release them on bond. The object was accomplished,
and the service rendered. The innocent men escaped and returned to
their families and homes, after a fearful experience of the mockery of
military government.
This Ashburn raatter constitutes one of the darkest episodes of that
dark day. It left a more lasting and bitter legacy of hard feeling than
any event of reconstruction. It wounded Gov. Brown raore deeply
than any other incident of his life, and has followed hira \vith a cruder
punishment, and yet if there is anything in human evidence, he was
governed by a noble motive, he sought a worthy object and deserves
honor for his conduct. The whole occurrence was tragic in the extreme
— the gory murder, the wholesale arrest, the torture of the sweat
boxes, the despotism of an armed court, the substitution of the bayo
net for the law, and the soldier for the judge, the perilous pendency of
human life upon the caprice of the shoulder-strap, the bloody hunger
of the clamorous mob at the north, the background of political strife
seething with the unsettled passions of war, the resentful fears of an
angry state — all were strong features of this throbbing picture. But
of it all there was no part more striking than the long crucifixion of
Gov. Brown, seeraingly an instrument of unsparing hate, but really a
champion of release and civil supreraacy.
There could be no raore marked demonstration of the ultiraate power
of truth than the change wrought in Col. R. J. Moses. He was of
counsel for the prisoners. He even refused to practice in the Supreme
Court while Gov. Brown was Chief Justice. Up to 1877 he had con
tinued to hold Gov. Brown in deep censure. But the light thrown
upon him, tested in the judicial crucible of an unusually strong and
well equipped legal intelligence, drove him to make public prof ert- of his
exoneration of Gov. Brown. And it loses none of its significance

A MISCONCEPTION OF GOVEENOE BROWN. 389
because he rectified the honestly entertained misconception of years in
Columbus, where the unabated condemnation of Gov. Brown frowned
with all the terror wielded by a sincere and virtuous public opinion. It
was an act of genuine courage on the part of Col. Moses. ]\Iany
worthy citizens in that section still honestly hold Gov. Brown in blame
in this connection. But the marvelous transformation wrought in the
large majority of our best people upon this intense question is an
earnest of that corapleted correction that is coraing to him from the
entire people of the State.
Another charge raade against Gov. Brown at this tirae was a very
serious accusation, but was so utterly incredible as to have gained no gen
eral lodgment in the public mind. It was believed and used to some
extent, but people generally did not heed it. It was too flagrant for belief.
Inan^drgga-in Atlanta he was accused of stimulating the negroes tA
resort_to__ tha.-inoendia.r-ies'-.laEch if -Xified be in furtherance_o.f_tlieii;
rights. These are the words used by Goy.JBrovyn on tjint occnsinn^ and
whidi_have__been_^Q.injuxio.ualjL.Jux^ " When in the history of the past, did you ever know four millions of people with the
ballot in their hands, surrender it without bloodshed ? It cost revolution to give it to
them, and nothing short of bloody revolution can take it from them. If you will allow
thera to exercise it without disturbances, they will do it peaceably. If there are auy
outbreaks and disturbances, they, I predict, will grow out of the attempts of the white
race to deprive the colored race of this right, or to interfere with its free exercise. I
warn you, my friends, to he cautious on both sides, how you put your lives in jeopardy
and your homes and families in peril. And I especiaUy warn my own race of the
extreme danger to them in case of collision. The colored people have but little, except
their lives to risk in the fight, if it should unfortunately come. The white race have
the sarae risk, and in addition to this, they have their property to lose. Your houses,
your villages, towns and cities are all pledged to peace. Be careful then how you
excite discord and bloodshed,"
It will be seen from a critical and dispassionate exaraination, how this
language in a rancorous time could be distorted into a perversion of. its
meaning, and yet there be no real ground for the damaging construc
tion that was put upon it. In cooler moments of judgment, the speaker's
purpose is unraistakably clear of making an argument against any vio
lent attempt to disturb negro suffrage after it had been legally estab
lished and practically exercised. The words, instead of being an
incitement to trouble, was a very decided admonition against it.
In July, 1868, two important bodies convened in Atlanta, the State |
Deraocratic convention and the new General Assembly. The convention i
met on the 23d, to choose Seymour and Blair electors. .ludge Augustus ;
Reese was made president of the body, and the vice-presidents were '

390 THE GREAT DEMOCEATIC CONVENTION OF 1868.
Dr. R. D. Arnold, Gen. A. H. Colquitt, L. H. Featherston, John J. Floyd,
B. T. Harris, Col. S. J. Smith, and C. D. McCutchen. The gathering
was an unexampled one in Georgia political annals. There were 1,009
delegates from 108 counties, and nearly every leading raan in Georgia
was present. There has never been a more heated time in our State
politics, and the fervor was universal. It was a solid assemblage of the
leaders of public opinion in the commonwealth, with one conspicuous
exception, and that exception the most potential one of aU, ex-Gov.
Joseph E. Brown, who stood single handed in the most unsparing public
conflict of the century. Public passion has never been intenser or
stormed higher, and it beat pitilessly upon Joe Brown. The convention
ratified the nomination of Seymour and Blair, adopted the Democratic
platform, declaring the amendments revolutionary, unconstitutional
and void, and put out an electoral ticket composed as foUows :
At large. — John B. Gordon, John T. Clarke.
Alternates. — WiUiam T. Wofford, Thomas M. Norwood.
District. — J. C. Nichols, C. T. Goode, R. J. Moses, A. O. Bacon, J. B.
Cumming, H. P. Bell, J. D. Waddell.
Alternates. — J. H. Hunter, WiUiam O. Fleming, W. O. Tuggle, Dr.
H. Wimberly, Gen. D. M. Du Bose, G. McMillan.
Many of these were new men. So many of the older politicians were
disfranchised that a selection of new material was unavoidable. Gen.
J. B. Gordon had been our most faraous Georgia soldier, and adding, as
he did, the sweet graces of a Christian character to the glittering eclat
of the successful general, he became the idol of the people. A hand
sorae, noble looking person, with a soldier's carriage and air, a face full
of genial chivalry like his soul, a brave, capable, royal gentleraan,
Gordon was, and is to-day, as fine a speciraen of the typical Southerner
as we have ever had in the South. The man has absolutely rioted in
popularity. He became United States Senator under extraordinary
circumstances of personal triumph.
~ Judge John T. Clarke owed his selection as elector to his having been
removed as Judge by Gen. Pope. The choice iUustrates the fervent
temper of the people about reconstruction, and the spirit of resistance
to military tyranny that prevailed. Judge Clai-ke is one of the readiest
and most accomplished lawyers and debaters in the State, possessing
singular power of thinking upon his feet. He was a meraber of the
last State Senate. Col. J. C. Nichols has served a terra in Congress.
Col. C. T. Goode is now dead. He enjoyed the name of the " SUver
Tongued Orator." Maj. A. O. Bacon has become a very prominent

THE BUSH AEBOE MASS MEETING OF 1868. 391
public man, and has a bright promise before him. A lawyer of uncora
raon ability, he has developed an unusual capacity for public life. His
appearance is very raarked — a tall, shapely person, with a fine head and
face, and a long flowing blonde beard, Maj. Bacon is a noticeable indi
vidual anywhere. Repeatedly elected Speaker of the House of Repre
sentatives, no one has ever Enjoyed a higher reputation as a presiding
officer. His popularity in the deliberative bodies, over which he has so
gracefully reigned, has been something exceptional. All of his public
addresses and docuraents are finished, logical and full of thought. A
recent letter of his in the American newspaper on the political situation
was the finest and most philosophical discussion of public issues of the
raany published by that journal. The lack of Maj. Bacon is warmth;
and his defect, a tenden-oy to exclusiveness and reserve, that, in a
raeasure, has cut hira frora the masses. An infusion of popular sym
pathy into his very rare intellectuality will come to him and will add
materially to his political equipraent.
Maj. J. B. Curaraing, a brother of the gifted Julian Curaraing, to
whom allusion has been raade heretofore, is a stately Spanish-looking
gentleman, whose gifts of manner and speech are very attractive. He
was a member of the last State Senate and one of the leaders of that
body. Gen. D. M. Du Bose, a son-in-law of Gen. Toombs, was an
efficient meraber of Congress several years ago. Col. J. D. Waddell is
a brUliant writer and speaker, and the author of a delightful book
about Linton Stephens. William O. Fleming is now judge of the
Albany circuit, and a jurist of ability. Col. W. O. Tuggle has made-
himself famous by his masterly prosecution of Georgia claims before
the Congress at Washington. A gentleman of fine social qualities, an
unusual capacity for handling statistics, and unbounded energy. Col.
Tuggle will be a useful public man, if he cares to enter politics.
The asserabling of the convention was made the occasion of the
largest political mass meeting ever held in Georgia. Dr. J. F. Alexan
der was the chairman of the Fulton county Democratic executive com
mittee, and he exhibited a wonderful raanageraent in the creation and
handling of this raonster affair. An iramense Bush Aeboe was con
structed down in an open space on Alabama street, near the depot,
since built up. The fiery addresses made on this occasion received their
distinctive designation as the " Bush Arbor speeches." There was an
immense torchlight procession. People flocked to this gathering from
aU parts of the State. Thefour orators of JJi£jiaxJEai:e-Bpbart Toamhs;
Howell Cobbj, Benjamin H. H-iUy--andr--.Raphael J^MQa£a,_ji, rare ^aijd

392 THE FIEECE INVECTIVE OF THE BUSH AEBOE GATHEEING.
unequaled quartette of popular speakers. Perhaps there never has
been, in the annals of eloquence, a grander display of red-hot invective
than was a'iven in these memorable Bush Arbor orations. It was a
sweltering day in July. Tho uncomfortable plank seats were packed.
A pall of stifling dust hung over the massed throng and the swarming
city. But for five mortal hours of unspeakable discomfort, the solid
mass of people, with fully one-third of it ladies, sat unmin,dful of the
discomfort, hanging eagerly upon the torrid utterances of the speakers.
The enthusiasra, at times, was overwhelming. Every note of denun-
ciation of reconstruction and reconstructionists, was greeted with deaf-
ening ^applause. ,The pelting given Gov. Brown, was. ...simply .savage.
There -was^ no q.ual.ifi.cation in the abuse heaped.. u23on,..,iiifl;i. When
passion subsides, its fierce words, in the light of cool sense, read like
extravagant lunacy. The rancorous phrases of these undeniable states
raen on that mid-sumraer day in 1868, conned over in the calm reason
of this far distant time, excite wonder at their ferocious exaggeration.
Said Gen. Cobb:
" Oh Heaven ! for sorae blasting word that I might write infamy upon the foreheads
of such men ! "
Said Mr. HUl:
" Oh ! Give over the miscreants to the inextinguishable hell of their own conscious
ness of infamy, . . Ye miserable spawns of political accidency, hatched by the putrid
growth of revolutionary corruption into au ephemeral existence — renegades from every
law of God,, and violators of every right of man — ye unnameable creatures ! "
Such were the hard terras born of the fury of the era that were put
upon raen who are to-day solid in public esteera. There is a grira les
son in it all. Terapests of huraan passion, like storras of the eleraents,
make cruel work whUe they last. But through their craziest fury, the
great Providence of God is steadily reigning and the sun of truth pre
serving its serene and omnipotent immutability. There were many vUe
men engaged in the crusade of reconstruction, who merited the worst of
this crimination. But there were true citizens who, uuder patriotic
duty, urged siibmission to the choice of evUs, who were terribly bat
tered in the unrelenting strifes of that mad epoch, and who have lived
to see the reaction that always coraes in favor of right-purposed raen.
Gen. Cobb, in conversation with the writer, at the rooras of the Young
Men's Democratic Club, the afternoon after the speaking, alluded to
his own severe invective and declared with a grave frankness that he
feared that the denunciation had been unwise.
The very savagery of that day grew out of the natural and honor-

THE EXCESS OF VIETUOUS PUBLIC INDIGNATION. 393
able rebellion of a virtuous people's best impulses against, indig
nity and wrong. The very excesses of spirit of a good community
in resentment of oppression, are the best evidence of the possession
of those qualities of chivalric raanhood and sensibility to injustice, with
out which there can be no great national character. And the sen
tiraental martyrdom of intractable zealots, violating the teachings of
policy, has deraonstrated the exalted heroisra of human nature and laid
the groundwork for the ultiraate triumph of truth and right. The
South resisted Reconstruction under a noble inspiration. The raen /
whora she crucified in that day in her splendid fury, can find vindica- 1
tion the more valuable from that fact.

CHAPTER XXXVII.
THE FAMOUS LEGISLATIVE EXPURGATION OF THE
BLACKS.
The Racy Legislature of 1868. — A Parody upon Legislation. — Its PersoneUe. — I. E.
Shumate. — The Speakership. — Gen. Meade's Orders. — Mr. Chairraan Bullock, —
Dunlap Scott,— B, Conley.— R. McWhorter.— J. E. Bryant.— Eligibility.— Bullock's
Inauguration. — " Go it. Niggers ! " — Message. — Gov. Bullock's Administration. —
Gov. Brown's Defeat for U, S. Senator. — Ferocity of Public Passion, — A Wild
Scene, — The Culmination of Gov, Brown's Unpopularity, — Atlanta Jubilation, —
The State Stirred. — Joshua Hill Elected Senator, — The Fanny Martin Slander.—
The State Reconstructed, — Rufus E, Lester. — Sam Bard, — Ineligibility of Colored
Members. — Hatred aud Picturesque Discussion. — Bullock's Tart Message. — Rebuke
of Gov. BuUock,— Bullock's Opportunity. — Tiie Colored Members Ousted. — J. R.
Saussy, — John Jones, — The Camilla Riot. — An Exciting Episode. — The Colored
Convention, — Marion Bethune. — The Curious Effect of Democratic Opposition to
Reconstruction, ^^  ,,.
The Legislature assembled on the 4th day of July, 1868. The con
vening of this General Asserably was an important event in Georgia
history, and its deliberations and acts were a symbolical epitome of th&-^
variegated Reconstruction that sired it. It was a strange blending of
farce and melodrama. It was bizarre in the extrerae, affording such an
adraixture of light and shade as few legislative bodies ever exhibited.
There is nothing like it in the annals of Georgia. It swept out com
pletely men's custoraary notions of legislative conduct. It was at times
the most roaring comedy of a day rich in the comical and the incongru
ous. It was again so tragical that it almost engendered revolution.
Its elements were varied and racy. Its merabership was attractively
picturesque. It was an exquisite parody upon ordinary legislation, and
a faithful photograph of the raost novel episode of Georgia history.
The chronicles of this legislature would raake a volurae of its own.
There was in it a good sprinkling of very fine material.
The Senate showed such sterling spirits as C. B. Wootten, B. B.
Hinton, E. D. Graham, A. D. Nunnally, M. A. Candler, W. T. Winn,
A. W. Holcombe, C. J. Wellborn, J. T. Burns and J. C. Fain. Mr.
Candler we have spoken of before. A. W. Holcombe was in the last
Senate, and a public man of force. Col. C. J. Wellborn has lono- been

THE LEGISLATUEE OF 1868. 395
a power in North-eastern Georgia; a gentleman of clear judgment and
large influence, and now Judge of the North-eastern Circuit. Col. J. C.
Fain has been continuously in public life, and is now Judge of the
Cherokee Circuit, and a person of exceptional powers of political
management. In the House were sorae raarked raen: W. D. Anderson, J. C. Nisbet,
R. W. Phillips, M. Rawls, Dunlap Scott, M. Ballenger, C. C. Duncan,
W. P. Price, W. M. Butt, J. J. McArthur, W. M. TumUn, J. A. Cobb,
F. M. Harper, R. W. Flournoy and I. E. Shumate. Of these, Mr.
Shumate of Whitfield was the most brilliant. A slender, dark-eyed,
heavy-whiskered gentleman, with a clear, sweet, ringing voice of unusual
compass, and a fluent flow of vivid language, he was then, and is to-day,
a raost charming orator, with few equals in the State. He becarae
instantly a leader in the body, and was placed at the head of one of
the most important committees, that on the " State of the Republic."
M. Rawls went to Congress afterwards. W. P. Price became an efficient
representative in Congress, and is now a raeraber of the Legislature.
He has been a very useful raan to his section, being the raain instrument
in the establishraent of the fine Agricultural College at Dalohnega.
Mr. Tumlin has been an adventurous figure in Georgia politics, audacious
and generally successful. A very active personality, for a long time, in
the public strifes of that day was Col. Dunlap Scott, who held for years
a rattling sort of leadership by his boldness.
The Senate stood twenty-six Republicans to eighteen Democrats, and
elected Hon. Benjarain Conley, President. The complexion of the
House was in doubt. Hon. W. P. Price and Hon. R. L. McWhorter
ran for Speaker. The vote was taken. Mr. Price had stepped out and
on returning was informed that Mr. McWhorter had voted for him, and
he reciprocated the courtesy by voting for Mr. McWhorter. The vote
stood then seventy-six for McWhorter, seventy-four for Price, and one
for Holden. Mr. Price, upon information that he had been deceived,
and that Mr. McWhorter had not voted for him, asked permission to
change his vpte. The Atlanta Intelligencer says the permission was
granted and the vote stood a tie. The Journal of the House states that
the perraission was refused. Both concur in the stateraent that Mr.
McWhorter was declared the Speaker elect. Mr. Mark Hardin, a
Democrat, was elected clerk.
The Constitution made by the Convention had been submitted to
Congress for revision. Congress had approved the Constitution except
two features, one giving relief from suits on claims except for slaves

396 • THE OEGANIZATION OF THE HOUSE OF 1868.
made before June 15, 1865, and the other to force settlement of such
claims by the imposition of a tax not exceeding twenty-five per cent.
after the 1st January, 1868. Congress passed an Act allowing Georgia
representation in Congress when she should ratify the Fourteenth
Amendment and give assent to the nullification of the relief clauses.
Gen. Meade issued his order declaring who were elected to the legisla
ture, and also an order to Gov. Bullock to effect " such preliminary
organization of both Houses of the legislature as will enable the same
to enter upon the discharge' of the duties assigned them by law." Gov.
Bullock had already notified the body to convene on the 4th of July.
The organization, in the language of the journals, was raade by the
" Governor elect as Chairraan," Gen. Meade, Judge Erskine and J. R.
Parrott aiding. Dunlap Scott began that system of badgering that
made him so noted. He raoved an adjournment in honor of the day,
" that we should not desecrate it by wrangling over an organization."
The " Chairman " refused to entertain any motion. Scott appealed to
the House from the decision. . Bullock said there was no apjDeal but
to the military. Scott then appealed to the military. Bullock con
sulted with Gen. Meade and refused still to entertain the motion, and
immediately after walked down the aisle and apologized for not putting
the motion, as he was acting under railitary orders that he could not
disobey. Both Mr. Conley and Mr. McWhorter have been bitter Republican
partisans, and enjoyed a large share of public odium for many years on
account of their course. Both are men of personal integrity, while Mr.
McWhorter had and still has strong local influence. Both stand well
now as citizens. Among the prominent Republicans in the body were,
H. M. Turner, .1. W. Adkins, Ephraim Tweedy, J. E. Bryant, A. A. Brad
ley, Tunis G. Campbell, F. O. Welch, T. J. Speer, and Jos. Adkins.
Bradley and Carapbell were colored men, and vicious ones. There were
twenty-eight negroes in the body. The most picturesque figure on the
RepubUcan side, perhaps, was J. E. Bryant. He has been an unexam
pled manipulator of the black eleraent for years, until in 1880 he was
completely unhorsed. He has played a highly-colored part in all of the
shifting episodes of reconstruction. No man has ever joined to the
deftest pen and glibbest tongue in presenting the huraanitarian aspects
of reconstruction, a keener clutch of the more practical instrumentalities
that govern the untutored colored intelligence. He has been both a
subtle and a bold leader of the dark element of suffrage.
The Asserably was engaged until the S'^d of July in testing the eligi-

GOVEENOE bullock's INAUGURATION. 397
bility of merabers under the Fourteenth Amendment. There were ma
jority and minority reports and much spicy sparring over the matter.
Mr. Shumate made much reputation by his able report and brilliant
speech, taking and maintaining successfully the ground that all of the
members were eligible. The Fourteenth Amendment was ratified and
assent given to the congressional elimination of relief from our State
Constitution, and on Wednesday, the 23nd day of July, 1868, Gov.
Bullock was inaugurated. Gen. Meade and Staff attending, as the
Executive of Georgia. The inaugural address was a short one, in which
the main point was an encomium upon " that patriotic body — the Union
Republican party." Mr. Conley declared Bullock Governor for, four
years. The Intelligencer, describing the scene, says:
" Sorae slight applause hailed the announcement, after which a voice from the end of
the chamber wa.s heard to rise high above everything else with the exclamation, ' Go it
Niggers ! ' This expression created a great sensation.''
The incident illustrates the embittered satirical feeling of the people.
It looked as if rehabilitation had indeed come, but the manner and instru
ments of its coraing were so repulsive that the public gazed on in sullen
dissatisfaction, and reverted with a grim irony to the deposed Jenkins
in exile with his family in Halifax, Nova Scotia.
Gov. Bullock's raessage was a plain business document. The body
proceeded regularly to business. Perhaps the most exciting episode of
the session was the election of United States Senators. Gov. Brown
had been urged by influential men out of the State in addition to many
in it to run for the Senate, on the ground that owing to his peculiar
attitude he could do the State more good than any other individual in
the coramonwealth. While unflUichiiig in his adhesion to his unpop
ular course, he felt keenly the odium that his former friends and
admirers were placing upon him. In a position of such power as he
would have had in the United States Senate, he could have served
Georgia so beneficially, that the people would have recognized his
patriotic devotion to her interest, and the purity of his inspiration in
that remarkable reconstruction draraa. The writer has always deemed
the act of allowing his name to be used for office in that day by Gov.
Brown as the cardinal mistake of his course. It gave to his policy the
aspect of interest. It lowered him from the high vantage ground he
really held, and for which he would have soon gained full credit in the
public mind. Sternly rejecting office, the argument for his disinterest
edness would have been irresistible. Accepting office, he carried for
long years a heavy burden of misconception. He really did not wish

398 GOV. BROWN DEFEATED FOE THE UNITED STATES SENATE.
place. He was made Chief Justice of the Supreme Court for twelve
years, yet soon laid it down. He did himself the injustice of seeming
to profit by his course, when he genuinely sought the public good.
He would have been far earlier in winning the public recognition of
his purposes, had he have wisely declined position.
The election took place on the 28th and 29th of July, and was an
occasion of unparaUeled exciteraent. The Deraocratic object was to
defeat Gov. Brown at any cost. The general white element of the
State had focalized an appaUing intensity of detestation upon his head.
Almost the single, strong old leader prop of Republicanisra in the State,
the popular abhorrence of reconstruction was concentrated upon him.
Gov. Brown in that fierce day was the focus of a people's hatred. The
savageness of the obloquy burning upon him is incapable of description.
He was the vicarious recipient of the unsparing wrath of a great com
raonwealth. They would have shriveled him to ashes if they could
have done so, in the pitiless intensity of their anger. It was a strange
ferocity of passion, and constitutes the most remarkable experience in
Gov. Brown's varied life. Few men could stand such an experience.
It is equally extraordinary that it should be lived down.
The joint ballot showed Brown, 102; A. H. Stephens, 96; Joshua
Hill, 13, and C. H. Hopkins, 1. It was anything and anybody to beat
Brown. The Stephens phalanx broke in a rushing body to Hill, and
the second joint ballot showed Hill 110 votes; Brown, 94; Stephens, 1;
C. W. StUes 1 ; and Brown defeated. Dr. H. V. M. Miller, on the
second ballot, defeated Foster Blodgett. The election of Hill and
defeat of Brown, were received in the gallery with a tornado of applause.
The president ordered it cleared. Bryant, pale and excited, suggested
that the police be called. Amid wild confusion, and waving of hats
and handkerchiefs, the Senate retired from the Representative chamber.
The city of Atlanta became delirious with excitement and coiigratula-^
''. tions. Buildings were illurainated that night, and bonfires made. An
immense assemblage was gathered before the United States hotel and
1 speeches made by Joshua HiU, Dr. Miller, Gen. J. B. Gordon, Col.
1 Warren Akin, and Col. R. J. Cowart. Said Dr. Miller, one of the most
thrilling public speakers the State has ever had, in the conclusion of an
impassioned appeal for constitutional liberty:
" God preserve Georgia ; God preserve the people ; God preserve the country.''
The State took up the throbbing refrain of exultation over Gov.
Brown's defeat, and gave back one responsive echo of universal rejoic
ing. From one end of the State to the other, the result was triumph-

(^'^=r-^

HO.Nr- JOSHUA HILL,
SEKATOH FROM GEORGIA^

GOVERNOR BROWN MADE CHIEF JUSTICE. 399
antly claimed as a Democratic victory. In the crazy hurly-burly it was
lost out of meraory, that the cherished Stephens, the overwhelraing
choice of the Democrats, had been slaughtered, and that by an original
and incurable RepubUcan, and the uncomproraising opponent of the
war Deraocracy. It was a curious inconsistency of the fever ragino-,
and the dis-illusion carae soon enough, and with crushing effect. Joshua
Hill has always been a very brave and an uncoramonly honest public
man. He hastened with swift candor to correct the misconception of
his attitude. He coolly destroyed any Democratic fervor over his elec
tion by announcing that he was elected as a Republican, and he should
act as one. It was a grim piece of political retribution. Brown was
never a conviction Republican, while Hill was. Brown was a chooser
between evils, but HiU believed in the principles of Recenstruction. It
was a complete realization of the story of the witch and the devU.
In this hour of defeat, the only one suffered by Gov. Brown in his
long public Ufe, Gov. Bullock, with a creditable sense of valuable service
and a grateful appreciation of sacrifice endured, tendered Gov. Brown
the place of Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Georgia. It was an
unsolicited proffer, and was gratefully accepted by Gov. Brown in view
of his defeat for the senate. This defeat of Gov. Brown was the culmi
nation of his political eclipse. It was the turning point of his long
episode of proscription.
Gov. Brown's adventurous career, however, was destined to have
every possible phase of incident. It was during this year that the most
anomalous calumny of his life was brought against him and shivered to
fragments. Of all men in the world. Gov. Brown should be the last that
a sensible person would accuse of gallantry with females. His life-long
Christianity, his pure, domestic life, his absorption in high intellectual
labors, and the very physical personality of the man, spare, nervous and
bloodless, should have stamped the aspersion as utterly iraprobable. It
looked, therefore, that political enmity had run to a crazy length when
Gov. Brown was charged with unchaste relations with a lady by the
narae of Mrs. Fannie Martin.
It looked as if in the fabrication of such an incongruous calurany as
this, an adventurous destiny was siraply coquetting with a draraatic life
to endow it with all possible and impossible experiences. The whole
basis of the charge was several letters purporting to be from Gov.
Brown to Mrs. Martin, and these were declared by examination of Rev.
C. W. Thomas, Rev. Dr. Wm. T.Brantley, Rev. Wm. H. Hunt, Hon.
John Erskine, Judge J. D. Pope, Judge J. I. Whitaker, Judge L. E.

400 HON. RUFUS E. LESTER.
Bleckley, Maj. E. B. Walker, J. H. Steele, E-. L. Jones, H. H. Waters,
H. J. G. Williams and John B. CampbeU to be forgeries. Gov. Brown
in his calm, effective way, published a card with irrefutable proof, de
molishing this incredible accusation, and it fell by the wayside, a queer
addition to the episodes of an affiuent career.
On the 28th of July, 1868, the proper order was issued declaring mU
itary rule under the reconstruction acts at an end in Georgia, and it
seemed that we had, after a stormy voyage, reached the promised land
of a sovereign restoration. But we were wofuUy mistaken. The end
was not yet. Sorae of the sharpest experiences of this raongrel recon
struction were yet in reserve.
The following gentleraen were elected State House officers: D. G.
Cotting Secre^ry of State, Madison Bell Comptroller-General, N. L.
Angier Treasurer, Samuel Bard PubUc Printer. Col. E. Hulburt, who
had been so conspicuous as a masterly Superintendent of Registra
tion, was appointed by Gov. BuUock the Superintendent of the State
Road. The notorious Aaron Alpeoria Bradley, one of the Senators,
who had been expelled from the Constitutional Convention on account of
conviction for seduction in New York, and sentenced to the peniten
tiary, resigned from the Senate to avoid expulsion, and in his place a
young gentleman was seated as State Senator who has since then
filled an important place in the public affairs of the State, and whose
career, if he continues in public life, will be brilliant and useful. This
was Hon. Rufus E. Lester of Savannah. Repeatedly sent to the Senate
by the polished constituency of his District, twice President of the
Senate, and one of the leading favorites for Governor in the last cam
paign, when Gov. Colquitt was elected, Mr. Lester has richly deserved
his unusual enjoyment of political leadership.
He is one of the promising young men of the State, and the pos
sessor of ability, eloquence and decision-. Rather a small person, yet
with an erect, sturdy figure and an open, characterful face, he has an
unusually winning style of public speaking. His voice is silvery and
resonant, his logic concise and clear-cut, and his language terse and
fluent. Men have not been made firmer and more sincere than Lester.
Possessing a blended simplicity and amiability of manner, he is a raost
fearless and positive person. An incident will illustrate the man, and
it is an incident as uncommon as it is striking. He gave a client some
advice about a deed that proved, .after a stubborn litigation, to be
unsustained by the Courts. Several thousand dollars of property were
lost. As soon as he was able to do so. Col. Lester handed his client a

.^

=^0

HON. RUFUS E. LESTER,
President of the Georgia Senate.

NEGRO INELIGIBILITY. 401
check for the amount, and thus re-imbursed his loss. It was a noble act
of punctiUous professional integrity, and it indicated an uncomraon raan.
One of the richest characters of that racy era, was Dr. Sara Bard.
It wiU be long before Georgia will ever see his like. There was an
unction about this draraatic coraedian of the press that we shall never
have again in Georgia jburnalisra. It is difficult to portray the raan.
He was very clever and companionable and had a perennial sweetness
of teraper in conducting the most muddy discussions. He reveled in the
coup-d'etat. His surprises were bouncing. He shot them upon the State
with a luscious enjoyment. His political flops were something piquant.
From the very heart of an advanced radicalism, he became without a
note of warning a quadruple-dyed Deraocrat. His raastery of vitu
perative paragraphing was unequaled. The governorship of Idaho
tickled his ambitious fancy, but that remote wild could not seduce him
frora the more civilized territory of the Atlanta post office, whose
eraoluraents he enjoyed for the industriously claimed distinction of
having been the pioneer in nominating Grant for President. He was
one of the raost typical blossoms of reconstruction, whose unctuous
meraory will linger long with the journalists of that day.
The raoraentous action of this Legislature, that had a larger conse
quence following it than any other, and that was the immediate cause
of the imposition of a new installment of this ever-shifting reconstruc
tion upon the State, was the expulsion of the negro members. The
question of the ineligibility of colored men to hold office under the new
Constitution, was first sprung by Mr. Candler, and in his resolution he
quoted that Gov. Brown favored this view. The issue was a vital one
and evoked a protracted and heated discussion. The debate upon it
continued until the early part of September. A number of the white
Republicans sided with the Democrats in this matter. The vote in the
House stood 83 to 23, and in the Senate 24 to 11. Some of the
speeches were very unique affairs. The subject provoked a picturesque
variety of eloquence. The foUowing rare quotation from the speech of
Hon. W. M. Tumlin will afford a vivid conception of the lively range of ,
this discursive discussion :
" Common-sense, common reason, the welfare of the black race and of the white race,
require every thinking man to turn thera out. The Constitution of the State of Georgia
says turn them out. The Constitution of the United States, with all its damnable
amendments, says turn them out. Therefore, Sir, if we fail to comply with the solemn
oath we have subscribed to, when this House is the judge of the qualification of its
members, by retaining men here who are clearly ineligible, we will be held to account
for it by our constituency and our God,"
26

402 GOVERNOR BULLOCK.
A colored raeraber, Roraulus Moore, raade an exceedingly clear state
raent of his claims' to his seat, and closed with the use of the following
unique assertion:
" If God is pleased with the Constitutional araendraent, yon can't change it — ^yon
can't change it unless you can overcome the armies of the United States."
Another colored member, G. H. Clower, is thus reported:
" 'Whenever you cast your votes against us, dis nigger wiU take his hat and walk right
straight out, but, like Christ, I shall come again, I go to prepare a place for them.
Stop, Democrats ; stop, white folks ! Draw de resolution off de table, and let's go to
-vvork." Gov. Bullock sent in a message to the House of Representatives,
stating who had received the next highest number of votes, and argu
ing against the expulsion of the colored members. He thus wound up
his raessage:
" In conclusion I most respectfully and earnestly call upon you, as lovers of our com
mon country, and weU-wishers of the peace and good order of the State, to pause in the
suicidal course upon which you have entered, urged on, as you are, by bold, bad men
outside j'our body, whose wicked counsels have once drenched our land in blood, and
whose ambition now is to ruin that which they cannot rule."
The House promptly passed a resolution offered by Mr. Duncan of
Houston, rebuking the Governor for interfering in a raatter in which
the House was, by the Constitution, made the sole judge. Gov. Bul
lock had an unexampled opportunity, during his term, to have made
himself a great name and a desirable farae. He had borne a good rec
ord before and during the war. He came into politics in a convulsion,
and by espousing the strong side, obtained a high trust. Had he have
raade himself the Executive of the people, and not of a party, he
would soon have overcome the prejudices of the Democrats. But he
played the partisan to the full, and it became a no-quarter war between
hira and the Democracy. He soon dissolved his reliance upon the
counsel of such men as Gov. Brown, and pursued the advice of the
worst raen of his party. He had plenty of provocation, for the Derao
crats were unsparing and iraplacable. The writer of this volurae took
editorial charge of the Atlanta Constitution newspaper in May, 1869,
and conducted that journal's politics during the whole turbulent period
until Gov. Bullock resigned and becarae a fugitive from the State, and
was therefore in close and responsible watchfulness and criticism of Gov.
Bullock's administration. Never making Gov. Bullock's acquaintance
in that time, and viewing his regime solely on its official raerits, without
any prejudice whatever against hira, and never failing to commend

. STATE TEEASUEEE, JOHN JONES. 403
what was worthy of approval, the retrospection of his terra of Execu
tive incumbency shows an administration with little to redeem it.
It is also equally due to truth to say that Gov. Bullock was fired by
the unceasing hostiUty of a relentless opposition. How far an implaca
ble warfare can justify an official in acts that call for censure, an
impartial public judgment must decide for itself. Gov. Bullock was
undoubtedly stiraulated by the fever of an acrimonious strife to rauch
of his course that deserves condemnation. He stood faithfully to some
very bad colleagues, and adhered manfuUy to his side with eyes closed
to raoral considerations or physical consequences. There is no denying
that he showed gameness and fidelity.
The legislature ousted twenty-five colored Representatives and two
Senators, and seated in their places the same number of white Demo
crats. There were very strong young men among the substituted mem
bers,- among them J. R. Saussy and Thomas W. Grimes. Mr. Saussy
was a fine young lawyer from Chathara county, a gentleman of
sprightly humor, with an industrious energy \nd a vigorous intelli
gence. He had worked into a large law practice in a city noted for its
able bar. Mr. Grimes has been a State Senator since, and is now the
Solicitor General of his circuit. He has shown an exceptional degree of
political independence, resigning his seat in the legislature to test popu
lar sentiraent upon one of his measures, and winning a re-election by a
handsome majority. The incident is a rare one for so young a legisla
tor, and demonstrated his positive character. Both these gentlemen, as
many others of the new raembers, becarae valuable legislators.
Col. John Jones, the Treasurer, removed by Gen. Meade, made a
report to this General Assembly, showing that he had taken with, in
removal, 1426,704.27 of the State's money, every dollar of which he
accounted for, principally in payment upon the public debt. Col. Jones
makes these interesting statements in connection with this novel chap
ter of Georgia reconstruction:
" In these transactions I am aware that I have incurred the high displeasure of some,
and aroused the suspicions of others ; and I was satisfied in the beginning that such
would be the case ; but having taken an oath to obey the laws under which I was elected,
and given heavy bonds for the performance of the duties of my office, I conscientiously
felt that I had no right, while reason and honesty of purpose were vouchsafed to me, to
act otherwise. Not the least gratifying circumstance since my removal has been, that
although it was deeraed imperative that I should be removed, I have been allowed and
trusted by the Commanding-General and Provisional Gdvernor Ruger, to carry out the
course I had adopted, and preserve the credit and honor of the State, up to the surren
der of the government to the civil authorities.

404 THE CAllILLA RIOT.
" My personal intercourse with the provisional officers has been as pleasant, as under
the extraordinary state of things, could be expected, and their bearing towards, me has
been ever that of gentlemen to one for whora they entertain sincere respect. Their
kindness will not be forgotten, nor shall they ever feel that their sympathy has been
misplaced." In the raonth of September, during this session of the General
Asserably, occurred an incident that created great exciteraent, not only
in Georgia but over the whole country, and that contributed a large
quota of political capital to the Republican campaigns. There has been
no stock in trade so serviceable to the Republican party as the fabrica
tion of Southern outrages upon Union men and negroes. The heaviest
indictment made against Gov. Bullock was for his part in this so-called
" slander raill " business. Frora all parts of Georgia were gathered
absolutely incredible accounts of white brutality to the black, and Gov.
Bullock gave these dark narratives the whole sanction of his official
place. The incident alluded to was the first iraportant episode of
so-called Southern outrage.
The facts were these: A body of armed negroes, headed -by a raan
naraed William R. Pierce, the Republican candidate for Congress, John
Murphy and a man named F. F. Putney, approached Camilla, Mitchell
county, to hold a public meeting. The sheriff, M. J. Poore, notified the
parties that they must not hold a meeting with armed men. They
persisted, a collision ensued and seven persons were killed and forty
wounded. Gov. Bullock, in reporting the raatter to the Legislature,
asserted that the right to peacefully assemble had been " violently and
barbarously irapaired," and the civil officers of Mitchell county were
wholly unable to maintain peace. He urged the Legislature to call on
the President for troops to protect the citizens. Gov. Bullock's attempt
to throw the blarae of this affair upon the white Democrats evoked much
indignation. The arming of the negroes over the State was a notorious
fact, creating alarra and foreshadowing trouble. Gov. Bullock had
issued his proclamation upon this matter, adroitly ascribing what he
called "the rapid spread of a disposition on the part of those who
raaintain the validity of the laws of Congress, and of the state govern
ments estabUshed thereunder, to protect theraselves by arras," to acts
of violence by " persons distinguished for their hostility to the govern
raent of the United States."
With an ingenious subtlety that stirred a deep resentraent, his pro
clamation was leveled at those citizens supposed to interfere with " the
constitutional right of persons to asserable for political or other peace
ful purpose," while for the iUegal armed bodies he merely communicated

THE COLORED CONVENTION OF 1868. 405
the information that no authority had been granted for such organiza
tions which were unlawful.
The legislature properly declared that " the civil authorities had
shown themselves able to execute the law, and there was no necessity
for any military interference." Mr. Marion Betjiune made a rainority
report that presented some very truthful reflections. He argued that it
was apparent that the people were inflamed and divided, and he urged
all parties to meet on a common ground and endeavor to provide some
measure that will give peace and rest to the excited public mind.
The legislature adjourned on the 5th of October, 1868. The commit
tee on the State of the Republic raade a report written by the chairraan,
Hon. I. E. Shuraate, which was regarded as a masterly and statesman
like paper, and portrayed the political status of the white people of the
State admirably. It reviewed the various steps of reconstruction with
philosophical temper; it deprecated any attempt to antagonize the races,
and it declared the purpose of the whites to protect the black in his
rights. The style of this document was singularly felicitous and forci
ble. The raerabers who took the places of the ousted negroes presented,
through Mt. Saussy, a gold watch 'and chain to Hon. Wm. M. Tumlin,
as the one to whom was mainly due the credit of this famous expurga
tion of the blacks. A colored convention was held in Macon, presided
over by H. M. Turner, consisting of 136 delegates, from eighty-two
counties, which started the raovement that ultiraately ended in another
reconstruction of the State.
This colored convention was an important and a very melodramatic
body. It held closed meetings, excluding white men. In nothing was
it more reraarkable than its bitter characterization of the white Radicals
who had voted for their reptilsion from the General Assembly. There
were some venomous and incendiary speeches, but these unlettered men
went to work to do their business of retribution and recovery of their
privUeges in an extraordinarily practical way. Turner made a strong
speech, declaring he would break up the legislature. He welded his
sable hearers in a solid purpose. Committees were appointed for
various duties, among them to memorialize Congress, and get up re
ports of outrages and murders.
There was something peculiarly suggestive in the assembling and
deliberations of this colored convention. Mr. Marion Bethune, in his
rainority report on the Carailla riot, raost felicitously stated the feel
ings of the poor race in these words :
" It must be apparent to the most indifferent observer, that the negro feels disappointed.

406 THE STa'te JUDICIARY OP 1868.
and is exasperated in failing to obtain the political rights and privileges that he antici
pated under our new Constitution ; whilst, on the other hand, much the larger portion
of the white people feel that he. is claiming privileges, and aspiring to positions which
he is totaUy unfit to occupy, and which they regard as degrading to the white race.
Therefore, it is but natural that each party should feel a deep and abiding interest in
the result of the approaching election, as each regards the success of their party as an
important step in settling the dispute in their favor.''
Deeply chagrined and incensed at the deprivation of the right to
hold office, the colored leaders, deserted in this valued raatter by their
white allies, for the first and only tirae in the protracted play of Recon
struction, self-reliantly took the bit in their own mouths and organized
for a race victory. Against the whites they stood in an unqualified
opposition. And they whipped their fight. Illiterate, crude in politics
and farcical in aspect, they drove to triuraph.
Every effort raade by the white people to stop the rush of reconstruc
tion but ended in failure and enlarged the imposition of severities.
The most heroic and white-motived resistance to revolutionary innova
tions not only riveted them the, tighter but brought new savagery.
Every stand for principle siraply clinched the changes opposed, and
wrought superadded alterations. Whatever the raotive the men like
Gov. Brown, who counseled acquiescence, saw in the ultimate result a
strong vindication of their foresight.
The Deraocratic electors beat the Republican electors, H. P. Farrow,
A. T. Akerraan, T. M. Smith, John Murphy, E. J. Higbee, W. H. White
head, J. E. Bryant, S. C. Johnson and J. L. Dunning, by a raajority of
44,638 in a vote of 158,596. The highest Deraocratic vote was 101,-
786, and Republican 57,195.
The following judges were norainated by Gov. BuUock, and confirmed
by the Senate: Supreme Court — Chief Justice, Joseph E. Brown;
Associate Justices, H. K. McCay and Hiram Warner. Superior Court
— J. R. Parrott, Cherokee Circuit; C. W. Davis, Westem; Gamett
Andre'ws, Northern; C. B. Cole, Macon; J. R. Alexander, Southern; D.
B. Harrell, Pataula; James M. Clark, South-western; J. W. Greene,
Flint; J. D. Pope, Coweta; WiUiam Gibson, Middle; P. B. Robinson,
Ocmulgee; N. B. Knight, Blue Ridge; WiUiam Schley, Eastern; J. S.
Bigby, Tallapoosa.
There was a tremendous pressure brought against the acceptance of
office at the hands of Gov. Bullock, and in that day, the purest men who
did take position, were exposed to animadversion. And many whom
Gov. Bullock appointed, were deterred by a fear of public opinion from
assuming trusts in which they could have benefited the people.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.
GOV. BULLOCK'S DESPERATE ENDEAVOR TO RE-ENACT
RECONSTRUCTION.
The Evil Effect of the Black Expulsion.— Its Cue to Congress.— Nelson Tift.— Bullock's
Obloquy, — 'Wholesale Aspersion of the State. — Our Rulers Seeking the State's
Crucifixion, — Georgia at the Presidential Count. — An Exciting Scene, — Ben. Butler
aud Wade. — Submitting Negro Eligibility to the Courts. — W. P. Price. — Dunlap
Scott. — Senator Winn. — Bullock's 'Vetoes. — The Fifteenth Amendment. — The
Republicans Defeat It. — W. D, Anderson. — Foster Blodgett. — " Inflict Negro
Suffrage on the d — Yankees." — State Aid. — The Battle between Bullock and
Angier. — The Capitol Question. — BuUock's Illegal Advance to Kimball, — Com
mittee Reports Condemning.BuUock, — The Proposition to buy the Capitol. — Post
poned, — PhiUips' Resolution on O'Neal, — Republican Convention.— The Supreme
Court Decide Negroes EUgible, — Bullock in Washington working for more Recon
struction. — The Bureau of Immigration, — The State Fair. — The State Road. — State
Troubles. — Negro Disorders. — Bullock aud Angier again. — Chief Justice Brown's
Good Work. — Angler's Valuable Services.
The expulsion of the negro merabers from the Georgia legislature
had an iraraediate effect for evil. It renewed the fell spirit of Recon
struction. It blew the slumbering coals of race conflict into a lively
flame. It was' a sad error, viewed in the light of its results. It bred
trouble imraediately. It gave fuel to the expiring fire of sectional
strife. It was to the northern raind the use of the first note of con
ceded peace to declare war. It was as if an unshackled prisoner
utUized his initial moment of freedora to strike his releasing captor.
Charles Sumner of Massachusetts, early in December, introduced a
bUl in the United States Senate declaring that Georgia should be
reconstructed The implacable Reconstruction Committee of Congress
took the matter in hand. Gov. BuUock went before this potential
junta, none the less proscriptive because Thad. Stevens was dead, and
recommended the reorganization of the Georgia legislature upon the
basis of the enforcement of the test oath, which would re-instate the
negroes and put .the General Assembly " in the hands of loyal men."
Senator Edmunds offered a bUl repealing the restoration of Georgia to
the Union, and remitting the State back to Provisional Tyranny. This
measure revived the railitary governorship. Our Senators, Joshua Hill
and MiUer were vainly knocking at the door for adraission to their seats.

408 GOVERNOR BULLOCK SEEKS MORE EECONSTEUCTION.
Six of our seven Representatives had been admitted to their seats in
the House. Nelson Tift sent a circular to the Judges, Ordinaries and
Mayors in Georgia, asking them to bear witness what was the obedi
ence to law, the feeling to the blacks and northern raen and Republi
cans, the desire for peace, and whether there was any necessity to
destroy the present State govemment. He held up in an odious light
Gov. BuUock as seeking to remand the State government to mUitary
rule or to the dictatorship of a railitary Governor, with the army to
enforce his edicts, on the false ground that there was lawlessness,
anarchy, no protection for life or property, and a spirit of persecution
of the blacks by the whites.
Little wonder that Gov. Bullock incurred a scathing obloquy in this
abhorred role. And it was a curious reversal of positions that Bullock
was seeking to uptear and demolish the regime he had so toUed to
erect, while the people sought to continue the rule of Bullock, whose
instaUation they so resisted, and whose incumbency they detested.
This was another of the strange phases of this kaleidoscopic reconstruc
tion, inexhaustible in novel developments. It evoked a deep exasper
ation, that because the Republicans had failed to get control of the
legislature. Gov. Bullock and his allies should seek to pull down the
very temple of our liberties, that from its ruins raight be re-erected a
full Republican structure. The regeneration had been made, and as it
was not a coraplete Republican dynasty that was fashioned, a re-de
struction was sought in order to re-mold it. BuUock- had failed of
complete power. To get it he was wUling to even undo his own work,
strike down the state government, and remit a great coramonwealth to
bayonet despotisra. And the worst feature of it was that the weapon
of this new annihUation of state autonomy was the wholesale ascription
of a brutal lawlessness to an entire commonwealth.
This whole inexcusable attempt at the political re-crucifixion of a
great state is a matter of cold, official fact. The journals of the Legis
lature of 1869, contain Gov. Bullock's address to the United States
Congress on the 7th of Deceraber, 1868, as the Executive of Georgia,
gravely declaring that Georgia in her reconstruction had not complied
with the laws of Congress, that there was no " adequate protection for
life and property, the maintenance of peace and good order, and the
free expression of political opinion," and asking congressional interfer
ence with the restored sovereignty of the state whose exalted chief
magistracy he held.
This endeavor of our own Executive to drag down the state govern-

E.XCITING SCENE IN CONGEESS OVEE GEOEGIA. 409
raent, to dethrone its raajesty, and make it a dependent military pro
vince aroused a terrible indignation. It was a frightful commentary
upon the evil tiraes that our rulers were raen who, in their personal
arabition^, were willing to sport with the august sovereignty of the
state, and degrade the very power they wielded. It was a novel ex
perience in Georgia annals to see an Executive seeking the humiliation
of his own commonwealth, and that by the calumny of her honor. The
spirit that would invite the rude hand of inimical power to crush our
liberties and dominate us with despotism, rather than witness another
political party control one of the branches of our state government, was
something so unnatural that the people of Georgia regarded it with the
same horror' that they would have given to the crime of a parricide.
All good men felt that no lover of his country would attempt such an
unpatriotic and unholy work.
The action of the Georgia Legislature in expelling the negro raem
bers continued an absorbing subject of public discussion, not only in
the State, but over the whole country. The press of the North, and
Congress chattered incessantly over it. There were many lively scenes
that it provoked. Congress was kept in an acrimonious turmoil.
When the Presidential vote was counted on the 10th of February,
1869, Ben. Butler objected to counting the Georgia ballot. Wade said
his view was that Georgia's vote should be counted if it would not
alter the result, and should not be counted if it would, a decision
received with shouts of laughter. A wild confusion ensued. Ben.
Wade, presiding over the joint session, ordered the Senate to its own
chamber. The House voted 150 to 41 against Georgia being counted.
The Senate, after a lively struggle, decided in favor of Georgia. The
joint session was resuraed, and the conflict was fierce. Wade ordered
Georgia's vote read. Butler objected. Wade refused to hear objec
tions. Butler appealed frora Wade's decision. Wade refused an
appeal and ordered the count to proceed. Butler moved that the Sen
ate have permission to retire. He was declared out of order. Butler
deraanded that the House should control its own hall. Wade, in the
midst of an intense excitement, ordered the count to proceed. Conk-
ling began reading the result, but his voice was drowned by cries of
order. In the deafening claraor Speaker Colfax sprang to the desk,
saying the Vice-President must be obeyed in joint session, and ordered
the Sergeant-at-Arms to arrest disorderly persons. Order was suffi
ciently restored to read the result, when the joint session terminated.
Butler offered a resolution denouncing the action of Wade and the

410 THE NEGEO EXPULSION ISSUE IN THE LEGISLATUEE.
Senate. Davis introduced a resolution in the Senate declaring the con
duct of Butler and other members disreputable, and an insult to the
people of the United States. Butier and Binghara had a bitter debate
over Butler's resolution. Binghara denounced it as a resolution of
revolution and anarchy. WhUe Georgia was thus stirring up the
country, she was having an equaUy lively time at home. The Legisla
ture met on the 13th of January, 1869. Gov. Bullock's message dealt
mainly with the disturbing problera of negro expulsion. He insisted
on the Legislature undoing its work, and again assaUed the order of the
State. The Democrats themselves divided upon the line of policy.
Nelson Tift, one of our Congressraen, telegraphed that Grant, the
President elect, favored the policy of subraitting the matter to the
courts. W. P. Price introduced a resolution to this effect. It evoked
a warm discussion. Such men as Dunlap Scott opposed it. He pro
posed to stick to the expulsion. While he was speaking, an incident
occurred that was much remarked upon at the time, Speeches were
limited to fifteen minutes. When Scott had spoken ten rainutes, the
clock stopped, stood still thirty minutes, and started again just as he
was closing. But Price's resolution passed. Mr. Adkins introduced a
resolution to re-seat the negroes. Some idea may be formed of the
spirit of the Legislature frora the following reraarks of Senator Winn
on Adkins' bill.
" Mr, President : — The Senator frora the nineteenth, since the expulsion of the negro,
looks Uke ' Patience on a raonuraent sraUing at grief.' He wants that deUcious aroma so
needful to his comfort,
" ' Like the vase in which roses have once been distilled.
You may break, you may ruin the vase if you will.
But the scent of the roses will hang round it still' "
Cries of " order " were heard, and the President decided the remarks
personal and out of order. To the astonishment of all. Gov. Bullock
vetoed the resolution of Mr. Price, subraitting the eligibility of negroes
to hold office to the courts. The resolution did not go far enough for
him. He was for ripping up the whole organization, and not only
re-seating the negroes, but purging the Legislature of men who could
not take the test oath. And to add to the perplexities of the situation.
Congress was discussing the expulsion of our representatives from their
seats. The Fifteenth Araendraent was passed by Congress and carae before
the Georgia Legislature in a special raessage of Gov. Bullock, on the
10th of March, 1869. The action upon this measure, which enforced

DOUBLE DEALING ABOUT THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT. 411
negro suffrage, was strangely complicated, and on the part of Gov.
Bullock and his allies in the movement of securing another reconstruc
tion of the State, suggestively disingenuous. Both Democrats and
Republicans split upon it. Gov. Bullock was charged by Republicans
with withholding the amendment from the Legislature as long as possi
ble, and with recommending its passage in such taunting language as
would drive the Democrats frora its support. His policy was said to be,
to secure "its defeat in order to aid his project of further reconstruction.
The charge against hira was flatly raade, by the more moderate Repub
licans, of duplicity in making it appear at Washington that he favored
the araendraent, while he privately worked to prevent its passage.
The votes in both branches strongly confirm these accusations. In
the House, 25 Republicans on the first action, when the amendment
was carried, voted for the araendraent, 4 against it, and 24 dodged a vote,
including Gov. Bullock's fast friends, Adkins, Tweedy, O'Neal and
others. On the raotion in the House to reconsider, the next day, which
was carried, 17 of these dodgers voted for reconsideration. In the
House a raajority of Republicans thus defeated this Republican raeasure.
In the Senate, 13 Republicans, including President Conley, voted for the '
indefinite postponeraent of the araendment, and 6 against. Upon a
reconsideration of the indefinite postponement, 8 Republicans voted
for the passage of the amendment, 8 voted against it, and 8 dodged,
and the amendment was defeated by a Republican Senate, after it had
passed first a Democratic House. Gov. Bullock's friends voted against
it, and raany of his appointees electioneered against its passage.
The Democrats were equally divided. The leverage given to the
enemies of the State by the expulsion of the negro raerabers had created
a reaction, and the raore conservative of the Democrats had come to the
conclusion that it was wiser to proraptly perforra disagreeable neces
sities. There was some spirited discussion over the matter and some
feeling speeches against it. The vote first stood in the House seventy-
four and sixty-nine against the araendment. Mr. Anderson of Cobb
voiced the conservative view in voting for the raeasure with this explan
atory remark.
" Mr, Speaker : — Passion, prejudice and pride say vote, ' No ' • wisdom and respon
sibility say vote, ' Yes,' "
Of the Deraocrats 42 in the House voted for the Araendraent and
56 against. In the Senate 5 Deraocrats voted for and 9 against the
amendment on, its final defeat. The picture of inconsistency as to
this amendment is not complete without recalling the fact that

412 THE CONFLICT BETWEEN BULLOCK AND ANGIEE.
Foster Blodgett, Gov. Bullock's Achates, visited Washington, and
in a conversation with Grant, the President, predicted that the Demo
crats in the Georgia Legislature would support the Fifteenth Amend
ment " for the purpose of inflicting negro suffrage in turn on the d 
Yankees." The occasion of this visit to Washington was in corapany
with H. M. Turner and J. M. Sirams, two of the expelled negro members
of the Georgia Legislature, to present the resolutions of the Colored
Convention in Macon, to which allusion has been raade.
The Legislature adjourned on the 18th of Maroh, 1869. This body
had granted State aid to seven railroads, covering railUons of dollars.
Heavy assaults had been made upon Gov. Bullock's manageraent of
the state finances. A legislative joint coraraittee appointed to look
into the matter of which M. A. Candler was Chairman of the Senate
portion, and O. G. Sparks of the House, reported censuring Gov.
Bullock for various unauthorized acts. They charged that over
$32,000 was drawn on unauthorized . warrants. They rasped Gov.
Bullock for inaugurating the expensive and needless practice of gener
ally publishing proclamations of pardon, and appointments of county
inspectors of fertilizers, this waste already running to over $10,000.
They condemned large extra pay to salaried officers, running to $4,421,
The raost animated financial battle of that day was between Gov.
Bullock and Treasurer N. L. Angier over an advance made by the
Governor of some $31,000 to H. I. Kimball, to heat and fix up the
present capitol building. This difficulty between Dr. Angier and Gov.
Bullock becarae raore rancorous with the passage of tirae, ani had a
raaterial effect upon subsequent events. The war between these two
officials was an important episode of that day, and involved large public
consequences. It broke the unity of Gov. Bullock's adrainistration.
It raade a forraidable breach in the Republican ranks, and it furnished
the Democrats substantial help in fighting the excesses of that damag
ing rule. This trouble will involve some aUusion to tlie change of the
capital from MilledgeviUe to Atlanta, and the purchase of the capitol
building, that have given rise to so much public agitation.
When the Constitutional convention of 1868 was in session, the city
of Atlanta made the proposition that if the capital should be located in
this city, the City Council agreed to furnish to the State, free of cost,
for the space of ten years if needed, suitable buUdings for the General
Assembly, for the residence of the Governor, and for aU the offices
needed by such officers as are generally located in the State House, and
aU suitable rooms for the State library and for the Supreme Court.

THE CHANGE OF CAPITAL. 413
The city further agreed to donate to the State of Georgia, the Fair
Grounds, containing twenty-five acres, as a location for the capitol, or in
lieu thereof, any unoccupied ten acres of ground in the city that raight
be selected by the General Assembly as a raore appropriate place for
the capitol and Governor's raansion.
The convention, by resolution passed February 27, 1868, accepted
this proposition, and in the Constitution placed an article raaking
Atlanta the seat of government. On the 24th of August, 1868, the
City Council of Atlanta rented from E. N. KimbaU, for $6,000 a year,
for five years, certain parts of the present capitol building, for the use
of the State, and by resolution tendered to the State the said rented
premises. Mr. Kimball bound himself tcf have the building ready for
the State by the second Tuesday in January, 1869. This building was
a brick shell that had been started for an opera house, and the project
had fallen through. The contract made with Mr. Kimball by the City
Council did not cover the heating and lighting. Instead of exacting
of the City Council the fulfiUraent of its contract. Gov. BuUock, frora
October to December, 1868, advanced to H. I. KimbaU $31,000 of the
State's money to heat, furnish, carpet, paint, and light the building,
without reporting said -advances to the State Treasurer. In Septeraber,
1868, the Legislature had tabled a resolution in regard to heating the
structure. The City Council of Atlanta regarded their contract with
E. N. Kimball as complying with their offer to the State.
Treasurer Angier reported the matter to the Legislature, in response
to a resolution calling for the facts about the State bonds. This report
drew from Gov. Bullock a tart message, charging upon Dr. Angier " a
malicious atterapt to discredit the integrity of the Executive." The
finance coraraittee was authorized to examine the matter. A raajority
and minority report were made. Gov. Brown's opinion was asked, as
to the propriety of expenditures without authority of law by the Execu
tive. He replied that the practice had been for the Executive in the
past, in pressing emergencies that warranted it, to pay the State's
raoney without appropriation, honestly and judiciously for the public
service, but that in all such cases the Governor should be prepared to
assurae the responsibility if the legislature should disapprove his
act. The raajority report, signed by W. H. F. Hall, chairman, de
clared that there was no legal or urgent necessity for such expendi
ture, whUe the Governor's motives are not questioned. The minority
report, signed by A. S. Fowler, O. G. Sparks and six others, is a sharp,
sententious, plain-talking docuraent. It declared the expenditures

414 THE CAPITOL BUILDING CONTINUED.
unauthorized, reckless extravagance, and without precedent. It cora-
raented upon the fact that there had been araple tirae -to explain the
transaction, and no itemized bill of particulars had been furnished;
that costly heating, lighting and furniture was not contemplated by
either the city or state for a temporary capitol. The House adopted
the minority report by a large majority.
The altercation between Dr. Angier and Gov. BuUock grew very
bitter. Gov. BuUock charged upon Dr. Angier that he had drawn
interest on the public funds, receiving $356. Dr. Angier showed that
he received less interest because the bank had loaned Gov. Bullock
$17,000 on his private account. The City CouncU of Atlanta proposed
- to confer with a joint committee to settle the liability for the $31,000.
Gov. BuUock, in transmitting this request, stated in his message that
he thought the City Council was responsible for the expense, and that
if he had faUed to incur that cost, the Legislature would not have
had a proper place to assemble. Tho resolution to appoint a commit
tee was passed. The coraraittee had a conference with the City CouncU
of Atlanta. The committee reported a proposition for the City to pay
$100,000 towards the purchase of the KimbaU Opera House for a
permanent capitol, and recommended that the State appropriate
$200,000 in interest bearing seven per cent, bonds for the balance of
the purchase money, the Kimballs to refund the State the $31,000,
thus costing the State $169,000. This proposition was not acted
upon, but postponed, and the Legislature adjourned. This building
was the subject of continued trouble, which will be hereafter noted.
There will never in the history of Georgia be a parallel to this
General Assembly. Some of its incidents seem incredible. On the
17th of February, Mr. Phillips, of Echols county, stands responsible for
the following resolution:
"Resolved, That the publication which appears in the New Era of this raorning, that the
Hon. J. W. O'Neal was drunk on yesterday, is infaraously false, and it is due to the coun
try and to this House that it be so branded, and should meet -ft'ith the prompt con
demnation of all lovers of good whisky in the present General Assembly."
The report goes on to say that after a warm discussion the resolution
was withdrawn. A Republican convention was held in Atlanta on the
5th of Maroh, 1869. Hon. Ben. Conley was made President. The
resolutions adopted were harsh, referring to " rebel-democratic rowdies,"
and declaring that the State was as practically under the control qf
those who spurn the Federal government as it was during the rebellion.
A committee was appointed of Foster Blodgett, P. M. Sheibley, H. P.

GOV. bullock's ATTEMPT TO RECONSTRUCT THE STATE AGAIN. 415
Farrow, J. W. Clift, J. M. Simms, J. T. Costin and H. M. Turner' to go
to Washington to urge Congress to " carry out the desire of this
convention." In June, 1869, the Supreme Court, Judge Warner dissenting, decided
in the case of Richard W. White, a colored man, elected Clerk of the
Superior Court of Chatham county, that negroes were eligible to office
in Georgia. This decision raised the question as to whether the Leg
islature should ro-seat the colored members who were expelled. Gen.
A. R. Wright, editor of the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, sent a
circular letter to the leading men of the State, asking their views upon
this question. There was a pretty unanimous opinion aniong the
Democrats that new elections should be ordered. The subject engaged
the pubUc mind to a very general and intense degree. Hon. A. H.
Stephens, Judge Wra. B. Fleraing, Col. Warren Akin, Judge J. W. H.
Underwood, Gen.. A. R. Lawton, Thoraas E. Lloyd, Judge E. J. Harden,
Junius Hillyer, Col. Crawford and others, supported the position taken
by the Atlanta Constitution that the decision of the Suprerae Court
should be obeyed, but the parliamentary raethod would be to have an
election to fill the vacancies.
Iramediately aftsr the adjournment of the Legislature, Gov. Bullock
went on to Washington, and endeavored to take advantage of the
faUure of the Georgia General Assembly to ratify the Fifteenth Araend
raent, a failure due as has been stated to his own Republican friends in
that body, to secure further reconstruction of the State. But no plan
was desired by him except one that purged the Legislature of Derao
crats under the test oath. The mere re-seating of the negroes would
not satisfy these destructionists, because that still left thera without
control of the Legislature. Every effort was raade to get the Butler
biU through Congress before adjournraent, but Nelson Tift and P. M.
B. Young and others succeeded in blocking this garae. The weapon
that was raost potential in preventing the success of this measure of
continued reconstruction was the passage by both branches of the
Legislature of Georgia of the resolution to test the negro eligibility
issue in the State Supreme Court, which Gov. Bullock vetoed, to destroy
its effect in preventing his scheraes. Congress adjourned without
interference with Georgia, and he and his allies returned horae baffied,
but not defeated. During the suraraer and faU of 1869 every prepara
tion was made for renewing the baleful design of re-dismantling the
good old State.
During this year a number of important State matters transpired. A

416 THE ATTEMPT AT IMMIGRATION.
bureau of iraraigration was established, and George N. Lester was made
Horae Commissioner, and Samuel Weil, Foreign Commissioner. The
sura of $10,000 was appropriated. The printing was limited to $3,000.
The salary of Col. Lester was $2,000 and Mr. Weil $3,00G. Faithful
efforts were made by both commissioners, but owing to the persistent
and rancorous Republican slanders against the good order of the State,
no good was accomplished, and Col. Lester, finding his office unavailing
for benefit, resigned it before the expiration of his two years' term.
(]ol. Weil returned from Europe after fourteen raonths absence, bringing
his niece with hira, and there was a good deal of raillery among the
anti-immigration men over the alleged harvest of one immigrant as the
result of this elaborate scheme of State immigration. The report of
this atterapt at immigration showed that Col. Weil had received $3,000
salary, and spent $1,520 for printing; Col. Lester received $2,598 salary,
and spent $500 for printing. Weil's expenses exceeded his salary, and
Lester's were nearly one-half of -salary.
The State fair at Macon, in October, 1869, was largely attended by
distinguished Northern gentlemen. A negro labor convention was held
in Macon in October, to organize a union to control prices of labor.
The leading spirits in this body were Jeff. Long and H. M. Turner. An
iramense Southern Commercial convention was held in Louisville, Ky.,
of which Mr. Fillmore was president. Georgia was largely represented
by such raen as V. A. GaskUl, A. D. NunnaUy, D. E. Butler, H. W.
HUliard, B. C. Yancey, R, H. Chilton, A. Hood, C. Howell and some
seventy others. There were comraittees on every conceivable subject
of practical utUity, iraraigration, a Southern Pacific, Mississippi Levees,
Agriculture, Manufacture of Cotton, direct trade, and other kindred
raatters. Some sarcastic journal epitomized the work of the convention
in the satirical suraraary, that its chief result was the resurrection of the
buried FiUraore to build continental railways by resolutions.
Col. Hulburt had raade a fair administration of the State road, pay
ing in to the State Treasury pretty regularly, $25,000 a month. He
had an undoubted genius for the practical developraent of public re-
. sources. His ideas of the necessity and value of cheap coal and iron
were far in advance of the time. He steadily worked for these great
ends. He was an earnest champion of the Georgia "S^^estern road that
Gen. Gordon has at last put under way. But Hulburt was handi
capped by his connection with 'the Republican registration and his
" Sharp and Quick " repute. Even then it was said that Foster Blod
gett, who was treasurer of the State road under Hulburt, was striving

GOV. BROWN OPPOSES BULLOCk'S GRATUITOUS RECONSTEUCTION. 417
to supplant him as superintendent, a change that did soon come, and
that was followed by a year of the most reckless and wholesale mis-
manageraent and extravagance that ever raarked the adrainistration of
a public trust.
During this year there was a legitimate^ outcome of the pernicious
Republican tampering with the colored race. A frightful negro riot
occurred near Savannah, on the Ogeechee, where the man A. A. Bradley
had sway. Col. R. W. Flourney, a Deraocratic member of the Legisla
ture, a bright young citizen, was murdered by negroes. Mr. Charles
Wallace, editor of the Warrenton Clipper, was assassinated, atid Dr.
G. W. Darden, a noted Republican, arrested and in jail for the atro
cious raurder, was shot.
In reviewing that period, with all the bad influences at work upon the
ignorant colored race, and the unspeakable provocation against the
whites, one is surprised that there was not more violence. The radical
regime of that day stimulated the blacks to deviltry, and fired the
whites to a righteous exasperation. And the natural resentment of
honest Deraocrats was evoked and used as the intended weapon of their
political injury. We had suffered enough, and should have been near
our rederaption. But the end was far off, and mockeries were to be
enacted that were to surpass even the previous shocking experiences of
this monstrous reconstruction.
The warfare between Gov. Bullock and Treasurer Angier continued,
growing daily raore erabittered. The Governor brought heavy suits
against the treasurer. Gen. Alfred A. Terry had been assigned to
railitary coraraand in Georgia, to aid in preserving order. He was in
voked as a pacificator between these two belligerents. He had raade
peace between Gov. Bullock and the New Era, which, under Dr. Bard,
had been warring upon His ExceUency. The truth is that there was a
decided schism in the Republican ranks, growing out of Bullock's reso
lute proclivity to a rehash of reconstruction. The more patriotic men
of that party rebeUed against it. And no man. wielded a raore powerful
influence in antagonizing and eventually thwarting the ultiraate phases
of this partisan monstrosity than Chief Justice Brown. His whole
course was simply acceptance of only necessary and inevitable terms of
evU, and condemnation of every gratuitous abomination. From all the
unholy crusades of the Bullock dynasty he kept firmly aloof, and this
when he was cruelly bespattered and falsely classed as one of the com
mon enemy.
Dr. Angier wrote a letter to the Federal Union in September, stating
27

418 DE. angier's warfare on bullock.
that Gov. BuUock had paid $13,000 out of the State treasury as retain
ers to lawyers, $9,000 of it in the last thirty days, of which $1,500 was
to F. S. Fitch, the editor of a Griffin paper, besides large amounts to
the . Attorney General, H. P. Farrow, and other amounts out of the
State road funds. He also charged that Gov. Bullock was offering
excessive amounts, from one to five thousand dollars of rewards. In
December, Dr. Angier wrote to one of the members of the Recon
struction Coramittee of Congress, in reply to a letter, stating that in
the teeth of two adverse and condemnatory reports of a legislative
committee upon his advance of $31,000 to the Kimballs on the opera
house building, he had made a further illegal advance to the Kimballs,
on the same account, of $20,000 since the Legislature adjourned. Dr.
Angier charged that to cover these unlawful amounts. Gov. BuUock
had hypothecated seven per cent. State Railroad mortgage bonds, that
under the law were to be issued only in renewal of bonds then due.
He further charged that Gov. Bullock exhausted the contingent fund
of $20,000 in less than six months, and under a vague " India rubber
blanket " section of the appropriation act, he had drawn nearly $100,000,
the greater part in the way of patronage to buy influence.
There is no doubt that Dr. Angier was the most hurtful opponent
that Gov. Bullock had, and the people of Georgia owe him a deep
debt of gratitude for the revelations he raade. It was indeed a for
tunate antagonism for the State, this angry combat between the Execu
tive and Treasurer. All efforts to heal it failed. The writer, then con
ducting the Atlanta Constitution newspaper, the leading Democratic
journal at the seat of govermnent, and while striving to do even-tem
pered justice to Gov. Bullock, yet thundering daily at the palpable
wrongs of his administration, was under obligation to Treasurer Angier
for many a valuable piece of inforraation that served materially the
public welfare.
Gov. Bullock struck fiercely at Dr. Angler to crush him. He tried to
break him down with heavy prosecutions, and sought a mandaraus to
make him pay refused warrants. But the game Treasurer stood undaunt
edly to his fight, and the ponderous blows he dealt the Executive,
resounded over the State, and brought him many a glad acclaim from
the grateful tax-payers.

CHAPTER XXXIX.
A BURNING^ CHAPTER OF FOLLY AND SHAME.
The most notable Events of Georgia History, — Gov. BuUock Then and Now, — His Plan
for Another Reconstructiou — The Central Radical Committee, — A Cruel Procla
raation. — The State Indicted by Her Executive. — The Slander Mill. — The Writer's
Editorial Then. — The Fifteenth Amendment Hanging on Georgia's 'Vote. — " The
Gospel of Anarchy," — Bullock in Congress, — The New Reconstruction. — Bullock's
Rejoicing, — The Georgia Legislature, — Farrow's Opinion, — Intimidation, — Chief-
Justice Brown's Patriotic Course, — Opinions of Leading Men, — Thomas Harde
man. — Cliief Justice Brown, — Warren Akiu, — The Radical Committee. — Bluff. —
Attorneys Employed. — The Reorganization. — J. W. G, Mills and A. L. Harris, —
The Conservative Republicans SpUt from BuUock, — J, E. Bryan. — B. Conley. — A
Bitter Speech, — Harris the Autocrat. — Bold Despotism. — Pistols Drawn. — An
Astounding Turn, — Gen, Terry and His Military Board. — The Soldiers to Purge
the Body — Selling Beef Creates Ineligibility. — Five Members Kicked Out. — Nine
teen Frightened Off. — Minority Men Seated. — The Speaker's Election a, "Vital
Point. — The Bullock Men Elect McWhorter through Democratic Division and
Folly. — ^Bullock's "Victory Complete. — Bullock's Message, — A New Deal and Pro
longation, — The Fight Remitted to Congress, — Bnllock Goes to Washington, —
A Stirring Battle, — BuUock's Discomfitur^.'^Prolongation Scotched. — Bullock's
Bribery Investigation, — A Republican Corfiraittee Censure Him, — Hard Press Com
ment on BuUock. — The Georgia Legislature takes another Rece,^s. — BuUock and
Angier Investigation Committee, — Ccsmgress Admits Georgia at Last.
Perhaps, take them all in all, the -events recorded in this chapter are
the raost notable of Georgia history. They present a picture so novel
that aftertiraes wUl find it hard to believe the amazing reality. It
seemed as if a comical fate had in pure whimsiness sought to twist every
possible travesty out of the gravest concerns of state governraent. See
ing Gov. Bullock to-day, a quiet, autumnal figure moving in the streets
of Atlanta, attending to the prosaic matters of cotton manufacture, one
finds it difficult to recall the portly, gorgeous personage that in the year
of our Lord, 1870, only eleven years ago, was the central power of a
successful partisan 'crusade that dismantled our goodly State and made
hira autocrat of Georgia amid the unqualified abhorrence of her virtuous
citizens. Reveling in a brief enjoyment of such rule as worthy men
hope raay never corae again to a proud coraraonwealth of enlightened
freemen, it was a stirring culmination of this dynasty of revolution to
see its head, dropping the iraperial authority in hot~haste and for years

420 bullock's ARRAIGNMENT OF THE STATE.
a hidden fugitive from criminal indictrhents. Repeated atterapts to
secure had failed, but finally the ex-Executive was brought to trial
when years had effaced the bitterest meraories of the tirae of wrong,
and criminal acquittal was given after a hard forensic fight.
The proper tribunal for such public charges was an impeachment
Court, which was costly, ponderous and barren, and its penalty of removal
from office, pointless. The career of this official is one of the marked
eleraents of Georgia reconstruction, and the simple, unembeUished
record raakes a striking chapter of that unique epoch.
Before Congress met in the winter of 1869, Gov. Bullock had per
fected his plans for revolutionizing again our State government, that
had already undergone so many shifting farces of reconstruction, that
it seemed as if a grim destiny had exhausted both folly and malice
in our case. On the 24th of Noveraber, a secret raeeting of the Radi
cal Executive Coraraittee of the State was called. The Atlanta Consti-
tutio)i gave an account of the raeeting that was never denied. Araong
those present were BuUook, Blodgett, Hulburt, Farrow, Blount, Con
ley, Long and others. A sub-committee, composed of Farrow, Hulburt,
Conley, .leff Long and a negro, was appointed to report on urging Con
gress to reconstruct Georgia again. All of this sub-committee were
said to be against such action, except Mr. Conley. Majority and mi
nority reports were made. The discussion in the raain coraraittee was
said to be storray. Through the efforts of Bullock and Blodgett, the
rainority recomraendation of Conley was sustained. Arraed with this
formidable docuraent. Gov. Bullock proceeded to Washington, to work
out in person his revolutionary scherae.
Before going, however, he issued a lengthy proclamation, which he
published all over the State, that ' both as an instrument for his
destructive purpose, and as a cool, deliberate piece of premeditated
malice, was never surpassed. The pronunciaraento began with these
vonoraous words:
" To the People of Georgia : — The recent renewal of active hostilities against the per
son and property of colored citizens and white Republicans, by the organized bands of
secret assassins iu certain portions of the State, seeras to indicate a concert of action
and a purpose on the part of said organizations to persist in defying the civil law,"
With this wholesale indictment of the good order of the State,
accompanied by the bold assertion, wholly unfounded, that "under
the statutes at present in force, the Executive is prevented from
taking active measures for the suppression of civil disorders;" he
proceeded to offer five thousand dollars reward each, for the alleged

ATLANTA CONSTITUTION AGAINST BULLOCK. 421
perpetrators of a long list of crimes, covering the State and including
hundreds of men, and whose aggregate payment would have taken a
million of dollars. And it was a sigraficant part of the chapter of
these, and a host of other like extravagant rewards so lavishly offered,
by this generous-handed Executive, that the alleged criminals were so
uniforraly uncaught. It would be difficult to raore conclusively explode
the caluranies of the public peace, so malignantly used in that day as
the most potential weapon of Radical success, than by this single fact.
That potential institution, the " Slander-mill," was revived in all its
vigor, and outrages of every kind ground out unceasingly. The New
York Times had an editorial on Georgia's condition that came in nicely
as a help to the new crusade. And this was followed by a congratula
tory letter frora Gov. Bullock to that journal. Gen. Alfred H. Terry
furnished his quota to the scherae in a lengthy report that the state of
disorder in Georgia demanded the interposition of Congress.
The following earnest editorial of the writer in the Atlanta Consti
tution, published on the 12th of Deceraber, 1869, reflected the feeling
of the good citizens of that day towards Gov. Bullock:
" Suppose that in the days when Geo, M, Troup, or any of Georgia's sons and states
men fiUed her Executive Chair, the President of the United States had advised, and
Congress had contemplated a blow at her sovereignty ?
"Can any man doubt what would have been their course ? Every sentiment of State
fealty, every impulse of patriotism, would have quivered under the peril and the indignity
to our beloved commonwealth. They would have been stung by the shame of the
insult, as well as concerned in the damage to her welfare. Having the interest of the
State at heart, identified with her honor, and alive to the weal of her great people, they
would have consecrated their lives to her defense, and engaged with an unalterable
heroisra in her rederaption.
" To-day, is seen the sad, piteous, sharaeful spectacle of her Executive conspiring with
her enemies for the overthrow of her liberties. Plotting, scheming, bribing, truckling,
maligning, toiling for her injury and abasement, he is alike bUnd to her sufferings,
caUous to her dignity, inimical to her interests.
" No state of facts can justify such an act in such an official. The people overwhelm
ingly differ with him on great public questions involving their welfare, not his. Yet,
forsooth, because his personal views are not carried out, he leaves his duty to machinate
against the people for their injury, recking nothing that the governraent of a million
virtuous people is demolished by the act, and anarchy and the rule of ignorance substi
tuted therefor.
" ' How long. Oh ! Cataline ! ' As old as time, and stamped with the imprimatur of
Holy Book, is the utterance, that when the wicked are in power their people groan in
tribulation. " Georgia is no exception. Her rulers are against her, not for her ; they are seeking
personal aggrandizement, not the public weal ; they govern for plunder and despotic
control, not for the interest of their people.

422 BULLOCK IN WASHINGTON PRESSING GEORGIA'S CRUCIFIXION.
" Can Gov. Bullock wonder that he enjoys the scorn of the good ? It is not nature
for men to love the enemy to their liberties and their prosperity.
" He may succeed in his fell purpose, but success can bring him neither respect nor
honor. It will be the triumph of reckless cupidity and unholy ambition. That man,
who for personal interest can drag his country down, is a foe to humanity itself."
It was one of those mysterious strokes of evU fortune that steadUy
accompanied* our ill-fated State in those evil days, that just at that
juncture the success of the Fifteenth Araendraent hinged on Georgia's
vote. This stern necessity fixed our fate. Morton introduced a bill in
the United States Senate to reconstruct Georgia, and raaking the
ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment the condition of admission to
the Union. President Grant, in his raessage, recommended further
tinkering with Georgia. Senator Edmunds had postponed his bill to
enforce the Fourteenth Amendment in Georgia, so as to allow the new
raeasure a chance. Representative Shanks, in the House, introduced a
bill to coraplete reconstruction in Georgia. Bullock went before the
reconstruction coraraittee, and pressed the crucifixion of the gallant old
coraraonwealth. The raeasure came up in the Senate, Bullock on the
floor, urging the rape of his own State's sovereignty. He had taken
expensive apartments, kept a carriage, and wined and dined with a
royal prodigality. The State road had paid no raoney in three months
into the State treasury, and the press indulged in every species of
insinua.tion as to where the money went.
The Senate passed the despotic measure by a vote of 40 to 9. The
House then passed it swiftly. Warra debates in both houses transpired.
Georgia filled a large raeasure of the public attention. Dr. Angier's
letter on Gov. Bullock's financial errors was sprung in Congress, and
staggered a nuraber of the supporters of the raeasure. TrurabuU and
Thurman both fought the biU, and also Mr. Bayard. The New York
"World's report said:
" While Mr, Bayard was speaking, the author of all this rascality was sitting on a
sofa iu the Senate, with folded arms and dramatic style, but he changed position repeat
edly, wandered about uneasily, and finaUy took a seat by Mr, Morton, BuUock is a
large, portly, vulgar-looking man of about fifty-five, wears a full, reddish beard, and a
large neck-tie, with long, projecting ends."
The correspondent of the Augusta Chronicle thus wrote:
" BuUock has been lying around the Senate chamber all day, and seemed to be greatly
interested in the discussion. Between the acts he has been gorging himself with the
Senators in the lunch-room, or restaurant in the Senate, He is stiU going it with a high
hand, and is spending somebody's raoney like i\-ater. He gave another supper to Con
gressraen and other officials, last Thursday night, which is represented to have been a
most magnificent affair."

BULLOCK FEASTS OVEE GEOEGIA's DISMANTLEMENT. 423
In the House there was an even warmer time than in the Senate.
Mr. Beck, of Kentucky, made a speech and had Dr. Angier's letter read,
stating that the " letter had been read by himself this morning, to Gov.
Bullock, so he raight contradict the charges if he could, but neither he
nor any friend of his had successfully done so." Hon. S. S. Cox made
a biting speech against the bill, declaring
" It is the gospel of anarchy, and the philosophy of dissolution,"
One of the papers had this to say of Bullock's agency in the House:
" Gov, Bullock seemed, in fact, to be managing the bill in the House. He was on. the
floor all day, and was consulted by Butler at every stage. His presence was- remarked
as being about the boldest piece of lobbying ever witnessed iu Congress."
The House passed the bill by 121 yeas to- 51 nays. Bullock con
tinued as accouoher to the bill, accompanying Senator Thayer, chair
man of the coraraittee on enrolled bills, to President Grant for his sig
nature. The President signed without reading. The National Intelli
gencer published in Washington, thus records Gov. Bullock's feasting
over the result:
" The celebrated Cafe Francaise was the scene ou Wednesday night of a Bacchana
lian feast, given by Gov. Bullock, in honor of his triumph over the people of Georgia,
to the aiders and abettors of the scheme. Wine flowed like water, aud rich viands
were greedily devoured ; in the midst of which the company gloated in fiendisli triumph
over the vengeance they had wreaked upon an unhappy and defenseless people. What
mattered the expense? The people of Georgia would be raade to foot this and many
other bills of like nature. With his hands to the elbow in the State Treasury, Mr.
Carpet-bagger Bullock can well afford to be sumptuous, and to dine and wine, and feast
and flatter the men who have done his bidding on the floor of Congress. Whether or not
he has inaugurated a, gift enterprise, in which these servile and traitorous Congress
men are to participate, we cannot say."
The act directed the Governor of the State of Georgia by proclaraa
tion to convene the legislature. Members must be required to take an
oath that they had not shared in the rebeUion after holding an office, or
that they had been relieved by Congress. Any one taking a false oath
should be punishable for perjury. Any one hindering a meraber from
taking the oath or acting as raeraber after taking the oath, would com
mit a felony. The exclusion of merabers for race or color was forbid
den. The Governor was authorized to call for the railitary. And the
ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment was required before senators and
representatives could be admitted.
It was a curious piece of legislative inconsistency, and evoked some
scathing criticism. The validity of the Fourteenth Araendraent was par
tially resting on Georgia's ratification as a State, and yet she was declared

424 GEOEGIA PEOFOUNDLY DEPEE3SED.
not a State, while the said ratification was claimed as good. The State
was not allowed to b'e a State, and yet its ratification of the Fifteenth
Amendment was sought, the act of a State, before it should becorae a
State. Such a blaze of political incongruities will find no parallel.
Gov. BuUook called the legislature to convene on the 10th of .lan-
uary, 1870. In entire lack of authority from the act he signed this
proclamation as " Provisional Governor." Gen. Terry was announced
from Washington as commander of the district of Georgia, under the
Reconstruction Acts, instead of as Department commander, in order to
give him civil authority.
The action of Congress excited a profound feeling. The year 1870
began in deep gloom for the people. The apprehension of calamity
was wide spread and universal. While men had become wearied in
their very powers of indignation at the recurring oppressions and
caprices of reconstruction, they felt keenly this last stroke and regarded
Bullock and his allies in the abhorred work with an intense loathing.
Yet never did a people deport themselves with raore dignity .and
patience. The new reconstruction act had been drawn with great
shrewdness' and forethought. The clauses iraposing the penalties of
perjury for a false oath, and raaking it a felony to hinder raen taking
the oath, were raeant, the one to intimidate Democrats, and the other
to strengthen timid Republicans. But by a curious reversal of results
the felony clause was vigorously used to check the radical effort to
alarm the Deraocrats frora taking the oath.
Gov. Bullock iramediately called upon Col. H. P. Farrow, the Attor
ney General, for an opinion, who gave a sweeping one, that no officers,
from Notary Public up, could qualify theraselves. And to clinch this
ruling, he got an approval of it from Gen. Terry. The whole policy
was to deter and frighten enough Democrats frora taking the oath
under fear of a prosecution for perjury, to give in addition to the
negro members, enough Republicans to control the Legislature. And
it wiU be seen that this policy was pursued to success under the raost
audacious assumptions of unauthorized power, and daring disregard of
rights and law. The Democrats saw the drift and set to work to
reraedy it. ,
A committee composed of raerabers of the Legislature, including
both Deraocrats and a few conservative Republicans, addressed a letter
to Chief Justice Joseph E.' Brown, who had opposed every scheme of
unnecessary reconstruction, asking his view of the principle urged by
Farrow that Notaries Public, Road Commissioners, officers of the

GOVEENOE beown's LETTER AGAINST THE CONSPIEATOES. 425
militia, officers of municipal corporations and State Librarians were
disquaUfied from being members. Judge Brown responded, giving his
opinion, as questions about disabilities of Legislators could not come
before him as Chief Justice for adjudication. He made a strong, unan
swerable argument, squarely antagonizing Col. Farrow, and demonstrat
ing that none of these officers were disqualified frora being raembers.
The paper was a very able one, and had great weight. It was a heavy
blow to the Bullock wing, and gave them a good deal of trouble.
Col. Avery, editor of the Constitution, addressed a circular letter to
a number of leading men, asking their views upon two points:
" 1. Upon the legal scope of the bill (the late act of Congress to promote the recon
struction of Georgia), and the full extent to which the General Asserably can go under
its provisos in disturbing the present State government,
" 2. What is the course that patriotic members of the Legislature should pursue for
the interest of the State.''
Some of the responses were very striking papers. Perhaps the most
remarkable of them all was from Hon. Thoraas Harderaan. It was both
a brave and an exceptionably able document. He put some very
unpleasant truths in fearless language. He said Democrats must quit
defying Congress, stop the foolish non-action policy, cease driving men
into the Republican ranks by denunciation, and adopt a kind and con
ciliatory course to the blacks. The reply of Chief Justice Brown urged
that the legislature submit to the inevitable and proraptly ratify the
Fifteenth Araendment. Negro suffrage was already a fixed fact in
Georgia. This Araendraent made it a certainty in the North. The
objection urged against the Chicago platforra, on which Grant was
elected, was that it approved negro suffrage as good enough for
Georgia, but not good enough for Ohio. Why should Georgia be shut
out frora representation rather than impose negro suffrage upon those
who put it on us. Judge Brown placidly referred to the verification of
his prophecies of harsher terms for rejecting the original reconstruction,
and condemned the policy of non-action. He intimated his perception •
of the purposes of the charapions of additional reconstruction in these
significant words:
" Many patriotic citizens believe they see in the present moveraent scheraes of per
sonal arabition and personal gain at the expense of the State, If they are right, it is
all important that every friend of Georgia, who is iu a position to serve her, should be
at his post, to protect the public property, the public credit, and the pubjic interest."
Gov. BuUock made the blunder of his administration when he cut
loose frora the calra,' conservative, firra counsel of Gov. Brown. He

426 ATTEMPT TO INTIMIDATE DEMOCRATS.
would have been kept in the rut of a safe, capable and honest govern
raent. He had the chance to raake an administration of unprecedented
power and popularity. As it was he drove the conservatives of his own
party away from him, he incurred the righteous hatred of his opponents,
and he steered the stout old vessel into the storm and upon the rocks.
Col. Warren Akin in his letter declared the expulsion of the blacks
and the seating of the next highest members to be raistakes. He urged
all eligible raembers to attend and vote against the Fifteenth Araend
raent. Gen. Wra. M. Brown said the law was irresistible, and the
Democratic merabers should conform to its requirements. Judge Lin
ton Stephens, in a letter of great power, urged non-action. The Demo
cratic Executive Coramittee met and conferred with a large number of
outsiders. The committee urged attendance, but gave no advice about
the Fifteenth Araendraent. Col. Nelson Tift urged the ratification of
the Fifteenth Amendment.
The Radical Central Committee convened and organized an aggres
sive campaign of daring bluff. They declared that there were fifty
ineligible Democrats. It was announced in the papers that the law
firms of Lochrane & Clark, Dougherty & Culberson, and J. L. Hop
kins had been eraployed to aid A. T. Akerman in prosecuting such
alleged ineligible members for perjury, if they dared to take the oath.
Judge R. H. Clarke and W. Dougherty denied such employraent
for themselves as individuals. Judge Hopkins acknowledged the
employment, but disavowed any purpose to be a party to any political
persecution. The Deraocratic Executive coramittee met this with a counter decla
ration, that able counsel would be eraployed both to defend raerabers
thus prosecuted, and to prosecute for felony those who should seek to
hinder thera frora qualifying. It was a novel feature of the political
situation that there should be this sort of cross-play of threatened pros
ecution. Gov. Bullock subtly offered to aid any, who raight be in
•doubt of their eligibility, in getting relieved by Congress of their disa-
bUities. Every effort was raade to stiffen the backbone of the Demo
crats, but in spite of it all the Bullock strategy was partially successful.
There never has been and never wUl be seen in Georgia annals such
another wretched, humiliating, arbitrary, lawless farce as the reorgani
zation of that Legislature, beginning the 10th day of January, 1870.
That body had undergone two transformations. It was to pass through
a third, that violated decency and shocked every principle of law and
bond of precedent. It was the vilest travesty of legislative propriety

A FOREIGN STRANGER ORGANIZES THE HOUSE. 427
ever perpetrated in any tirae araong any people. It had neither the
semblance of law nor chivalry. It was a mockery of both legal and
military honor. It was marked by the brutality of the sword and a
jeering contempt of the statute. It kept up a repulsive comedy of
blended civil and soldierly harlequinism. It excited the derision of
even its supporters. It elicited the hot scorn of its eneraies. It evoked
the disdain of everybody. Men of respectability absolutely looked on
aghast and bewildered at the cool audacity of the nameless outrage.
It was a profanation of everything sacred in government. It sprung
upon the country a succession of surprises as fantastic and indefensible
as would be the pranks of so many irresponsible monkeys. These are
strong words, but not overdrawn. The conservative portion of the
Republicans branded the outrages openly, while a congressional report
of a Republican House officially rebuked the whole proceeding.
When the raerabers asserabled. Gov. Bullock selected J. G. W. Mills
to organize the Senate, and A. L. Harris, one of the eraployds of the
State road, to organize the House. Harris was a westem raan of enor
mous corporosity, weighing three or four hundred pounds, a cool,
humorous, dry-witted, careless giant, indifferent to abuse, keenly relish
ing the absurdities of the situation, and equal to any emergency. No
attack could ruffle, and no inconsistency of order disconcert him. He
was an admirable selection for the odious and perplexing service
needed. He obeyed orders implicitly, and held to his arbitrary rdle
'with a fine blending of pluck and fun. The organization was run
along capriciously to suit the exigencies of radical necessity. Bullock
hoped that he had terrified enough Democrats off, with the re-seated ¦
negro members, to give an easy and safe Radical majority. The open
ing not only showed the Democrats unfrightened, but there was quite
a sprinkling of the more moderate Republicans, headed by J. E. Bry
ant and Caldwell, who refused to go with the extreme men of their own
party. This was an alarming surprise, but it was met daringly by Bullock.
His resolve was to have no organization until he could get such a one
as he wished, and this programme was carried out to the letter. It was
the richest puppet show of the age. The proceedings were interrupted
and adjournments ordered at any time. For days the farce was run of
a fat, jolly Westerner, a foreigner to Georgia institutions, a paid subor
dinate of the State railroad, organizing a sovereign Asserably of
Georgia Legislators at his iraperial caprice, backed by Terry's bayonets,
setting aside parliaraentary law and the remonstrance of representatives.

428 SENATOR JOSHUA HILl's IRONICAL SPEECH.
with a sportive sneer and an unappealable absolutisra. Such a specta
cle has no parallel save in the fantastics of reconstruction.
The Hon. Joshua Hill in the United States Senate, in April, 1871, in
a powerful speech against the adraission of Foster Blodgett as United
States Senator, raade the following graphic reference to this outrage,
which shows that even an honest Republican sentiraent revolted from it:
" There is a good deal of curious history about the assembling of that Legislature
under the act of Congress of December, 1869, It was a very memorable occasion in
Georgia, a most reraarkable event in its history. I happened to be a spectator of sorae
of the scenes that occurred there. They were curious ; aud if it had not been for the
gravity of their consequences, they would have been ludicrous enough to have tempted
the pen of a Cervantes or the pencil of a Cruikshanks. Why, sir, there sat on that occa
sion, with the representatives of the people called together under this Congressional
act, a great '' ton of man," from the State of Ohio, I believe, or somewhere else, who,
enthroned like another Falstaff, acting the part of King Henry I'V. before his profligate
son, overawed and thundered into silence the representatives of the people. Who was
he and whence came he ?
" Mr. Sherman — ' If that gentleman was frora Ohio, I should Uke to know his name.'
"Mr, Hill — He is big enough to come from Ohio, from Porkopolis, or anywhere else.
His name is Harris, Mr, Blodgett had been appointed, by the Governor of Georgia,
Superintendent of the Western aud Atlantic railway. As I am informed, Mr. Harris
was the Supervisor of that great public work, appointed by Mr. Blodgett, and by some
hocus-pocus, he appeared there on that occasion to organize this Legislature, taking his
chair of State, and looking as I fancy Norbury did when he rode the bloody assizes in
1798. " Men looked amazed and aghast. If there were ever KuKlux in Georgia, it occurred
to me that that was about the time they ought to have showed themselves — when a
stranger, a raan wholly a stranger to the Legislature, and almost to the whole people of
. the State, appeared there, and occupied the chair of the Speaker, thundering out his
edicts to the representatives of the people, ordering them to disperse and begone to
their homes, adjourning them at his pleasure and caUing them back when he pleased,
and these obedient servants of the people going and doing his behests ! Why, sir, the
scene was pitiable,"
The Senate swore in swiftly, and Benjamin Conley was elected presi
dent. While the members were taking the oath, printed protests were
offered by the colored Senator Campbell, against a nuraber of Derao
cratic Senators qualifying, and the same thing was done in the House
by O'Neal. It was confidently relied that the fear of prosecution
for perjury by the Democrats against whora the protests were filed,
would frighten them from qualifying, and it was a significant fact that
negroes were selected to present these protests which really made their
authors liable to prosecution for hindering merabers frora swearing in.
But the garae failed, and a change of tactics becarae necessary. Mr.
Conley, in his address on taking the presidency of the Senate, raade as

STORMY SCENES. 429
bitter a speech as was delivered during the whole reconstruction era.
He denounced the good order of the State, savagely assailed the Demo
crats and intensified its hot blaze of rancor with this extraordinary
utterance :
" The Government has deterrained that in this republic, which is not, never was, and
never can be a democracy, that in this republic Republicans shall rule."
It must ever be among the unexplainable anomalies of that time that
a man Uke ^Ir. Conley, of evident and acknowledged personal integrity,
should have become so warped, and said, and lent hiraself to, such grave
deviations alike frora good feeling and public right. It illustrates to
what extreraes worthy raen can go in partisan conflict.
In the House there was a Uvely tirae the first day. Harris refused to
answer questions upon points upon which he was unloaded, and ¦ curtly
nipped off suggestions. Bryant, before he was sworn in, objected to
reading Col. Farrow's construction of the Georgia bill. Harris called
hira to order. Bryant declared Harris had no authority to be where he
was. Harris ordered the sergeant-at-arms to arrest Bryant. Bryant
refused to be arrested, declaring this was an attempt to intiraidate
members. Hinton and a son of Foster Blodgett attempted' the arrest.
Great exciteraent prevailed. A negro drew a pistol on Bryant. There
were sorae violent harangues. Order was at length restored, and the
swearing proceeded.
At length Bryant raoved that J. H. Caldwell be raade chairman of the
meeting. The motion was carried in a storm of applause. Bryant
started with Caldwell to the chair, but Caldwell got alarmed and drew
off. Dunlap Scott nominated Bryant for chairman, which was carried.
Bryant mounted a chair,' and a motion being raade to adjourn until ten
o'clock the next raorning, he put the motion which was carried, and he
declared the House adjourned. He appointed Caldwell, Scott and
Osgood a coraraittee to wait on Gen. Terry. Harris, cool and undis
turbed, proceeded with his call of the roU. The committee returned
from a conference with Gen. Terry, who said that the attempt to read
Farrow's opinion was wrong. Harris refused to let the committee report,
and when he was charged with treating Gen. Terry with disrespect he
ordered Scott to take his seat. Harris carried his authority with a high
hand. A messenger came in frora the Executive departraent, and
whispered to him, and he adjourned the House. A Radical caucus was
called to consider the situation. Another raatter that created a lively
comment was, that the proceedings were conducted with closed doors.

430 A MILITARY COURT MARTIAL TO PURGE THE LEGISLATURE.
and parties had to get printed tickets of admission. And between
sessions Bullock kept the rolls of the House.
But matters took a most startling turn when the roll of the House
was nearly finished. Between the Conservative Republicans and the
unalarraed Deraocrats the control of the Legislature by the Bullock raen
was in doubt. The strategy resorted to -was desperate indeed. Like a
clap of thunder in a clear sky, an order was plumped into the General
Assembly, on the 14th of January, by Bullock, approved by Gen. Terry,
directing a recess until Monday the 17th, after the roll-call was finished, .
for inquiry into the eligibility of certain raerabers. And following right
on, taking the people's breath away, was a military order from Gen.
Terry, creating a board of officers, composed of Maj. Gen. T. H. Ruger,
Brig. Gen. T. J. Haines and Maj. H. Goodfellow, to inquire into the
eligibUity of Senators W. T. Winn, J. J. CoUier, A. W. Holcombe, W.
.1. Anderson, B. B. Hinton and C. J. Wellborn.
When this astounding turn was given to affairs, it raay well be
iraagined how the public quivered in its indignation. This was recon
struction with a vengeance. The setting up of an absolute autocrat in
the person of the gigantic Harris, to tyrannically twist as he pleased
the organization of the elected representatives of a free people and a
great coramonwealth, was a revolting usurpation. But great as was
this wrong, it paled before the enormity of flagrantly violating the
very law under which the reorganization was proceeding, which made
every member the keeper of his own conscience in taking the oath, and
of seeking to purge the Legislature by a court martial. The law
prescribed indictment in the Federal Court as the remedy for any
perjured qualification of members. And yet here was the bayonet
invoked to mutUate the Legislature and thwart the solemn rights of
the people without a shadow of authority. It seemed as if this rang
ing abomination of reconstruction was to invent and enforce every
iniquity and fantasy in the scope of an unbridled and malignant inven
tion. And not the least curious thing of it all was that this miserable
business of a crazy tampering with rights and laws, whUe evoking the
derision and contempt of everybody, and whUe condemned and repu
diated by Congress itself, was permitted to stand in its wanton exclu
sion of legislators frora their constitutional rights. Such crimes
against the governraent were like the defilement of sanctuaries. Our
people shuddered and suffered them in impotent horror, and bestowed
upon Gov. Bullock and his coadjutors in the feU work an immeasurable
loathinff.

LEGISLATORS EXPELLED BY TIIE MILITARY. 431
The Senators had as counsel before the Military Board, John Collier,
R. H. Clark, and George N. Lester. They made a protest against the
jurisdiction of the Board. Attorney General Farrow conducted the
prosecution. After getting through with the Senators, the Board
took up the Representatives. A committee of the Legislature applied
to Gen. Terry to allow the Court to determine the questions involved.
The Legislature was adjourned to a later date to await the investiga
tion. The Board raade the reraarkable announcement, after a while, that
while it could compel witnesses to be present, it had no authority to
force members to attend. The tremendous public odium against the
proceeding was having its effect. Senator Morton in a speech denied
that President Grant had authorized the Board. Gen. Sherman said
that Gen. Terry might have appointed a board of three citizens as well
as a board of officers, but still the mischievous and illegal commission
pursued the tenor of its way. And only Deraocrats were the objects
of its inquisition.
On the 25th of January, 1870, Gen. Terry sent in his order to the
House to the effect that R. A. Donaldson, E. M. Taliaferro and J. H.
Nunn were ineligible, and prohibited them from qualifying, and that
J. B. Burke, J. A. Brinson, A. T. Bennett, A. M. George, David Groff,
W. J. Hudson, D. Johnson, H. C. KeUogg, J. W. Meadows, J. H. Pen-
land, R. C. Surrency, J. R. Smith, H. WiUiams, J. C. Drake, J. T. Ellis
and J. M. Rouse, having refused to take the oaths, and having filed
with Gov. Bullock applications for relief of their disabilities by Con
gress, admit thereby their ineligibility, and were therefore prohibited
from taking their seats.
On the 28th an order was issued declaring Senators W. T. Winn and
W. J. Anderson ousted, and E. D. Graham and C. R. Moore ineligible
because they had failed to qualify, and filed applications for relief.
Senator J. J. Collier had taken the oath, but applied to withdraw it,
and. filed his application for relief, and was therefore declared ineligi
ble. Senator Winn had sold some beef to Confederate soldiers, for
which he was deprived of his high trust as a State Senator. Certainly
it would be difficult to find a better Ulustration of the tragic siUiness
of this high-handed procedure.
The result was that five Senators and Representatives were kicked
out under this bayonet process, and nineteen frightened from taking
their seats. And raonths after, a correspondent of the Augusta Chron
icle reported that sorae of the applications of the credulous gentlemen
who had filed their applications with Gov. Bullock for relief from their

432 bullock's victory complete.
disabilities, were lying in the Executive office. The mingled game of
intimidation and relief had been partially successful.
The next step in the programme was learned from the Democrats
themselves, and that was seating the next highest candidates. Gov.
Bullock recomraended this, afraid to run the gauntlet of an election.
The highest were seated. There were vacancies, but the Executive
withheld orders to fill them by election for months.
The next battle was over the election of a Speaker of the House, and
an iraportant one it was. With a friendly presiding officer the Demo
crats had much to gain. Here, with an inexcusable blundering, they
threw away the chance. Bryant was selected as the candidate of the
Democrats and Conservative Republicans, and was defeated by R. L.
McWhorter, because ten Democrats refused to go for Bryant. Five of
them, Harrison, McArthur, Parks, Radish and Smith voted for Mc
Whorter. V. P. Sisson threw away liis vote on John Sraith, and Rawls,
Irwin, TuraUn and Welchell voted for Price, who refused to be a candi
date. A personal collision occurred between J. E. Bryant on the one
side, and the Blodgetts, Tweedy and Fitzpatrick, in which they bruised
Bryant. The victory of Bullock was coraplete. He had absolute control of .
the legislature. Thirty-one negroes re-seated, and twenty-four Demo
crats ousted and Republicans in their places made the General Assem
bly overwhelmingly Republican. There was an under-current of raove
ment running along concurrently with the public events that would be
very interesting. The restless conflict of secret chicanery, the partial
successes on each side, nipped untimely, would make a readable chapter.
There is no doubt that Gov. Bullock's bold usurpations endangered his
official tenure. Several times the Democrats, by unity, had in their
grasp control of the situation. Every conceivable influence was brought
to bear to destroy the compact integrity of the Democratic organiza
tion. And sometimes honest weakness was as damaging as venality.
Nothing will better show the spirit of the men controlling this body
than the offering of a resolution, that only those reporters should be
allowed to be present that gave fair reports.
Gov. Bullock sent in a message to the legislature that foreshadowed
the balance of his comprehensive and revolutionary programme. He
was certainly playing a bold and desperate game of arabition. The
message was an able one, but bitter as gall. It slandered the peaceful
ness of the State to the full. It argued that the State was simply a miU
tary province, with a provisional government existing by caprice. The

EXTRAORDINARY RECONSTRUCTION STRUGGLE. 433
whole purpose of the raessage was to secure new United States Sena
tors, and pave the way for getting Congress to prolong his terra, and
the term of the legislature two additional years. He advised the rati
fication of both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, though the
Fourteenth had already been ratified. But his theory was that there
had been no reconsl^ruction, that the first ratification was invalid, and
that every thing raust be done over again. The obedient legislature,
in spite of Democratic protest, ratified the Fourteenth and Fifteenth
Amendments, and the expurgation of the Relief clause in the Con
stitution, and adjourned until the 14th of February. On the 15th of
February the body elected a new batch of United States Senators. R.
H. Whitely was elected in T)i. Miller's place, until March, 1871, and H.
P. Farrow in Joshua Hill's place, untU March, 1873. The duty of select
ing a senator for the terra ending March, 1877, belonged properly to the
next General Asserably that would follow this one. This body was not
to be chouselled out of the privilege, and elected Foster Blodgett Sena
tor for that long term. The legislature then adjourned on the 2nd, un
tU the 14th of February.
This extraordinary reconstruction struggle was transferred to the
Halls of Congress, and the new phases upon a national arena were
among the raost notable of this racy farce. Bullock hurried to Wash
ington on the adjournment of the legislature, to engineer his scheraes
in person. He had been raarvelously successful before. He was des
tined this time to some hard defeats. Men cannot always succeed in
the wrong.
The Judiciary Committee was instructed to inquire whether the
Georgia Legislature was organized properly. Bullock had an uphill
time. He found the set of things against hira. Bryant, Osgood and
Caldwell were there opposing hira actively. Bullock had Blodgett,
Tweedy, Conley, John Rice and Judge Gibson giving him aid. He
finaUy left in disgust, and Judge Gibson raade an arguraent for hira
before the committee. The legislature re-assembled on the 14th, elected
Senators as we have stated, and adjourned on the 17th of February
untU the 18th of AprU, 1870, to await the action of Congress.
Gov. Bullock returned to Washington to resurae his raoraentous
fight. He went at it with his gloves off. He invoked every influence
that could purchase or win. The Slander MiU was put vigorously to
work. He sought every aid possible. He argued before the com
mittees. He enlisted every legislative power. A correspondent of the
New York "World reported that his expenses were $100 a day. The
28

434 BULLOCK DEFEATED IN THE HOUSE.
matter excited a national interest. The ratification of the Fifteenth
Araendinent was being delayed for the passage of the Georgia bill.
There was no longer any raotive to deal any farther harshness to
Georgia. The credentials of Whiteley and Farrow were presented in
the Senate and withdrawn. Hill and Miller having been elected before
the negro members were expelled, there was a decided disposition to
seat them.
The main fight that Bullock was raaking, however, was to have the
whole thing declared provisional with a view to removing objectionable
officers who had condemned the extrerae measures of the Bullock
dynasty, and get Congress to make the terra of the dynasty begin with
restoration to representation. It was a heavy blow when the House
Committee reported against every act of the re-organization of the
Georgia Legislature. It condemned the use of A. L. Harris, the seat
ing of the next highest candidates, and the reference of the question
of eligibility to the Military Board. A warm discussion ensued in
the House. Arid finally the action was a grave defeat for BuUock.
The bill was passed restoring Georgia with an Amendment of Mr.
Binghara preventing interference with officers or prolonging terms.
The bill went to the Senate, and the struggle over it there was long and
severe. The crushing disaster in the House nerved Gov. Bullock to renewed
efforts. The man's persistence, resources and savagery, were phenom
enal. His gameness was worthy of a better cause. He enlisted Forney's
paper to champion his project, paying his establishment $4,459 for work
and services. He had a delegation of the negro members of the Georgia
Legislature to visit Washington, and file a protest against the Bingham
Amendment, to whora he advanced $1,400 for expenses. He induced
the negro Senator Revels to raake a speech against it. He got up a
large meeting in Washington. His expehditures in Washington ran to
$14,500, as elicited by the United States Senate investigating committee,
that was appointed to look into certain charges of bribery that were
raade, of which he showed the coramittee a considerable part spent on
private account. His hotel accounts alone were $1,868 for a few weeks,
as testified by the proprietors of WiUard's hotel.
The gravest raatter connected with this painful Georgia episode in
the United States Senate was, that the investigating coramittee, Messrs.
Trumbull, Edmunds, Conkling, Sherman and Carpenter, reported evi
dence showing that iraproper means had been used to influence the
Senate on this Georgia measure. Mr. James Hughes swore that Lewis

REPUBLICAN CONDEMNATION OP BULLOCK. 435
Porter, assistant postmaster of Washington, told him that $10,000 of
Georgia railroad bonds would be " put up " to influence the vote of
Senator Carpenter on the Bingham Amendment. H. M. Atkinson, a
son-in-law of Senator Tipton, swore that a man named Gibbs offered
to give $1,000 if Tipton would vote against the Bingham Amendment.
Two members of the committee, Stewart and Rice, dissent from the
majority of the committee in censuring Gov. Bullock.
This revolting raatter created a profound sensation over the whole
country. The press dealt with Gov. Bullock severely. The New York
Herald pronounced it an " infaraous attempt to influence legislation."
The Philadelphia Age spoke of the " Georgia Conspirators." The
Chicago Times characterized the developments as "scandalous facts."
The Chicago Tribune, the leading Republican journal of the North-west,
was very pungent, declaring the connection of Forney's Chronicle with
the affair, " disgraceful to journalism." The New York Commercial
Advertiser, another Republican journal, thus discoursed:
" The people of the United States are just about sick of the narae of Bullock. A
Senator remarked last week that Congress had ' Bullock on the brain.' "
Sumner, Hamilton and Morton were the leaders on the BuUook side,
raaking bitter speeches. Morton especially delivered a truculent, bad-
spirited enunciation. Senator Hamilton of Texas, closed his speech by
saying, that the people of the South were the " raost blood-thirsty set
of cut-throats God had ever perraitted on his foot-stool." The reporter
stated, that " Gov. Bullock of Georgia and Gov. Clark of Texas shook
hands with Hamilton on his conclusion." The Constitution raade this
commentary upon this incident:
" The thoughtful and fervent lover of his State sees matter for amazement in the
affair under any po.ssible supposition creditable to the man. An honorable and patriotic
spirit, giving credence to a state of public disorder that hard facts would not let him
disbelieve, would mourn over the sad state of things, and seek its correction in a remedy
that carried as little of shame to his people as possible. The exultation he exhibited
over the mendacious expositions of the man Harailton, finds a parallel alone in the
ribaldry in which a drunkard raight indulge over the grave of his father.
"Let us turn the leaf over one of the raost sickening pages of Georgia's history,"
Edmunds, Norton, Carpenter and Ferry made biting speeches against
Bullock's scheme. Senator Norton said:
" When we are told that the Ku Klux Klan are ravaging that State, the Governor of
that State is here in the Senate chamber, lobbying and log-roUing to keep hiraself and
his friends and his political party in power. Sir, let him go home ! "
Senator Edmunds gave Gov. Bullock a severe punishment. Senator
Ferry also used some very harsh terms in denouncing the raeasure.

436 BULLOCK EETUENS HOME SMARTING.
Schurz and TrurabuU followed in able speeches against the iniquity.
The Senate passed, April 19, 1870, a substitute for the whole matter,
which recited that irregularities had existed in both organizations of the
Georgia Legislature, and declared the governraent of Georgia pro
visional to continue under railitary rule, but that a new General Assem
bly should be elected on the 15th of Noveraber, 1870.
The bill thus changed, went back to the House. The bribery investi
gation in the Senate followed, holding up Gov. Bullock to the scorn of
the whole country. Baffled and stung, smarting under the excoriation
of the ablest Republicans in Congress, Gov. Bullock returned to
Georgia. The Legislature convened on the 18th of AprU, 1870, and
adjourned on the 4th of May, to take a recess untU the 6th of July,
appointing comraittees to investigate the Governor and Treasurer, the
State Road and the penitentiary.
The Bullock- Angier committee was Bethune, Shumate, Bell, Price
and Darnell.
The State Road coraraittee was Lee, Parks, Maxwell, Phillips and
Tweedy. The fact is, that in the defamation of Georgia peacefulness it was
overdone upon the United States Senate, and resulted in horrifying
Congress to such an extent that there was a disposition to undo not
only the State's reconstruction, but Bullock himself. The Senate bill
went to the House. Four substitutes were offered for it. The measure
was accommodatingly postponed ten days on Ben. Butler's account, at
his request, as he was called away.
The House Reconstruction Committee consisted of thirteen raembers,
of which Butler was chairman. It had four Deraocrats, Beck, Wood,
Woodward and Morgan, who stood gallantly to Georgia. Our people
owe a special debt of gratitude to Representative Beck of Kentucky,
now Senator frora that State. The coramittee adopted Butler's Georgia
biU by a majority of one on the 19th of May, 1870. Gov. BuUock
was in Washington on the 16th, having been suramoned to testify
in the bribery investigation raatter. The new biU adraitted the State
at once, leaving the question of the tenure of the Legislature an
open one, tq be settled in the State and not in Congress, and gave
the Govemor the power to organize the State raUitia. The bUl was
the same as the acts admitting Virginia and Texas, save that the or
ganization of the mUitia was aUowed. The raeasure hung untU it finally
passed the House on the 24th of June, 1870, declaring Georgia en
titled to representation in the Congress of the United States, aUowing

GEORGIA AT LAST RECONSTRUCTED, 437
the organization of mUitia, but breaking the Bullock programme in this
clause :
"But nothing in this Act contained shall he construed to deprive the people of
Georgia of the right to an election for members of the General Assembly of said State,
as provided for in the Constitution of said State."
The bill went back to the' Senate, was discussed and fought over
there for weeks. It at last was amended and passed, the amendment
agreed to by the other branch of Congress, and on the 15th day of
July, 1870, it was signed by President Grant. The act reads thus:
" Sec. 1. That the State of Georgia having complied with the Reconstruction Acts
and the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Araendments to the Constitution of the United States,
having been ratified in good faith by the legal Legislature of the State, it is hereby
declared that the State of Georgia is entitled to representation in the Congress of the
United States, and nothing in this or any other Act of Congress shaU be construed to
affect the term to which any officer has been appointed or any member of the General
Assembly elected as prescribed by the Constitution of the State of Georgia.
" Sec. 2. That so much of the Act entitled ' An Act making appropriations for the
support of the army for the year ending June 30, 1868, and for other purposes,' approved
March 2, 1867, as prohibits the organizing or calling into service of the militia forces
in the States of Georgia, Mississippi and Texas, be and the same is hereby repeated."
This ended Congressional action upon Georgia, though it failed to
quell the restless and disturbing demon of reconstruction, which threat
ened and toiled for new phases of interference.

CHAPTER XL.
THE TWIN INFAMIES OF PROLONGATION AND FINAN
CIAL MISMANAGEMENT.
The Semblance of Free Ballot. — Prolongation attempted in the Legislature, — BuUock's
Subtlety. — His Message. — Congress Set Aside. — No Election, — Akerman and Far
row against Bnllock, — Deep Excitement. — Prolongation KiUed. — The Grotesque
Election Scheme. — Democratic Folly and Absenteeism, — Legislative Adjournment
— Its Obituary, — Its List of Outrages. — The Kimball Opera House. — Frauds. — Re
port of Legislative Committee on Bullock's Misrule. — Proclamations. — Pardons. —
Their Abuse. — Wrongs of State Aid. — Bonds Endorsed for Uncompleted RaUroad.
— State Bonds Over-issued. — Gold Bonds. — Heury Clews. — ^The State Road in 1870
under Foster Blodgett. — A Mountain of Infamy. — Wholesale Squandering aud
Thievery. — Two Millions Gone. — The Road a Refuge for Tramps. — W. L. Clark.
— Racy Details of Plunder. — N. P. Hotchkiss and " Rigid Economy." — Blodgett
and his " Political Policy " of the Road.
It might have been reasonably supposed that the decisive action of
Congress, made law by the Presidential sanction, would have termi
nated the matter in Georgia, and given quiet to the long-suffering
State. Prolongation, that most abominable of all the odious infa
mies of reconstruction, had been expressly rebuked. Even the unspar
ing extremism of the day recoiled from this most antipodal graft upon
our free institutions, this perpetuation of dynasties afraid of the popular
wUl. It is a noticeable fact that under all of the tyrannies of recon
struction there was an underlying attempt to preserve the semblance
of the free baUot. Prolongation was siraply the ugly, unredeemed
spirit and practice of despotism, and it was contemptuously crushed
But Gov. Bullock and his aUies were not to be thus thwarted.
The struggle for this loathsome thing was transferred to the Georgia
Legislature, and the most desperate and exciting conflict of this
unprecedented General Assembly, the battle of all its battles, that
fired more heat and made intenser rancor, was the one over prolono-a-
tion. The movement was begun immediately. Gov. BuUock proved
himself, through the whole stormy play of his term, an exceedingly
able manager. He was subtle and ingenious — ^inventive in ruses, and
as audacious as he was diplomatic in execution. He addressed a brief
message to the General Asserably, which had convened on the 6th of

attempt to depeive the people op an election. 439
July, 1870, in which he communicated the passage of the Act admitting
Georgia, but said that Congress had adjourned without having adraitted
our Senators and Representatives. He then proceeded to say that
section five of the reconstruction act of 1867 made the actual admission
of Senators and Representatives a condition precedent to the abroga
tion of military authority, which would therefore continue until the
assembling of Congress in the winter.
This cool setting aside of the recent act of Congress and attempted
continuation in force of the old act of reconstruction, stirred a deep
resentment. His raessage was signed " Rufus B. Bullock." A flood of
jeering badinage was showered upon hira for thus dodging his title.
He had, in the first days, signed himself " Provisional Govemor," then
" Governor, " and then " Provisional Governor " again, and in the non
descript exigency of this last condition he ingeniously put himself down
simple "Rufus B. BuUock;" neither "Provisional Governor" nor
" Governor," but citizen Bullock, ruling a mongrel concern that was
half province and half state, and yet neither the one nor the other, and
to be kept shorn of sovereignty for the personal purposes of this Exec-
• utive and his friends.
A raeasure was introduced that we should have no election. It was
first agitated in the Senate. The State rang with denunciations of the
wrono-. Col. H. P. Farrow, the Attorney General, published a letter
against it, thus spUtting frora BuUock. Chief Justice Brown resisted
it with all of his energy. But Bullock and his friends pressed it with
grim persistency. He and they knew it was the only way to get a con
tinuation of rule beyond their term. Never did raen cling more stub
bornly to power. It was a deliberate attempt to set aside the right of
election and prolong office at the expense of law, and in violation of
right and every principle of our republican government; but this mat
tered nothing. The unholy crusade to deprive the people of the ballot
and fasten the BuUock dynasty and legislature on the State for two
years beyond the term for which they had been chosen, was persisted in
as an alleged right under the law.
The Senate showed its resolute partisanship by admitting a man
named Wm. Henry, a minority candidate, in place of Senator B. R.
McCutchen, who had died. The Senate then passed the prolongation
wrong by a vote of 21 to 14. The papers of the State for days kept
standing in large capital letters the prolongation senators, in a coluran
headed " RoU of Infamy." The battle was transferred to the House.
Mr. A. T. Akerman had been but a short time before (sorae tirae in

440 PEOLONGATION KILLED BY A CLOSE VOTE.
June) appointed by President Grant, Attorney General of the United
States in his cabinet. Col. Akerraan, to his honor, rose above the
partisan aspects of the case, and wrote a powerful and unanswerabte
opinion against prolongation, and took an eraphatic view that the people
should have the right of election in the faU. This docuraent fell with
resisttess force upon the public. On the 11th of August, 1870, the vote
was taken in the House, Chief Justice Brown working zealously against
the wrong, and amid an unparaUeled excitement, the raeasure was de
feated by a vote of 63 yeas to 72 nays, 12 Republicans voting with the
Deinocrats. There never has prevaUed at any time a deeper excitement than
there was over this indefensible raeasure. The writer believes that if it
had passed the House and been approved by Bullock, its enforcement
would have been resisted and there would have been some sort of revo
lution. The feeUng was intense. Congress and the Federal adminis
tration had condemned it. And BuUock, not only in the very teeth of
the public wUl in Georgia but in reckless defiance of the policy of his
own party, was pressing this lawless and revolutionary scherae of hold
ing over. The people would certainly have resisted its execution.
But the trouble was not by any means over with this defeat. The feU
spirit of reconstruction assumed protean shapes. With an exhaustless
invention it took new forras. Prolongation was not only scotched, but
killed and buried, and an election was a certainty. The next effort of
Gov. Bullock was to tinker that election into suitable shape to enable
his party to control the State. The author of the scherae was reported
to be Associate Justice MoCay of the Suprerae Court, and some ascribed
it to Mr. Akerraan. Be this as it may, it was one of the raost extra
ordinary election plans ever devised, corabining the grotesque tyranny
of a bayonet machine with the more' puzzling novelties of a raetropoli-
tan packing jugglery. This beautiful piece of partisan mischief was to
last three days. This feature was borrowed frora Reconstruction. It
allowed for the transfer around of the frequent voter. The Governor,
with the advice of the Senate, picked three managers and the Ordinary,
two in each election precinct, and such appointees were subject to fine
of $100 for failure to serve. This cumbrous and original device was
obtained from no existing human experience in elections. , No ballots
could be refused, and no voter be challenged. This reversal of all civil
ized laws in elections was another original astonisher. Only one raan
at a time could be at the polls, and the others must stand off in a line
fifteen feet distant, while stragglers must hustle away fifty feet. The

AN ASTOUNDING ELECTION LAW. 441
Sheriffs were put under the absolute control of the raanagers. These
raanagers had plenary powers of arrest, and also could fine Sheriffs $100
for conterapt of their imperial orders.
Reading the details of this odd, unprecedented, despotic scheme of an
election, one can hardly get to the point of believing that any set of
sane men under a Republican governraent could soleranly have voted
by the forms of legislative sanction, a plot so preposterous, fantastic
and tyrannous — a scheme raarked by such blended absurdity and viola
tion, of principle. The battle was tough over this monstrosity. It
excited derision and resentment. It was denounced as it deserved. It
was stiffly discussed, and opposed with intense heat. Chief Justice
Brown threw himself against it, as he did every gratuitous oppression,
with his whole soul. But it was all unavailing. Democratic absenteeism
and folly gave the victory to the Republicans.
A Democrat offered a resolution that a bare raajority could suspend
the rules. Before this it had taken a two-thirds majority to suspend
the rules. Without suspension a considerable time raust have elapsed
before the bill could have been reached in its regular order. The
Republicans iraraediately saw the value of this Democratic slip, as well
as the Democratic leaders. The .inconsiderate mover requested to
withdraw his raotion, but the Republican presiding officer refused, and
there happening to be a Republican majority the new rule was voted
through, and the election bill proraptly taken up and passed, nine
Democratic merabers being absent, while the majority was only four.
This measure became the law in spite of all opposition and the popular
censure. On the 25th day of October, 1870,. the House adjourned sine die,
though the Senate continued in session until the 6th day of December,
taking a recess until Noveraber, the 21st. The two houses had disa
greed about adjourning, so a resolution was passed requesting the
Govemor to adjourn the House, on the 25th of October, and the Senate
take a recess untU 21st of November, to confirm appointments. Thus
even in the siraple raatter of a final adjournraent, this body did some
thing out of the ordinary custom. No deliberative body has ever
concluded its sittings in the State under such a deep public execration.
The writer at the time in the Constitution pubUshed the foUowing
obituary, which expressed the popular feeling, and evUices the teraper
of that tirae, even among conservative raen.

442 OBITUARY OF TIIE RECONSTRUCTION LEGISLATUEE.
"IN MEMORIAM.
played OUT.
On the 25th day of October, 1870,
The House oe Representatives
of the
General Assembly of Georgia for 1868, '69 and '70.
This body
Received its squelchraent frora the hands of
One R0FUS B. Bollock,
Its Master,
Whom it served ' not wisely but too weU '
For the State's good.
Born of Despotism,
It was a true chip of the parent block.
IT
Will be forever luminous in the
PHOSPHORESCENCE OF ROTTENNESS.
' It lived
But as the tool of partisan viUainy,
And its disdained dissolution
Came raost fittingly
Through the agency
Of the power that despised while using it.
And contemptuously killed it
The moment its subserviency
Ceased to be
Profitable.
Ransacked History
Can show no parallel to this Hybrid
For
coreuption,
Weakness,
Effrontery, Ignorance,
Evil Pliancy.-
It did its best and utraost of wrong faithfully,
aud what harra it left undone was
what it was not asked to do.
Criminal Speculators
Will mourn with tender grief
Its demise. it
Had one Idea,
That pervaded it ever and always ;
And when the most of
Its members die.
The 'wiuds

LEGISLATIVE EECONSTEUCTION OBITUAEY CONTINUED. 443
Will sing it as their requiem, '
And Time will make it glitteringly
Infaraous,
That better than Honor, Country or God
Tliey loved
NINE DOLLARS A DAY.
For months
It neglected business.
Doing the work of but. a few days ;
And then in a few days, it hustled
Through the work of months.
To the State's vast
Injury.
Its Obituary
Makes so heavy a draft on Language
For words of Wickedness
That it can never be thoroughly written.
It has emulated
Apes
In fantastic folly.
In ruinous aggression upon popular rights
It has been as destructive as the
DEVIL.
Its monument Is
An incongruous heap
of
Broken Laws,
Debris of a shattered Constitution,
Outrages upon liberty and sacred law.
Shameless scoopings in the Public Treasury,
Wild havoc with every interest of the State,
Reckless trifling with the 'vital public credit,
And a rubbish pile of the
Worst Partisan Deviltry,
That
Political malignity aided by human
Imbecility
Could abort.
Its twin raaster.
The Senate,
StiU holds its baneful sessions
To carry out Executive behests.
And
Worry an oppressed Coraraonwealth.
But
The task of this Memorial
Staggers the pen.

444 INIQUITIES OP THE EECONSTEUCTION LEGISLATUEE.
Humanity
Would be proud to erase the sad record
Of this body.
FaiUng, however, in this.
Human nature explains to posterity
The dread stigma
Of this Legislature's depravity
By one word —
' RADICAL ! ' "
This Legislature was in session 328 days, and cost the State nearly
one million of doUars, the accurate amount being $979,055. Its sessions
of 1870, alone, cost $526,891. It had at one time 84 clerks and attaches.
The pay was put at $9 a day, and was drawn for twelve days of recess,
as well as days of actual session, some of the Democrats, however,
refusing to take per diem for the recess. The expelled negro merabers
drew sorae $28,938 of pay for the time they did not serve. As the
members holding their places drew per diem, there was thus a heavy
amount of double pay made. And at every session after each recess,
no matter how short, this thrifty body drew mileage. The mileage bill,
during the year 1870 only, araounted to the raoderate sum of $63,996.04,
and the clerk hire $51,740. These figures make a startling record, but
they are a consistent part of the picture of that unparalleled body.
Their significance may be understood by comparison. Nine years of
Deraocratic legislation, frora 1853 to 1862, cost only $866,385, or less
than this single Radical General Asserably.
State aid was granted to twenty-eight railroads, aggregating the
pledge of the State's liability for over thirty miUions of dollars to more
than 2,500 miles of road. A system of district courts was created,
expensive and cumbrous. The new judicial circuits, the Albany, the
Augusta, and the AUapaha, were created. A public school system was
organized, and Gov. Bullock appointed Gen. J. R. Lewis as the State
Sohool Coraraissioner. The school fund, however, to the araount of
$327,000, was used for other purposes, leaving the public schools unsup
ported, and the teachers to be paid by Gov. Sraith's adrainistration.
The act authorizing the lease of the Western and Atlantic railroad,
introduced by Dunlap Scott, was passed and approved, October 24, 1870,
and was one of the few really meritorious measures enacted. It is under
this act that the present exceUent lease was raade. There were a nuraber
of iniquitous measures to gobble the road, but they were thwarted.
The resolution for the purchase of the Kimball opera house was
passed, August 19th, 1870, and approved, October 25th, 1870, and the

THE KIMBALL OPEEA HOUSE PURCHASE. 445
resolution for the purchase of the residence of John H. James, for an
Executive raansion, was approved October 27, 1870. The first resolution
accepted the proposition of the city of Atlanta to donate $130,000 of
its bonds, ten acres of unoccupied land, and an Executive raansion, free
of cost to the State for ten years, in lieu of the existing contract. The
State was to buy the State House frora Mr. Kiraball, the Governor to
issue seven per cent, bonds running 20 years, reserving enough bonds
to secure the $54,500 advanced to Kimball by Bullock. The resolution
does not mention the price to be paid by the State, but accepts Mr.
Kimball's proposition, which was for $250,000 of State bonds.
A committee reporting upon the matter stated that the original hull
of the building cost the Opera House company that put it up, $83,000.
KimbaU paid $32,000 for it, and expended $182,167.56 upon it. Add
the $76,871 paid for heating, light and furniture, and the whole cost to
Kimball 'was $291,038.56, of which Bullock illegally advanced him
$54,500. Kimball received $130,000 of Atlanta city bonds, said to be
worth then, $90,000, and $250,000 claimed worth only $225,000, mak
ing an actual cash value of $315,000, or a clear profit to Kimball of ¦
$23,961.44, at the depreciated price of the bonds. Estimating the bonds
at their face value his profit was' $88,961.44.
This whole State House inatter has proven to be a source of mortifi
cation and trouble. Every step was raarked by wrong. Gov. Bullock
had, without authority, advanced $31,000 to Mr. Kimball in doing what
the city of Atlanta should have done. Though rebuked by the legisla
tive committee and the House, Gov. Bullock repeated his unauthorized
act, and advanced $23,500 raore to Kiraball on the sarae account. When
the sale was raade there was a mortgage of $60,000 to the North-West-
ern Life Insurance Company from Kimball, which was not paid, though
the titles were made, and the full araount of purchase bonds paid and
received. This raortgage the City council of Atlanta had to pay, and
now holds. . The Mayor of Atlanta, Wra. Ezzard, gave a certificate that
$130,000 of city bonds were due on the Opera House, the bonds to be
paid to the holder of the certificate. This certificate was untrue, in
fact, as by an arrangeraent with Mr. Kiraball, only $100,000 of bonds
were to be paid. He had already received $30,000 of rent bonds, of
which he had used $10,500, and at the purchase returned the balance,
$19,500. This certificate, by written agreement, was turned over to
Gov. BuUock to hold untU the $60,000 mortgage was paid. The raort
gage was not paid and the bonds were used by Mr. Kiraball against the
contract, and in neglect of the State's interest.

446 THE KIMBALL OPEEA HOUSE PUECHASE CONTINUED.
But this is not all. At the tirae^ the legislature passed the reso
lution of purchase there were only currency bonds, and these were
therefore the consideration. At the greater value of gold securities,
the State would pay fully $30,000 more in them than in currency
bonds. Gov. Bullock first gave the currency bonds to Mr. Kimball, and
then, afterwards, the gold bonds to be exchanged for the currehcy
bonds. The exchange was never raade, and thus, not only was the illegal
payment of gold bonds raade, but both sets of bonds were used by Mr.
Kimball. The $54,500 advanced to Mr. Kimball by Gov. Bullock was to be re
tained by Gov. Bullock, under the resolution of purchase of the legisla
ture. This was not done. The committee of the legislature of 1872,
E. F. Hoge, S. A. McNiel, W. H. Payne, C. J. Wellborn and John C.
NichoUs report that the whole testimony touching the Opera House
purchase they believe,
" Establishes, beyond doubt, not only the official corruption of Gov. Bullock, but his
venality.'' The legislature of 1872 appointed comraittees that raade thorough in
vestigations of Gov. Bullock's administration. These committees were
composed of conservative, conscientious men. The investigations were
conducted under oath, and were full. The statement of the facts of
Gov. Bullock's rule are taken from the official reports.
The coraraittee, whose report we have quoted about the Opera House,
further state that Gov. Bullock perraitted Mr. Kimball to borrow
$255,000 in the name and upon the credit of the State, and to retain
the money in his hands. They report $776,834.09, as Gov. BuUock's
personal special account with the Georgia National Bank, in which
were raingled State and private money of Bullock and KimbaU. They
further report that during Gov. Bullock's administration, he paid for
Executive orders and proclamations published in forty-two papers the
vast sunj of $143,397. Proclamations of reward would be followed by
proclamations of pardon of the sarae criminal after his capture and
payment of the reward. Proclamations of reward were published after
the capture of the crirainals. The coramittee reported that $49,361.75
had been spent in lawyers' fees by Gov. BuUock. They further report
523 cases of pardon by Gov. BuUock, including 566 persons, raany
before conviction, and sorae cases of brutal murderers. Some of the
Governor's political household were engaged in pardon brokerage.
Among the pardons granted was one to V. A. GaskeU, given in antici
pation of prosecution for violating section 4,402 of the Code of 1868,

EAILEOAD BOND FEAUDS. 447
he having paid the State Treasurer raoney to sign certain railroad
bonds. The committee- use this language:
" While raaking and encouraging complaints to the Federal government of countless
crimes, raany of them dependent for their heinousuess upon the iraagination of those
wlio deemed it to their interest to magnify them. Gov. Bullock ivrenched open, with the
resistless hand of Executive prerogative, the prison doors which had been locked up hy
the Law, aud turned loose upon our people a horde of murderers, burglars and thieves,"
The abuse of the pardon power was one of the strongest charges
against Gov. Bullock. In the matter of the unauthorized endorsement
of railroad bonds. Gov. Bullock, according to the coraraittee, coramitted
his gravest and largest breach of official trust. And they note the
fact that all of these illegal endorsements were done in the interest of
the roads of which Mr. KimbaU was President. The Brunswick and
Albany railroad was the cap-stone of these frauds. The enormous sum
of $5,210,000 of State bonds and endorsements were given by Gov.
BuUock to Mr. KimbaU on bonds of this road. The law of State Aid
required the road to be corapleted to get the State's endorsement, twenty
miles at a tirae. The sum of $1,098,000 of bonds were issued illegally,
for which there was no road completed; and even where the road was
complete, the endorsement was in advance of the work.
The Bainbridge, Cuthbert and Colurabus railroad bonds were endorsed
by Gov. Bullock to the amount of $600,000, yet not one mile of road
was ever completed by the laying down of cross-ties or iron, nor was
one dollar ever invested in the road by private parties, as the Consti
tution required. The Cartersville and Van Wert railroad and the
Cherokee railroad were the same railway, and enjoyed thus a double
installment of bonds, one of $275,000 and the other of $300,000.
When three and a half mUes were completed the Governor, who
inspected the road in person, accommodatingly gave Mr. Kimball his
endorsement upon the whole road. The name of the road was changed
to the Cherokee Road, and a new set of $300,000 of bonds was asked
and obtained to take up the first set. The exchange was never raade,
and both sets of bonds used, as in the case of the Opera House bonds.
In the raatter of State bonds the same spirit of disregard of law and
reckless extravagance was shown. There was needed some $300,000
to pay the legislature, and Gov. Bullock issued two millions of currency
bonds to raise the raoney by hypothecation. These bonds were issued
under the Act of August 27, 1870. An act was passed September 15,
1870, authorizing the issue of gold quarterly bonds to take up the cur
rency bonds and for other purposes. Gov. Bullock issued three mUlions

448 iiENEY clews' famous account.
of these bonds, largely in excess of any need. The gold bonds were
put out, but a miUion and a half of the currency bonds were left
uncanceled. Henry Clews had $800,000, and RusseU Sage $530,000 of
the dead currency securities. Mr. Kimball used $120,000 of thera to
get a loan of $50,000 frora the firm of J. Boorman Johnston & Co., and
$50,000 for a loan of $35,000 from the Fulton Bank of Brooklyn. Both
Mr. Clews and RusseU Sage, though receiving ample gold bonds to
secure them, refused to give up their currency bonds. The committee
says that it is forced to the conclusion that a portion of this money was
raised for the private account of Mr. Kimball.
Of the three raiUion gold bonds, $1,750,000 were placed with Clews;
$500,000 with RusseU Sage to secure a loan of $375,000; $300,000 with
the Fourth National Bank; A. L. Whiton $100,000; $250,000 to H. L
KirabaU on the Opera House, and $100,000 to J. H. Jaraes for the
Executive raansion. Mr. Clews presented his account. He sold
$1,650,000 of gold bonds for $1,432,230. He had clairas against the
State of $1,489,284.04, of which $41,061.78 was interest, and $92,995.30
coraraissions, making the handsome interest and commission account of
$134,057.08 for handling less than a million and a half dollars. Of
this account, $609,192.78 was paid on notes and drafts of Gov. Bullock
and Foster Blodgett in violation of law, 'and $377,000 was paid on
account of the State Road. The sum of $10,687 was paid by Clews to
newspapers. Add to the enormous commissions the loss of $211,500
upon the face value of these bonds, and we see the State out $350,000
through Clews.
Gov. Jenkins had negotiated three millions of bonds at a cost of
$1,110, and with an advertising bill of only $931; selling our securities
at ninety-five cents. When Gov. Jenkins did this, gold was $2 pre
mium, while when Gov. Bullock was mismanaging our finances, it was
$1.12 preraium.
It would require a volume to detail the particulars of the mismanage
ment of Gov. Bullock's financial administration. It would not be an
exaggeration to say, that there was hardly anything about it right.
There- was one unbroken continuation of violations of law and bold
extravagance. Treasurer Angier and the Atlanta Constitution fought
inch by inch this financial misgovemment. The bulk of the irregulari
ties did not come out until the long and exhaustive legislative investi
gation evolved them, but there was a great deal that was discovered and
opposed, and clearly ventilated.
There is one subject that has not been touched, that was the great

THE HUGE STATE ROAD FRAUD. 449
unapproachable sura of all villainies. The State road, for 1870, furnished
a corapanion pretty nearly to the famous Yazoo fraud. Maj. Campbell
Wallace had taken the road under Gov. Jenkins, and made a brilliant
administration. He regenerated it with a masterly skill. It was in
ruin. He restored it. His net earnings for the year 1867 were $330,202.
Col. E. Hulburt ran the road in 1869, coraraencing August, 1868, doing
a fine business, and making regular payments into the State treasury,
until the last raonth or two, when he was harapered. The treasurer of
the road was William W. Clayton, a gentleman of large business expe
rience and shining integrity. In July, 1869, against Hulburt's earnest
protest, Mr. Clayton was removed, and Foster Blodgett made treasurer.
Hulburt was a professional railroader, and took pride in raaking a good
administration, and he remonstrated that Blodgett was " not regarded
by the people of Georgia as a man of integrity," and he believed him
to be " an unprincipled man."
On the first day of January, 1870, Hulburt was removed, and Foster
Blodgett appointed superintendent of the State road, holding the
position until the 27th day of December, 1870, lacking a few days of
making a year. In the annals of railroading there has been no such
travesty of raUroad management. Blodgett knew nothing of railway
superintendeney. Add to this ignorance the ingenious and wholesale
utilization of the road as a pure partisan machine, and, as can well be
conceived, the circumstances were perfect for a stupendous botch of
adrainistration. But the reality surpasses any possible ideal of perverted
handling. Results will best describe the mismanageraent.
The road was in fine order. The receipts during Blodgett's adminis
tration were, $1,464,737, out of which $45,000 only was paid into the
State Treasury. Hulburt turned over to Blodgett, $109,131, making
$1,573,868 that Blodgett had during the year. This amount, except
the $45,000, was spent during the twelve months. Just before Blodg
ett's superintendeney ceased, he represented to the legislature that
the road was in such a condition as to need half a million of repairs.
And he left a legacy of sorae $600,000 of debt in round nurabers, that
was afterwards paid by the State. This raade the incredible aggregate
of over two millions of dollars spent in one year, with the road so run
down as to need another half million to repair it properly.
The details of this vast mismanagement are picturesque. Unauthor
ized offices were created. The road was packed with political em
ployes, and made the refuge for party tramps. In 1869 the party roll
showed 743 raen. Under Blodgett there were 1,442 naraes, or an
29

450 PICTURESQUE DETAILS OF THE GREAT STATE ROAD FRAUD.
increase of 699 useless officers fed at the public expense for partisan pur
poses. The increased pay roll was $178,574 over 1869. Many men
were paid who rendered no service whatever, others were raerabers of
the legislature, and others in other business wholly incorapatible with
any work on the road. Hundreds of thousands of dollars of legitiraate
expenses were left unpaid. The investigating committee of the legis
lature of 1872, reported $499,903 as due from plundering officers and
other sources. Attachraent suits for $366,274 were brought in Fulton
Superior Court. And thirty-three indictments were found for various
crimes, including two against Gov. BuUock, one for cheating and
swindling, and the other for larceny after trust.
W. L. Clark made a minority report that was a very clever piece of
writing. It was a serai-satirical, huraorous and shrewd presentation of
the matter from a Republican stand-point. He frankly owned that a
great number of petty frauds were clearly proven. One of the leading
frauds was the Tennessee Car Company swindle. Mr. E. N. KimbaU
was the manager of the Car company, and made contracts and received
pay for sorae fifty-six box cars, to the amount of $42,500. No such cars
were ever delivered, and Gov. Bullock, Foster Blodgett and E. N.
Kimball were indicted for cheating and swindling. This was one of
the cases which was clearly made, but Gov. Bullock was not proven
connected with it, and was therefore acquitted. Mr. Clark surmised
that the parties did not intend to defraud the state, but their enter
prises miscarried, raoney was needed to bridge over a chasm, and this
questionable plan was devised for raising it.
The raain point of this sharp-witted minority report of Mr. Clark was
the showing that Democrats as well as Republicans had shared in the
robberies. The figures were ingeniously arranged and interesting.
The Republican pickings in the matter of law fees were $15,480, and
the Democratic $48,247. The printing given to Republican journals
in '1870 were $19,103, and to Democratic papers, $32,964. Of
$1,586,188 that he said was paid, $635,018 was traceable to Republicans,
and $809,586 to Democrats. Of clearly proven fraud, however, he
traced $113,442 to Republicans, and $50,763 to Deraqcrats. Clark
claimed for the Republican adrainistration that it gave liberal rates, and
finally took the road out of politics. But he candidly owned this in
regard to what he calls the " record of crirae and sharae."
" The exaraination has conclusively shown that the late superintendent w-jis a bad
raan, and utterly unworthy of the trust confided to hira by the Governor, and of the
confidence reposed in hira by the Republicans of the State, He not only defrauded the

FUETHEE RICH ITEMS OP RAILWAY MISMANAGEMENT. 451
people of their money, but the demoralization of his example was felt fhroughout the
social and business and political circles in which he raoved."
This is strong opinion to come frora a Republican source. It raay not
be uninteresting to mention some of the specific matters of varied fraud
that marked this redeemless year of railway raisrule. Receipts for
$7,296 of lard oil were forged in the narae of A. J. Orrae. A. L. Harris
was paid $2,760 for a worthless railway switch. Receipts for $1,850
in the narae of L. B. Langford were forged. Large numbers of Ten
nessee negroes were carried free down to Atlanta to vote. Accounts for
$5,000 for boarding hands were raised to $8,923. E. S. Nixon, local
agent at Chattanooga, caused a freight blockade, by giving preference
to his own freight bought on speculation. Bogus naraes were placed
on the pay roll and money drawn for them. Col. Hulburt testified
that Gov. Bullock wanted him to advance money frora the State Road
Treasury, to purchase the New Era newspaper. And finally, in 1870,
$7,000 of raoney for this purpose was raised on State road fraudulent
passed bills. City Directories, for 1870, to the amount of $260 were
bought; During the year 1870, a coramittee of the Bullock legislature
investigated the road, and the bill for liquor, cigars and music for this
festive set of inquirers was only $1,650, including some fifty gallons of
whisky, fifteen gallons of sherry, 7,100 cigars and fifty-seven dozen
lemons. These unique specimens of the rainor frauds will afford sorae concep
tion of the ingenuity of grotesque swindling that continuously raarked
this unequaled year of State railroad mismanagement in the wonderful
years of reconstruction. Several humorous incidents will gracefully
cap this rich chronicle. Mr. Blodgett stated with an iniraitable humor
that he took charge of the road to manage its " public and political
policy." This was only surpassed in its dry wit by the response of the
Auditor, N. P. Hotchkiss, who made a reply that became ludicrously
historic to the question as to how he managed to save up twenty or
thirty thousand dollars in a year or two, out of a two or three thousand
dollars salary. Said this thrifty person — " by the exercise of the most
rigid economy."

CHAPTER XLI.
THE DOWNFALL OF THE RECONSTRUCTION REGIME AND
BULLOCK'S RESIGNATION AND FLIGHT.
BuUock's $25,000 Libel Suit against the Atlanta Constitution. — That Paper refuses Bul
lock's Proclamation. — State Democratic Convention. — The Democratic Executive
Coramittee. — Linton Stephens' Difference with the Committee. — The Election. —
A Democratic Legislature. — Congressmen. — Howell Cobb's Death. — Chief Justice
Brown's Noble Eulogy, — Joe Brown and Ben HiU. — HiU's Letter of Submission to
the Amendraents, — The Harsh Ordeal of Public Odium he Underwent, — Touching
Utterances, — The Lease of the State Road. — Chief Justice Brown Resigns, — 0, A.
Lochrane as Chief Justice, — The Kimball House. — An Historic Landmark of Recon
struction, — The Desperate Situation of the BuUock Regime, — Gathering Troubles. —
Foster Blodgett Fails to get in as United States Senator. — Senator Joshua Hill, — The
Greene County Presentments and McWhorter, — The Ku Klux Investigation. —
Seeking the State Crucifixion. — Impending Crash, — The Brunswick and AlbanyRaU-
road Tumbles. — Gov. Bullock's Resignation and FUght. — Seven Days' Preparation,
— Benjamin Conley Sworn in as Governor. — Gov. BuUock's Aspersion of the Legisla
ture. — Lively Comment on the Hegira, — Gen. Toombs. — " No Bleeding Martyr, but
a Spavined Rogue." — Bullock's Criminal Prosecution. — Requisition for Bullock. —
His Arrest and Final Acquittal. — Review of his Administration.
A MATTEE much commented upon at the tirae was a libel suit for
$25,000, brought by Gov. Bullock against the Atlanta Constitution, to
check that paper, if possible, in its zealous warfare upon the wrongs of
his administration. But the suit simply evoked derision, and stimu
lated the paper to greater activity of opposition. This journal also
refused to publish Gov. Bullock's proclamations, denouncing their
extravagance. This course brought a warm fusillade from a large
portion of the Democratic press. Not until Gov. Sraith was elected as
the Executive, did the Constitution take one dollar of any sort of pa
tronage from the administration. This course gave that journal a
strong hold upon the affections and confidence of the people.
On the 17th day of August, 1870, a Deraocratic convention was held
in Atlanta. Gen. A, H. Colquitt was made President, and on the same
day he was chosen President of the State Agricultural Society. This
two-fold honor, voluntarily tendered by two representative bodies, the
farmers and public leaders of the State, was a public tribute of which

LINTON STEPHENS. 453
any man oould be proud, and evinced the popular appreciation of this
worthy son of an illustrious sire.
The convention had 300 delegates from 109 counties. Among the
members were Thoraas Harderaan, Jr., W. S. Holt, A. O. Bacon, S. A.
Corker, P. Thweatt, Wm. M. Browne, J. S. Boynton, C. Peeples, D.
Scott, R. E. Lester, E. F. Hoge^ J. ColUer, N. Tift, R. N. Ely, L. N.
Trammell, Geo. Barnes, J. R. RandaU, A. R. Wright, A. H. Colquitt,
W. A. Hawkins, Linton Stephens, W. M. Reese, A. R. Lamar, J. L.
Seward, A. R. Lawton and J. Llartridge. Among these were two
young men of promise. E. F. Hoge of Atlanta has since been in the
General Assembly, and shown himself to be a person of substantial
ability and decided character. Jaraes R. Randall is one of our genuine
poets, who, as the author of " My Maryland," has won an enduring
fame. That poera will last While the English language is spoken. Mr.
Randall has been one of our raost gifted and scholarly newspaper raen,
a writer of singular and vivid power, and at present, as one of the edi
tors of the Augusta Chronicle and Constitutionalist, one of the
ornaraents of Georgia journalisra.
The resolutions of the convention were drawn by Linton Stephens,
pledging the Democracy to stand on the unchangeable principles of a
constitutional government, and to overthrow a corrupt state adrainis
tration. No speeches were raade, greatly to the disappointraent of the
Republicans, who hoped for some indiscreet utterance for political capi
tal. An Executive Committee was appointed of L. Stephens, J. Hart
ridge, J. T. Clarke, M. J. Crawford, J. Jackson, A. Reese, W. M.
Bro.wne, and R. A. Alston.
Linton Stephens was elected Chairman, and R. A. Alston, Secretary.
Judge Stephens accepted the chairmanship in a ringing letter, in which
while he acquiesced in the prevalent idea that none but eligible raen
should run for State offices, he took the ground that for Congress some
ineligible candidates should be norainated and elected to make an issue.
This letter struck the Democratic leaders of the State unfavorably,
and a hot discussion was precipitated, the majority of the press dis
agreeing with Judge Stephens. In a few days Judge Stephens pub
lished an eloquent and masterly letter defending his views, but refused
the chairmanship because he understood there was not a quorum
present when he was chosen chairman. Col. Clifford Anderson was
then raade Chairman.
The election carae off, and in spite of the extraordinary facilities for
the administration to control it, the result was a sweeping Democratic

454 JOSEPH E. BROWN AND HOWELL COBB.
victory. The wrongs of Bullock's rule had been so strongly presented
and pressed, that in many cases Republican candidates for the Legis
lature in the white belt were compelled to repudiate the administration.
The following congressmen were elected: D. M. Du Bose, Thos. J.
Speer, P. M. B. Young, A. T. Mclntyre, J. S. Bigby, W. P. Price and
Nelson Tift. But R. H. Whiteley was seated in Tift's place. The only
Democrats of this delegation were Young, Price, Du Bose and Mclntyre.
The year 1870 was prolific in startling events. Gen. Howell Cobb
fell dead suddenly in New York from a stroke of apoplexy. His death
shocked the State. Perhaps the raost striking tribute paid to hira was
by Chief Justice Joseph E. Brown in the Supreme Court. The eulogy
upon the distinguished deceased, by the presiding officer of this august
tribunal, was a noble attestation to the character and greatness of Gen.
Cobb, and it was especially touching in view of the strong animadver
sions made by the dead in his life upon the eulogist. Referring ten
derly to the harsh conflicts of sentiment. Judge Brown added these
graceful and honoring words:
" All these differences, which grew out of conflicting opinions on public policy, in
times of high political excitement, and producing alienation and estrangement, are
evanescent aud soon pass away. In the grave they are forgotten. And when under
Divine Providence, one party precedes the other, for a little wliile to that habitation,
which awaits all the living, they are never remembered and cherished by any honorable
and generous survivor,"
Chief Justice Brown had raade large advances in regaining the esteem
of the public so rudely torn from him. His condemnation of BuUock's
schemes had shown the people that his position of acquiescence in recon
struction was conscientiously taken for the public good as he saw it, and
that under an overwhelming provocation of unmerited and scathing
public odium he had stood firra against the unnecessary and gratuitous
indignities his unwelcome political allies had sought to put upon the
State. His great abUity and dignity upon the Bench, and lustrous
judicial integrity, had made hira an ornament to the State's judiciary.
The popular passion had begun to subside, and raen were learning to
discrirainate between the reluctant Republicanisra born of sincere, pub
lic spirit, and the partisanism begat of venal ambition and looking to
unlicensed power and an unctuous plunder. '
It was a curious coincidence that while this distinguished and unsur
passable Georgian was emerging from his baptism of obloquy, another
brilliant citizen, who had been foremost in the unsparing excoriation of
Chief Justice Brown, was himself suffering the sarae political crucifixion

BENJAMIN H. HILL GOES THROUGH THE SHADOWS. 455
for the same kind of public opinion, that had brought Brown into cen
sure. Hon. Benjamin H. Hill issued an address on the Sth of Decera
ber, 1870, to the people of Georgia, in which he took ground that the
abhorred amendments were in fact, and would be held in law, fixed
parts of the national Constitution. Usurpation, the most glaring, suc
ceeding, becarae law. It raay have been criminal — was criminal — to aid
in comraitting the usurpation; it is crirae itself to break the law. His
conclusion was, that we had a new National Constitution, with new and
enlarged powers of government, establishing new. and different relations
between the General and State governments. And he urged the duty
upon the Southern people to obey the new Constitution, to protect
negro suffrage, and to cease quarreling over the divisions on the prin
ciples and events which led to the e.xisting condition.
This address fell upon the State like a clap of thunder on a clear day.
And for years Mr. HiU walked through the valley of shadows. He was
lampooned, abused, and howled at. He was called Radical; accused of
selling out to the Republicans; of changing politics with a view to
election to the Senate, by a Republican legislature; and a thousand
other hard criminations. For years he fought against public odium
as Gov. Brown had done. It looked as if he was politicaUy shelved.
His best friends turned upon him. His ordeal was not altogether as
severe as Gov. Brown's, but it was a harsh one, and his recovery was a
striking instance of political vitaUty. He made a public speech in
February, 1872, that contained sorae peculiarly pathetic sentences.
Said he:
" I freely state that my political life is an enigma."
He added after in a burst of defiance:
" I had rather be the hurablest of those who would save you, aud perish amid your
curses, than be the chiefest architect of your ruin, and live forever the unworthy recip
ient of your deluded huzzas."
There is no stranger and more suggestive instance of the instability "
of human passion and the evanescence of huraan prejudice than the
savagery of proscription endured by these two reraarkable raen, rounded
as it has been by an elevation so august, in a time so short. The
coincidence Continues markedly, in the fact, that in every particular
their experiences have been identical, and that so antagonistic once,
their accord now is coraplete — a .conjunction of absolute diversities. It
was a wonderful triumph for Brown to see his old foeman 'with hira.
But it was only the beginning of a broader political corroboration in
a practical point of view.

456 THE STATE ROAD LEASE.
On the 26th day of October, 1870, Gov. BuUock advertised the West
ern and Atlantic railroad for lease under the lease act. On the 27th
of December, 1870, the road was leased to the present company at a
rental of $25,000 per month for twenty years, the company giving a
bond of eight miUions of dollars with the Georgia, Central, South
Western,' Macon and Western, Atlanta and West Point, Macon and
Brunswick, Brunswick and Albany, Nashville and Chattanooga, and St.
Louis and Iron Mountain RaUroads for security. Gov. Brown was
elected President of the company, having resigned his position as Chief
Justice of the Supreme Court before he made g, bid for the lease, and
having served a little over two years, renouncing ten years of his terra.
His resignation testifies conclusively to the fact that he did not desire
office, and that place was not the inspiration of his political attitude
upon reconstruction.
As a Supreme Court .lustice. Judge Brown maintained to the fullest
extent his admittedly great abilities. A perusal of his decisions, cov
ering every topic of jurisprudence and every principle of civil and
crirainal law, shows careful discrimination, profound discernment of the
spirit of laws, wide and accurate legal learning, and the very perfection
of a judicial temper, impartial, equipoised and punctiUous. The truth is
that Chief Justice Brown was the very paragon of a. Judge, and adorned
the ermine as much as any jurist that has ever sat in the Supreme tri
bunal of the State. He possessed an exceptional blending of a placid
and untiring patience with fixedness of decision and luminous legal
acumen. Gov. BuUook appointed as Chief Justice in Gov. Brown's place, until
the raeeting of the General Asserably in Nov., 1871, .ludge O. A. Lochrane.
This gentleman had sustained himself upon the Superior Court Bench
with rare success. Appointed by Gov. Brown as Judge of the Macon
circuit at the beginning of the war, and taking his seat under heavy
and open opposition, due to a certain jovial vein in his versatile compo
sition, he had handled a number of grave and novel questions with
originality and undoubted legal power. He had upheld both the dignity
and ability of the bench. Some attorneys at Twiggs court agreed to
carry their case by consent to the Supreme Court to avoid his jurisdic
tion. With placid poise he raarked and announced the case disraissed
for want of prosecution, and had the bumbled lawyers pleading for the
restoration of their case to the docket with much earnest compliment to
his Honor. He enforced the writ of Habeas Corpus against Confeder
ate suspension; he decided the conscript law unconstitutional; he refused

^

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~?

THE DOWNFALL OF THE BULLOCK REGIME FORESHADOWED. 457
to recognize the government of England that did not recognize the
Confederacy; he held that the State of Georgia had the right to a writ
of possession for arms loaned the Confederacy, and called on Gov.
Brown for means to enforce his order. These rulings indicate legal
ability and inflexible decision.
After the war he resigned, and raoved to Atlanta. He was appointed
Judge of the Atlanta Circuit, and served frora August, 1869, to August,
1870, when he resigned, to be appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court in Januarj', 1871.
Araong the historic landraarks of the reconstruction is that raagnificent
building and most valuable instrument of Atlanta progress, the Kimball
House. It was a superb hostelrie, far ahead of the growth of Atlanta.
It was begun in April and finished on the 17th of October, and its con
struction was a raarvel of rapid work. It cost over $600,000, and the
agent of Henry "Clews, Mr. Crosby, told the writer that $300,000 of the
money advanced on State endorsed bonds to build the Brunswick and
Albany railroad had been traced into this hotel. Its history is one of
vicissitudes, Utigation and strange changes of ownership.
The year 1871 was another eventful twelve raonths of Georgia history,
winding up with a most draraatic surprise. The absolutism of Radical
rule had seen its culmination when Congress passed the law of July
15th, 1870, for the admission of Georgia, and when under it a Democratic
legislature was elected in Deceraber, 1870. It raust be held in thought,
in order to coraprehend the situation and the starting denouement, that'
the Republican regime had before it the certainty of a full Deraocratic
inquiry into raatters. There had been enough open acts of wrong and
unlawful extravagance to justify grave apprehensions of trouble for
their authors. As was afterwards developed, there were worse derelic
tions concealed. From this time on the Bullock administration was in
a fearful strain to secure the success of its projects, and in final
triumph raake temporary illegalities forgotten or justified. But it was
an uphill business. Kimball was carrying more than mortal man could
bear. He was President of seven railroads, and the master of a monster
hotel. The bonds were poured out so freely as to overstock the
raarket, and the load was the heavier that dimly discerned irregularities
were battered at by the opposition, until the enterprises staggered un
der the growing burden o'f discredit.
The situation daily becarae raore desperate. Ruin threatened every
project. In the pitiless stress new illegalities were resorted to, that
failed to remedy the perUs. Bullock stood garaely to his friend Kim-

458 FOSTER BLODGETT CLOSED OUT OF TIIE U. S. SENATE.
ball. Illegal endorsements were given in succession. And yet all was
unavailing. Angier in the Treasury prompted the clue to suspicious
matters, the Atlanta Constitution probed and ventilated them, and the
Democratic press, both in and out of the State, kept up a lively fusillade
and publication. And so the final crash was steadily focalizing.
Foster Blodgett went to Washington, and tried to get admitted as
United States Senator, on the 4th of March, 1871. The effort was
vain. His record was ventilated fully. Senator Thurman raade an
unanswerable speech against his admission, taking the ground that he
was elected by a Legislature that had no right to choose a Senator for
the term Blodgett claimed. Senator Joshua Hill made a rare speech
against his admission. It was a document full of fearful punishment
for Blodgett and his sponsors. It was witty, satirical, caustic and
argumentative. Coming from a Republican source, it was irresistibly
effective. It alike pilloried not only Mr. Blodgett but the Legislature
that elected him. A Republican delegation frora Georgia, consisting
of Conley, Harris, Tweedy, D. D. Snyder, and A. D. Rockafellow, went
on to Congress to press Blodgett's admission for the reason that " it
was for the welfare of the Republican party." Congress adjourned
without seating Blodgett.
Senator Hill introduced two raeasures in April, 1871, that have
excited great interest. One was the bill for the survey of the Atlantic
and Great Western Canal, and the other a pet project of Col. yV. P.
Price to convey the United States mint building at Dahlonega, Ga., to
the trustees of the North Georgia Agricultural College — an institution
that has done a great amount of good, and is one of the most valuable
educational serainaries in the State. Gen. Young also introduced in
the House, a resolution for a post office building. We now have it.
Perhaps nothing could bettor show the downward drift of Gov.
Bullock's administration in the popular opinion, than certain present
ments of the Grand Jury of Greene county, in March, 1871, of which
ex-Speaker McWhorter was a member of the one, and signer of the
other, censuring BuUock's " wasteful expenditures of the public money
and his wicked and heartless abuse of the public credit." Nor
was Bullock without the leverage to help hira, given by the incessant
Republican agitation of the " Southern outrage " crusade. In Con
gress a coramittee was engaged in perpetual investigation of Ku Klux
enormities. This was the stock in trade of extrerae Radicalism. It was
a striking evidence of Bullock's waning influence with the national
leaders of his own party, that his contributions to this wretched campaign

THE BULLOCK DYNASTY GIVES WAY. 459
•
of calumny availed hira nothing. He issued a detestable proclaraation
of rewards for an iraaginary batch of hideous Ku Klux outrages. The
slanderous pronunciaraento under the E.xeoutive impress was advertised
broadcast at the public expense, disseminating its envenomed poison
everywhere. In July, 1871, he wrote a letter to Congressman Scott, on
the condition of Georgia, rendering a bad account of the affiicted old
coramonwealth, that had fallen into the cruel hands of political Philis-,
tines. Gen. Gordon went before the Ku Klux committee, and endeav-f
ored to neutralize the mischief.
It was an appalling criminality for men with the prestige of author
ity giving them weight, and with every incentive of State patriotism to
conserve the interest and foster the farae of Georgia, deliberately seek
ing to re-crucify the State, their own raother. But the power to harm
was rapidly dirainishing. The reign of evil was passing away. The
Bullock rule was swiftly drawing to a tragic close. There came out
whispers of Kimball's embarrassment. Gov. Bullock went away, and
was gone nearly three months. Finally the irrepressible Angier gave
notice that he would pay no warrants not signed by a resident Gover
nor, as the law requires. The State road raismanageinent was giving
out a noisome odor. The Treasurer of the road was arrested. A com
mittee of citizens. Judge Hamraock, Dr. Redwine and Judge Collier
were appointed to exaraine the State roac^ books. A large array of able
counsel, led by Gen. Toombs, volunteered in the investigation.
The first note of an impending general crash came in the disintegra
tion of the huge enterprise known as the Brunswick and Albany rail
road, the recipient of a double State aid, and an indistinguishable com
pound of equity and fraud. Claims poured upon it, which were not
met. The Superintendent, J. A. Bums, dropped it and left. The road
was seized by the Governor. This was after the middle of October.
Every one felt that the end was approaching. The radical edifice began
to shiver. The portents were unmistakable. The conclusion was at
hand. But it raust be confessed the finale took an unexpected shape.
When it was announced that Gov. Bullock had fled the State, leaving
his resignation, it was like an overwhelming elisctric shock. The sur
prise over, one flashing note of universal rejoicing resounded over the
State.

460 GOVERNOR bullock's RESIGNATION AND FLIGHT.
#
The rainutes of the Executive Departraent, show that on the 23rd of
October, 1871, the resignation was written and reads as follows:
"Executive Department, )
Atlanta, Georgia, October 2.3, 1871. )
" To Whom it Mat Concern — Greeting :
" Be it known, that good and sufficient reasons, me thereunto moving, I do hereby
resign the office of Governor of this State, to take effect on Monday next, the 30th day
of October, in the year of our Lord, 1871, and on that day and date, deliver over to the
Hon. Benjamin Conley, President of the Senate, the Executive powers of the Govern
raent, until the election and qualification of a Governor, in the mode prescribed by
paragraph IV., Article I'V., Section 1 of the Constitution of this State. And the Secre
tary of the Executive Department will enter the foregoing of record in the Executive
Minutes, and place the Capitol building. Executive records, Docuraents, Seals, and
Mansion in the control of the said Benjamin Conley, upon his taking the oath of office
prescribed by Paragraph V,, Section I,, Article IV. of the Constitution.
"RUFUS B.BULLOCK, Governor."
On the 23rd of October, 1871, the Executive Minutes show that R. H.
Atkinson, Secretary of the Executive Department, says that he trans
mitted, by direction of Governor Bullock, this resignation to the Hon.
D. G. Cotting, Secretary of State, to be filed in his office. On the
30th day of October, 1871, at 3 o'clock p. m., seven days after the resig
nation, and after Mr. Atkinson's clairaed transraission of the sarae to
Mr. Cotting, the Executive Minutes show that Mr. Cotting thus
addressed Hon. Benjarain Conley, President of the Senate :
" Sir : — I have at this moment been placed in possession of the enclosed coraraunica
tion, frora the Hon. R. B, Bullock, being his resignation of the office of Governor of the
State of Georgia, said coramunication beine transmitted to me through the hands of
Col. R. H, Atkinson, Secretary of the Executive Department.
•' I hereby give you notice to repair to the Capitol, in Atlanta, within ten days of the
date hereof, and take the oath of office, as Governor, before any Judge of the Supreme,
or Judge of the Superior Court, otherwise it will be my duty to consider you as having
resigned, and I shall proceed to inform the Speaker of the House of Representatives."
The Executive Minutes show that on the sarae day, the Hon.
Benjamin Conley, President of the Senate, took the oath of office, and
was installed as Governor, by Chief Justice O. A. Lochrane.
Though the resignation was seven days made before announcement,
no whisper of it got out. It was managed with wonderful secrecy, and
when it was given to the public. Gov. Bullock was out of the State,
and Mr. Conley acting Governor. The Washington Patriot stated
that Gov. Bullock admitted to a United States Senator, that he did not
like the course politics were taking, and he feared impeachment. There
is no doubt that Gov. Bullock apprehended impeachment, and it was a

SEVERE C0MMENT4RY UPON GOVEENOE BULLOCK. 461
subtle -stroke to resign, before the new Legislature raet, and not only
escape this, but devolve the State government upon Mr. Conley, instead
of the President of the new Senate.
Gov. Bullock wrote a letter from New York giving his reasons for
resignation, in which he took a parting and malicious blow at the State.
He stated that a raajority of the House of Representatives had pledged
themselves to vote for articles of impeachment against him without in
vestigation, and that the Senate had determined to unseat a sufficient
number of Republican Senators to secure his conviction without regard
to the truth and validity of the charges. He also charged that the peo
ple of Georgia had recently denounced or ignored the Constitution of
the United States. This letter created a deep indignation against the
fugitive, and the General Assembly by solemn resolution branded it
as false and defamatory.
The resignation of Gov. Bullock evoked earnest attention over the
whole country.' The comment was uniformly unfavorable, and some of
it stinging. The New York 'World said he was
" No bleeding martyr, but a spavined rogue."
The Boston Post declared that he
" Preferred speedy slaughter by his own act, to the more painful fate — a living Bar
becue in fact." •
Williara Markhara, one of the raost pronounced Republicans in
Georgia, was reported in the press to have said of Bullock:
" His whole administration has been in violation of every principle of honor, and dis
graceful to the Republican party, and regardless of the interest of the people of the
State.'' Gen. Toorabs expressed, perhaps, the justest judgraent upon. Gov.
Bullock's adrainistration in these 'words:
" He certainly deserves to be impeached. He has committed a hundred offenses, any
one of which is sufficient to convict hira. The trouble with the fellow is that he don't
know half the time when he does wrong. He does not understand the law nor the duties
of his position,"
In 1872, when Gov. Sraith was the Executive, and the bond investi
gating committee discovered that the City bonds of Atlanta pledged
for the payment of the $60,000 mortgage upon the Opera House had
been abstracted frora the State, leaving the raortgage unpaid, a warrant
drawn by Gen. Toombs charging Gov. Bullock with the larceny of these
bonds was issued, and upon it a Requisition was made upon Governor
Hoffman of New York for Gov. Bullock, Col. John B. Cumming being
the State's agent. Gov. Hoffman objected to the affidavit. Gen.

402 bullock's exteaoedinaey caeeer.
Toombs drew another one, very lengthy and technical, and a new
Requisition was issued. Col. Cumming reaching Albany Saturday,
March 30, 1872. Gov. Hoffraan still objected. Gov. Sraith sent a tart
telegraph, expressing the opinion that Gov. Hoffman was quibbling.
On Tuesday Gov. Hoffman issued his warrant for Gov. Bullock's arrest,
and Col. Cumming proceeded to Albion, New York, to find his game
gone, and a broken down horse in the stable. From this time on he
was hiding out, avoiding arrest.
The Atlanta Constitution had this editorial written by the writer at
that time, that expressed the sentiment of the good people of Georgia:
" The career of Bullock is a fine instance of extraordinary alternations of huraan
vicissitude, " Bubbled to the surface araid the convulsions of political disorder and social turmoil,
he rode for a while on a despotic pre-eminence as a stranger Executive of the proud
State of Georgia, The absolute supremacy of his power and his cool disdain of tram
mels for three years constitute a picture of bold, evil rule not often seen, and admirable
in its malicious aud tyrannical consistency. The man made and unmade Legislatures,
toyed with the State's sacred sovereignty like a worthless bauble, swayed the judiciary,
and scattered the people's raoney with the lavish liberality of a prince, and the reckless
caprice of a raunificent raadman.
" He preserved his gorgeous deportment amid it all, arrayed like a monarch, imposing
in presence, smiling and affable, the princely, imperturbable and benignant patron of
thieves and adventurers.
" His abdication came like a lightning stroke in the very zenith of his power. Down
the metallic deity fell with a long descent and a dull thud. Governors have played the
game of justice over the highcockolorum fugitive, and to-day sees hira a miserable
skulker from the offended law ; and an outcast frora home, friends, society and govern
ment," In 1876, Gov. Sraith raade a successful atterapt to arrest Gov.
Bullock, sending Col. O. P. Fitzsiraraons, recent United States Marshal
of Georgia. Gov. Bullock gave bail easily. The case lingered for a
year or two in the courts. Gen. L. J. Gartrell was his leading counsel.
On the final trial, the proof connecting him criminally with the frauds
on the State was not sufficient, and he was acquitted.
In estimating Gov. Bullock's administration, the tirae has hardly
come to do it exact justice. It has been too recent. It was an event
ful one all through. It was rancorous, turbulent, revolutionary. It
was in antagonism to the good people of the State. It was frightfully
bad. And yet the tiraes were conducive tq much of the wrong. Bul
lock was warped by provocation, by necessity, by desperate stress, by
unprincipled connections, by horribly evU counsel. He was naturally a
clever, amiable, correctly disposed person. He started wrong and never
got right.

A CEITICAL ESTIMATE OP GOV. BULLOCK's ADMINISTRATION. 463
He had to contend with an opposition that was sensitive and soured,
that had been harried and was resentful, whose chivalry and honor were
both inflamed almost to madness by believed outrage, that he justified.
He had neither tact, statesraanship nor congeniality with the people of
Georgia. He represented a party, coraposed raainly of newly enfran
chised negroes and foreign adventurers, that pressed an odious pubUc
policy. He was the agent of a disagreeable raission. He not only did
not lighten its severities, but he increased thera. At best, he must have
evoked dissatisfaction. He did the worst that could have been done,
and he drew execration. He resented it, and the conflict between hira
and the people became reckless and unsparing on both sides.
It was a desperate conception that he carried through, to uptear
accomplished reconstruction, because his power was not as absolute as
he wished. His very success in the doing of this unspeakable wrong,
made the way easy to every species of Executive dereliction, since
Congress, in the caprices of reconstruction tyranny, seemed willing to
comrait any enorraity and approve any crirae at the behest of its loyal
Southern dynasties. Had the certainty of responsibility been sure,
many risks of transcended authority would not have been taken.
But be the temptation what it may. Gov. Bullock's term was contin
uously worthy of censure. It grew in its criminality. It was unbrokenlv
evil. Every step was marked by personal scheming, disregard of nat
ural feeling, wasteful extravagance, violations of law and wantoft
attempts to degrade the State's autonomy. These are hard words.
But they are coldly deserved. The siraple, undeniable official facts
justify thera. And not the least censurable feature of this painful
episode of evil, was that it was successfully achieved by the vile weapon
of State defamation under the hypocritical pretext of the public
interest. Honest men enough at the North were made to believe that the
Christian people of Georgia were such a set of piratical law-breakers
and brutal conspirators against legitiraate Federal authority, as to
deraand the very dissolution of government, and the substitution of an
armed anarchy for the protection of society and obedience to Federal
power. The whole rule of Gov. Bullock, in the writer's judgraent, was
crirae — against the State, the Nation, and huraanity. That rule fitly
ended. It went out in disgrace and amid public rejoicing. And it
will live in the cool, clear future as the darkest era of Georgia history.

CHAPTER XLIL
THE FINAL ACT OF JOYOUS STATE REDEMPTION.
The Legislature of 1871. — An able Body. — Its vast Work. — Its Personelle. — L.N. Tram
mell. — Jaraes M, Smith, — Prolongation Again, — Gov. Conley and Bullock's Term,
— Democratic Moderation, — President Trammell's Patriotic Sacrifice, — Election. —
Conley's Term, — Its Good and Bad. — Democratic Convention, — James M. Smith
Nominated and Elected Governor. — The Republican Perplexity.— Gov, Smith's
Inauguration — The Public Joy. — Foreign Comment. — The New York World on
Georgia, — Obituary on Georgia Radicalism from the Atlanta Constitution. — E.x-
Gov. C, J. Jenkins' Superb Letter, — He Restores the Great Seal of the State. —
The Dark Period of Reconstruction Rule, — The Fateful Decade from Secession to
Complete Restoration. — An Era of Red Terror and Black Misrule, — The Proud
Spectacle of Regenerated Georgia,
The Legislature convened on the first day of November, 1871, two
days after President Benjamin Conley, of the Senate, took Bullock's
place as Governor. This body was an unusually able one, and it
asserabled under circurastances of unspeakably grave public import.
Tts work was incalculably important, and while it made some raistakes,
its general action was able and patriotic. Twenty-two of the old Senators
held over and, twenty-two new ones were elected. Among the new ones
were some very strong men. In fact, nearly every one of the new Sen
ators was a public man of recognized power in popular leadership.
Among them were R. E. Lester, John C. Nichols, L. C. Hoyle, B. B.
Hinton, R. Jones, Charles C. Kibbee, T. J. Simmons, E. Steadman,
WUliam M. Reese, W. S. Erwin, M. V. Estes, George HiUyer, Jaraes
R. Brown, and L. N. Trainmell.
T. J. Simmons has been President of the Senate, and is now Judge of
the Macon Circuit. A tall, fine-looking gentleraan with heavy blonde
whiskers, a most genial person. Judge Simmons has been a valuable
and successful public man. He has never been beaten. Judge William
Reese was an ornaraent to the Bench and an incomparable legislator.
Clear, positive, practical, honest, he has had great weight in every delib
erative body in which he has served. George Hillyer is now Judge
of the Atlanta Circuit, and fast building into an enviable reputation
as a jurist. James R. Brown is a brother of Gov. Brown, and has

THE LEGISLATUEE OF 1871. 465
many of the strong characteristics of his more faraous kinsman. He
is now Judge of the Blue Ridge Circuit, and both in the legislative
chamber and upon the bench has been marked by fine practical sense,
thorough courage and imraovable honesty.
Hon. L. N. Trararaell was unanimously elected President of the
Senate, by a voice vote, without even the formality of a written ballot.
This was a deserved tribute to Mr. Trammell, and no gentleman has
ever sustained himself as a presiding officer with raore parliamentary skill
and personal dignity. His administration was simply perfect. Quick,
irapartial, firm, courteous, thoroughly versed in parliamentary law, he
governed the deliberations of the Senate with consuraraate tact.
The House also had some marked men on its roll. There was John
W. Wofford, W. H. Payne, Isaac RusseU, Eraanuel Heidt, W. D. An
derson, E. D. Graham, R. W. Phillips, Morgan Rawls, Dunlap Scott,
M. R. BaUenger, E. F. Hoge, Henry Jackson, J. C. Fain, R. L. Mc
Whorter, W. E. Simraons, Garnett McMiUan, Geo. F. Pierce, J. W.
Murphy, G. W. Bryan, W. P. Johnson, H. W. Riley, S. E. Field, J. M.
Smith, .L F. Pou, L. J. Aired, M. H. Bunn, J. H. Guerry, J. B. Cum
ming, Claiborne Snead, C. B. Hudson, J. C. Dell, John I. Hall, J. W.
Renfroe. Of all these bright gentlemen, perhaps there was none of
them more brilliant than Garnett McMillan. He possessed a fervent,
flashing mind. He died several years after. W. E. Simmons was a
person of unusually strong intelligence. W. H. Payne was a man of
cool, substantial caliber. George F. Pierce has been alraost continu
ously since in legislatures and conventions, and has an oratory alraost
equal to his gifted uncle. Bishop Pierce. He is now Solicitor of one of
the judicial circuits.
'W. P. Johnson was a son of H. V. Johnson, and a young raan of
bright brain. J. W. Renfroe has since been State Treasurer for five
years, raaking a wonderful administration. Claiborne Snead is now
Judge of the Augusta Circuit, and a young man of uncomraon power.
One of the raost notable men in this body was John I. Hall, who has
been Judge of the Flint Circuit. He has been a warm friend of Gov.
.lames M. Sraith. Judge HaU has been one of the cleverest political
raanagers in the State, with a singularly practical vision of the public
temper, and a wary, shrewd use of political opportunities. A very
promising young man was Henry Jackson, eldest son of Gen. Henry
R. Jackson, who has figured so briUiantly in Georgia History in the last
quarter of a century. Whether as a lawyer or legislator, Capt. Henry
.lackson has been a marked young man. He has been Reporter of the
30

466 THE BATTLE FOR THE GOVERNOR'S OFFICE.
Suprerae Court for nearly ten years, raaking as efficient an official as
the laraented Thos. R. R. Cobb, whose daughter he married.
The House organized by the selection of James M. Sraith as speaker.
Col. Sraith had been a gallant officer in the war, and a member of Con
gress. He was a person of solid, powerful build, with a square resolute
face, and an appearance of rugged strength that betokened the type of
his mind. A self-made raan, originally a blacksmith. Col. Smith, who
afterwards became Governor, was a strong and rising character. He
was an able lawyer and an effective political speaker. At the time of
his election as Speaker, he was in a law co-partnership with Col. P. W.
Alexander, the famous war correspondent, " P. W. A." Col. James D.
Waddell was elected Clerk of the House.
The important question that confronted the Legislature was, who
should be Governor, Benjamin Conley, President of the last Senate, whose
term had expired, and who was no longer a senator or president, or L.
N. Trararaell, who was the President of the existing Senate ? The Con
stitution devolved the duties of Governor upon the President of the
Senate. The Deraocrats claimed that when Mr. Conley ceased to be
President of the Senate, he had no right to act as Governor, and when
Mr. Trararaell became President of the Senate he became endowed with
the right to discharge the Executive duties. That this was the law
the best lawyers agreed, and it was the legal solution of this very vital
issue. Gov. Conley not only claimed the right to be Governor, but he raain
tained that he should serve as Executive for the whole balance of Gov.
Bullock's term. Prolongation had been the Republican theory, and it
was pursued in this instance fearlessly. It was a fitting and picturesque
termination of reconstruction rule, that it should be marked' by this
battle for the Governorship, this contest for the executive authority.
There never has been a finer piece of political raoderation than the con
duct of the Deraocrats in this eraergency. Nor has there ever been a
loftier exhibition of patriotic self-sacrifice than the action of President
Trararaell in foregoing his undeniable right to step into the august hon
ors of the executive office.
In a spirit of conciliation and conservatism, admirable and conclu
sive in falsifying the slanderous aspersions upon deraocratic peacefulness,
the Legislature permitted Gov. Conley to hold until an election, and
passed a bill to have an election on the 3d of Deceraber, 1871. Gov.
Conley vetoed the bill. But it was passed over his veto. The Repub
licans made a prodigious noise over this measure, and denounced it as

GOVERNOR conley's ADMINISTRATION. 467
revolutionary. But it was all in vain. With a. quiet firmness, the
Democratic policy was carried out, and the work of State regeneration
proceeded to its complete consummation.
Gov. Conley's adrainistration was a very great iraprovement on Gov.
Bullock's. He did some commendable things. He did some acts for
which he was severely censured. He stopped immediately Gov. Bul
lock's extravagant proclamation business. He paid out some $25,188
of the contingent fund in the two raonths and twelve days of his
incumbency. He also pardoned Foster Blodgett for all possible charges
against him growing out of the State Road administration. For these
two acts he received much popular animadversion. He had several
lively conflicts with the Legislature. He vetoed a bill reducing legisla
tive pay to seven dollars frora nine; another continuing the session five
days beyond the constitutional forty days; another repealing a Bullock
law reraitting the payment of poll tax for the past three years; another
repealing the District court law; another repealing the India rubber
twentieth section of the appropriation act under which Gov. Bullock
had spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on every species of claim;
and another authorizing an investigation of our bonds.
These were all party battles, and were made by Gov. Conley to press
Republican strategy. The tussle between Conley and the Democrats
became right animated. He was garae and personally honest, but he
was an uncoraproraising partisan, and struck the deraocracy every hard
blow that he could. No charge of inconsistency could move him. He
had prolonged hundreds of days in the Bullock Legislature, but yet he
vigorously stormed over the alleged outrage of Democratic prolonga
tion of five days to wind up business. He took $9 a day for 320 days,
but conderaned Democratic extravagance that wanted $7 a day. He
was scored roundly with these inconsistencies, but it made no difference.
He pounded away vigorously upon the Deraocrats, and he gave them
a deal of trouble, and kept thera actively retorting.
The Democratic convention to nominate a candidate for Governor,
met in Atlanta, on the 6th day of Deceraber, 1871. There were 372
delegates from 134 counties. Among the delegates, were Barney Hill,
T. G. Holt, C. C. Kibbee, M. Rawls, R. T. Fouche, J. C. Fain, T. M.
Peeples, W. E. Simraons, A. D. Candler, G. F. Pierce, B. B. Hinton,
H. L. Benning, M. Blanford, L. F. Garrard, P. W. Alexander, A. R.
Lamar, L. J. Aired, J. C. NichoUs, J. T. Clarke, J. B. Cumming, C. F.
Crisp, C. W. Hancock, C. J. Wellborn, I. E. Shumate, J. A. W^ John
son and William M. Reese. This was the first political appearance of a

4G8 GOV. JAMES M. SMITH ELECTED AND INAUGURATED.
very bright young man, C. F. Crisp, son of a distinguished theatrical
actor. Mr, Crisp is now Judge of the South-western Circuit, and is a
rising jurist.
Hon. Julian Hartridge was elected Chairman of the Convention. The
contest was between Herbert Fielder, Gen. W. T. Wofford and Col,
.lames M. Smith. Fielder and Wofford withdrew, and Smith was
unanimously nominated. A new Executive Coraraittee was appointed,
consisting of Clifford Anderson, E. F. Hoge, J. B. Cumming, C. W,
Styles, J. C. Dell, .L H. Hunter, C. C. Kibbee, W. O. Fleming, A. R.
Lamar, H. Buchanan, A. D. Hammond, J. I. HaU, G. F. Pierce, J. D.
Mathews, G. McMillan, W. E. Simmons, J. T. Burns, and C. D. Mc
Cutchen. The Republicans finaUy decUned to run a candidate. Col. H. P. Far
row published a letter afterwards, g'iving an interesting account of the
Republican perplexity. A caucus was held at the capitol, consisting of
J. Johnson, .lohn S. Bigby, J. R. Parrott, ]\Iadison Bell, R. L. Mott and
others. The BuUook administration was the incubus. There seems to
have been an entire repudiation of BuUock's rule. They " were in no
way connected with the BuUook ring." Foster Blodgett's resignation
as Chairman of the Executive Committee was received, and James At
kins was nominated for Governor. Col. Atkins declined. Amono- the
phrases used in this Republican caucus were such as " the shameful
administration of Gov. Bullock; " "fled the country dishonored, yet
' unwept, unhonored and unsung ! ' " and " betrayed in every essential
particular the confidence of the party."
James M. Smith was elected Governor, tlie fact that there was no
opposition causing a Ught vote, only 39,705; and Gov. Conley in his
message transmitting the ballots to the General Assembly, with some
bitterness, but incorrectly, clairaed that the smaUness of the vote dem
onstrated that the people of Georgia did not desire an election to fiU
the unexpired terra of Gov. BuUock. The Governor elect resigned his
place as Speaker, and ,Ios. B. Cumming was elected in his place.
On the 12th day of January, 1872, Gov. James M. Smith was inau
gurated amid universal rejoicing. The Representative Chamber was
packed. Gov. Smith was accorapanied by the State officials and Judges,
Gen. Toombs, Gen. Colquitt, ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown, P. W. Alex
ander and others. His inaugural was a concise, earnest address, that
was fuUy applauded. He used this expression:
" Recurring to the occasion which has brought us together to-day, it cannot escape
the raost careless observer, that we have assembled under circumstances of an extraor-

GEORGIAS REDEMPTION. 409
dinary character. The late Governor, whose unexpired terra of office I have been chosen
to fiU, is a voluntary fugitive frora the State of his adoption. During his brief incum
bency there has been au addition of untold miUions to the public debt. He has left the
finances of the State in the utmost confusion and disorder."
No words can convey the depth and fervor of the public joy over this
restoration of a rule resting on the free choice of the people. Over the
length and breadth of the commonwealth welled up one universal, deep-
souled acclaim of gladness. There was a double satisfaction in the
event, the end of misrule and the inauguration of good govemment.
The despotism of the bayonet was gone, and it seemed as if we had,
after an unspeakable pilgrimage, reached the promised land.
Nor was the rejoicing confined to Georgia. From every part of the
Union carae back to us congratulations and the responsive echoes of
our delight. Some of the comments were very striking. The New
York 'World in particular raade the event the subject of sorae reflections
that contain a profound philosophy, and well merit quotation. Said
this journal:
" Georgia, more than any of the Southern states, has suffered from the process of
reconstruction, and her present deUverance is an ample proof of how futile that process
has been. All the powers of the Federal Government — the array, the treasury', the
courts — have been -exhausted to keep her in a certain position, and at the first election
we find her escaping out of that condition and assuraing a position of her own. Had it
been sorae powerful Northern state, like New Y"ork, or Blassachusetts, or lUinois, that
had been tirae and again bound hand and foot, and yet burst its bonds almost in the
instant they had been completed, the wonder would not be great ; but that a beaten and
impoverished commonwealth like Georgia has risen superior to the whole strength of the
Administration is soraething araazing. It shows how Uttle real root tliere is in centrali
zation, aud how fully able a State is to cope with the whole Federal Government when
that Government is prostituted to party ends. Nothing that Congress could do — nothing
that the President could do — has been able to keep this State in that vassalage to which
Congress and the President bent all their energies to reduce her. It has been impossible
to keep the cork uuder water, whatever the superimposed force. No less than seven acts
of Congress were leveled at Georgia ; no less than tliree times was her civil establish
ment superseded by martial law ; and the end of it all is that the State is to-day just
where it was in 1866 — in absolute and entire control of her own people. The recon
structed legislature is gone, the reconstructed judiciary is gone, the reconstructed Gov
ernor is a fugitive thief, the bayonets are gone, the laws are inoperative, aud, in the
lauguage of the ring, the State, after an infinitude of punishment, comes up to the
scratch smiling and knocks its antagonist out of tirae."
If the public happiness was great over the exhilarating spectacle, that
one of Georgia's own sons, by her own untrammeled suffrages, sat in
her honorable Executive seat, there was an equally profound sense of
relief, that the dismal reicrn of Radical misgovemment had ended forever.

470 OBITUARY OF GEOEGIA RADICALISM.
The writer at that time gave expression to the popular feeling in the
foUowing editorial article in the Atlanta Constitution, which a general
reproduction in the State press attested to be the public conception of
the defunct reconstruction dynasty, and which, though written in the
haste of rapid preparation and with the over-coloring due the feverish
times, presents the truth:
" OBITUARY.
GEORGIA RADICALISM.
Perished through its own corruption,
12 M., January 12th, 1872,
In Atlanta, Ga.,
In the Representative Charaber of the General Assembly,
And by the free ballots of the virtuous people it outraged.
The detestable body of
Georgia Radicalism.
It was aborted
January SOth, 1868,
Of the horrible rape of State Sovereignty
By the brutal Bayonet.
It lived three years, eleven months and twenty seven days,
A ghastly thing
Of ceaseless, infinite, unnamable
Villainy. '
It debauched the
State's Chief Magistracy
Into a hissing term of loathsome scorn.
And a glaring by-word of ignominious reproach.
It clutched in its leprous grasp the
State's Pure Judiciary,
And bedraggled it iu slime
Until its spotless ermine was as black and offensive,
As Radicalism's own adored Africa.
It transformed the
State's Great Legislature
Into a howling pandemonium of indecency and plunder.
An unconvicted penitentiary of thieves, blackguards and felons.
In which a few good men
Made the large raajority of its members
More conspicuously infernal by the tremendous contrast.
Politics it reduced to a scientific scheme of
Political Harlotry,
Hypocritically making a hobby of Education,
/( Stole
Every dollar of the State Educational Fund,
In the name of justice,
It turned loose the imprisoned convicts

OBITUARY OF RADICALISM CONTINUED. 471
Of the whole broad State,
To recruit its corrupt ranks and create crime.
It ascribed this crirae to' the virtuous people.
To perpetuate its power
By making such purposed disorder
A diabolical pretext
For the overthrow of State government.
And the interference of national despotism
To crucify the commonwealth
For the Radical benefit.
It made the State
A hell.
In practice for its own certain destination.
It pounced its ravenous claws
On the State's giant property, its great railroad,
With the rabid rapacity of a hungry hyena.
And its plan of gobbleraent wiU glare
Through the accumulated rottenness of ages
An unequaled model for all
Big and bold-schemed bandits.
If it had a single virtue.
Concentrated microscopic partiality
Has failed to find it.
Malice knows no crirae it has not comraitted.
While it has enriched
The ca,talogue of Satan
With its new and devilish devices
Of EviL
To the State's honor
Be it eternally said
That it found little State stuff.
Vile enough for its use.
It iraported
Its scamps from the moral North,
And the hegira
Of its gorged buzzards home
Under the law's lash.
Leaves little of its organism
Save the deluded masses
Of its despised, robbed and ignorant
Africans,
Who rue its rule.
And curse its existence.
It spewed all the good men from its association.
And left thera sick, shocked and stranded
Ou the great rock
Of a reraediless political blunder.
But we cannot hope to do it justice.

472 THE EECONSTEUCTION RULE.
Words are unequal to the task.
What evil it did not do
Was not from want of venom
But of physical capacity.
The hottest torture
It will know in the flames
Of its inevitable home will be
Its own uuappeased raalignity,
- Its hungry disappointment at unaccomplished crimes.
To sum up its record
It has broken every law.
Violated every decency, betrayed every trust.
Injured every interest, hurt every industry.
Wronged every citizen, neglected ^very duty,
Coraraitted every crime, omitted every virtue.
It has done falsehood, theft, hypocrisy,
Slander, perjury, oppression, blasphemy,
Murder, treason and sacrilege.
Hereafter among Shame's penalties.
The most stinging blazonry of Scorn
Will be the mere fact
That a man was
Of it.
Its short career constituted
Georgia's Dark Days.
Its downfall
Makes up a joy and a blessing
As bright and blissful
As its rule was dark.
And lauguage cannot convey that.
Its epitaph
No tirae can obliterate
From the hearts of future
As well as present generations.
It is this :
CURSES ON ITS MEMORY."
It may well be conceived that a rule that drew such contemporaneous
expression of conservative opinion had been black and heavy indeed.
On the 30th day of January, 1868, Gov. Jenldns was removed by Gen.
Meade. On the 4th day of July, 1868, Gov. Bullock assuraed to be
Chief Magistrate as Provisional Governor. On the 21st day of July,
1868, he was sworn in to the Executive trust. On the 30th day of Oc
tober, 1871, he resigned. And on the 12th day of January, 1872, Gov.
Jaraes M. Smith was installed as the Executive. From the 30th day of
January, 1868, to the 12th day of January, 1872, of this never-to-be

EX-GOV. JENKINS EETUENS THE GEEAT SEAL OF STATE. 473
forgotten epoch of a foreign and hostile rule, it was four years lacking
eighteen daj's.
One touching act of restored sovereignty needs record to coraplete
the picture of joyful State rederaption. Ex-Gov. Charles J. Jenkins,
with the conclusion of military domination, returned from his long exile
and gave back to the custody of a lawful Executive the great Seal of
State, and certain executive papers that he had taken with hira. The
letter of ex-Gov. Jenkins, in discharging this agreeable duty, is a paper
of exquisite diction, lofty sentiraent and noble dignity. There is no
docuraent araong the great records of this or any other State or Govern
raent to surpass this superb emanation of an exalted and patriotic states
manship. It presents the chronicle of the abhorred rape of our State's
sovereignty, and his own dutiful efforts to protect the coramonwealth
from ignominy, in fitting language and an heroic spirit. Breathing the
sentiment of liberty and law, speaking a broad devotion to the princi
ples of a constitutional government, irabued with the heroisra of raartyr-
dom for the right, and maintaining in lofty words the obligations of
personal honor and official responsibility, this great enunciation of the
noble Jenkins was alike an immeasurable rebuke to the evil dynasty it
followed and a glorious inauguration of Georgia's regenerated majesty.
This peerless paper thus characteristically concluded in words deserv
ing forever to live:
" The removal of the books and papers was simply a cautionary measure for my own
protection. Not so with the seal. That was a symbol of the Executive authority, and
although devoid of intrinsic material value, was hallowed by a sentiraent which forbade
its surrender to unauthorized hands. Afterwards, whilst I was in Washington, vainly
seeking the interposition of the Supreme Court, a formal, written deraand was raade
upon me by General Ruger for a return of these articles, with whicii I declined to com
ply. The books and papers I herewith transmit to your Excellency, that they may re
surae their place among the archives of tlie State. With them I also deliver to you the
seal of the Executive Departraent. I derive high satisfaction from tlie reflection that it
has never been desecrated by the grasp of a railitary usurper's hand, never been prosti
tuted to authenticate official misdeeds of au upstart pretender. Unpolluted as it came
to me, I gladly place it in the hands of a worthy son of Georgia — her freely chosen Ex
ecutive — ray first legitiraate successor."
Counting the years from the 19th of January, 1861, the day of seces
sion, to the 12th of January, 1872, which witnessed the complete restora
tion of the wandering star of Georgia to the orbit of the Union, a period
of eleven years lacking one week, and we see what must ever be the
most stupendous era of her history in its events and changes. The raind
fairly reels in the retrospection of this turbulent decade. It is such an

474 geoegia's fateful caeeee from secession to redemption.
historic picture as the future chronicler will dwell upon with wonder and
awe, and portray with a pulsing pen.
Starting from an unparaUeled prosperity and progress in a sunny
peace, the lordly craft, cut from its raoorings by its own friendly hands,
shot into the fiercest storm of human annals. There was no extreme of
woe, blood, wreck, ravage, anarchy, misrule, despotism and shame that
it had not suffered to the very dregs. War was terrible; peace proved
more so. Failure seemed the culmination of ignominy; fortune showed
the mistake. An evil destiny fatigued its invention in the supplement
of grotesque dishonors it swarmed upon a shattered comraonwealth.
The story of shade, blight and rancor can never be exceeded. To see
a community of a million of people tossed for eleven long years in such
a drift of mad event is something touching, and full of aAve. It looked
as if a dark fate delighted in expending its endless catalogue of hor
rors upon one poor republic. The unconquerable vitality of a fine state
hood was shown in this iron ordeal. Like a repressed giant, the spirit
of our free people was indoraitable and asserted itself with resistless
force. As soon can the untaraable wind be cribbed, as to curb the
aspiring life of a manly breed of men.
It was a decade picturesque with red terror and black raisrule. It
piled woe after woe upon the State. It furnished prodigally every
experience of huraan suffering, and every fantastic phase of raisgovern-
ment. But through it all, a Christian citizenry carried its honor, its
spirit of freedora, its integrity and its religious civilization, sacredly
preserved, and the very second that raarked the withdrawal of the rude
grasp of repressive power saw the proud and instantaneous spectacle of
a re-established State nationality, erect, perfect, and august, the very
incarnation of an enlightened popular sovereignty — Regenerated
Georgia.

CHAPTER XLIII.
GEORGIA'S FAMOUS EXPURGATION OF FRAUDULENT
BONDS.
Ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown's Emergence from Odium. — His Opposition to Bullock's
Schemes. — The Seeley Trick Rebuked.— The State Road Lease, — Gov. Brown Re
solves to Fight a Duel with Gen. Toorabs. — The Correspondence, — Official Changes.
—J. G. Orr.^Gov. Sraith's Staff,— P, W, Alexander,— J. W. Warren.— T. M.
Norwood Elected United States Senator. — The Great Bond Question. — The Bond
Committee, Simmons, Hall and McMillan. — Report. — Statement of Bonds. — The
Bonds Rejected, — The New Legislature, — Its Personelle, — T. L. Snead and his
Bond Coraproraise, — A Measure of State and National Agitation, — Letters of
Leading Georgians upon it. — The Constitution of 1877 Settles the Bond Matter
FinaUy.
It was a significant fact that ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown accompanied
Gov. Smith to be inaugurated. The long and painful separation frora
his forraer political allies was coraing to a fitting close. It was destined
to be still a long tirae before he carae back to the full poUtical fellow
ship that was due to his sincerity of conviction and thorough courage.
While in no way had the raerited bitterness against the venal recon
structionists abated, the public raind was discrirainating, and men occu
pying Gov. Brown's position were getting a correcter judgraent. Gov.
Brown sturdily antagonized the wrongs of the Bullock regime, and he
effectively opposed the iniquitous attempts at additional gratuitous re
construction acts for Radical partisan purposes. No man was more
devoted to the best interest of Georgia than he, and while he was for
acquiescing in inevitable hardship, he was the last raan in the State to
seek the imposition of superfluous ignominy upon the people.
A man by the name of Isaac Seeley sent out a circular urging that
affidavits be gotten up to show that voters were denied the right to
vote by challenges for non-payment of taxes, and if necessary. Repub
licans raust challenge each other at the polls. The object of this swin
dling trickery was to raanufacture a foundation for Congress to pass an
act to prevent abridgraent of voting by the assessraent of taxes. This
was one of the innuraerable Radical schemes for controlling the State
through Congress that were so ingeniously used in that day. Seeley
sent a circular to Gov. Brown, who, in an open letter, exposed and

476 THE state road lease.
denounced the villainy, and declared that the wisest thing Congress could
do was to sweep from the statutes the last vestige of political disability.
The battle over the State road was hard fought, and a striking
triumph for Gov. Brown. A rival company, composed raainly of At
lanta citizens, had sought to lease the road, but had been defeated by
Gov. Brown's company. The most determined effort was made to break
up the lease. The papers were filled with the subject. It was brought
before the legislature. A joint committee was appointed to investi
gate and report upon the fairness or unfairness of the lease, coraposed
of Senators Wra. M. Reese and A. D. Nunnally, and Representatives
G. F. Pierce, Geo. M. Netherland and C. B. Hudson. The inquiry was
exhaustive. Every possible witness was examined under oath. Ma
jority and minority reports were raade. There were extensive discus
sions. The fight was full of very hot blood and a deep conflict of
moneyed interest. The purpose to break the lease was resolute and acri
monious. There was no tendency to compromise, but the fullest deter
mination to fight it out on both sides to the bitter end.
The legislature finally sustained the lease by an overwhelming ma
jority, and Gov. Brown had reason to be proud of his victory. He had
the best metal of the State pitted against him. His manageraent of
the long conflict was a raodel of cool temper, sleepless vigilance and
masterly force. It was curiously illustrative of the disrepute into which
the expelled Bullock regime had fallen, that the heaviest burden the
Seago Company, as it was called, had to carry, was the connection with
it of Foster Blodgett's name. There is an interesting feature of this
memorable lease that deserves mention. Nearly all of 'the original lessees
have sold out their shares, and yet the practical anomaly is seen of the
new owners, being unable under the lease law to control their property,
which remains under the management of the first lessees, who alone are
liable to the State, and with whom alone the lease contract was raade,
and who by the statute are raade the directors of the company for the
whole period of the lease.
We now come to a strange episode in Gov. Brown's life. He seemed
destined to have every possible experience that falls to man. The
drama of his career was a complete catalogue of surprises and alterna
tions. He had been from boyhood a member of the church, a devout,
pious Baptist, a man of prayer, a pillar of his denoraination. His life
was practicaUy Christian. It was a powerful set of circumstances that led
him- deliberately to prepare to enter into a duel under the Code. Yet
this he did, and Gen. Robert Toombs was his antagonist. No one contem-

the duel BETWEKX BR0W.\ .VXD TOOJinS. 477
plated the idea for a raoment, that Gov. Brown would determine upon
sucli an act, so foreign to his life and character. But in the long- years
of political proscription and personal abuse, a nature constitutionally
combative, had become fired by a keen sense of injustice at the savage
invective, that while much abated, still fusilladed him with considerable
vigor from several quarters. Gen. Toombs, with a capacity for scath
ing characterization, had made Gov. Brown a special object of attack.
That Gov, Brown should resolve to check the current of vituperation
was not an unnatural conclusion for a man of his inherited beUigerence
and stern temper. He raade up his mind in his quiet way, to go to the
field and fight. He secured Col. James Gardner as his second, and had
every arrangement raade to push this issue to extremes. The corres
pondence tells the whole story, which is permitted to speak for itself.
The duel did not come to a meeting, owing to a hitch that wUl be seen
in the correspondence, but it is none the less true that Gov. Brown had
made up his mind to fight the duel. And it was a strange result, testi
fying loudly to the inconsistency of tlie best huraan nature that Gov.
Brown's resolution to fight not only did him a wonderful amount of
good with the ungodly, but as they felt he had long suffered great in
justice and wrong it pleased his Christian friends, whose raoral and
religious ordinances he proposed to violate. The meekest people like
pluck and spirited resistance to wrong. Gov. Brown reraained in his
church relations, not only not injured by his war-like episode, but with
an increased respect and an enlarged church influence.
The cause of the difficulty was the following private letter, published
by the Griffin News, on the 27th of June, 1872, to a gentleman of that
city: "Washington, Jnue 19th, 1872,
" Dear .Sir : I do not know the heirs of MitcheU, and do not know wliether tliey are
men, women or children, and certainly made no allusion whate\'er to them in the speech
referred to, and I will add that I have no doubt tliat if they had any rights to tlie prop
erty referred to, they were stripped of the largest portion of their rights, as well as the
State. " The journals of the Legislature show, tliat in the face of a direct offer of one
hundred thousand dollars for a quit-claim deed to the property in dispute made by Gen
eral Austell and otiiers, and of the unanimous opinion of all the lawyers employed in
tlie case liy Bullock, except one, that the title of tlie State was clear, the Legislature
accepted tlie offer of thirty-five thousand dollars from Lochrane, Kimliall and Brown,
who engineered the bill through the Legislature in the name of the Mitchell heirs.
" Tho term ' orpliaus of Mitchell ' was applied to thera in derision of the pretenses,
under which the people were stripped of tlieir property for the use of these 'orphans.'
" This action of the Legislature was the result of bribery, pure and simple. The

478 GOVERNOR brown's DENUNCIATION OF TOOMBS.
acceptance of the thirty thousand dollars in lieu of the hundred thousand offered under
the circurastances contained iu the journals is conclusive proof of that fact.
" I did state further, that as far as ray knowledge extended, all of the public plunderers
who pretended to be Democrats, frora Tammany Hall down to the smallest petty lar
ceny thief on the State Road, were Greeley men, and so is the fact.
" The spoliators of every party in this country dread notliing so much as the return
to power of the State Rights Democratic party of the United States, That party is
the terror of all the enemies of the public by whatever name they raay be called.
" I am very respectfully, your ob't serv't., "R, TOOMBS."
Gov. Brown raade this reply in the Constitution of July 3, 1872:
"Atlanta, Ga,, July 2, 1872.
" Editors Constitution : My attention has been called to a letter publislied iu the Griffin
Daily News, signed R. Toorabs, in reference to the passage of the resolution of the
Legislature of 1870, corapromising the litigation between the heirs of Sarauel Mitchell
and the State of Georgia, in which Gen. Toombs uses the following lauguage :
" ' The Legislature accepted the offer of $35,000 from Lochrane, Kimball and Brown,
wlio engineered the bill through the Legislature in the name of the Mitchell heirs. The
term ' orphans ' of Mitchell was applied to them in derision of the pretenses under which
the people were stripped of this property, for the use of these ' orphans,' This action
was the result of bribery pure and simple. . . I did state further that as far as my
knowledge extended, all the public plunderers who pretended to be Deraocrats, from
Tammany Hall down to the smallest petty larceny thief on the State Road, were
Greeley raen, and so is the fact.'
" Now if Gen. Toorabs intends by his language to say that I have been guilty of
bribery in ' engineering ' this bill through the Legislature, I pronounce his statement
an infamous falsehood and its author an unscrupulous liar.
" Very respectfully, "JOSEPH E. BROWN."
Judge Lochrane published an aggressive and denunciatory reply to
Gen. Toombs, in which he argued the facts, and thus concluded :
" Too long have the interests of Georgia been cur.sed by the bewildering folly of
Toorabs. May the God of justice interpose to save the State from the further infliction
of his pestilential influence, and as the State has heretofore been spared his precedent,
may Providence, in the future, spare her the curse of his parallel."
This very neat piece of abuse is given, as in Gen. Toorabs' reply there
is some clever counter-crimination. The contest between these two was
merely wordy. The difficulty with Gov Brown was a serious affair, and
he raeant fight, and conducted the correspondence to that end. Gen.
Toombs sent Col. John C. NichoUs on the 9th of July, 1872, to Gov. (
Brown, to informally inquire- if he would give Gen. Toombs satisfaction
under the Code. Gov. Brown, in a very polite, but as he considered it
a very positive conversation, gave the assurance plainly, as he thought,
that he would give satisfaction when called on by Gen. Toombs. After

GENERAL TOOMBs' REPLY. 479
Col. NichoUs retired Gov. Brown at once telegraphed his friend. Col.
Gardner, at Augusta, requesting him to come to Atlanta by the first
train. Col. Gardner arrived on the early morning train of the 10th.
Gov. Brown called on him imraediately, and gave hira a full statement
of the interview between him and Col. NichoUs. Col. Gardner told him
his only mistake was, that he did not have all comraunication on the
subject conducted in writing — that if Col. NichoUs should have misun
derstood him, or should give a different version of the conversation, it
might be unfortunate. Col. Gardner then advised Gov. Brown to see
Col. NichoUs without delay, and agree in writing, what was said in the
interview. It was early in the morning, and Gov. Brown at once in
quired of the hotel-keeper for Col. NichoUs' room. But he was informed
that Col. NichoUs had left the previous evening for his home in Southern
Georgia. He was also informed that Gen. Toorabs had left very early
that morning for his residence in Washington, Ga., and curiously enough
Col. Gardner was assigned to Gen. Toombs' vacated roora. As neither
Gen. Toombs nor Col. NichoUs were in Atlanta, it was not then in his
power to see Col. NichoUs to reduce the conversation to writing, nor to
communicate it iraraediately in writing to Gen. Toombs. Col. Gardner
then advised hira to reduce the conversation just as it occurred to writ
ing, and forward it by express iraraediately to Gen. Toorabs, at his
home, so that there could be no dispute about its receipt by him. This
Gov. Brown did, and sent the written statement to Gen. Toorabs by the
express of that day, and took the receipt of the express company for
the communication, which he was informed by the expressmen was
promptly delivered.
This comraunication, so far as it relates to the interview between Col.
NichoUs and Gov. Brown, is copied into Gov. Brown's card to the public,
dated July 17, 1872, and need not be inserted here. The address and
the raemorandum referring to Col. Gardner's advice to see Col. NichoUs,
and have the conversation reduced to writing immediately, are omitted.
On the 16th of July, Gen. Toombs published the following article in
the Atlanta Sun, dated the 11th. IFrom the Sun.'] " Washington, Ga., July II, 1872.
" To the Editors of the Sun ; A brace of ex-Chief Justices, of this State, honored
me with their notice and vituperation in The Constitution of the 3d instant. There were
a trio of these chevaliers d'industrie engaged in the transactions referred to. The third
member of the firm (Mr, H, I. Kiraball) is absent frora the State, I suppo'se, 'from cir
cumstances beyond his control.' These assaults excite no surprise,
" Since the adjournment of that band of public plunderers whom General Terry and

480 GENERAL TOOUBS' REPLY.
Bullock installed as the Legislature of Georgia in Octolier, 1870, I have devoted much
of my time and strength in endeavoring to secure tlie persons of these accomplices in
guilt, and to preserve the evidence of their crimes from destruction, until the criminal
laws could be enforced against tliem, and a ' free parliament of the people ' could as
semble to aid the adrainistration of justice, and wrest from the grasp of the spoilers so
rauch of their ill-gotten gains as might be within the reach of law or legislation.
" These efforts have not been wlioUy unavailing, and I trust Ihave been able to render
some small service to some of the very able and efficient committees whom the Legisla
ture have charged with the consummation of this great work. My small portion of the
work has excited the deepest enmity of the wliole gang of spoliators against me. I
accept it as some evidence that I have not labored wholly in vain.
" It is worthy of notice in the beginning, that not a single statement made by rae in
the publication to which they refer, is denied by either Lochrane or Brown. They do
not deny that they, in connection with KimbaU, engineered through the Legislature the
resolution ceding the Railroad P.ark property in Atlanta, in the name of the heirs of
Mitchell ; nor that the Legislature accepted thirty-five thousand dollars from their
clients in the face of a responsible offer of one hundred thousand dollars for a quit-claim
deed to the same property; nor that this action of the Legislature was the result of
bribery, pure and siraple ; nor that the acceptance of the thirty-five thousand dollars iu
lieu of the one hundred thousand dollars offered under the circurastances contained iu
the journals, is conclusive of that fact. Here are the specific charges contained in my
letter, and the proof referred to, to sustain them.
" I shqjl dismiss the reply of Lochrane very summarily. Treachery, mendacity,
venality, servility to BuUock and the Radical gang, rottenness in and out of office siuce the
surrender, has so strongly stamped his character, that nothing he could now say — no new
falsehood he raight utter, and no new crime he might now commit would, in the least
degree, affect his public reputation or his private character Avhere he is known.
" He boasts of buying a large portion of the Park property, and of large amounts
expended in its improvement, when I know that since that purchase, if purchase it be, he
has been comproraising his honest debts for about thirty cents on the dollar ; and if the
money for the improvements came out of liis purse, it must have been acquired by his
practices under color of his profession, or his malpractices on the Bench.
" Ex-Chief Justice Brown denies neither of the statements which I affirmed. lie con
tents hiraself with quoting from my letter, and then adding : ' Now if General Toombs,
by this language, intends to say that I have been guilty of bribery in engineering this
bill through the Legislature, I pronounce his statement an infamous falsehood, and its
author au unscrupulous liar.'
" He quoted the language, and therefore knew I did not ' say ' so. If he felt in doubt
about the intention — the construction of the language — ho might have asked for au
explanation. The propriety of this course is so obvious that uo geutlem.an could fail to
perceive it. Brown preferred hypothetical denunciation, the usual dod^'e of a vulgar
poltroon, aud played his characteristic role. He is extremely technical : ' Tf General
Toombs intends by this language that I have been guilty of bribery in engineering tliis
bill through the Legi.slature,' etc. I think the probabilities are \-cry much against
Brown's being personally engaged iu the bribery. I thiuk he is too cunning and skill
ful a lobbyist to run any such unnecessary risks, especiaUy Avith such experts as Kimball
aud Lochrane, aided by Blodgett, assisting him iu the work of engineering the bill
through the Legislature.

GENERAL TOOMBs' REPLY. 481
" The plain history of the case, and the examination of the journals of the Legislature
(the evidence to which I referred) wiU fully vindicate the correctness of my opinion of
the transaction.
"Iu 1842, Charles Mitchell, with the view to secure the location of the depot of the
road on his land, donated, in fee siraple, by deed of warranty, five acres of land to the
State for ' placing thereon the necessary buildings which may hereafter be required for
public purposes at the terrainus of said road.' Tho State eutered, occupied and held
'undisturbed possession of this property for nearly a quarter of a century.
" In 1867, Brown and Pope brought suit for the heirs of Mitchell for the park portion
of the property. No action was ever had on this suit; but in 1868, the case was cariied
before the Legislature, and the claim rejected. It there slept until BuUock got another
reconstruction act through Congress, and he and General Terry had, by fraud and force,
ejected a large nuraber of the true representatives ofthe people, and replaced thera With
a sufficient number of his own pliant and corrupt tools to render powerless the honest
men whom he could get no pretext for ejecting.
" The State being thus prostrate at the feet of the usurpers and plunderers, BuUock,
their chief, with a corrupt Judiciary of his own appointment, with a venal Legislature,
sounded his bugle and called his clans to the sacking of the Commonwealth.
" Lochrane was among the very first to obey the call. In July, 1870, he put in the
rejected claim of the heirs of Mitchell, in a proposition to Bullock, to give him the
whole of the property in dispute in the suits, except a strip of land two hundred and
forty feet wide, between Lloyd and Pryor streets, where the depot then and now stands,
for thirty-five thousand dollars. This property was estimated then to be worth between
three hundred thousand and four hundred thousand dollars, by sorae of the best citizens
of Atlanta. The proposition was referred by BuUock to the counsel lie had eraployed
to defend the State's interests. Mr. William Dougherty, Judge Collier, Mr. Hoyt,
Judge Hopkins and Mr. Nunnally, of the counsel, met, consulted, and except Nunnally,
unanimously decided that the title of the State was clear and unquestionable, and directed
one of their number so to report to the Governor.
" Judge Hopkins differs with Messrs. Dougherty, Collier and Hoyt as to the other
facts, bnt agrees that the title ot the State was clear.
" Bnllock sent in Lochrane 's proposition, with a false statement, as was his habit,
of a raaterial fact in the case. This message was received on the 13th of October, 1870,
referred to a select committee of both houses the sarae day, and on the next day was re
ported back with a, recomraendation that Lochrane's proposition be accepted. The
counsel for the State had no notice of the meecing of the coraraittee, and were not pres
ent, except NunnaUy, whof<avored Lochrane's proposition, and Judge Hopkins, who sug
gested to Bullock a compromise, ' on such terms as the relative vantage ground of the
two parties will justify,' Lochrane represented the Mitchell heirs.
" This report was made the special order of the day for the 17th of October. It was
taken up on that day. Mr, Candler, on the 14th, having raoved to request the Governor
to send in the opinions of the counsel for the State, his resolution, on motion of Mr.
Speer, was laid on the table.
"On the 17th Mr, Candler moved a substitute reciting the offer of General AusteU
and others, to bid one' hundred thousand doUars for a quit-claim to the Park, and pro
viding for its acceptance and putting the property up at auction with that upset bid.
" Mr. Bradley offered as a substitute to the whole a resolution to give the heirs of
MitcheU the right to sne in the courts of the State for the property, which substitute
31

482 GENERAL TOOMBS' REPLY.
was rejected, and the substitute of Mr. Candler was also rejected by one vote ; and the
report was then adopted by 22 to 1 1 votes.
" The Chairman of the House Committee, on the 4th of October, made the same joint
report to tlie House. It was taken up ou the 20th, and Mr. Hall moved the adoption of
the Senate's report as a substitute for his own.
" Mr. Scott then submitted the offer of General Austell and twelve other citizens of
Atlanta, to pay one hundred thousand dollars for the State's quit-claim deed to the prop
erty within ninety days after date ; and offered a resolution providing for commissioners
to put up the property at public auction ; and providing further, that if the commis
sioners failed to get a bid of one hundred thousand dollars for a quit-claim title to the
property, the Governor should be authorized to accept the proposition of the Mitchell
heirs for thirty-five thousand dollars. This proposition was rejected by a vote of 49 to
73, and the Senate's substitute was adopted.
" Such is the record upon which I formed the opinion that the action was the result
of bribery, pure and siraple, I did not suppose that all who voted for the bill were cor
rupted. Sorae raen were doubtless misled. Others, influenced by other -than corrupt
motives, but it is clear that the managers of the scheme of plunder profited by their
betrayal of the public trust.
" The record is complete. The state's title was settled by the judgment of the
Suprerae Court ; was clear and indisputable, in the opinion of four of the leading counsel
of the State.
" Their opinions were suppressed by a direct vote of the Senate. The friends of the
bill refused to permit the claims to go before the courts for trial, though counsel fees to
the araount of fifteen thousand dollars were paid to defend the titles. Thirty-five
thousand dollars was accepted from the Mitchell heirs for a property in lieu of one
hundred thousand dollars offered by others, without the pretense of a reason therefor
being found on the record — except Jackson's letter to Bullock — which property, within a
few days after the consummation of this wickedness, with all the cloud of this corruption
hanging over it, brought at public outcry over two hundred thousand dollars,
'• Gov, Brown does not deny that he aided in lobbying this measure through the Legis
lature. He was present in the Senate when the bill was before it, as was also Lochrane,
KimbaU and Blodgett ; and he was justly rebuked ou the floor of the Senate by Mr.
Candler for his conduct in this matter,
" Lobbying is a crime — a misdemeanor at common law ; a crime intensified by his
high judicial position.
" But there is yet a still graver charge than lobbying against the ex-Chief Justice.
Before these occurred, the case of Thornton and others vs. Trammell and others, came
before the Supreme Court. It was a case really agaiust the Western and Atlantic Rail
road, for the Dalton depot, and involving the same principles. The counsel for the Road
objected to Brown's sitting in that case, on the ground that he was employed in the
Mitchell heirs' case, which was undecided. See 39th Georgia, 208. Brown stated 'that
in that case, the language of the deed is different, and I have turned over the case with the
obligation of the fee to the other counsel. Under these circumstances,' he was adjudged
by the other Judges competent to sit on the case,
" He did sit, dissented from the court, but gave no opinion. He weakened the opinion
all he could by his dissent, but gave no opinion himself,
" Was that statement of Brown true f If so, he eitiier had no clairas on the Mitchell
heirs for fees, or he afterwards contracted for aud accepted fees while on the Bench. If

GOVERNOR brown's REPLY. 483
not true, he sat in a case in the decision of which he was interested, and decided in hia
own favor.
" It is a high crime in the highest judicial officer ot-the State to bring his influence to
bear in any way to control the action of the Legislature, His very position may control
those who have suits before him. The ordinary crirainal may be in his hands. He may
have power to save from just punishment for his crimes even the victim of his own per
fidious debauchery. " R. TOOMBS,"
To this article of Gen. Toombs Gov. Brown raade reply on the 17th
of July, 1872, the day after its publication:
" TO THE PUBLIC. "Atlanta, Ga., July 17, 1872.
"Editors Constitution: — As Gen. Toombs has thought proper to appear again in print
before the public, while a personal issue was pending between him and me, I have a very
simple reply for him. In his card, dated the ll(/t instant, anA. published on the lUh, he
refers to me as resorting to the usual dodge of a vulgar poltroon.
" This man, having been branded by me as an unscrupulous liar, fancied, perhaps, that
he had sufficient courage to defend his personal honor, or perhaps he thought he could
safely play the role of a bully. Accepting, therefore, the position of the injured party,
and feeling no little concern about my church relations, he sent a friend to rae to inquire
if I held myself amenable to the code of honor. I replied as follows :
" Col. J, C. NichoUs entered my office, on the raorning of the 9th instant, and said, ' I
desire to see you a moment privately,' when the following conversation occurred :
" NiCHOLLS — ' I have corae in behalf of Gen. Toombs to make an inquiry of you,'
" Brown — ' Well, sir, I will hear you.'
" NicHOLLS — ' On account of your church relations. Gen. Toombs does not kno>v
whether you hold yourself amenable to the code, and while I admit this is an irregular
proceeding in behalf of Gen. Toombs, I make the inquiry.'
" Brown — ' It seems to me, this course is extraordinary. Gen, Toombs has nothing
to do with my church relations. If he desires to send me a coramunication, I am ready
to receive it at any moment, I have conferred with a friend who does not reside in
Atlanta, but I will telegraph him at once, and respond to a communication, if made,
after referring it to him, without unreasonable delay. Are you Gen. Toombs' friend iu
this matter ? '
"NiCHOLLS — 'I am not, in that sense. I expect to have nothing whatever to do with
the matter. I only come to make this inquiry, at Gen. Toombs' suggestion. He raay
desire a little tirae, as he will have to get a friend who resides out of the .State, for he
does not wish to coraplicate his friends in the State.'
" Brown — ' I shall not trouble persons out of the State. I have a friend in the State
who will serve me.'
" NicHOLLS — ' I would like to know whether you hold yourself bound by the code 1 '
"Brown — ' Say to Gen. Toorabs distinctly, that I am ready to receive any communi
cation that he desires to send, and if I don't respond properly, he knows his remedy.'
" NiCHOLLS — ' What I have done in this instance is simply an act of friendship to Gen.
Toombs, because he requested it. I expect to take no part in any unpleasant affair
between vou and him.'

484 COLONEL J. C. NICIIOLLS'S VERSION.
" Brown — ' Say to Gen, Toombs I hold rayself ready to give him any satisfaction
which may be due him, or to which he is entitled as a gentleman.'
" This language is in Gen, Toorabs' possession in writing, over my own signature. To
be certain that he received it as uttered, it was sent to him, on the 10th, after he left
Atlanta, by the first express to his home at Washington.
" This code-of-honor gentleman left Atlanta the day after this language was uttered.
He responds in the newspapers. I leave the public to judge who is the poltroon, and
whether Gen. Toombs preferred newspaper artillery to heavier metal,
"JOSEPH E. BROWN."
The foUowing publication by Col. NichoUs, giving his version of the
interview, was published on 19th of July, 1872: "Atlanta, July 18, 1872.
" Gen. Robert Toombs, Atlanta, Ga. :
"Dear General : — A card is published this morning in the Constitution and Sun, over
the signature of Joseph E. Brown, which purports to give the verbiage of a conversation
had with me ou the 9th instant.
" This statement of the conversation is substantially untrue,
" Gov, Brown states that he was advised to see me ' and have me to agree in writing
what occurred,' He failed to follow the advice. He has not approached me on the
subject. " As Gov, Brown has seen fit to pursue this extraordinary course, I feel that it is due
to you and to myself, that you publish my statement of the conversation.
" Sincerely your friend, "JNO. C, NICHOLLS."
" A STATEMENT OF THE MATERIAL FACTS OF A CONVERSATION HAD
WITH JOSEPH E. BROWN ON THE 9tH INSTANT.
" I said : ' I call on you in behalf of Gen, Toombs to ascertain if you are responsible,
in the way usual among gentleraen, for the language contained in your card of a recent
date ¦? '
" He replied, ' I am responsible for my language.'
" I then said, ' Gen, Toombs desires to know if you will give him satisfaction under
the code. If he should address a note to you demanding a meeting, wiU you meet him
iu the usual way ? '
" I explained that, whilst the inquiry was perhaps made in au informal manner, yet it
was thought to be warranted by his well known position in the church. To this he
bowed assent and answered :
" ' If Gen, Toombs addresses rae a note, I will consult with a friend, and then reply
to it. I will answer your inquiry when he subraits it in writing.' He declined to
answer the question more directly.
"In my opinion, from the language aud manner of Gov. Brown, he wiU decline to
answer the inquiry in the affirmsitive, if submitted by you in writing, I am impressed
with the conviction that it is his purpose to use a formal call, to your injury, under the
constitution of this State,
[Signed] "JNO. C. NICHOLLS.
" To Gen. Robert Toombs,"
To this Gov. Brown made the following reply, concluding this episode.

GOV. brown's final personal card AGAINST GEN. TOOMBS. 485
which excited a profound interest at the tirae and a large araount of
discussion: " TO THE PUBLIC. " Atlanta, Ga,, July 20, 1872,
" Editors Constitution : I have read the card of Col. NichoUs, published iu your paper
yesterday. Between him and myself there seems to be a conflict of memory as to the ver
biage and purport of the interview. But General Toombs cannot shield his poltroonerv
in that way, for he could not mistake the language over ray own signature, sent hira by
express, and doubtless received by him, before he penned his last card published five
days afterwards.
" Col. NichoUs, in his card, referring to my own of the previous day, says, ' Gov, Brown
states that he was advised to see rae, and have me to agree in writing what occurred,'
This statement nowhere appears in my published card, but it does appear in a memo
randum appended to my version of the interview, which was sent to Gen. Toombs by
express. The proof is conclusive, therefore, that my written statement was received by
Gen. Toombs.
" The verbal report of a conversation would never be the guide to a proud brave man
as to what his honor demanded, when he had in writing before him, the pledge that he
would receive, if he caUed for it, the satisfaction due a gentleman. "JOSEPH E. BROWN."
Very fortunately a raeeting did not take place, and two very valuable
lives were spared, while the State was saved the spectacle of two ven
erable and distinguished Statesmen in a life and death encounter. Col.
NichoUs erred in supposing that Gov. Brown did not mean to go to the
field. And the public universally credited to Gov. Brown the firm pur
pose to fight.
Comraenting upon this raatter, " H. W. G.," in an exceedingly clever
sketch of these "two masterful men," as he felicitously calls them, thus
speculated on the result of a raeeting:
" While I join with all good men in rejoicing that this duel was arrested, I confess
that I have been wicked enough to speculate on its probable result — had it occurred. In
the first place. Gen. Toombs made no preparation for the duel. He went along in his
careless and kingly way, trusting, presumably, to luck and a quick shot. Gov, Brown,
on the contrary, made the most careful and deliberate preparation. He made his will,
put his estate in order, and then clipped all the trees in his orchard practicing with the
pistol. Had the duel corae off — which fortunately it did not — Gen, .Toombs would have
fired with his usual magnificence and his usual disregard of rule. I do not mean to im
ply that he would not have hit Gov. Brown ; on the contrary, he might have perforated
him in a dozen places at once. But one thing is sure — Gov. Brown would have clasped
his long white fingers around the pistol butt, adjusted it to his gray eye and sent his
bullet within the eighth of an inch of the place he had selected. I should not be sur
prised if he drew a diagrara of Gen. Toombs, and raarked off with square and compass
the exact spot he wanted to'hit."
Gen. Toorabs had raade grave charges in his card against the parties

486 GOV. brown's letter to the public.
connected with the compromise of the case between the state and the
Mitchell heirs, which Gov. Brown was not willing to rest under without
a statement of the facts in refutation of the charges. He was, how
ever, advised by his friend. Col. Gardner, that he could not address any
further coramunication to Gen. Toombs on the subject, but that he
could with propriety address a^coraraunication to the public, giving all
the important facts in the case. He then addressed to the editor of
the Constitutio7i, the writer then filling that position, the foUowing
publication, which is given to complete the record of this noted contro
versy that filled at that tirae so large a share of public thoi^ght:
"Atlanta, Ga,, August 5, 1872.
" Editor Constitution :
" I noticed, a few days since, an abstract in your editorial of the evidence taken before
the Committee appointed by the General Assembly, known as the ' Bullock Committee,'
in which reference is made to the property in Atlanta, known as the Mitchell property,
or park, in front of the KimbaU House. It seems some testimony was taken before the
Coramittee, which led them to conclude that there had been fraud, or improper influence
in the settlement of the case, between the heirs of Mitchell and the State of Georgia.
'As I was one of the original counsel who brought the action for the recovery of this
property ; and of the portion then held by the city of Atlanta ; and as I and my part
ner, Messrs. E. Waitzfelder & Co., of New York, purchased over $50,000 worth of tlie
property at the sale, after the compromise had been made, and paid that amount in
cash ; and as we are now constructing a building on a portion of it, at a cost of about
S27,000, I feel that ray interest is such as to justify me in taking some notice of any
thing that relates to the title of the property.
" I was applied to, while practicing law with Judge Pope, prior to the time when I
went upon the Supreme Bench, to bring suit in behalf of the heirs of MitcheU for the
recovery, not only of the park property, lying between the passenger shed and Decatur
street, but also of the property lying between the passenger shed and Alabama street,
on the other side, running from Lloyd street up to WhitehaU.
" Of this prpperty, the square of five acres, bounded by Alabama, Decatur, Lloyd and
Pryor streets, was originaUy conveyed by Samuel MitcheU to the State of Georgia, 'for
placing thereon the necessary buildings which may hereafter be required for public pur
poses at the terminus of the State Road.' In the same deed Mitchell conveyed, for the
use and purposes of said road, a space in breadth wide enough to answer for a right of
way for the road, to be designated by the engineer for said purpose, through his lot,
with the privilege of taking and using timber, stone and gravel, being on said space,
necessary for the construction of said road. In other words, he conveyed to the State
a right of way through his lot, upon which to locate the Western and Atlantic Railroad,
with five acres at its terminus, for a location of the buildings required for public pur
poses at its terrainus, Sorae tirae thereafter Mitchell also conveyed to the Macon and
Western Railroad the land bounded as it now is, by Alabama, WhitehaU and Pryor
streets on three sides, and the Western and Atlantic Railroad, or its right of way, on
the fourth, (except the corner that had been sold off, and which is now occupied as
.Tames' bank building and contiguous buildings,) wliich he conveyed to said road for rail
road purposes exclusively. The state located, iu connection with the railroad companies,

GOVERNOR brown's LETTER TO THE PUBLIC. 48?
the general passenger shed, upon the portion of the land granted to her, and also located
the road upon the right of wiiy through Mitchell's lot to said car shed, and also located
such buildings as were, at the time, thought necessary upon other portions of the five
acres. " Subsequently it was ascertained that the location where the park now is, was not
well suited for purposes of the road, and that it had no special use for the portion of
ground lying between the car shed and Alabaraa street, and a contract was made between
the State, represented by the proper officer of the Western and Atlantic Railroad, aud the
Macon aud Western Railroad, by which the State swapped to the Macon and Western
R. R, the portion of land conveyed to her by Mitchell, lying south of the car shed down
to Alabama street, for a piece of land belonging to the Macon and Western Railroad,
where the present freight depot, platforms, etc, of the Western and Atlantic Railroad
now stand. And the Western and Atlantic Railroad has located upon the piece of
ground which it received frora the Macon and Western Railroad in exchange for the
portion of land conveyed by Mitchell to the State, its depot, platforms, etc., so that the
State got for the portion of land conveyed by Mitchell the land upon >vhich her depot,
platforms, etc., now stand. She also got a location for a passenger shed, and for aU'
tracks necessary for the working of the road.
"After the swap between the Macon and Western Railroad and the Western and
Atlantic Railroad, by which the Western aud Atlantic Railroad got the land she needed
for her depot, the Macon and Western Railroad located its depot upon the land which
it received from the State in exchange, and upon the land conveyed to it by Mitchell.
" In 1859, the State having no further use for the Park property for any railroad pur
pose, au act was passed by the Geueral Assembly, authorizing the city of Atlanta
to enclose and beautify it as a park. Thus the raatter stood at the close of the war,
when it was found that the freight depot, tracks, and probably turn-table of the Macon
and Western Railroad, located on the Mitchell property, near the car-shed, obstructed
Pryor street, and was a great nuisance to the city, if rebuilt, and kept up there ; and it
was agreed between the City and the Macon aud Western Railroad that they would
exchange lands, and in carrying out that agreeraent the Macon and Western Railroad
conveyed, by ijuit claim (for she would not give a warranty), the portion of the land of
the Mitchell property, which the State had swapped to her for the lands where the
Western and Atlantic Railroad Depot now stands ; and the portion of land conveyed to
her by the MitcheU heirs, embracing the vacant space south of the Railroad, between
Decatur and Lloyd streets. The Macon and Western Railroad then moved her depot
out to its present location, and thus the matter stood when the MitcheU heirs applied to
me and my partner to bring suit for the property. The State had received all the
benefit which she desired or could need for railroad purposes under Mitchell's grant.
She had her tracks located upon the right-of-way, and she had her passenger shed upon
the property, and she had her freight depot upon the land which she had received in
exchange for a portion of the property ; and she surely could have no further claim to
the property which she had exchanged for other lands upon which to locate her depot.
But she had no use whatever for the Park property, for the purpose for which it was
originaUy conveyed to her, nor had she pretended to use it for any such purpose for some
eight or ten years previous to the complaint raade by the heirs.
" I refused to bring the action until I had carefully exarained the authorities, which I
took tirae to do, and satisfied my own mind very clearly, that if the law were admin
istered, there could be no doubt of the right of the heirs to recover back not ouly the

488 GOVERNOR brown's letter to the public.
property conveyed to the State, for railroad purposes, and abandoned by her for that
use, but the property conveyed to tlie Macon and Western railroad for railroad pur
poses exclusively, and also abandoned by her for railroad purposes when she exchanged
it to the city.
"After a careful examination of the authorities, I advised the heirs that in my
opinion, they had a right to recover, and the firm of Brown & Pope was eraployed to
bring the action, with the understanding that we associate Judge Pittman, and Col,
Bleckley, Mr, Dougherty or Mr, Hill with us. We did afterwards associate Judge
Pittman aud Col, Bleckley, and the action was commenced.
" I predicated my opinion as to the rights of the heirs, upon the fact that the property
had been conveyed by their father for a specific and particular use, and for no other use,
and when the State and the Macon and Western Railroad Corapany found that they
no longer needed the property for that use, and abandoned it, that it reverted to the
.donor ; upon the principle that if I convey land to a religious congregation for the pur
pose of erecting a church upon it, and for no other purpose, and the congregation should
abandon it for that purpose, and sell it to A. B. who locates a doggery upon it,
¦ this would be iu violation of the contract under which the congregation held the prop
erty, aud it would revert to rae as the donor. Or, take the very case itself, suppose after
Mitchell had made the conveyance to the State of Georgia, giving the right of way
through his lot, and five acres at the end of it for a location for the necessary buildings,
&c., the engineer of the road had changed its location entirely and had run it to another
terminus, not touching Mitchell's lot, and had never used it for railroad purposes. Would
it be contended that the State would have a good title to the property f Surely not. Then
suppose after its location upon Mitchell's laud, it had been kept there for flve years. and
for srfme good reason the Road's location had been changed and thrown entirely off the
lot, why would it not, in la^w, equity aud justice have reverted to Mitchell, on the ground
of its entire abandonraent for the purposes of the grant ¦? If so, and the State used all
she needed of it for railroad purposes and swapped a portion that she did not need
for the proper location of her necessary buildings elsewhere, and abandoned another
portion that she did not need for the purpose of the grant and turned it over to the
city for a park, why, upon the sarae principle would it not revert to the donor or his
heirs 1 I might give very numerous cases from the books sustaining this doctrine which
is founded not only in sound law, but in the broad principle of natural equity ; but I will
not enlarge upon this point.
" Thus the raatter stood, pending the litigation, when I went upon the Supreme
Bench, and I turned over the case, and subsequently the obligation for the fees, so far
as I was concerned, to Judge Lochrane, who was then practiciug law, and under it, he
represented rae. And while I was upon the Bench, the heirs of Mitchell becoming im
patient with the delay of a long, tedious litigation, and being broken up by the war, and as
I am informed, very poor, after having conferred together, concluded to apply to the Leg
islature to order the re-conveyance of the Park property, the portion which the State
did not need for railroad purposes, to them, as au act of justice ; and a memorial was
brought before the General Assembly asking a re-conveyance. This was raet by the
determined opposition of Gov, Bullock and Col. Hulbert, the then superintendent of the
road, who went so far as to break the park fence and run a short track out into the park
and locate a few cars to stand there to re-po'ssess the property for railroad purposes, though
all conld see at once, th.it this was sim]ily intended to make the appearance of railroad
use, when it was not iu fact needed for iiny such purpose. The case was brought before

GOVEENOE brown's LETTER TO THE PUBLIC. 489
the General Assembly and referred to a special committee of five from the Senate and
nine from the House, coraposed of a majority of Democrats from each house, with a
Democratic Chairman from each.
" The superintendent of the road, who actively opposed the re-conveyance to the
heirs, appeared before the committee as the Journals show, and submitted evidence
against the proposed re-conveyance. Having considered the question, the coraraittee,
through their Democratic Chairman in each House, subraitted a unaniraous report in
the foUowing language :
"'The committee to whom was recommitted the claim, of the heirs of Samuel
MitcheU, after having had the same under consideration, with the facts for and against
the claim, unanimously recommended the passage of the biU now before the Senate,
reconveying the property claimed.' The bUl came up ou its passage in the Senate and,
was defeated hy two majority. Next morning a motion was made to reconsider it and
lost by oue majority. Ou the final vote it stood for and against the heirs, as foUows :
Democrats, for, 10; Republicans, for, 8; Democrats, against, 7 ; Republicans, against,
12. So that a committee composed of a majority of Democrats, with a Democrat as
Chairman from each House, unanimously recomraended the reconveyance of the park
property to the MitcheU heirs without a dollar of corapensation, and they were sustained
in the Senate by a majority of Democrats voting for it, while the majority of Republi
cans voted aeainst it.
" After this action, the heirs of Mitchell through their counsel, proposed a compro
mise to the City Council for the portion of land held and claimed by thera under the
conveyance from the Macon and Western railroad, for which suit had been brought.
The matter was very thoroughly canvassed, and the coraproraise was finally agreed
upon, by which the heirs conveyed to the city the portion of land lying between Pryor
street aud Whitehall, which was included in the grant frora Mitchell to the Macon and
Western road, and one hundred feet along the side of Pryor street, fronting on Ala
bama street, of the property originaUy conveyed by MitcheU to the State, and by the
State conveyed to the Macon and Western road, and by that road to the city. And the
city agreed to convey to the MitcheU heirs the balance of the property which had been
originally conveyed to the State, and by her conveyed as aforesaid, from the line of said
one hundred feet down to Lloyd street, being the property between the present passen
ger shed and Alabaraa street, extending to Lloyd street.
" In the meantime, prior to the coraproraise between the heirs and the city, the
Superintendent of the Western and Atlantic railroad, with the assent of the Governor
and the other railroad corapanies interested, had located the new passenger shed, and
had gone forward with the construction of it until there had been probably more than
SlOO.OOO expended. This new passenger shed was not placed upon the original location
of the shed which existed prior to the war, but for the convenience of the roads, in
running the tracks into it, it was so located that about one-fourth of it was upon the
land originally conveyed by Mitchell to the State, and afterwards conveyed hythe State
to the Macon and Western road, and subsequently conveyed by the Macon and Western
road to the city, and which the city had agreed to convey to the Mitchell heirs, but to
which she did not make a deed until after the compromise with the State, though a
contract of coraproraise had been agreed on between the heirs and the city.
"Pending these transactions the counsel for the Mitchell heirs raentioned to rae that
they had determined to propose a compromise to the State in reference to the park
property. I inquired into the then status of that matter, and was informed that some-

490 GOVERNOR brown's letter to the public.
time in the previous spring Mr. Kimball had concluded to purchase all the conflicting
titles to the property, and had made a contract with the heirs to purchase their right,
and had taken a deed from them and paid them some money ; intending also to pur
chase the State's right, whatever it might be, aud the part to which counsel raight be
entitled under their contract with the MitcheU heirs. But finding difficulties in extin
guishing all the outstanding titles, he soon after re-cohveyed it to the heirs and subse
quently, by a contract between hira and them, became their agent to take charge of the
matter, and effect, if possible, a compromise with the State, which he was then attempt
ing to accoraplish. And he desired the aid of their counsel in its consummation. I
asked what it was proposed the heirs should pay the State for her claim to the land, and
was informed that they proposed to pay the Western and Atlantic railroad $35,000
toward the construction? of the new depot. My opinion was, at the time, that this was
more than the heirs ought to pay. I regarded their's as the better title, and said if it
were my case I would never consent to pay $35,000 for a compromise with the State.
But it was insisted that the heirs were anxious to realize as much as possible, and that
they did not wish to wait for an almost interminable litigation, and that they preferred
that course. I made no further objection and the matter was brought before the Leg
islature, I think, by a memorial prepared by their counsel; but Mr. Kimball, who was
their agent uuder the contract with them, had the active management of the raatter.
After the case was submitted, I felt an interest in their success, because I believed their
claim a just one, and while I took no very active part in the matter, when approached on
the subject, I always said I believed their proposition was a liberal one, and that the
State ought not to hesitate to accept it.
" I felt fully justified in saying this much, for the reason that I was the original
counsel consulted in the case, and they, seeraed to have relied rauch upon my judgment,
and though I was upon the bench, under the laws of the State, I could in no event pre
side in the case, and therefore felt at perfect liberty, so far as the case was concerned, to
confer with the heirs or their counsel in reference to their case, and to give them any
advice which, in my judgment, would promote their interest. But I know of no unfair
or illegal raeans used by any one to carry the bill through the Legislature.
" A proposition was submitted by Gen, Austell and others to give $100,000 for a quit
claim title to the property. It was my opinion at the time, and the opinion of counsel
for the Mitchells, that this proposition was not intended in good faith, but it was only
thrown in to embarrass the settlement between the heirs and the State — as Austell
owned property fronting the park and wished it kept open. It was submitted'in such a
shape that I was satisfied the parties could not be compelled to carry it out if the com
promise had failed between the State and the heirs.
" But I was equally well satisfied, if it was made in good faith, that, in a pecuniary
point of view, it was the interest of the State to accept the proposition of the heirs and
reject that of Austell and his associates, for the following reasons : First, there could
be no question about it that the land upon which one-fourth of the passenger shed, a
very extensive structure, as already stated, wliich cost about $150,000 at the time of its
completion, stood upon the land which the State had conveyed away to the Macon and
Western railroad, and which, iu the compromise between the city aud heirs, was then
controUed by the heirs, and if the coraproraise had not been raade with the State there
could have been no question as to that part of it, that the State could have been ejected
from it, as she had previously sold it for other laud for the location of her depot — which

GOVERNOR brown's LETTER TO THE PUBLIC. 491
would have compelled the removal of the entire car shed. This would have been at a
very heavy loss and expense to the State.
" In addition to this, I think there is no room for doubt, even if I am wrong as to the
right of the Mitchell heirs to recover back the park property frora the State, on account
of her having abandoned it for railroad purposes, that they did have the right, holding
that provision of the deed to be a covenant aud not a condition, to restrain the State or
her vendee by an action of covenant, or other proper proceeding, from using it for any
other purpose than for the original purposes of the grant, to-wit : railroad purposes.
And if the State could, iu no case, use it for any other purpose, Austell and his com
panions, as grantees of the State, standing in her shoes, would be bound by the like
covenant, and they too could he restrained from making any other use of it.
The decision of the Suprerae Court of the State of ¦ Georgia, in the case of Thorn
ton vs. Trararaell, 39 Ga., 202, where a question arose upon a grant raade to the Western
and Atlantic railroad, in the city of Dalton, for the location of a depot — though the
language of the deed was different frora that raade by Mitchell — held, that it did not
contain a condition, and that the grantor could not recover it back ; but the Supreme
Court, Warner, J. delivering the opinion, recognizes fully the right of the grantor to
enforce the covenant contained in the deed. Nuraerous authorities raight be quoted to
sustain this doctrine, that where a conveyance is made for a specific purpose, and the
language of the deed is not such as to make a condition subsequent, the party convey
ing may, by action of covenant, restrain the grantee from violating the contract and
appropriating it to other uses.
" What then would have been the result if the proposition of AusteU & Company had
heen accepted ? Suppose we admit for the argument that the heirs had no right to
recover the property back. It was very clear that they had the right to restrain the
use of it for any other purpose than railroad purposes; and it was so situated,
that it could not be of any use for railroad purposes. The result must therefore have
been that the property would have reraained unimproved, and the State, the County,
and the city must have lost the taxes which they will perpetually receive from it when
it is built up. As the result of the compromise, already, the city has sold off a small
portion of the property conveyed to her by the heirs, to John H, James, who has
expended in the purchase and the erection of a building upon it, about $75,000. And
upon the park property there has been expended, in buildings, largely over a hundred
thousand -doUars, There are, therefore, over $200,000 of iraproveraents already placed
upon the property, as the result of the compromise, upon which the taxes are annuaUy
paid to the city, county and State ; and when all the balance of the property is built up,
including the portion to which the city's title was quieted, and the portion to which the
title of the heirs is quieted, there will probably be a miUion of dollars' worth of im
provements to be taxed annually. In a few years this will pay the difference between
the $35,000 proposed by the heirs, and the $100,000 proposed by Austell & Co, And
after the difference is made up, the property will reraain perpetuaUy subject to
taxation, and wiU iu the end pay to the State many tiraes the difference. Therefore, in
a pecuniary point of view alone, the proposition raade by the heirs of MitcheU was
much the better one for the State, and was so regarded by intelligent members of the
General Asserably.
" But in addition to this, the heirs agreed to convey to the State all the portion of the
property necessary for a passenger shed, including the part forraerly sold by the State
to the Macon and Western Railroad, and to which she had not a shadow of title,

4:92 GOVERNOR brown's letter TO THE PUBLIC.
thereby quieting the title to the depot or passenger shed, including the part of it to
which no one can contend she had a right prior to the compromise. She has, therefore,
in addition to her large income from increased taxes, saved the expense of a lawsuit and
the necessity of removing the depot off the land owned by the heirs, or of delivering it
up to them ; and the whole matter is amicably adjusted,
" But suppose the quieting of the title to the depot building, and the taxes on the
improvements made and to be made upon the property had not even equaled the
$65,000 difference between the two propositions, should not an enlightened and liberal
Legislature have justly concluded, as the Deraocrats did at the former session of the
same Legislature, that, as the father of these heirs has given the State all she needed
for railroad purposes, including the right of way through his laud, and the location for
a passenger shed, and the property which she had swapped for the present site of her
freight buildings, aud the State had no sort of use for the balance of it for the purpose
intended by the donor, and his heirs were left poor, that it was magnanimous and
proper to return the balance, not needed, to them, as an act of justice and propriety,
without regard to the pecuniary bid that venal speculators might have thought proper
to interpose in the way of such an act of justice and magnanimity. This was the view,
as already stated, which the majority of the Democrats had taken at the previous ses
sion. And if they then thought it just to return it without corapensation, surely it is no
evidence of bad faith in thera and their associates, at a subsequent session, to agree to
re-convey it for the sura of $35,000. They miglit well have raade that discrimination
in favor of the heirs of hira who had donated to the State property that is now worth
a very large sum, and which is in daily use by the Western and Atlantic Railroad, when
all must admit the portion returned had been abandoned, so far as the purposes of the
grant are concerned, by the donee.
" The above statement gives the substantial facts, so far as they interest the public,
in the case of the coraproraise between the State and the Mitchell heirs, and will, I
trust, satisfy all unprejudiced rainds, that, so far as I or the other counsel are concerned,
we have done them no injustice, but have conferred upon them a substantial and valua
ble benefit. So far as the State is concerned, she has received, as a donation from
Mitchell, all the land she needed for the original purposes of the grant, and, in addition
to that, has received the further donation of $35,000, in cash, towards the construction
of the passenger depot, while she has surrendered only the portion»of the property for
which she had no earthly nse, for the purposes contemplated, either by her or Mitchell,
at the time of the conveyance. It is clear, therefore, that the injustice and wrong which
have been charged in this transaction, exist ouly in the disea.sed imagination of persons
controlled by passion, prejudice and vindictiveness towards the parties at interest,
" JOSEPH E, BROWN." •
It is not inappropriate to say, that in nothing has there been a more
striking change in popular sentiment tlian in the general condemnation
of dueling that now prevails. There has grown up steadily a strong
public opinion against this practice, and a man of character and family
can refuse to accept the arbitrament of the Code without loss of stand
ing, as was the case years ago.
Many changes took place in the State government. Col. H. P. Far
row resigned as Attorney General. Col. N. J. Hammond, Supreme

',. rxy^'f?- f-fZ yrf^- 7"-/ ?_ <^ -

AN INTERESTING WAR INCIDENT OF CAI'T. HENRY JACKSON. 493
Court reporter, was appointed Attorney General. Captain Henry
Jackson resigned frora the Legislature and became Reporter of the
Supreme Court, a position which he continues to fill with raarked in
dustry and ability. Both Gen. Hood, in his " Advance and Retreat,"
and Jefferson Davis on page 340 of vol. 2, of his " Rise and Fall of the
Confederacy," relate a unique incident of Henry Jackson at the battle
of Sharpsburg, not giving his narae, which we supply. Gen. Lawton
was commanding Ewell's Division, September 17, 1862, and had relieved
Hood's Division in Stonewall Jackson's line. The Federals raade a
desperate endeavor to break through; corps after corps were hurled
against the heroic division. Gen. Lawton sent his only remaining staff
ofiicer. Lieutenant Henry Jackson, then a youth of seventeen, to Gen.
Hood for assistance. It was a curious and typical deraonstration of the
polite chivalry of our Southern boys, that in this grim strife Lt. Jack
son dashed up to Gen. Hood, saying, " Gen Lawton sends his compli
ments with the request that you come at once to his support." Lt.
Jackson conducted Hood's division to its place. Gen. Lawton and his
horse were shot down, and the gallant and cereraonious aid had his
General borne from the field, though several raen were struck in so do
ing. Chief Justice Lochrane resigned from the Suprerae Bench, and
Gov. Smith appointed Associate Justice Hiram Warner as Chief Justice,
January 19, 1872, and filled the vacancy made by the proraotion of
Judge Warner, by the appointraent of Judge W. W. Montgomery,
February 8, 1872. Gov. Smith appointed Professor J. G. Orr, State
School Commissioner. This was a raost adrairable selection. A gentle
raan of erudition, energy, sleepless zeal, crystal purity and integrity and
fine organizing capacity, Mr. Orr has in the nine years of his continuing
incurabency seen the Public School system flourish and grow under his
able direction, until its former unpopularity has been wholly changed
and its sterling benefits are everywhere adraitted.
Gov. Smith offered the place of Attorney General to Col. P. W.
Alexander, but that gentleman declined it, and became, as a Secretary
of the Executive Department, Chief of his civil staff, a place he filled
with tact and abUity. Gov. Smith selected as the additional Secretary
of the Executive Department, Major Jaraes W. Warren, who was also
continued in the same responsible position by Gov. Colquitt, and has
served continuously for ten years. Major Warren was editor of the
Colurabus Tim,es. One of the raost vigorous and polished writers in
the State, industrious, accurate, reliable, possessing a charming genial
ity of nature, and a quiet rich humor. Major Warren has discharged the
delicate and responsible duties of his position with grace and ability.

494 THE BOND INVESTIGATION.
The legislature elected Hon. Thomas M. Norwood, United States
Senator. Mr. Norwood presented his credentials to the Senate on the
4th day of December, 1871, and on the 19th day of December he was
admitted to his seat, and the final blow given to the Senatorial hopes
of Foster Blodgett.
The legislature had raany vital questions before it, but the most
important was the bond raatter. Senator Thomas J. Simmons and
Representative John I. HaU, both introduced bond bills, and finally a
measure was passed that required the registration of all bonds. to sift
out the bad frora the good, under a temporary suspension of interest.
A bond committee was appointed, consisting of Thomas J. Simmons,
John I. Hall and Gamett McMillan, to conduct this bond investigation.
The coraraittee gave public notice, Deceraber 12, 1871, and began its sit
tings in Atlanta, March 1, 1872, holding session untU May 1, 1872.
The coraraittee visited New York and held an extended session there.
Voluminous depositions were taken in Europe. An attempt was made
to get Gov. BuUock before the coraraittee. The papers contained a
paragraph narrating an alleged joke of his, that he had received two invi
tations to raeet the Bond Coraraittee and Col. Curaraing with his requisi
tion, that he could not visit both, and rather than offend either by accept
ing the other's invitation, he would do the kind thing and see neither.
Col. C. C. Kibbee gave valuable assistance in the investigations of
our bond troubles. A gentleman of public spirit, a lawyer of ability
and discrimination, and a legislator of uncomraon qualifications, careful,'
searching and devoted to the public interest. Col. Kibbee raade an envi
able reputation in the General Asserably. Col. Thomas L. Snead was
of great aid to our bond committees, and opened up a vein of informa
tion that would have probably been inaccessible but for him. Every
obstacle was thrown in the way of the committee in New York. It was
afterwards discovered that they were tracked day and night by skilled
detectives employed by the bond-holders to watch and trap thera. At
tempts were made to drive thera into complaisance. And it was a right
creditable fact that this body of gentlemen, unaccustomed to the seduc
tions and tricks of the metropolis, should have carried through their difii-
cult raission so successfully and in such skillful avoidance of the perils
set for thera.
The committee investigated fully and made an unusually able report.
The following table covers their statement of the bonded liabUity of
Georgia, showing the increase under the Bullock rule to have been over
Twelve Millions of dollars.

HON. THOMAS M.NOHWOOD,
SEBOYT 0.R T^P.OM GE OB-GIA

THE BOND committee's REPORT.

495

Consolidated Statement of the Public Debt of Georgia, {including endorsed bonds of this
State,) on the first day of November, 1871, showing date of issue and maturity of
bonds.

When Issued.

When Due.

Amount.

1841 and 1866 

1871 
1872 
1873 
1874 
1878 
1879 
1880 
1881 
1886 
1887 « 
I RSft
1890 and 1894 '. '. '.

$ 154,500730,000137,000
251 500

1842 and 1852  ...

1842 and 1843 
1844 and 1848  "

1858  . .

100,000
200,000200,000 1 00 000

1859 

1860 

1861 • 

1866 

3,764,000 IA'S 000

1867 

1868 

268,000
6,380,000

1870 

Grand Total of State Bonds . .

SI 2,450 000

:e JITLY, 1868.

INDORSED BONDS, INDOKSED SIN

$3,300,000 600,000600,000
300,000 275,000464,000 194,000

To Macon and Brunswick Railroad 

To Cartersville & Van Wert Railroad .
To South Georgia & Florida Railroad .
To Alahama & Chattanooga Railroad .

Grand Total Indorsed Bonds . . .
85,733,000 12,450,000
Bond.s 
$18,183,000
The committee reported in favor of declining to recognize the illegal
bonds. The report elicited a full and able discussion. The truth is,'
that the Georgia bond issue became a national question. The holders
of the illegal bonds made every effort to stem and prevent the con
demnation of their securities. The Northern press teemed with articles.
The incorrect brand of " repudiation " was applied to the proposed
action and the State threatened with utter destruction of her credit.
The distinction between the " repudiation " of an honest debt and the
refusal to recognize an illegal claira, was purposely confused. Perhaps
the strongest speech raade in favor of throwing over the fraudulent
securities was by the Hon. A. O. Bacon. His portrayal of the Bullock
Legislature was a very graphic picture, and his arguraent' against the
bad bonds was raasterly and conclusive.
The Legislature declared the following bonds to be void:
Gold Bonds in Clews' hands, . . '  $102,000
Gold Bonds, second issue to B. & A. R. R  1,880,000
Currency Bonds,  1,500,000
496 THE LEGISLATURE OF 1873.
Endorsement B. & A. R. R  $3,300,000
Endorsement Bainbridge C, & C, B, R,,  600,000
Endorsement Cartersville & Van Wert R. R.,  275,000
Endorsement Cherokee Ii. R.,  • . 300,000

$7,957,000
The bond question was still agitated. The new Legislature of 1873
tackled the subject again. Of this body Hon L. N. Trammell was
elected President of the Senate, and Hon. A. O. Bacon Speaker of the
House. Among the new Senators were Joseph A. Blance, John W.
Wofford, W. H. Payne, J. G. Cain, J. M. Arnow, W. A. Harris, S. J.
Winn and H. W. Mattox. Ir» the House were J. J. TurnbuU, C. A.
Nutting, J. H. Hunter, J; B. Jones, G. A. Mercer, Henry H. Carlton,
W. D. Anderson, E. F. Hoge, Clark Howell, '^. F. Calhoun, George
F. Pierce, Patrick Walsh, J. C. DeU, AUen Fort, F. M. Longley, J. C.
Clements, H. D. McDaniel, C. S. Du Bose.
Mr. Nutting was the author of the bill for the issue of the twelve
hundred thousand of eight per cent, bonds. Mr. G. A. Mercer was an
able young lawyer of Savannah, and ayoung man of an unusually clear
mind and smooth elocution. Dr. Henry H. Carlton was the author of
the bill establishing the Geological Bureau, one of the most valuable
measures of the century. He was a strikingly handsome gentleman,
and a forcible and ornate speaker. Hon. Patrick Walsh was, and still
is, the editor and proprietor of the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, now
the Chronicle and Constitutionalist. This was the first appearance in
public life of Mr. Walsh, who will be a very large figure in Georgia
politics, and to whom further reference will be made hereafter. Allen
Fort took immediate stand as a young man of mark. F. M. Longley
has been judge of the Superior Court, and is a solid young lawyer.
J. C. ¦ Clement becarae Senator, and is now a raeraber of Congress,
with as much promise of usefulness as any young man in the State.
H. D. McDaniel has been repeatedly sent to the Senate since, and has
meritedly earned a reputation for substantial judgment and integrity.
Col. Thos. L. Snead of New York came before this General Assembly
with the following Bond compromise :
" The proposition which I have submitted to the Governor, on the part of certain
holders of Georgia bonds, is simply this :
If the State will agree to pay to the holders of the State bonds which have heen
declared null and void, the sums wliich these holders have, actually, and in perfect good
faith advanced upon or paid for these bonds (that is to say, about $1,500,000 and interest),
these parties will guarantee that such action of the State will completely re-establish

snead's bond ccmpromise. 497
the credit of Georgia, and enable it to borrow, at sev.en per cent, per year, all the money
which it may need.
They also desire that the Legislature shall declare the readiness of the State to carry
out its promises as to the indorsement of the first mortgage bonds of the Brunswick and
Albany Railroad Company and tlie Cherokee Valley Railroad Company, so far, and only
so far, as the State is now constitutionally and lawfully bound by such promises; when
these companies shall have complied with all of the requirements of the Constitu ion
and laws of Georgia, and shall have also completed their respective roads.
If the State accepts tliis proposition, it will have to issue about $1,600,000 seven per
cent., currency bonds to the holders of the outstanding gold aud currency bonds, who
undertake to thereupon return to the Treasurer for cancellation —
$1,880,000 gold bonds and interest, equivalent to  $2,450,000
Currency bonds  1,500,000
Guaranteed bonds of the Bainbridge, Cuthbert and Columbus Railroad . . 600,000
Guaranteed bonds ot the Cherokee Valley Railroad  300,000
Guaranteed bonds of the Cartersville and Van Wert Railroad  275,000
Guaranteed bonds of the Brunswick and Albany Railroad  3,300,000
$8,425,000
Which includes every bond that has been declared null and void.
This proposition is made on the part of banks and capitalists, who own more of the
valid bonds of Georgia than of its discredited — ^oneof them alone (Mr. RusseU Sage) hold
ing over $1,000,000 of good and acknowledged bonds, while he owns only $50,000 of
those which have been declared null and void.
In this matter I represent the foreign as well as the American bond-holders, and am
authorized to express the acquiescence of the holders of any one of the discredited bonds
in the proposed settlement. THOMAS L. SNEAD, Agent of the Bond-holders.
Atlanta, February 12, 1873."
This proposition was fully agitated and discussed. It created a deep
intei-est and was presented to the public sense in every possible aspect.
The editors of the Atlanta Constitution, E. Y. Clarke and I. W. Avery,
addressed a circular letter to the leading men of the State asking their
views on this matter. The responses made an interesting and vivid
series of letters, presenting the iraportant subject frora every possible
point of view. Ex-Gov. J. E. Brown, Major Campbell Wallace, Col.
James Gardner, Col. John Screven, T. P. Branch, Col. George Hazle-
hurst. Senator T. M. Norwood, Judge David Irwin and Hon. John E.
Ward advocated compromise in sorae shape. Gen. H. L. Benning, Gen.
R. Toombs, John H. Jaraes, Wra. H. Hull, Ben H. HUl, Col. Wra. M.
Wadley, and Herbert Fielder opposed any compromise. Politicians,
lawyers, bankers, railroaders and business raen were thus consulted and
gave a reraarkable variety of opinion. Lawyers Brown, Norwood,
Irwin and Ward were in confiict with lawyers Toombs, Benning, Hil'
32

498 LEADING OPINION ON THE" BOND COMPROMISE.
and Fielder. Railroaders Wallace, Screven and Hazlehurst differed
with railroader Wadley. Banker Branch opposed Banker James.
Mr. Hill took the novel and daring position that none of the Bullock
bonds were valid because the Bullock government was the creature of
Federal authority and had no right to bind the State; and the United
States governraent should pay these Bullock clairas. If, however, the
BuUock rule was recognized as vaiid, then the claims of innocent
holders of these bonds should be recognized. The State ought to have
referred the holders of the Bullock securities to the Federal govern
raent, and helped them push tJie claim.
Mr. W. H. Hull thought the void bonds should not be paid. He had
tried to buy new State sevens in New York, and could not get them
for less than ninety cents. The bonds were null, and the State's credit
was not affected. Col. Wadley endorsed Mr. Hull's views. Maj. C.
Wallace urged the compromise. The bond trouble was affecting the
State's credit and all private enterprises.
Gov. Brown's letter was an exhaustive review of the whole subject,
covering its legal and business features. His idea was that the equities
of these bonds should be recognized. Some of thera were good, and
where the State had received the benefit of the raoney invested in
them, the right thing was to assume the obligation. And he urged
that the courts should be opened to test the matter.
Gen. Benning declared the only question to be whether the State's
credit was affected injuriously. Our credit was not hurt. As for
borrowing money he did not wish the State to do it. Col. Gardner
had first opposed the bond compromise, but upon investigation changed
his raind. Bullock was de facto Governor, and the State's agent. THe
State raust stand up to the acts of its agent so far as the innocent bond
holders had an equitable consideration. The State had enjoyed increase
of property through these enterprises, and should pay for it.
Gen. Toorabs contended that all of these bonds lacked the vitality of
popular consent, and were not in conformity with law or constitution.
The public credit was undoubtedly injured some. The bonds would be
a constant source of lobby agitation. His idea was to stand by the
law, and make a new constitution killing the bonds and stopping lobbying
for them. .lohn H. James declared it untrue that the State's credit was
hurt. Georgia bonds were selling well. He had tried to buy sorae at
87 1-2 cents and could not. There was no use for the State to give away
this money and add to the taxation.
Senator T. M. Norwood thought that all money actually loaned the

THE BOND COMPROMISE REJECTED. 490
State should be refunded. He did not think the State's credit injured,
though the bond-holders were trying to hurt it to force a compromise.
He advised delaying action. Herbert Fielder thought if the innocent
holders of Confederate war bonds could stand it to lose, the holders of
the BuUock fraudulent bonds deserved no more consideration. Tho
bonds were clearly illegal and should not be paid. We had to bear the
consequences of a bad government. T. P. Branch thought that every
practical enterprise was injured by this bond coraplication. He favored
making the compromise and paying it by taxation.
Judge David Irwin's letter attracted rauch attention. He urged that
the matter should not be closed without an investigation, and the void
bonds should be rejected, but all just equities should be recognized ac
cording to the facts. Hon. John E. Ward said there were two difficul
ties. The State should not act under any menace to her credit, and a
general compromise like the one offered recognized the bad as well as the
good claims. The just course was for the State to give parties a chance
to show just what their equities are.
The press of the State were equally divided with perhaps a small ma
jority against the compromise. The writer took the position that while
the bond committee had investigated the legality of the bonds, it had
not examined into the equities, and they should not be condemned with
out an investigation. There were Brunswick and Albany Railroad
bonds that had been signed by Treasurer Angier, who opposed Gov.
Bullock's irregularities, and these bonds had been sent to Europe and
negotiated in Germany at a good value. There seemed to be a valid
equity in such bonds as these. The legislature would do nothing with
this coraproraise. In 1877 the constitutional convention carried out
Gen. Toorabs' idea, and incorporated in the constitution a prohibition
against the fraudulent bonds and a clause against lobbying.
Judge O. A. Lochrane, in 1872, was the attorney for some two mU
lions of the rejected bonds, and made a strong effort to get them paid.
He is still hammering away upon it, and the last move is said to be an
amendment to the Federal Constitution, to allow States to be sued for
such obligations. The State has never suffered by her bond action, and
her securities stand the peers of any in the civilized world.
This General Assembly re-districted the State under the new appor
tionment of representation in the Congress of the United States result
ing from the census of 1870. Georgia gained one Representative in
the Federal Congress, and the State, which had been divided into eight,
was cut up into nine districts. An interesting incident occurred in con-

500 HON. A. H. STEVENS AND THE EIGHTH DISTRICT.
nection with the new apportionment which is a very valuable piece of
underlying history, and not only demonstrates how grave public matters
often have a curious personal inspiration, but also the strong esteem in
which one of our raost remarkable public men is held. Major E. D.
Graham was chairraan of the coraraittee on apportionraent. He says
that Hon. Alex. H. Stephens called upon him, and in his peculiarly shrill
voice requested that Taliaferro county in which he resided raight be
placed in the Eighth District, that he did not desire to direct the dispo
sition of any other county, but that he wished his own county to re
raain in the Eighth. The concession was cheerfully granted, though it
disordered the regularity of nuraber, and brought the three northern dis
tricts in the sequence of 7 — 9 — 8. But for this, the district in which
Mr. Stephens lives would have been nurabered " 9 " in its order.
It was presumed that the distinguished Comraoner, Mr. Stephens,
was prompted by a natural desire to preserve the numerical designation
of the district which he had- made so faraous. He was not then in Con
gress, but was elected in 1873 to fill the vacancy occasioned by the
death of Ranse Wright. Taliaferro county, in 1843, was in the Seventh
District, though there were then eight districts. In 1851—2 the eight
districts were reorganized and Taliaferro county was placed in the Eighth
District, and until the retireraent of Mr. Stephens, just before the war,
that district was represented by hira. It was natural that he should
wish to retain the farailiar and honored number that he had so briUiantly
illustrated. And it was a graceful compliment to his services and fame
that his desire should have been respected.

CHAPTER XLIV.
THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOV. JAMES M. SMITH.
The Republican Revolt in 1872. — Horace Greeley.— Alexander Stephens and the Con
stitution, — Delegates to Baltimore, — The Greeley Electoral Ticket, — Stephens'
Straight Fight. — The Land Scrip Fund, — The Georgia Memorial Association. — The
State Geologist, — Department of Agriculture, — Judge J. T. Henderson. — Great
Western Canal, — John B. Gordon elected United States Senator. — A Lively Battle
of the Ballots, — A. H. Stephens for Congress. — The Great Seal aud ex-Gov. C, J.
Jenkins, — A Beautiful Incident. — Gov. Smith's Administration, — His Misunder
standings, — Jack Jones and his Painful Episode, — The Double Bond Payment, —
John W, Renfroe. — His Fine Administration, — A Controversy, — Dr, W. H, White.
— New Congressmen.— Hon, B, H, Hill, — Dr. Felton and hia Independent Fight in
the Seventh District, — Emory Speer.
During the year 1872 there was a Uvely tirae in Georgia over national
politics. The Liberal Republicans revolted frora the Radical party and
nominated Horace Greeley for President. The Northern Democracy
determined to support Greeley instead of running a Democratic candi
date. This policy evoked a fierce controversy in the Democratic ranks.
North and South, but especially South. The Stephens brothers and
Gen. Toombs opposed it bitterly. Alexander H. Stephens was editing
the Atlanta Sun, and wrote daily against it. Linton Stephens and
Gen. Toombs made strong speeches against it. Mr. Stephens declared
he would not support Greeley. A stiff discussion ensued between Mr.
Stephens in the Sun and the Atlanta Constitution, under the writer, *
which continued for raonths. The Constitution urged support of the
National Deraocracy. A convention was called June 26th, 1872, at
Atlanta, and there were 424 delegates present frora 135 counties.
Albert R. Laraar was made President.
Among the delegates were Gen. Toombs, B. H. HiU, A. H. Colquitt, f
Thoraas Hardeman, Warren Akin, J. Hartridge, Linton Stephens, H. L. ¦
Benning, A. R. Wright and others. It was one of the strongest con
ventions ever held in Georgia. The resolutions sent delegates to the
Baltimore Convention untrarameled to do the best for the party. This
was a clear defeat of the Stephens policy. The delegation consisted of
H. L. Benning, Julian Hartridge, A. R. Wright, T. Hardeman, C. T. ;
Goode, A. H. Colquitt, J. B. Gordon and I. W. Avery from the State |

502 THE STATE ELECTIONS IN 1872.
at large. As the names were read out Gen. Toombs was heard to
exclaim audibly — " Packed — By God."
At Baltimore Greeley was nominated, and the Cincinnati platform
adopted, the Georgia delegation voting against the platforra. On tho
24th of July, 1872, another State Democratic Convention was held.
Thoraas Plardeman was made President. The convention was an im
mense body, having 024 delegates from 13G counties, and including all
of our public leaders, nearly. The resolutions endorsed the Baltimore
Convention, recognizing the exigency of the times, which required
the nomination cf Greeley and Brown and pledging their support. The
Liberal Republicans asked that Col. T. P. Saffold be put on the Elec
toral ticket, but this was not done.
The Electoral ticket nominated consisted of Wm. T. Wofford, H. L.
Benning, Washington Poe, Julian Hartridge, H. G. Turner, R. N. Ely,
W. J. Hudson, J. M. Pace, H. R, Casey, J. N. Dorsey, E. D. Graham.
Gov. Smith was re-nominated for Governor. Judge Linton Stephens
had died, and the Convention paid a noble tribute to this illustrious
Georgian. The brief eulogy upon him by Geo, F. Pierce, Jr., was an
exquisite bit of eloquence and taste.
Mr. Stephens fought Greeley's nomination sturdily. The clash
between him and the Constitution, under the writer, continued to the
close. He supported the Straight movement with Charles O'Conor as
the Presidential candidate. A Straight Convention was called and had 57
delegates from 23 counties, which put out an O'Connor electoral ticket.
The Republicans held a convention of 272 delegates from 77 counties,
with John S. Bigby as chairman, which nominated Dawson A. Walker for
Governor, and put out a Grant electoral ticket, composed of A. T. Aker
man, B. Conley, A. W. Stone, .L .lohnson, W. B. Jones, W. W, .Merrell,
.L R. Griffin, J. F. Shine, C. D. Forsyth, G. S. Fisher and C. A. EUiugton.
The election resulted as foUows: Greeley 75,896; Grant 62,485;
O'Connor, 3,999; total vote, 142,370. Greeley's raajority over Grant,
13,411; over O'Conor, 71,895. Gov. Smith was re-elected the Execu
tive over Walker by 58,441 majority. Gov. Brown supported Gov.
Smith and voted for Greeley. The foUowing Congressmen were elected:
Morgan Rawls, R. H. Whitely,. Phil. Cook, H. R. Plarris, .1. C. Free
man, James H. Blount, P. M. B. Young, Ambrose R. Wright and H.
P. Bell. Greeley was defeated for President, though he carried
Georgia. He died before the day for casting the vote. There was
much speculation as to how the Georgia Electoral coUege vvould vote.
The electors curiously enougli split up as follows:

THE LAND SCRIP FUND. 503
Gen. Benning, Washington Poe and Col. Hudson voted for Greeley
for President.
Gen. Wofford, Col. Hartridge, Mr. Ely, Col. Pace, Col. Dorsey and
Major Graham voted for B. Gratz Brown for President.
Col. Turner and Dr. Casey voted for ex-Gov. C. J. Jenkins for
President. Gen. Benning, Mr. Poe, Col. Pludson, Dr. Casey and Col. Turner
voted for Gratz Brown for Vice-President.
Col. Hartridge, Col. Pace, Col. Dorsey, Mr. Ely and Major Grahara
voted for Gen. Colquitt for Vice-President.
Gen. Wofford voted for Gen. N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts, for Vice-
President. The new Deraocratic Executive Committee, appointed by Col. Harde
man, was John L. Harris, Warren Akin, Nelson Tift, J. H, Christie, J.
C. NichoUs, J. H. Hunter, H. Fielder, T. M. Furlow, E.- H. Worrell, J.
C. Wooten, J. S. Boynton, T. G. Lawson, Augustus Reese, J. B. Jones,
T. S. Morris, J. B. Estes, I. W. Avery and L. N. Trammell. Col.
Hardeman was elected Chairman, and I. W. Avery, Secretary.
Among matters of general interest was the Land scrip fund. By act
of 1862, Congress gave each State 30,000 acres of land for every Sen
ator and Representative. Georgia's part was 270,000 acres. The fund
was to be used in endowing an agricultural college in five years. By
act of 1872 further tirae was given. The Legislature of Georgia, in
1866, accepted the donation, and authorized the Governor to apply for,
receive, and sell these lands. Gov. Conley, in his terra, obtained and
sold them for ninety cents per acre to Gleason F. Lewis, of the West,
for $50,000 cash, and the balance in eighteen months, making $243,000
realized. Some of the States realized four and five dollars an acre.
Gov. Smith had to organize the college by the 2d of Julv, 1872, or the
land scrip would have been forfeited. Many of the cities applied for
the fund. He finally gave it to the State University at Athens, insti
tuting " The Georgia State College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts."
The interest alone can be used. The principal was invested in Georgia
State bonds. The first 850,000 Gov. Smith used in buying Georgia
bonds at ninety cents, thus adding $5,000 to the fund.
The Georgia Memorial Association, under charge of Mrs. Mary A.
Williaras and Miss Mary ,1. Green, had most faithfully used the $4,0C0
given to remove the Confederate dead. A cemetery was established
at Marietta, and 2,393 bodies removed, principally frora the battlC'

504 THE GEOLOGICAL AND AGRICULTURAL DEPARTMENTS.
grounds of Chickamauga and New Hope Church. There are also local
Confederate Cemeteries at Resaca, Atlanta and Griffin.
During Gov. Smith's administration two departraents of incalculable
State benefit were established. The office of State Geologist was created
by Act approved February 27, 1874, and Gov. Sraith appointed Dr.
George Littie to the place August 10, 1874. The Department of
Agriculture was created by Act approved February 20, 1874, the act
passing the House by the vote of Speaker Bacon, and on the 26th of
August, 1874, Gov. Smith appointed Dr. Thomas P. Janes State Com
missioner of Agriculture. The State Geologist held office until re
moved by the Governor or the office was abolished, received $2,000
salary, and was allowed two assistants at $1,200 each. The sum of
$10,000 yearly was appropriated, for five years. The Commissioner
of Agriculture held office for four years, received $2,000 salary and was
allowed a clerk at $1,200. The sum of 110,000 was appropriated for
the annual expenses of the Department.
Dr. Little was an accomplished Geologist, and his work of survey
proceeded vigorously. He raade a large collection of minerals and
woods. He had up to 1879, when the appropriation ceased, completed a
survey and maps of nearly half of the State. He had developed the
mineral resources of the State, inducing the investment of hundreds of
thousands of dollars of foreign capital. The legislature of 1879 failed
to make a further appropriation. The office was not abolished. Dr.
Little is still State Geologist, but there being no money appropriated
the geological survey has ceased.. The wagons and surveying tools
have been sold, and the magnificent collection of geological speciraens
is in charge of the Coraraissioner of Agriculture^
The Departraent of Agriculture was successfully established by Dr.
Janes. It proved to be a great practical benefit. Its distribution of
seeds, its introduction of new ideas, its valuable reports and publica
tions, and its inspection of fertilizers preserving farmers from frauds in
commercial manures, have been of large utility to the farraing vocation,
the basis of all of our prosperity. Dr. .lanes was a zealous worker, and
he accomplished much good. In 1878 he was re-appointed by Gov.
Colquitt. He resigned his place in September, 1879, and on the 24th
day of Septeraber, 1879, Hon. John T. Henderson was appointed by
Gov. Colquitt as the Commissioner.
Mr. Henderson's administration of the office has been most brilliant.
Taking the position when there was for some reason a good deal of pub
lic opposition to the Department, he has popularized it in the general

HON. JOHN T. HENDERSON, COMMISSIONER OF AGRICULTURE. 505
esteem. He has exhibited nerve, tact, discrimination and capacity.
He had a battle with the fertilizer manufacturers that tested his pluck
and decision conclusively. He fought their analyses, and under acri
monious demonstration from them, persisted in his reforms until he had
revolutionized and graded up the standard of artificial manures. He
was instrumental in getting up a National Convention on this subject.
His enterprise has been sleepless, and his labors judicious and admi
rably directed. The Department is on a solid basis, and its usefulness
yearly increasing. The receipts from the inspection of fertilizers last
year, were $76,232.03, and the expenses of the departraent $12,171,81,
leaving a handsorae balance of $64,060.23 that went into the State Trea
sury. One of the new projects of Coraraissioner Henderson is the
establishraent of an e.xperimental farm. It will be a progressive raove
ment that would benefit the State. And under the present able com
missioner it would be a success.
Gov. Smith was instrumental in May, 1873, in calling a convention of
Governors and delegates in the interest of the Georgia and Great West
ern Canal. Three hundred members were present, including Gov. John C.
Brown of Tennessee, President of the Convention, Gov. SUas Woodson of
Missouri, and Gov. T. A. Hendricks of Indiana, from the Eighth District.
Two notable events in the year 1873 were the election of Gen. John [
B, Gordon United States Senator from Georgia by the General Assem- (
bly, and the election of Hon. Alexander H. Stephens as the Representa- '
tive in Congress from the Eighth District.
Gordon's victory was a signally striking one. He had for competitors, /
Hon. A. H. Stephens, Hon. B. H. PliU, Eton. Herbert Fielder and Hon.
A. T. Akerraan. The friends of these gentlemen threw themselves '
vigorously into the canvass. Gen. Gordon and Mr. Hill both raade
speeches. Mr. Stephens w.as in Atlanta, and his quiet, effective infiu- ,
ence was seen in the ardent rallying of his admirers in his favor.
The triumph of Gen. Gordon was one of which any man could be
proud. He had an unparalleled array of competitors, the most popular,
gifted and veteran public leaders in Georgia — men around whom clusr
tered peculiar considerations of public support. Mr. Stephens in par- j
ticular had been a public idol, maintaining in a long career an unbroken '
series of political victories. He had been elected Senator after the war ¦
and was not adraitted. It seemed a proper thing to return hira again.
He was handicapped, however, by his decided disagreement in the
presidential campaign with the bulk of the party.
On the first joint ballot Gordon received 84 votes, Stephens 71, Hill

506 JOHN B. GORDON'S EXCITING ELECTION AS U. S. SENATOR.
35, Akerman 14, Fielder 8. Mr. Stephens' vote was remarkable in view
of his contest with his party, and could have been evoked by no other
man under the same circumstances. He grew in strength in succeed-
ino- ballots. For a time it was thought he would be elected. Upon the
disintegration of HUl's and Fielder's votes Gordon swept to victory.
On the fourth baUot Gordon had ninety-five and Stephens seventy-five,
necessary to elect one hundred and seven. On the fifth ballot Gordon
ran to. one hundred and one, and Stephens seventy-six, when men began
to change, amid as wild an excitement as ever existed in a deliberative
body. Three of Gordon's raen broke to Stephens, Mattox, Brantley and
Scott. Nine of HiU's raen foUowed to Stephens. Two of Akerman's
raen added themselves to this growing tide. Two of Stephens' men,
Peabody and McClellan, rushed to Gordon to give variety to the battle.
Nine of HiU's men foUowed suit. Three of Akerman's joined this cur
rent. Baker of Bartow, with commendable impartiality, changed from
Stephens to Gordon, and then back to Stephens. Watt did the sarae.
Dorsey, not to be outdone, plumped frora Hill to Stephens and then
from Stephens to Gordon. Lee of Appling shifted from Gordon to
Stephens, and then back to Gordon. The confusion and excitement
were simply indescribable. Everybody was at fever heat. The -gal
leries were packed with spectators, with a large sprinkling of ladies.
At one time it was said by some investigating arithmetician who traced
out the changing phases of the ballot, that Mr. Stephens was elected by
one raajority. The transfer of ballots was so swift and raixed that
men were in perplexity, but amid the torrent of confusing changes
Gordon went up steadily until the ballot was announced, Gordon one
hundred and twelve, and Stephens eighty-six, and in a hurricane of
shouts, the atmosphere variegated with the tossing hats, Gordon was
declared elected.
It was a large clutch of honor for the young Gordon to have won
this high trust, and the whole State was pleased. He had in the war
carved his way to fame with the sword, rising to continental reputa
tion. He was a fine representative -of the chivalry and patriotism of
the South. Endowed with a clear mind, a strong honor, and a pulsing
public spirit, backed by a rare physical vigor. Senator Gordon became
a marked figure in the national councils, and gave an administration of
his exalted trust, both useful and brilliant.
: The next day after the election the Atlanta Constitution raised Mr.
Stepliens' name for Congress. Gen. Toombs announced that Mr.
Stephens would "stand" for Congress in the Eighth District, and the

GEN. JOHN B. GORDON, Ex-U. S. Senator.

SUPERH TEIBUTE TO CHARLES J. JENKI.V.S. 507
numerous aspirants dropped out and down, and the " Commoner," as he
was felicitously called, was returned to Congress, where he still continues
to give the country his services. Forty years ago he had been elected
to Congress. For si.xteen consecutive years he had served, his stout
heart and large brain, in a weak frame, battling manfully for the rights
and interest of the whole country. Retiring voluntarily frora public
life, he emerged from his privacy to becorae the second officer of the
Confederate government. After thirteen years absence he returned to
the seat in Congress he had vacated, the representative of the princi
ples, thoughts and poUoies of the best sohool of American statesman
ship. The event was a notable one, and created national comment and
congratulation. This Legislature elected as State House officers. Col. N. C. Barnett
Secretary of State, Col. .lohn .lones Treasurer, and W. L. Goldsmith as
Comptroller General. Col. Barnett and Col. Jones had both been
reraoved frora office by Gen. Meade, and their election was the sponta
neous tribute of the representatives of the people to these officers for
their fidelity to the State's interest.
A very interesting incident of Gov. Smith's administration was Con
nected with ex-Gov. Charles J. Jenkins. Hon. J. B. Cumming intro
duced a resolution, which passed and was approved August 22, 1872,
authorizing the Governor to have made and present to Mr. Jenkins a
fac-siraile of the great seal of State that he had taken with him when
removed frora office, with this additional inscription: " Presented to
Charles J. Jenkins by the State of Georgia," and this legend, " In
Arduis Fidelis."
Gov. Sraith had the gold copy raade, and in July, 1873, he transmitted
it to e.x-Gov, Jenkins through the hands of Mr. Cumming, the author
of the resolution, in a suitable letter. The formal presentation of this
testimonial of a republic's gratitude, this State recognition of fidelity
to her honor and prosperity, was certainly an event of beautiful signifi
cance. The letter of ex-Gov. Jenkins, in reply, was like everything
else eraanating frora his brain, a docuraent of grace and power. The
exquisite elegance of diction, the rare propriety of sentiment, and the
strong tenor of vigorous thought that mark this letter, make it a paper
to be read with admiration and treasured in remerabrance. This senti
raent deserves preservation:
" My position is that there is now no cause for despondency ; that the wrongs aud
oppressions we have endured resulted from administrative abuses, not from structural
thanges in the government. This distinction should be kept constantly iu view. In a

508 ' GOV. smith's CONTROVERSIES.
complex government like our own, the political powers divided between the general and
State governnients, let it never be conceded that a power once usurped is thenceforth a
power transferred ; nor tliat a right once suppressed is for that cause u right extinguished ;
nor that a Constitution a thousand times violated becomes a Constitution abolished; nor
finally that a government prostituted by two or three consecutive administrations to purposes
of tyranny and corruption must thereafter be regarded as a government rei^olutionized."
Brave, noble words these were, that rang over the length and breadth
of the State, giving truth and inspiration to every wearied champion of
constitutional government.
Gov. Smith's administration was firm and able and made hira very
popular. He concluded his fragraent of Bullock's time, and entered
upon his regular term of four years amid the general and earnest favor
of the people. His whole administration, nearly as an entirety, was a
beneficial and capable one. There were, however, two matters that
occurred that marred the harmony of his regime. There was an aggres
sive quality in his temper that developed itself, and that was productive
of many personal misunderstandings, and created an unnecessary oppo
sition. Pie was unfortunate enough to get up some very grave conflicts
of statement with several distinguished gentlemen in the State upon
the delicate subject of their appointment to office. Whatever may have
been the merits of these controversies, they made hostility to Gov.
Smith. Ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson was the most prominent of the persons
with whom Gov. Smith had these by no raeans beneficial differences.
Gov. Johnson considered that Gov. Sraith had proraised to put him on
the supreme bench, and Gov. Smith denied it, and the issue drifted into
quite an unpleasant correspondence. Such incidents made an opposi
tion disproportioned to what might be supposed their legitimate effect.
At the expiration of Dr. Angier's term as Treasurer in 1872, as has
been stated. Col. John Jones, Treasurer under Gov. Jenkins and who had
been removed by Gen. Meade, was elected to this office. The election was
unfortunate for himself and for Gov. Smith. He had earned an unusual
reputation, and was endeared to the people by his striking experiences.
" Honest Jack Jones " was his enviable designation. It was a cruel thing
that such a character, so uncommon and priceless, should have been sacri
ficed, with every undeniable purpose to merit its continuance, and with
the fact of integrity untouched. Charges of loose management became
general, and the alleged payraent of duplicate securities was formulated
upon the public thought. The Legislature of 1875 put a committee at
work to investigating the Treasurer's office. This committee reported
a bad state of things existing in that office, and resolutions were passed
censuring the Treasurer, instructing suit against that officer and his

THE STATE TREASURY. 509
sureties for money iUegally paid by hira, and authorizing the Governor
to appoint a competent person to aid the Treasurer in doing all things
necessary for the State's interest. Dr. James F. Bozeraan was selected
as the official to do this iraportant duty. The choice was adrairable.
Dr. Bozeraan proved himself a careful, capable, patient, honest financier,
tracing out the difficult problem of our confused State finances to an
unerring conclusion.
The whole episode was a painful one. It involved a Democratic
official who had peculiarly strong claims upon the party. Yet the inves
tigation was made with a resolute thoroughness that marked the differ
ence between a Democratic and the Reconstruction adrainistrations. A
Democratic rule probed and punished its own derelictions. The Repub
lican regirae had shielded its offenders.
Gov. Sraith decided upon examination that the Treasurer's bond
was insufficient, and on the 15th day of Noveraber, 1875, he issued an
Executive order requiring a new bond. This the Treasurer failed to give,
and on the 26th of Noveraber, the Governor declared the office vacant
by operation of law. Frora the 25th of November until the 4th of
December, the Comptroller acted as Treasurer under the Executive
appointraent. On the 4th of Deceraber, 1875, Gov. Sraith appointed
and comraissioned as State Treasurer, Hon. John W. Renfroe, who
served the balance of Col. Jones' terra, and in 1877 was elected and
served for the full terra of four years to 1881.
The adrainistration of Col. Renfroe through its entirety was a signally
able one. He had been for years the tax coUector of the large county
of Washington, and had raade a raarked reputation for efficiency, skill
and proraptness. His coUections were thorough and his returns a raodel
of book-keeping. He tcok the treasury chaotic, disordered and unsys
tematized. He made it methodical, clear and smoothly running. He
had something more than good steady business ways. He possessed
genuine and original financial ability, blending, in a singular degree,
nerve, judgment and fertility of resource. He held the many reins of
State money interest with a firm hand and an inteUigence equal to any
emergency. He was economical and raanaging, saving the State in
every possible raanner.
It was a most fortunate selection. The State's credit steadily went
up under his financial direction. He negotiated large amounts of bonds
at less cost than any other Treasurer. And with all his strict discharge
of his duties he was uniformly polite and accommodating, and won a
universal regard by his courtesy and spirit to convenience people.

510 THE DOUBLE PAV.MENT OF BOXD.S.
The irregularities in the Treasurer's office and the changes of adniiii'
istration startled and shocked the public mind. There has never been
such a demonstration of popular sympathy as followed Col. Jones in
this unfortunate calamity. The proof of an inefficient management was
irrefutable. But the public clung to the idea of his integrity, with a
touching tenacity. Great losses to the State were proven, but the gen
eral thought maintained the good intentions of old " Jack Jones."
Stunned, dazed, fluttering in his helplessness, and in dreamy doubt
of a disaster that he scarcely comprehended, and which he fought with
all the gallant consciousness of honesty, the old man reeled under the
terrific loss of his cherished repute, and finally as the evidence accurau-
lated overwhelraingly to show an incompetent and careless management,
he bowed his head in mute anguish. The iron ordeal of an un.pitying
inquiry went on.
Civil suits were instituted. Months were spent by an auditor. Col.
.lohn M. Pace taking evidence. The trial ran far into Gov. Colquitt's
adrainistration, and finally, on the 23rd day of May, 1879, a judgment
was obtained against Col. Jones and his sureties, John T. Grant and C.
A. Nutting, for $96,000. The counsel for the State were the Attorney
General, Col. N. J. Hammond, and the following lawyers eraployed by
Gov. Smith, Gen. Toombs, McCay & Trippe, WUlis A. Hawkins and
Wra. T. Newraan. Col. Jones had for his leading counsel, Hon. B. H.
Hill. Mr. John T. Grant offered $35,000 cash in settleraent of his lia
bility which was accepted by Gov. Colquitt upon the advice of the
State's entire counsel.
This raost unpleasant affair was an injury to Gov. Sraith's adrainis
tration. Henry Clews & Co. had paid, during the adrainistration of
Gov. Bullock, the entire bonds falling due in 1870 and 1871. These
bonds were reported paid by the bond coraraittee in 1871, as also by
Gov. Conley in his raessage, and in his first message to the legislature
as Governor in July, 1872, Gov. Smith had raentioned the bonds due in
1872 as the first bonds needing attention. Of the redeeraed bonds of
1870 and 1871 Col. Jones had paid a second tirae, $149,250 with $24,-
782.15 of interest. These bonds had never been canceled by Henry
Clews, but were sold at public auction in New York on one day's notice,
for $18,625 to J. D. Hayes, the Misses Clews and Chittenden and Hub
bard. Somebody presented them at the State Treasury and Col. Jones
paid them. He had no clue to the person who got the money. After
that payment Gov. Smith passed his warrant to Col. .Tones for these
bonds. And whether rightly or wrongfully the public held it a matter

CONGRESSIONAL CONTESTS. 511
for censure in the otherwise exceUent financial administration of Gov.
Smith. Gov. Smith had pressed a controversy upon the writer in connection
with the authorship of a newspaper letter, attacking hira savagely, written
by a Mr. Cowart. And in this controversy the writer entered fully into
this double bond payraent, and charged upon Gov. Sraith a grave
neglect of duty. The controversy which brought to Ught raore clearly
the facts of this bond mistake, deraonstrated the tendency heretofore
alluded to in Gov. Smith to provoke unnecessary Antagonisms. It is
due to Gov. Smith to say that the full extent of conderanation to which
he should justly be subjected is siraply such oversight of the fact of
payment as would have prevented his signing a warrant for these bonds.
The bonds had been paid. The money could not have been recalled.
No human suspicion could attach any blarae to Gov. Sraith for the
double payraent. These are railder views of Gov. Smith's share of
blame than the writer entertained at the time of the very tart corre
spondence in 1876, and are given in justice to both parties.
In, 1876 an event occurred that attracted very rauch attention. Dr.
W. H. White, who has since died, a gentleraan frora Iowa settling in
Atlanta, was the successful originator and instrument of a large excur
sion of western citizens to the South, that went a • great way to break
down the ignorant bitterness existing between the sections, and which
has proved so great a barrier to national reconciliation. Dr. White was
a public-spirited citizen of energy and enterprise, who deserved the
esteem he held araong our people.
The death of Gen. Ambrose R. Wright and .Thoraas J. Speer, mem
bers of Congress, was followed by the election of Hon. A. H. Stephens
and Col. Erasmus W. Beck to fill the vacancies. In November, 1874,
the following gentlemen were elected to Congress, viz. Julian Hartridge,
Wm. E. Smith, PhUip Cook, H. R. Harris, Milton A. Candler, James
H. Blount, Wm. -H. Felton, Alex. H. Stephens and Garnett McMUlan.
In the nominations of Col. Candler and Col. McMillan there had been
prolonged, exciting and stubborn contests. McMillan beat Hon. B. H.
Hill in the convention in a conflict that excited State interest. Col.
McMiUan soon died, and Mr. HiU was nominated and elected May 5,
1875, to fill the vacancy, and frora that time has been in Congress. The
most remarkable, and in some respects romantic, congressional contest,
was the one in the 7th District, which resulted in the election of Dr.
Williara H. Felton as the Representative, which revolutionized the pol
itics of that District, which introduced a new and powerful factor in

512 PARSON FELTON.
the public raatters of the state, and rnade the quiet old Seventh Dis
trict the scene of political strife so turbid and active as to focalize the
gaze and the speculation of the whole people.
Some several weeks before the Democrats held their nominating con
vention. Dr. Felton had taken the field as an Independent Deraocratic
candidate, on the general ground of the trickery of the convention
system, which, he argued, disappointed instead of enforcing the popu
lar will. He was a tall, slender, gray-haired Methodist preacher, with
a singularly effective eloquence and a very subtle power in reaching and
controlling his hearers. The people of raountain sections seera to have
a natural proclivity to that loose wearing of political trararaels that
makes party independentism easy. It is a curious geographical fact
that, in the 7th and 9th Congressional Districts, both raountain coun
tries, the Independents have been most active and successful.
Dr. Felton raade a steady headway. His wife, a very coraely lady,
fearless, positive, managing, a born politician, a vigorous writer, and a
tireless worker gave him a wonderful co-operation. Together they
inaugurated a revolution that swept the District, made it the focal bat
tle-field of the State, and planted independentism in State politics for
years to come. The placid parson becarae the central figure of public
raatters. The convention nominated Hon. L. N. Trammell as the Deraocratic
candidate for Congress. Dr. Felton attacked the fairness of his nomi
nation and his political record. Trammell met him squarely, hararaer-
iiig down his assaults. They raet in debate several times, and Dr.
Felton declined to discuss with him longer. The disaffection in the
Deraocracy of the seventh so perceptible gave serious trouble to the
party all over the State. There were elements of discord at work that
seemed uncontroUable. With a deft tact and consumraate ability the
clever parson used the chance. It was iraraaterial who was the norainee,
the opposition to norainations existed. Whether Dabney, Lester or
Trararaell, it was the same breeding repulsion to convention work.
Trammell was an unexampled raanager, full of resources, and a watch
ful, masterly, political leader.
Col. Trararaell wrote to the Executive Committee putting himself in
their hands for the party good. It was a generous abnegation. The
coraraittee proposed to Dr. Felton that both retire and let the party
settle the contest in some way. Dr. Felton declined. The coramittee
decided that Col. Trammell must continue the fight. There was then
every chance for the nominee. Trararaell could have made the victory.

DR. PELTON DEFEATED AT LAST. 513
But there was treachery in our own ranks. Realizing it, Col. Trararaell
determined that it should not be ascribed to him that the party was
divided, and peremptorily withdrew. Col. Wm. H. Dabney was nomi
nated. The battle became hotter still. The schism grew, the rancor
intensified, the struggle deepened in bitterness. Outsiders who were
invited to corae in and take a hand were warned off. The District
seethed like the witches' cauldron in Macbeth. It was a red-hot tirae,
full of accelerating fury.
Col. Dabney was an irreproachable gentleraan and a fine lawyer, able
and earnest. But Dr. Felton went for hira. Dabney lacked personal
raagnetisra and political strategy, and was not a raatch for Felton. We
have never had a man in Georgia politics that has been so dangerous an
assailer of personal records as this plausible preacher. He struck
deadly blows. He held religious service on Sunday, and spoke politics
on week days, and played perilous work generaUy with personal ante
cedents. His hold on the people was something marvelous, and could
not be shaken. He inspired a tenacity of attachment in his followers,
amounting to fanaticism.
He defeated Col. Dabney by over 200 majority. He ran again in
1875, and Col. Dabney was pitted against hira, and he got an increased
raajority running to 2,463. The Republican vote went solid for him.
In 1878 George N. Lester was nominated, and made a lightning race,
full of fire. But Felton carae in again with a raajority of 1,350. It
looked Uke the parson was invincible, and Independentism supreme.
The contagion had spread. In the 9th, in 1878, a handsorae, glittering,
young raan, showy, eloquent, arabitious, Eraory Speer, who in 187*6 had
been defeated, slipped in over Col. J. A. Billups, the noiriinee, by a
sraall raajority, which in 1880 he swelled to over 4,000 in a tug with H.
P. Bell.
But Dr. Felton's victory over Col. Lester closed his extraordinary
.series of successes, and in 1880 a sturdy, clear-headed, even-terapered
young raan, who had been first in the House of Representatives and
then in the Senate frora Walker county, entered the race and left the
gallant parson behind. This sensible individual, Judson C. Cleraent, took
a new tack. He would have no stock in a personal contest. He made
a quiet elevated canvass, dignified, devoid of personality, soothing the
asperities of an angry division, and treating Dr. Felton and his follow
ers with a uniform personal courtesy, and when the vote was counted,
to the surprise of the State, and with somewhat of a shock to the par
son, Clement was declared elected.
33

514 EMORY SPEER,
The defeat of Parson Felton has left his youthful and briUiant young
colleague, Emory Speer, the leader of the Independents — a critical and
perilous pre-eminence. He has shown, like the Parson, an able brain
and a steady head, a thorough self-reliance and a shrewd raastery of the
masses. It cannot be seen that Dr. Felton made any blunder to evoke
defeat, but fell through in the reaction from a species of revolution and
under the natural subsidence of men into- customary and famUiar polit
ical grooves. It reraains to be tested whether the gifted young Speer
can avoid the fate of his wise old colleague, and raaintain outside of
party lines that personal supreraacy, which, while it utilized Deraocratic
disaffection and a handy Republican balance of power, yet demonstrated
an undeniable genius for leadership.

SUPREME COURT OP GEORGIA.

CHAPTER XLV.
GOVERNOR ALFRED H. COLQUITT, AND HIS MAGNIFICENT
MAJORITY.
The Popular Thought Points to Alfred H. Colquitt for Governor. — His Long Declen
sion. — Gen. L. J. Gartrell. — H. V. Johnson, — John H, James, — Thomas Hardeman
Retires. — Gen. Colquitt's Character. — The State Democratic Convention. — The Col
quitt Caucus.— Weil aud Wright. — An Amusing Episode. — Colquitt's Nomination
and the Enthusiasm. — The Republicans put up Jonathan Norcross.-=-Colquitt's Easy
Election and Vast Majority. — Tilden and Hendricks. — The Texas Banner Won. — The
Congressional Delegation Re-elected Entire. — Ex-Gov. Josepli E. Brown. — Gregg,
Wright's Witty Article on Brown. — Gov. Brown's Service in Florida. — Changes on
the Supreme Bench. — James Jackson and Logan E. Bleckley. — Martin J. Crawford.
— Alex, M, Spear.— The Legislature of 1877. — A, O, Bacon, Speaker. — R, ,E.
LBSter, — E. P. Howell. — Patrick Walsh. — Gov. Colquitt's Splen.did Financial Message.
— His Practical Economy. — Tha. Bankrupt Railroads. — Gov. Colquitt's Able Dis
position of Them. — B. H. Hill Elected United States Senator. — State House Officers.
During the years 1875 and 1876, the question of Gov. Smith's suc
cessor in the Executive office was actively agitated. Gov. Sraith finaUy
declined to be a candidate, and turned his aspirations to the United
States Senate. The prorainent name in the public raind was Alfred H.
Colquitt. As early as 1857 the popular thought had pointed to him
for Governor. After the war he had steadily declined political pre
ferment, and constantly grew in public favor. Coming from a blood
renowned in Georgia annals; the son of a father, the most versatile and
brilliant public raan the State has ever known, Walter T. Colquitt; the
inheritor of eloquence and ability for the adrainistration of public
affairs; a gentleraan of rare Christian character and life, adding the
grace of a deep piety to the attractions of a very liandsonie face and
person, and with manners singularly simple and hearty, and reflecting a
teraper uniformly genial. Gen. Colquitt enjoyed an exceptional popu
larity, and had such a hold upon the respect and affection of the masses
as few men have ever enjoyed.
He refused repeated solicitations to allow his name used for Congress,
as well as for Governor and the United States Senate. He was con
stantly chosen as elector and delegate to National Conventions. He
had, in 1872, been elected on the sarae day President of the State Dem-

516 THE CANDIDATES FOR GOVERNOR IN 1876.
ocratic Convention and President of the State Agricultural Society.
He had been unaniraously re-elected, year by year. President of the State
Agricultural Society. Under this focal enjoyraent of public regard he
was at length squarely entered into the lists for the gubernatorial suc
cession. Gen. Lucius J. Gartrell was mentioned and pressed by his friends for
Governor, but when ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson's narae was presented, he
withdrew. Gov. Johnson was sprung as a gubernatorial candidate by
Mr. Willinghara of the Press, and warmly urged by Mr. Gregg Wright
of the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel. The late introduction of Gov.
Johnson into the canvass was an injustice to that distinguished and
popular statesman. His support was no criterion of the strength he
had with the people. He neither endorsed nor declined the use of his
name, but still left it before the public. The writer, a warm friend and
admirer of Gov. Johnson, wrote him a letter, urging that so many of his
friends were friends of Gen. Colquitt and had comraitted themselves to
the latter, that he owed it to hiraself not to run.
Mr. John H. James, Banker of Atlanta, a gentleraan of great native
shrewdness and large means, accumulated by an uncoramon financial
sagacity and energy, had resolved, if possible, to cap his business suc
cess with the honorable distinction of Executive responsibility. Against
Gov. Sraith in 1872, he had made something of a comraenceraent of his
attempt at the Executive chair. He regularly entered the race against
Gen. Colquitt, and devoted himself to the carapaign with that cool, sys
tematic energy and calculation that raarked the man. Deficient in
education, he yet had a large fund of good sense, good teraper, and real
practical capacity. He pursued his canvass astutely.
The strongest corapetitor that Gen. Colquitt had, however, was Hon.
Thomas Hardeman, Jr. This gentleraan was very popular. As Legis
lator, Congressman, Speaker of the House, Confederate officer, he had
shown himself capable, eloquent, honorable, patriotic and public spirited.
He had convictions and the courage to defend thera. He was and is a
fluent and attractive speaker. He was true in his friendships, and
direct and candid in his politics. Possessing a genial nature, he in-
.spired a general regard. Col. Hardeman has been one of the sincerest
men in our public matters, meriting his repeated trusts, discharging his
duties efficiently always, and enjoying public respect and reo-ard.
Walter T. Colquitt, the father of Alfred H. Colquitt, was a raost con
summate raaster of politics, and he transraitted to his son a full share of
this power. The writer does not think that in the State there has ever

ALFRED H. COLQUITT. 517
been a wiser manager of a political campaign than Gen. Colquitt. Un
der his pleasant, unpretentious, genial exterior, he carries a keen judg
ment of raen, an accurate perception of chances, a broad range of
resources in raanageraent, a power of severe practicality, a thorough
grasp of detail, and an unwavering decisiveness upon a deliberately
selected line of policy. There were sorae other qualities in Gen. Col
quitt that gave hira strength. No man was ever more crystally truth
ful and direct, no raan was ever truer to friendship, and no raan was
ever raore strongly governed by duty and conscience.
There have been raany raisconceptions of Gen. Colquitt's qualities, —
inconsistent with his striking political successes. No raistake as to his
character has been more widely at fault than the idea that his enemies
have used against him, that he possessed a pliant and yielding character.
This has grown from that perennial sweetness of temper and genial
courtesy of raanner that belong to the man. In truth he is as positive
and unwavering a public man as we have ever had in Georgia. Not an
aggressive person and not given to seeking combat, but a raost un
changeable and patient raan upon a line of policy he has shown hiraself
to be. Every political campaign he has been engaged in has demon
strated fixedness, persistence and resolution of an unusual quality.
Perhaps the strongest trait of Gen. Colquitt's nature is his contempt
for affectation or pretense. With a hearty scorn for shams, caring
nothing for show, yet with a genuine pride of principle and gentility,
he has kept his poise, preserved his common sense, and maintained the
solid purity of his character and intelligence in a manner that testifies
conclusively to his native worth. No public man has ever been more
untouched by the glitter of official distinction, or has borne high prefer
raent with more modesty. This simple wearing of ennobling trust has
been accorapanied by a strong practicality that he shows in all raatters,
and which is the essential basis of a very strong personality with an
unliraited reserve power in it. The qualities of this distinguished
Georgian will be further discussed. He was destined for unprecedented
triumph and a reraarkable experience.
The norainating convention was held on the second day of August,
1876, in Atlanta. The selection of county delegates to the body
demonstrated the overwhelming drift for Colquitt. When enough
counties had acted to show the popular preference, Col. Harderaan, with
that patriotic sensibility that has always signalized his public course,
withdrew his name in a raost graceful letter, yielding a prompt acqui
escence in the public will. At the Kimball House, the head-quarters of

518 GOVERNOR Colquitt's nomination.
the Colquitt, Johnson and James delegates were established. A caucus
of Colquitt's friends was held in the large ball-room of the Kiraball
House. The Johnson men met in the breakfast-room, and Major J. B.
Cumming stated that he had in his possession a letter from Gov. Johnson
declining to have his name jDresented to the convention. The caucus
resolved to support Colquitt.
In the Colquitt caucus tho enthusiasra was overwhelraing. The
large roora was packed. The proposal of three cheers for Colquitt
ijrought out a ringing response which echoed througliout the immense
buildhig in thunderous notes. Mr. H. D.D. Twiggs announced the
withdrawal of Gov. Johnson's name and that Johnson's friends would
support Colquitt. The excitement that followed this announcement
went to fever heat. Cheers were given for Gov. Johnson and his
friends. Hon. Josiah Warren of Savannah Was called, and made an
electrical Uttle talk. Among other things he used these notable words:
. " As an original Hardeman man, and one wlio believes he is one of the purest and
noblest sons of Georgia— and who withdrew in favor of one who is his peer in every
res)iect [clieers] — Gen Colquitt — [cheers], and as a friend of Gen. Colquitt, and as one
who is in favor of the harmony of the party, I congratulate you and the whole people
u])on the evid_ence here to-night of the' future harmony and unison of the Democratic
jiarty of the State of Georgia" [cheers].
Col. Hardeman made such a speech as he always raakes, fitting and
eloquent. The convention consisted of 550 delegates frora 135 counties.
Hon. Geo. F. Pierce, Jr., was raade teraporary Chairraan, and Hon.
Clifford Anderson permanent President of the body. Col. S. Weil of
Fulton county withdrew the name of Mr. James, and moved the nomi
nation of Gen. Colquitt. Mr. PI. Gregg Wright of the Richmond dele
gation had been empowered to announce the withdrawal of Gov. Johnson
and put in nomination Gen. Colquitt. It is a part of the under-current
\of the history of this convention that the movement of Mr. Weil in his
German idiom was a surprise, and unexpectedly interrupted the pro- '
gramme of tlio Richmond delegation. It created a sort of ripple of
amusement, but the ready and quick-witted Wright met the sudden
emergency cleverly, and put in his raost felicitous speech with a .spirit
that brought the house down, stating that Johnson's narae would not
be presented, and urging Gen. Colquitt's nomination by acclamation.
The nomination went through with a rush, and Gen Colquitt was
brought in, and made a stirring speech. Electors were chosen on the
Tilden and Plendricks ticket. They were A. R. Lawton and J. W.
Wofford from the State at large; and district electors, A. M. Rodgers,

GOVERNOR Colquitt's superb majority. 519
R. E. Kennon, J. M. Dupree, W. O. Tuggle, F. D, Disrauke, F. Chara
bers, L. N. Trararaell, D. M. Du Bose and J. N. Dorsey.
The Republicans in convention at Macon, Aug. 16, 1876, nominated
Jonathan Norcross for Governor, and for electors, D. A. Walker, E. C.
Wade, J. T. Collins, C. W. Arnold, B. F. Bell, R. D. Locke, J. A.
Holtzclaw, Jeff. Long, Z. B. Hargrove, V. M. Barnes and M. R. Archer.
The whole Democratic ticket for State officers, electors and congress
men was easily elected. Mr. Norcross was an odd, grizzly person, an
intense, double-dyed Republican, unskilled in party management,
regarded as possessing very cranky political theories, and an impracti
cable public man, but personaUy honest, a successful business man, one
of the earliest settlers of Atlanta, though of northern birth, and enjoy
ing the respect of all who knew his undoubted personal worth. He
was the last man in the State to lead the party. Some idea of his party
management may be gleaned from a maneuver of his in the last cam
paign, when with nine-tenths of his party organization colored, he
deliberately inaugurated the policy of establishing a white man's
Republican concern, and ignoring the colored brethren. This would
have been simply to have wiped out at one stroke the Republican party
in Georgia.
The Georgia elections of 1876 resulted in easy and overwhelming
Democratic victories. The State election took place in October. Gov.
Colquitt's majority over Mr. Norcross was unprecedented, running to
77,854, and the largest ever given in the State. The whole vote was
144,839, of which Gov. Colquitt received 111,297, Norcross 33,443,
scattering 99. The popular Colquitt swept in to the Executive office
on a flood tide of public favor. Amid universal acclaira and a flatter
ing expectancy he took his seat. The Republican party was crushed
as by the hand of a giant. Swollen to invincible proportions, the
Deraocracy had no opposition whatever. Unified, with every wandering
eleraent gathered to the fold, compact and resistless, it led the Demo
cratic hosts of the Union. Sorae Deraocratic Clubs in Dallas, Texas,
challenged the States of the Union to roll up a heavier raajority than
the Lone Star coraraonwealth, the trophy to be a silken banner. Espe
cial dares were given to Georgia and Kentucky,
The enorraous raajority given to Gov. Colquitt was duplicated for
TUden and Hendricks in November, and in due tirae there carae froih
Dallas to Gov. Colquitt a raagnificent banner, the badge of Georgia's
Democratic superiority. Gen. Lawton was elected President of the
Electoral college, which assembled in Atlanta on the 8th of Deceraber,

520 GREGG WRIGHT ON GOVERNOR BEOWN.
and cast the State's vote for Tilden and Hendricks. The most extraor
dinary result of the November election was the return to Congress of
the entire Representatives elected in 1874, something that has never
happened before or since. The members thus re-elected without an
exception, were Julian Hartridge, Wra. E. Sraith, Phil. Cook, Henry R.
Harris, Milton A. Candler, Jas. H. Blount, Wm. H. Felton, Alex. H.
Stephens and Benjamin H. Hill.
During the past years. Gov. Brown had, after a series of long and
hard conflicts in the Legislatures and before the people, established
irrefutably the integrity and validity of the State Road lease, and his
company was firmly fixed in its occupancy of the road. But during
these years, though out of politics, and devoting his extraordinary
energies and sense to material enterprises, his powerful personality was,
in the public imagination, a persuasive and irrepressible influence. No
man has ever been accredited with so rauch mysterious and potential
manipulation of political affairs. It was a strange tribute to both his
past power and still existing domination.
That witty and sparkling young journalist, Gregg Wright, editor of
tlie Augusta Chronicle, who died so young, and yet so raarked in his
, calling, happily expressed the reraarkable estiraate the public placed
upon Gov. Brown, and the repute that attached to hira in political raat
ters, in this sketch.
" Mr, William Dugas Trammell was not far wrong in the description which he gave
of ex-Gov, Brown in his communistic romance, Ca Ira. Under the name of 'Mr,
M.alcomb,' he speaks of him as a man universally feared and admired, who was believed
to be always engaged with the Governors, Legi,slatures, City Councils, railroad officials
and great speculators, in certain mysteries. If he was on speaking terms with the
Governor, there were those to swear that he was the real Executive and was running
the government ; if his carriage stopped in front of a printing office, the editor was
bought up ; if he whispered in the ear of a member of the General Assembly, the Leg
islature was bribed ; if a newspaper said a good word of him, it was paid to do it. If
it was consistently friendly, he owned an interest in the establishment. No one who
has lived in Georgia since the close of the' war can doubt the fidelity of the portrait by
the communist artist. If the ex-Governor he a man of any humor whatever, he must
lie as much amused as offended by the manifold and conflicting charges brought against
him, and the multijdicity of schemes which he is declared to have originated. The evil
spirit of the Indians was never an object of more fear to the ignorant children of the
forest than this man is to the people of Georgia, nor were the stories of the power of
and designs of the one a whit more wild than some of the fables which have been set
afloat concerning the Cherokee chieftain. Nothing, it would seem, has been too extra-
ordiniiry or improbalile for the imagination of writers or the credulity of readers. If
the man did a tithe of what he is accused of doing, he is a mental and physical phe
nomenon — an eighth wonder of the world, more >^onderful than the other seven com-

GOVERNOR BROWN IN FLORIDA. 521
billed. He is everywhere at the same time — irrepressible, omnipresent, omniscient,
omnipotent. He • runs ' the city of Atlanta, he ' runs ' the State of Georgia, he ' runs '
railroads, coal mines, iron furnaces, steainsliip companies, newspapers, job offices,
churches, free schools, colleges, universities, the farmers, the democratic party, the lib
erals, the conservatives, the negroes aud the whites, aud between whiles engages in
banquets, difficulties aud duels. Oue day we are informed that he is intriguing ener
getically, adroitly and with good chances for success for the Vice-Presidency. The
next he is plotting to prevent any Atlanta man from warming his feet or cooking his
food with coal which does not come from his mines. The next he is at the head of a ring
which has control of the whole State ; and is parceling out the offices to his friends and
adherents. The ne.xt he is manipulating a congressional convention by telegraph. 'Ihe
next he is dictating to the Georgia Legislature. The ne.xt he is heading a faction and
waging war with the lessees of the Western and Atlautic railroad. I'he next he selects
a chanceUor for the university, etc. If he speaks, every word is .sifted to discover a
meaning which it does not bear on its face. If he remains quiet, he is plotting — giving
away such trifles as governoraliips, seats in Congress, on the Supreme Beuch and in the
United States Senate.
" Last Wednesday the Atlanta News sounded a long ' note of warning ' to the people of
Georgia. The e.x-Governor is ' caucussiug ' and making up slates — this time in tlie inter
est of the holders of the bogus bonds. ' It is reported that the political slate includes
the candidature of Mr. James Brown, a brother of ex-Gov Brown, for Governor, and
the appointment of certain parties to judgeships, besides the running of candidates for
the Legislature in all the counties.' This is the programme for 1 876. Such a man is
dangerous to the country and th6 people. With the lamp of Aladdin, the purse of
Fortunatus, the pass word of Ali Baba, the helmet of Pluto, the armor of Achilles, the
genius of Napoleon, the diplomacy of Talleyrand and the pertinacity of the devil,
there is no withstanding him. Can we not make him a respectable kingdom either in
Mexico or South America and induce him to emigrate ? The experiment is certainly
worth trying."
Gov. Brown had come into full accord with the Democratic party.
Supporting Gov. Smith for Governor against his life-time friend, Judge
D. A. Walker; and Greeley for president against Grant, he had aligned
himself' squarely with the Democracy. He gave in connection with the
Tilden-Hayes presidential contest, a demonstration of his Deraocratic
fealty and individual value to the party, that drew upon him national
attention. Florida was one of the States whose vote for President
afforded the chance for thwarting the election of Mr. Tilden. It was
one of the three battle-fields of that novel conflict, which it is to be
hoped may never be again witnessed in this Union, and which involved
the defeat of the people's will by the abominable mechanisra of party
returning boards.
Gov. Brown, though sick and unfit for duty, yielded to a general
public desire, and went to Florida to give his great abilities to protect
ing the purity of the ballot, and ensuring a fair count of the Tilden
vote. Through the wearisorae phases of this vital conflict he reraained.

522 JAMES JACKSON and LOGAN E. BLECKLEY.
contesting fraud at every step, and finally raade an argument of unex
ampled power in the cause. This episode of valuable service strength
ened Gov. Brown's advancing restoration to the public confidence, due
to hia large measure of public usefulness.
During Gov, Smith's term some changes had taken place upon the
supreme bench that require notice. The Hon. R.' P. Trippe was
appointed to succeed Judge Montgomery, February 17th, 1873. .ludge
Trippe and Judge McCay resigned from the supreme bench in 1875, and
in their places Gov. Sraith appointed, July 27th and 29th, Hon. James
Jackson and Hon. Logan E. Bleckley. Two more fitting appointments
could not have been made. Both were singularly pure and simple-man
nered men, both of scholarly culture, both lawyers of the first ability,
and both persons of unusually sincere conviction and unbending integ
rity. Judge Jackson had filled niany public trusts, and .Judge Bleckley
very few. As Congressraan and Judge, Hon. James Jackson had won
an enviable reputation. Judge Bleckley had been supreme court
reporter, and was noted for accuracy, and a certain indescribable style
of original thought and sententious polished expression.
Two higher types of men we have never had upon our supreme bench
— men raore thoroughly representative of the manliest grade of South
ern character — men gentle, unpretentious, gifted, resolute, and yet
learned in the law. Judge .lackson added to his high qualities the grace
of a Christian piety, holding up in his strong life the cause of practical
religion. Judge Bleckley has had sorae interesting peculiarities. A
certain vein of witty singularity ran through his nature and cropped
out in all sorts of curious ways, carrying an odd conception of a not
unpleasant quaintness. It was a thing that few raen could do, for him
to signalize his resignation from the supreme bench with a poera, that
stands to-day upon the grim records of the court. Yet he did it with
a touching effect, and in utter relief of the seeming incongruity of
such a proceeding. It raay show the honorable eccentricity of his
character, running to a sort of refined Quixotism of good, to recall an
incident. Judge Bleckley called to renew his subscription to the Atlanta Her
ald. He found that his paper had been delivered several weeks beyond
the time for which the subscription was paid. He was very much dis
pleased, and said the running over must not happen again : that when
his time was out his paper must be stopped : that it was a rule of his
life to go to bed owing no man anything and he had been made to vio
late his rule. There is a strata of poesy in Judge Bleckley's nature.

A. O. BACON,
Speaker of the Georgia House of Representatives.

tiie tresent sltreme lench. 523
and an irrepressible tendency to quaint conceits of thought, that find
vent even in the iron formularies of a Supreme Court decision.
Judge Bleckley was re-appointed Judge in January, 15th, 1877, by Gov.
Colquitt. He resigned in 1880, and Hon. Martin .1. Crawford was
appointed and qualified in his place, February 9th, 1880, by Gov.
Colquitt. Chief Justice Hiram Warner resigning in 1880, Judge Jack
son was appointed Chief Justice, Septeraber 3, 1880, and Hon. Willis
A. Hawkins was selected for the vacancy occasioned by Judge Jackson's
proraotion. On the 17th of November, 1880, the General Assembly
elected James Jackson Chief Justice, and Martin .1. Crawford and Alex.
M. Speer Associate Justices, and this is the present status of the
Supreme Court. It is an able, a strong and a learned bench, — such an
appellate tribunal of final resort as graces the jurisprudence of a great
comraonwealth, gives guarantee of an exalted administration of justice,
and exalts the dignity and vitalizes the influence of an august judiciary.
Judge Speer, the junior meraber of the court, has been an honored
citizen of Georgia, repeatedly elected to positions of trust, and filling,
before his merited elevation to the Supreme Bench, the high place of
Judge of the Superior Courts of the Flint Circuit with an ability and
dignity not surpassed in the judicial annals of Georgia. Judge Craw
ford has been distinguished as a statesman and jurist for a quarter of a
century, he and Judge Jackson both illustrating the State in the national
councils as well as in the judiciary of the coramonwealth.
The legislature of 1877 was organized by the election of Hon. A. O.
Bacon as Speaker of the House, and Hon. R. E. Lester as President of
the Senate. Major Bacon had evinced such extraordinary qualities for
a presiding officer that he was chosen Speaker without opposition.
Clear, rapid, prompt, polite, with a loud, distinct enunciation, always
audible in every part of the hall, thoroughly versed in parliamentary
law, using wonderful dispatch in the business of the body, with an
iraposing raanner and uniforra dignity, and with an unvarying courtesy
of raanner, Mr. Bacon was a model Speaker, and his superiority for gov
erning the deliberations of the House so unquestionable, that he was
elected by a sort of involuntary and common consent. The sarae cora-
filiraentary distinction was conferred upon hira by the legislatures of
1878-9 and 1880-1, to both of which he was elected a Representative, the
Asserably of 1880-1 being now in session and Major Bacon presiding
with his accustoraed grace and efficiency.
Col. Lester was also a fine presiding officer, directing the delibera-.
tions of a rauch smaller body, the Senate, and one easier to handle.

524 E. p. HOWELL AND PATRICK WALSH.
but his parliamentary qualities were none the less thorough than those
of Speaker Bacon. Col. Lester was also elected President of the Sen
ate of 1878-9. Hon. Evan P. Howell was chosen President of the
Senate pro tem.., during both of Col. Lester's terms. Mr. Howell
succeeded Mr. George Hillyer as the Senator frora the Atlanta Dis
trict. He had been for years chosen as one of the city fathers of
Atlanta. He had signal capacity for public affairs, uniting in a marked
degree unusual power of party manageraent to a bold, shrewd, practi
cal judgment. He had an exceptional poise of cool sense, and a singu
larly direct way of going to the marrow of things. In 1870 Mr. Howell
bought an interest in the Atlanta Constitution, and has since then been
one of the proprietors and editors of that powerful paper, and his enter
prise and wisdom have been controlling qualities in its wonderful success.
Mr. Howell will be an influential factor in Georgia politics in the future.
Araong the notable raen of the legislature of 1877 was another raem
ber of the Georgia press, Hon. Patrick Walsh, one of the Representa- '
fives from Richmond county, and one of the proprietors and editors
of the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, now the Chronicle and Con
stitutionalist. Mr. Walsh has a solid, stoutly-built, medium-sized fig
ure that gives token of the man, and his substantial raoraentura of
character. A grave, irapassive face, and a steady, deliberate manner,
increase the idea of strength that attaches to him. Of Irish blood, Mr.
Walsh has a good deal of the sturdy combativeness that belongs to
that race, and yet he is free from the excitability that leavens largely
the Irish nature.
Mr. Walsh is a person of unusual force, direct, simple, truthful,
positive, and with an irrepressible rising quality in hira that will carry
the raan very high. He is daring and yet raethodical and self-poised.
He is a true and earnest person, a faithful friend and an open opponent,
striking hard but honorably. He is both a forcible writer and an
impressive speaker. One of the colleagues of Mr. Walsh, from Richmond
county, was Col. J. C. C. Black, a gentleman of earnest and effective
oratory, who made some speeches of uncommon power in the campaign
of 1880. There were some very bright men in this body, who have
since steadily risen in public esteem. Araong these were A. P. Adaras,
A. H. Gray, H. H. Cariton, Henry Hillyer, N. L. Hutchins, A. D.
Candler, W. J. Northern, J. T. Jordan, A. L. MiUer, J. H. PolhiU, J. A.
Reid, J. D. Stewart, W. M. Hararaond, A. H. Cox, F. H. CoUey.
Among the older members were P. M. Russell, W. P. Price, R. J. Moses,
Jas. M. Sraith, W. W. Paine, Wm. PhiUips.

GOV. colq'uitt's fine financial administration. 525
Gov. Colquitt was called upon for suggestions in regard to the
financial matters of the State and sent in a message showing a raost
thorough investigation of every point connected with the raanageraent
of the finances, and suggesting a comprehensive system of retrench
ment and reform. The ideas advanced by hira covered the ground of
the reform afterwards instituted by the Convention and legislatures.
This raessage is a remarkable docuraent, and Gov. Colquitt raay well
plume himself upon its practicality and comprehensiveness. He dis
cussed ably the saving by a raore exact return of property for taxation,
a raore rigid collection of taxes, a more economical collection of taxes,
reduction in the cost of legislation and legislative clerk hire, decrease
in the outlay of the contingent, printing and bmilding funds, reduction
in the nuraber of clerks in the various departraents, lessening the num
ber of judicial circuits, the cutting off of superfiuous offices, arid the
inauguration of small economies.
Gov. Colquitt put in practical operation the economies he suggested
as far as lay in his power. He immediately iraposed the duties of the
Keeper of Public Buildings on a clerk in the Executive office without
extra pay. He made considerable savings in the contingent, printing
and buUding funds. Every expenditure for the State was scrutinized
as closely as a private account. Gas, coal, labor, stationery, postage,
printing, advertising, clerk hire and incidental expenses were all reduced
in cost to the State. The extraordinary financial fruits of Gov. Col
quitt's administration will be shown hereafter.
Among the legacies of burden left from previous administrations to
Gov. Colquitt were several bankrupt railroads, whose bonds the State
had endorsed. These were the Macon and Brunswick, the North and
South, and the Memphis Branch railroads. The Brunswick and Albany
railroad had received State aid in Gov. Jenkins' term to the amount of
$1,^)50,000, and subsequently $600,000 in Gov. BuUock's term. Tlie
$600,000 had been thrown over. The $1,950,000 were recognized, and
in July, 1873, Gov. Smith seized the road for non-payment of interest.
In May, 1874, Gov. Smith endorsed the bonds of the Memphis Branch
railroad for $34,000, and seized the road in May, 187G, for non-payment
of interest in January and July, 1875. In December, 1872, Gov. Sraith
endorsed the bonds of the North and South railroad for $240,000, and
in April, 1874, he seized the road for non-payraent of interest. These
three roads were placed in the hands of receivers, were sold, and all
carae into the ownership of the State. The Macon and Brunswick rail
road was sold at public outcry and bought in, June, 1875, by Gov.

526 GOV. COLQUITT AND THE SEIZED RAILROADS.
Smith for the State, and put under the management of E. A. Flewellen,
W. A. Lofton and George S. Jones.
In 1876, the Macon and Brunswick railroad showed $28,000 paid into
the treasury. From Deceraber 1, 1876, to Septeraber 30, 1878, under
Gov. Colquitt, $65,000 was paid into the treasury, and $164,608.12 from
September 30, 1878, to February 29, 1880, showing the increased pay
ments to the State. The iron. and property of the Memphis Branch
raUroad was sold in August, 1877, for $9,000, td the Marietta and North
Georgia raUroad. The North and South railroad was sold to Louis F.
Garrard and others for $40,500, and the money is now in the treasur3^
The Macon and Brunswick railroad was sold, conveyance made and the
property transferred on the 28th day of February, 1880, for $1,125,000,
of which $250,000 was paid down, and the balance is to be paid in
payments of $250,000 in two years from that date, and $625,000 in four
years. The company is under obligation to extend the road in five
years from date of sale to Atlanta, and is building such extension.
In 1876, the sura of $542,000 of bonds was issued and sold, and the
proceeds used to pay the accrued back interest on the Macon and Bruns
wick, and North and South railroad bonds. In 1877, the sum of
$2,298,000 of six per cent, bonds were issued to exchange for the seven
per cent, endorsed bonds of these railroads, and the Memphis Branch
raUroad. The aggregate bonded liability of the State on these raUway
enterprises is $2,842,000. Under Gov. Colquitt's administration the
sum of $1,174,500, i^rincipal, will be realized frora them, leaving the
balance against former administrations of $1,667,500 of loss from unfor
tunate endorsements.
The General Assembly of 1877 elected a successor to Hon. Thomas
M. Norwood, United States Senator. The contest was quite an ani-
¦ mated one, and continued for several days.- The first day's joint ballot
on Wednesday, January 24th, 1877, resulted : T. M. Norwood, 96
votes, B. H. HiU 78, Jas. M. Smith 27, H. V. Johnson 11, D. A. Walker
4 ; total 216, needed to elect 109. Mr. Norwood was the strongest can
didate on this vote, but lacked 13 ballots to elect him. The struggle
was between Mr. Norwood and Mr. HiU. The under-current of strategy
was active and interesting, and gossip gave to Gov. Brown the direction
of the final result. On Thursday the joint ballot stood: Norwood 95,
HiU 77, Smith 29, Johnson 10, Walker — . The coquetting of both the
Norwood and HiU raanagers with the Smith raen was ardent. Rumor,
the jade, put it that Dr, Carlton was very instrumental in sorae clever
work for Mr. HiU. The gossip ran that sorae of Mr. Hill's men had been

STATE HOUSE OFFICERS ELECTED. 527
detailed to vote for Gov. Smith, and at the proper tirae initiated the
moveraent that carried Hill through. Be this as it raay, on Friday, on
a single joint ballot, the -vote stood. Hill 114, Norwood 85, Smith 5,
Johnson 5, not voting 4, and Mr. Hill was transferred from the House to
the Senate for the six years beginning March 4, 1877, and ending March
4, 1883.
The same legislature elected N. C. Barnett, Secretary of State, J. W.
Renfroe, Treasurer, and W. L. Goldsmith, Comptroller General.

CHAPTER XLVL
GOVERNOR COLQUITT'S BRILLIANT FINANCIAL ADMIN
ISTRATION.
Grumbling at the State Constitution of 1868,— The Legislature of 1877 Inaugurates a
Convention Movement. — The Constitutional Convention of 1877, — Its Personelle, — .
Ex-Gov. C, J, Jenkins its President,— The Work of the Convention,— Gen. Toombs
and Railroad Restriction,— The Capital Question Settled,— A lively Battle between
Milledgeville and Atlanta,— New Judges.— C, D. McCutchen,— Henry Tompkins,—
President R, B. Hayes' Visit to Atlanta. — Gov. Colquitt's Memorable Speech of
Welcome, — Gov. Colquitt's Splendid Financial Administration, — The Growling
over Financial Success.— The State Road Droppings, — The Tuggle Picking.— Bo
nanzas aud Grumbling.— The Railroa'd Back Taxes. — The Macon and Brunswick
Railroad Earnings. — Floating Debt Knocked Out, — Public Debt Reduced a Million
and a half, — Taxation Cut Down nearly one-half, — Tax Burdens Halved,— Small
Economies, — Every Expense Decreased, — Noisy Minorities and Quiet but Over
whelming Majorities, — The International Sunday-School Convention. Gov, Col
quitt made President. — A Great Compliment. — Chatauqua and Brooklyn. — Gov,
Colquitt as a National Harmonizer, and Georgia a Foremost Agent of Moral
Civilization,
The State Constitution of 1868 was in the raain a good one, and in
ordinary tiraes would have been cherished by the people. It contained
some minor defects, that could have been remedied. It was, as a
whole, a document of organic law, well suited to the changed condition
of public affairs, progressive, liberal, and yet conservative. But unfor
tunately the method of its formation and imposition upon the State
was a standing shock to the public sentiment of a free people. It was
the creature of bayonet reconstruction, and had been forced upon the
commonwealth. Whatever merits it had were ignored in the resent
raent born of its origin and the manner of its enforceraent.
As soon as the Democrats came into power the agitation began for a
convention to frarae a new Constitution that should be the product of
the State's free volition. The theme continued to be discussed, and
excite a growing interest, until the IjCgislature of 1877, after a pro
tracted discussion of the subject, passed a bill introduced by Hon. A.
D. Candler, of HaU county, subraitting the issue to the people to say
by a popular election, whether a convention should be held. The elec
tion was held on the second Tuesday in June, 1877, and resulted in the

THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OP 1877. 529
success of the convention raoveraent. The vote was small, aggregating
only 87,238, out of the 214,665 poUs in the State, of which 48,181 were
for, and 39,057 against, the convention, the raajority being 9,124.
The Convention was caUed together on the 11th day of July, 1877, by
the Governor. There were 194 delegates. The body was a very able
one, and its deliberations were raarked by dignity. Ex-Gov. Charles J.
Jenkins was elected President, a fitting conclusion to his honored, useful
and illustrious public career. There were sorae very strong men in the
convention. It included among others. Gen. Robert Toorabs, Judge
W. M. Reese, Gen. L. J. Gartrell, Judge Thos. G. Lawson, Judge
Augustus Reese, Hon. Joshua Hill, Gen. A. R. Lawton, Judge M. L.
Mershon, Judge A. H. Hansell, Hon. J. L. Seward, Hon. Nelson Tift,
Hon. T. L. Guerry, Judge D. B. Harrell, Hon. T. M. Furiow, Col. M. W.
Lewis, Judge T. J. Siraraons, Gen. Eli Warren, Judge J. T. Willis, Col.
N. J. Hararaond, Judge Hugh Buchanan, Judge L. H. Featherston,
Judge S. W. Harris, Judge J. R. Brown, Gen. W. T. Wofford, Judge
Aug. R. Wright, Hon. L. N. TramraeU, Judge J. C. Fain, Col. W. K.
Moore, S. Hawkins, C. J. Wellborn, A. W. Holcorabe, W. O. Tuggle, Col.
John ColUer, Col. P. L. Mynatt, Col. Wier Boyd, Dr. H. R. Casey, Hon.
Pope Barrow, Col. J. M. Pace, W. R. Gorraan, Col. Wra. T. Thorapson,'
Porter Ingrara, E. C. Grier, Judge J. L. Wiraberley, B. E. Russell, Hon.
J. L. Seward, Col. John Screven, J. L. Warren, W. R. Gignilliatt, War
ing Russell, Col. John M. Guerard, Geo. F. Pierce, Jr., R. L. Warthen.
There was in the body one ex-Governor, two United States Senators,
eight Congressraen, seventeen Judges, and ex-legislators innumerable.
The convention continued in session frora the 11th day of July until the
25th day of August, 1877. There was rauch discussion and some of it
was very able. Sorae very radical changes were made and striking
innovations were grafted upon the organic law. The theory of State
aid was killed and buried, and a prohibition against increase of the pub
lic debt or any expenditure of public money for any purpose save run
ning the State governraent was passed. The terras of officers were
shortened one-half and salaries reduced, making elections more frequent.
The selection of Judges and Solicitors was taken from the appointment
of the Executive with the consent of the Senate, and changed to an
election by the General Assembly. The largest subject before the con
vention was the control of railroads by the State. This was a pet meas
ure of Gen. Toombs, and was pressed by him with vigor and ability,
and finally was carried. The homestead was largely reduced. The
payraent of the fraudulent bonds was forever prohibited. An endeavor
34

530 T:ia livei.v co.vtest over the capital.
was raade to check local legislation by requiring notice to be given in
the counties affected by it, and by curabering legislative action upon it
by unusual formalities, the practical operation of which has been to
protract the time and increase the trouble without dirainishing the
quantity of local legislation. Biennial sessions were adopted.
The location of the capital at Atlanta or MUledgeviUe was left to
the people to decide by an election, as also the choice of the horaestead
of 1868 or the one of 1877. The election for ratification of the new
constitution, the location of the capital and the choice of a Homestead
was held on the 5th day of December. Atlanta and Milledgeville had
a warm contest for the capital. The battle was lively and somewhat
acrimonious. The arguments used were sorae of them of a novel and
farcical character. That Milledgeville was a stagnant locality where
the average legislator would browse in public retrogradation, and that
Atlanta was a den of immeasurable iniquity whose atmosphere would
ruthlessly poison the virtue of the most faultless legislative body, was
irrefutably proven by incontestible evidence. The press entered into
the fight with wonderful earnestness. Atlanta was raathematioally
demonstrated to be responsible for every enormity of the Bullock
regime and a despotic reconstruction, while in the same unanswerable
manner MiUedgevUle was shown to be only fit for a conclave of fossils.
.\tlanta fought the struggle with characteristic liberality and enterprise.
She had her committees and flooded the State with documents.
The vote stood: for ratification of the Constitution 110,442: against,
40,947: whole vote, 151,389, out of 214,665: raajority for Constitution,
69,495. The vote on the capital was for Atlanta 99,147: for MiUedga-
viUe, 55,201 : majority for Atlanta, 43,946. The vote for the Homestead
of 1877 was 94,722: for that of 1868, 52,000: majority for Homestead
of 1877, 42,722.
It was an interesting incident of the convention that it exceeded the
$25,000, prescribed in the Act of the legislature caUing it, to pay its
expenses. Under the written opinion of the Attorney General, R. N,
Ely, the Treasurer, J. W. Renfroe, declined to pay beyond the $25,000,
Gen. Toorabs vowed that its deliberations should not bo stopped for
want of funds, and he advanced $20,000 to pay its further expenses.
The convention passed an ordinance covering the araount, and Gov.
Colquitt repaid the loan. It was made quite a cause of complaint in
the gubernatorial campaign of 1880, that Gov. Colquitt had no right to
repay the money without an act of the Legislature authorizing it. But
the people brushed away the causeless censure. Gen. Toombs did a

THE JUDICIARY OF 1877. 531
sirailar thing when Gov. Srnith was first elected. Mjnoy was needed
to run the State. Bullock had left us stranded and without credit.
Gen. Toorabs raised $300,000 on his own account to bridge over the
limergency, until raoney could come in by taxes.
Gov. Colquitt appointed in January, 1877, the following Judges;
Geo. N. Lester, Blue Ridge Circuit: Martin J. Crawford, Chattahoochee^
Circuit: C. D. McCutchen, Cherokee Circuit: H. Buchanan, Coweta
Circuit: H. Tompkins, Eastern Circuit: C. Peeples, Atlanta Circuit:
E. H. Pottle, Northern Circuit: .1. M. Clark, South Western Circuit.
Judge C. D. McCutchen was a gallant cavalry officer in the Regiment
of Col. I. W. Avery. He had been a State Senator. He was a lawyer
of unusual ability and legal discernment, and a gentleman of the highest
social and Christian character, possessing a punctilious integrity, severe
truthfulness, and a finely balanced temper and judgment. He made
one of the best judges in the State. Notwithstanding his admirable
spirit of equable temper, he was a very positive Judge, evincing his
sturdy decision conspicuously in making the Grand Jury of Bartow
county strike some objectionable matter from its presentraents, the
novel eltercation exciting State interest, and resulting in the complete
popular endorsement of Judge McCutchen.
Judge Henry Torapkins, of the Eastern Circuit, was a handsome
young Alabamian, who fought at sixteen years of age, in the war, and
located in Savannah after the surrender. He made a capable and pop
ular Judge. Judge Peeples died in June, 1877, and Gov. Colquitt
appointed George HUlyer in his place. ' Judge B. Hill, of the Macon
Circuit, died in September, 1877, and Gov. Colquitt appointed W. L.
Grice in the vacancy. .Tudge J. M. Clark, of the South-western circuit,
died in June, 1877, and Gov. Colquitt appointed on that bench a very
bright, handsorae young lawyer, who had been Solicitor of that circuit,
Charles F. Crisp, a son of the well-known tragedian, and a character
full of fine promise.
In November, 1878, the following Judges were elected under the new
Constitution of 1877 ; George HiUyer, Atlanta circuit ; C. Snead, Augusta
circuit; J. L. Harris, Brunswick circuit; Alex. M. Speer, Flint circuit;
Thomas J. Simmons, Macon circuit; H. V. .lohnson. Middle circuit;
Thoraas G. Lawson, Ocmulgee circuit; J. W. H. Underwood, Rorae cir
cuit; C. F. Crisp, S. Western circuit; and Alex. S. Erwin, Western
circuit. The election of Judges by the General Asserably, has proven
to be very objectionable, consuming much tirae of the body, creating a
disagreeable experience of electioneering, resulting in corabinations of

532 GOVERNOR Colquitt's fine financial administration.
influence injurious to a choice by merit, and not beneficial to the State
Judiciary. During October, of the year 1877, Rutherford B. Hayes, the Presi
dent of the United States, visited Georgia, accompanied by his wife,
Mr. Wm. M. Evarts, Secretary of State, and D. M. Key, Postmaster-
General. The demonstration of respect in Atlanta was overwhelming.
Gov. Colquitt and the Mayor of Atlanta, Dr. N. L. Angier, both
made addresses of welcorae. The speech of Gov. Colquitt was the
perfection of good taste and eloquence, and was copied over the whole
Union. It was a singularly felicitous utterance. A banquet was given
to the distinguished guest, and Gov. Colquitt honored him with a
reception at the Executive mansion.
The most briUiant and successful single feature of Gov. Colquitt's
remarkably beneficial administration has been its financial results.
Watching the minutest details of expenditure in his control, he has, in
all matters requiring it, maintained the good faith and proper liberality
of the State. And, singularly noticeable, the improvement of the
public finances has not only been shown in the ordinary, but in unusual
ways. It seems as if some fortunate fatality had guided the pecHniary
affairs of the commonwealth during this long rule of Gov. Colquitt,
while by a curious piece of fortune, no Executive ever suffered so much
of annoying animadversion. While every year has shown the State's
progress so far as her treasury is concerned, concurrently with such
betterment of money raatters, there has been incessant growling at the
Chief Magistrate. Large raeaiBures of public good were only regarded
frora a stand-point of dissatisfaction at alleged defects. Heavy pay
raents into the public treasury from unexpected sources, literally picked
up, afforded themes for such envenomed grumbling as would indicate
that the instrument of these benefactions was an eneray to the com
monwealth and the source of injury to the popular interests. The
instances of this sort of treatment are numerous and interesting.
The State bought the equipments of the State Road from the
United States Governraent, after the war, and paid for them. Gov.
BuUock employed Col. Baugh to re-open the settlement and get back
some of the raoney in excess of the real value. A number of raen joined
Baugh. Gov. Sraith enlarged the contract frora 12 1-2 per cent, to not
exceed 25 per cent, coraraission, and allowed raore attorneys to come
in. The gentlemen engaged were Robert Baugh, Gen. A. C. Garling-
ton. Col. R. A. Alston, J. C. Fain, Henry R. Jackson, A. R. Lawton,
W. S. Basinger, W. A. Prescott and C. D. WiUard. The claim was

the tuggle fee. 533
pushed through by that very electrical worker, Col. R. A. Alston, and
$199,038.58 was collected from the United States Government. Gov.
Colquitt aUowed the ten attorneys to have their 25 per cent., and
$152,278.94 went into the State Treasury to relieve the people. Yet,
strange to say, there was less rejoicing over the large gain of money
than growling over the fees paid the attorneys under a contract fixed
by Gov. Colquitt's predecessors.
But it was irapossible to balk Gov. Colquitt's evidently inevitable
raission of financial benefit to the State. He kept up his enlargeraent
of State funds. Col. W. O. Tuggle found out that there had been an
error of interest growing out of a claim of the State against the
United States Government, connected with the Indian hostUities of
1836, in Georgia. The claira was settled. Gov. Colquitt gave Col.
Tuggle authority to re-open the raatter, having first written to Hon.
A. H. Stephens and Hon. H. P. Bell to learn if any such claim was
being prosecuted at Washington, and receiving reply in the negative.
Col. Tuggle collected the sum of $72,296.94, received his fee of 15
per cent,, araounting to 10,844.54, and paid the balance into the State
Treasury, of $61,452.40. It was not an unreasonable thing to suppose
that sorae considerable flush of popular satisfaction would have ensued
over this spontaneous and munificent chance of good fortune. But
there was a lively episode of altercation over the rich dropping.
Hon. Jaraes A. Green of Baldwin county was agent of the State for
sorae clairas, and thought he ought to have a portion of Col. Tuggle's
fee. Mr. Green had done none of the work, but he raeraorialized the
General Asserably of which he was a member on the subject. A com
mittee was appointed, C. J. Harris, R. C. Huraber and H. T. HoUis.
The House passed a resolution asking the Governor for the facts, and
he gave them in a raessage. Mr. Huraber moved to lay the message
on the table. Mr. Green's authority covered clairas of the war of 1812
and "former wars." The coraraittee thought " forraer wars " included
the war of 1836, and that Mr. Green had rights, " though he does not
appear to have had anything to do with this particular claim," but pro
posed " to leave the contestants to the courts of the country." Mr.
Tuggle has not been disturbed in his fee.
Thus had the Governor seen in the first two years of his fortunate
administration $213,731.34 picked up and put in the public purse. But
this was not all. In 1874 an act passed to tax railroads like other
property. Many roads clairaed chartered exemptions. Gov. Sraith
pressed the raatter by suits and obtained sorae raoney.

534 SAVINGS AND REDUCTIONS BY THE MILLION.
The decisions of the courts were mostly against the State. The Uti
gation was re-opened by Major R. N. Ely, Governor Colquitt's Attor
ney General, by the authority of the Governor. Major Ely, aided by
Gen, Robert Toombs, pressed new suits vigorously and ably. The
handsome amount ol $216,683.27 of back taxes was collected for the
State for the years 1874, 1875 and subsequent years. And a principle was
established that will bring a large annual revenue into the State frora this
source. This was a valuable installraent for the Treasury, but there was
yet sorae very acriraonious howling at the Executive, Major Ely and
Gen. Toombs, on account of their fees. Legislative comraittees were
appointed and sent for witnesses and investigated, and there was a
mighty stir to no purpose. Here now was $430,414.61 plumped into
the people's purse frora extraneous and extraordinary sources, and yet
every dollar had been the subject of growling and censure.
The earnings of the Macon and Brunswick road, as before stated,
running to $164,608.12, can be added to this amount. When Gov. Col-
cjuitt was inaugurated, the State was carrying a floating debt of
»350,000. In 1877 this was reduced to $200,000, and in 1878 com
pletely wiped out. The public debt, when Gov. Colquitt came in, was
$11,095,879. It is now $9,643,500, having been reduced $1,452,379,
besides four per cent, bonds issued and redeeraed. The rate of taxation
in 1876 was five-tenths of one per cent., or fifty cents on the hundred
dollars, and raised $1,229,268 on a taxable property of $245,853,750.
The rate of taxation has been reduced under Gov. Colquitt's regime to
three-tenths of one per cent., or thirty cents on the hundred dollars, and
wUl raise in 1881 $750,000 on the taxable property of $250,000,000.
This is a marvelous result in five years — a reduction of taxes, two-fifths
or almost a half, and relieving the people from $679,268 that they paid
in tax burdens in 1876. And so far as the Executive of the State can
bring such an end, credit is due to Governor Colquitt.
It has not been siraply in large matters that there has occurred a
marked reduction of expense, but, also, in the smaller affairs of State
administration, under the good rule of this conscientious chief magis-
' trate, the Christian Colquitt. The saving in the cost of running the
lunatic asylum was $40,000 in the years 1877 and 1878, and out of the
retrenchment was erected a $25,000 addition to the institution for
colored patients. The deaf and dumb and blind asylums were also
more economically administered. The expenditures under the contin
gent, printing and public building funds were diminished one-third.
Even in the minor items of postage, proclamations, gas, coal and sta-

GOV. COLQUITT AS PRESIDENT INTERNATIONAL S. S. CONVENTION. 535
tionery, there were substantial economizings. Proclamation printing
was decreased from over $3,000 to less than $1,000 for instance. And
as these economies were begun before the convention of 1877 and the
legislatures that followed, and, as Gov. Colquitt suggested the reforms
inaugurated by these bodies in his first special message in January, 1877,
the credit of the valuable retrenchraents that have been raade must be
accorded to him.
And in spite of the active and unceasing misrepresentation of his acts,
the raasses of the people appreciated his course and overwhelraingly
endorsed hira. The anoraalies of his public career have been raany and
striking, but none raore than that one of the raost valuable adrainistra
tions of Georgia history has been so ranoorously assailed and so signally
approved. The crusades against him have been aggressive and impla
cable, and have seemed to be mighty and invincible. Yet when the test
has corae, and the public has spoken its verdicts, the popular opinion
has shown itself so crushingly against his assailants, and given in this
age and country of smaU poUtical majorities Such ponderous endorse
ment as to make raen doubt the evidence of. their own senses, and
wonder that minorities can be so disproportionately noisy and phenom
enal majorities be so quiet.
An event worthy of noting in the early part of Gov. Colquitt's adminis
tration, was the assembling of the International Sunday School conven
tion in 1878, in Atlanta. This body, representing a constituency of eight
millions of Sunday School teachers and scholars, the Christian children
of the English-speaking world of all denominations, was the grandest
and most important convocation of the century. It had as delegates
the leading spirits of the world in eloquence, piety and Christian influ
ence — the men of power and genius in every section — profound thinkers,
transcendent orators, learned and devout divines of world-wide fame.
There never has been a gathering of brighter and raore illustrious raen.
It was an unbroken galaxy of Christian intellectualities.
It was a proud, personal triuraph as well as a rare tribute to the State
that the Governor, by his personal magnetism and moral and mental
power, captured this body of superior men. Gov. Colquitt was unani
raously chosen as the President of this irapressive convention for four
years. He raade sorae of the raost eloquent speeches of the session, and
left an irapress upon its sacred deliberations and critical raembership
that was an honor to hiraself and Georgia. To the four corners of the
globe was carried the praises of our enlightened commonwealth and her
representative Christian Governor.

536 GOVERNOR COLQUITT AT THE NORTH.
It was a gratifying continuation of this unusual and enviable in
fluence and repute, that Governor Colquitt was invited to, and attended
vast religious gatherings of the Christian thinkers and workers of the
North, at Chatauqua and Brooklyn. His speeches were equal to the
great occasions, and reacted nobly upon the State. Among recognized
inteUectual poWers he took a foreraost stand. He contributed some
potential outgivings in the cause of national fraternization, and gave to
Georgia the lofty prestige due to a sectional harmonizer. It was an august
mission for any man, a mission requiring brain and eloquence and
spiritual fervor — a raission strengthened by a handsorae presence, a
noble face, and the warm, genial and magnetic Southern raanner that
make up the physical personality of Gov. Colquitt. Few men could
have gone to these focal centers of critical intelligence and have sus
tained, so brilliantly and with such harvest of fame, so trying an ordeal.
And not the least of its superb results was that the State of Georgia
was thereby placed foremost among the admitted agencies of moral
civilization.

CHAPTER XLVII.
THE EXTRAORDINARY CRUSADE OF HOSTILITY TO GOV.
COLQUITT. '
The Democratic Party of the State Overgrown anfl Unwieldy. — Dissension Inevitable. —
Universal Desire for Office. — Gov, Colquitt's Popularity.— His Friends after Place,
— The Torrent of Applications and Disappointments, — Gov, Colquitt's Inaugural.
— The Assaults upon Him Begin. — The North-eastern Bond Endorsement, — A
Great Calumny, — Gov, Colquitt's Ringing Message Derpanding Investigation, —
The Legislature of 1878-79,— Its Personelle,— H. D. McDaniel— J. B. Cumming,—
E. P. HoweU.— H, G, Turner,- W. M. Hammond.— A, L. Miller.— L. F. Garrard.
— The North-eastern Bond Enquiry. — The Complete Exoneration of Gov. Colquitt.
— ^Wholesale Investigation. — A Carnival of Nosing. — The Comptroller General, W,
L. Goldsmith, — Bribery Attempted, — Excitement, — Goldsmith Impeached, — The
Trial, — A Defence FuU of Mistakes, — Judge Warner as Presiding Officer,— The
Defence Breaks Down, — The Comptroller's Conviction and Sentence, — The Treas
urer. — Attempt and Failure of His Impeachment. — Prof. Orr. — Col. N. C, Barnett
and His Wax. — Capt, John W. Nelms. — The Principal Keeper of the Penitentiary,
— A Lively Investigation, — The Effort to Involve Gov. Colquitt, — An Exciting Epi
sode. — The Recoil of a Personal Attack. — Gov. Colquitt's Fine Attitude Amid an
Epidemic of Suspicion.
The overwhelming majority of the Democratic party in Georgia in
1877, would at fir.st flush seera a favorable augury for Gov. Colquitt and
his adrainistration. It was really a state of things full of the worst
portent. The organization was overgrown, unwieldy, and heteroge
neous. It was coraposed of the confused and illy-welded fragments of
the conflicting parties of half a century of shifting political strife.
Antagonism to reconstruction had, under the inspiration of a common
Southern sentiraent, united under a coramon party banner every diver
sity of party adherent, representing every shade of public opinion, and
the most irreconcilable party theories. It was a curious jumbleraent
of views and prejudices, destined inevitably to dissensions in the absence
of ojiposition to weld together its incongruous eleraents.
There were many most potent causes to breed trouble in the vast and
loosely organized party. The war had impoverished the whole people,
and the aspirants for office were countless. It was a clamorous question
of bread. The smallest public salaries had a value strangely dispropor
tioned to their amount, and the character and abilities of the raen seek-

538 THE RUSH FOR OFFICE IN 1877.
ing them. Places were very few, and applicants innumerable and
importunate. Again Gov. Colquitt had becorae a sort of public idol. His popu
larity was phenomenal. His wonderful agreeability, captivating tact, and
shinincr moral Ufe, endeared him to raen of all classes. He had hun-
dreds upon hundreds of personal friends, who worked zealously for his
election, and each one thought that he should be preferred above all
others, and granted anything he raight wish. It has yet to be recorded
that any raan's friendship stood the test of a disappointment of his
office aspirations, even though it was a conclusively proper disap
pointment. There will never, in the history of Georgia, be such another universal
rush for office as there was in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred
and seventy-seven. From the day that Gov. Colquitt was norainated,
the torrent of earnest applications poured in upon hira. From all parts
of the State they came, running to hundreds, for each position in his
gift. Friends of long standing, with touching pleas of necessity,
appealed to him for the opportunity to raake a living. There were
pathetic revelations of pecuniary distress, that would have raoved any
heart, rauch less, one so syrapathetic as Gov. Colquitt's. The ordeal was
appalling. This siege of the friendly unfortunates, raany of thera life
time intimates in sore need, was the most trying situation of his life.
The offices were pitifully meager. Five places in the Executive office,
an Attorney General, a Keeper of the Penitentiary, a Librarian, ten
Superior Court Judges, and as many Solicitors, were the small sum
total of the patronage in his gift, — about thirty, all told. And for
these, hungry, desperate raen, by the thousand, were fervently entreat
ing. There were over one hundred applications for the office of Prin
cipal Keeper of the Penitentiary; and as raany for State Librarian.
Thirteen able lawyers wanted to be Solicitor of the South Western
Circuit, and eleven to be Judge, making twenty-four in all, in one httle
circuit of the most intelligent and influential leaders of opinion, of
whora twenty-three must be offended. One friend was held, and twenty-
three active, prominent, implacable eneraies were gained at one stroke.
Gov. Colquitt gazed aghast at the situation, and realized, though not
fully, for no raan could anticipate it, the storra that was brewing. It
was an extraordinary time. The hunger for place was exaggerated
by long deprivation and men's really stern needs. With Gov. Colquitt's
election by such an unheard-of majority, it looked as if the political
millenium had come to his necessitous supporters. Men seemed to

GOVERNOR COLQUITT AND TIIE D1S.\P1'01NTE1). 539
think that the offices were ample for any demand. Hundreds applied,
designating no office, but asking for some place, and leaving it to the
Governor's discrimination to select one that would suit their respective
qualities. There can be no more pathetic and suggestive reading than
this vast collection of letters filed in. the Executive Department, and a
hundred years from now the curious delver of that day into the official
records of this time, will read in the plaintive story of these raultitudi-
iious applications, the most eloquent portrayal of a State's impoverish
ment, and of the cruel visitation of iraplacable enraity that carae upon
the Executive, whose offending was that he did not have an office for
every worthy applicant.
Gov. Colquitt was inaugurated on the 12th day of January, 1877.
His chaste and eloquent inaugural concluded in these exquisite words:
"Our work is befo'e us, gentlemen, and a grand achievement is within our grasp.
That work is the restoration of a vast heritage, which a sad fortune has sorely wasted
and damaged. It is to evoke a thousand splendid resources, now unutilized. It is to
maintain the proudest and noblest traditions — an honor unsullied — the status of as
worthy aud respectable a constituency as exists, and its position by the side of the most
advanced of commonwealths. Tliis labor, vast as it is, exacts uo impossilde thing at our
hands. Witli the blessings of Heaven, and the agencies of clear heads and pure hearts,
it may be accomplislied.
" Again solemnly invoking the Divine aid upon our efforts to serve our beloved State, I
now take the oath of office."
He immediately made his appointments, and the rautterings of the
public thunder began. There was no delay in the gathering of the
storm. No human power could parallel the miracle of the loaves and
fishes, and raake thirty offices erabrace 3,000 people. There were 2,970
disappointed raen; they were scattered over the State; they were the
best citizens, influential and active, and they made a nucleus of hostility
that frora that day to this has growled at and battered the Executive,
heading an implacable opposition to Gov. Colquitt, and making his ad
ministration, perhaps, the raost turbulent of the century. No Executive
in the annals of the State has had such an unreraitting and virulent
crusade of assault as Gov. Colquitt.
He differed frora Gov. Brown, and frora his great father, Walter T.
Colquitt, in this, that whUe they made aggressive battle, he fought
with an invincible defensiveness. In all the fierce warfare kept up
incessantly against Gov. Colquitt and his administration, with his
assailants striking fiercely not only his public acts, but malignantly
seeking to besmirch his personal honor and honesty, to the eternal
credit of his resolute reUgious firraness be it said, that he never

540 THE NORTH-EASTERN BOND CALUMNY.
attempted to retaliate a slander or inflict an injury. Unyielding, and
set immovably against his foes, he never touched them to wound, but
with a heroism of jiatience, as unusual as it was lofty, he was satisfied
to win the triumph of his reputation from the overwhelraing verdict of
the people, leaving his eneraies to public opinion, and unscathed by the
malice they deserved.
It will be a noble figure in Georgia history, this coraely Christian
Governor striking down the hot caluranies against his private and
public farae, without having sullied his victory by the indulgence of
even a justifiable resentraent against his slanderers. The figure will
grow brighter with tirae. A raore unsparing teraper, and a carapaign
of recrimination, might have saved him from many an attack provoked
by his moderation, but it could not have added one particle to his com
plete victory.
The act of Gov. Colquitt's administration that was raost unscrupu
lously used against him, was the endorsement of the bonds of the
North-eastern Railroad for $260,000, or $6,500 per raile for forty miles.
The raatter was investigated fully in every possible light for weeks by
a legislative committee, and not only sworn legal evidence taken, but
even rumors sifted under oath. It constitutes one of the most extraor
dinary episodes, of either individual or public record. That so flimsy a
pretext should be raade the basis of so grave a calurany and so
extended an official inquiry, is something anomalous, and savors of the
farcical. The occurrence illustrates how an unreal thing can be exag
gerated and falsified by a whispering malice into such proportions that
honest human character totters in the balance, and a great State
becomes the grand inquest to puncture the aspersion. It shows further,
how an act done under the purest considerations of private conscience
and public duty can be perverted into wrong under an ingenious
hostility. The aid of the State was pledged to this road in 1870. In 1874, State
aid generaUy was repealed except where vested. The same legislature
of 1874, by resolution, excepted this road frora the general repeal.
Gov. Smith appointed J. H. Powers, J. A. Grant and C. B. Wallace to
inspect the road for State aid, and they reported favorably January 9,
1877, a few days before Gov. Colquitt's inauguration. Gov. Colquitt
treated the matter very carefully. He advised its submission to the
courts. The Suprerae Court decided that it had no jurisdiction in the
case, and referred the matter back to the Governor.
The Governor finally granted the aid to save the road from being sold

THE LEGISLATURE OF 1878, 541
under an indebtedness of some $237,632.97, incurred upon the faith of
the State, that the State's endorsement would be given when the condi
tions of the law were complied with. The Atlanta Rolling raill and Citi
zen's Bank had large interest in the decision, the Rolling raill having
furnished iron for the road, and the bank backing the mill. Mr. J. W.
Murphy, the Treasurer's clerk, was eraployed by the Rolling mill to get
up the stateraents of leading raerabers of the legislature of 1874 to
show that the intention was to except the North Eastern railroad frora
the operation of State aid. Hon. B. H. HUl was also employed by the
Rolling raill to secure the endorsement. The subject created a pro
found interest. Of the legislature of 1874, A. O. Bacon, Speaker, L. N.
Trararaell, President, T. J. Simraons, Chairraan Finance Coraraittee,
Geo. A. Mercer, Geo. F. Pierce, Jr., Chairman .ludiciary Coraraittee,
H. D. McDaniel, and also Gen. Toorabs, Gen. A. R. Lawton and ex-
Gov. Jos. E. Brown favored the endorseraent.
Mr. Goodnow, general raanager of the Schofield rolling mill, wrote a
private letter expressing the intimation that Gov. Colquitt had yielded
to iraproper considerations in granting the aid, and the air became filled
with the painful rumors that the Executive had partfcipated in Mr.
Murphy's fee. That so incredible a calumny should find a lodgment in
the public mind was indeed a shock to Gov. Colquitt, and he raet it
with indignant spirit.
The legislature of 1878 met November 6, 1878. It proved to be a
session of extraordinary work that this body held. Hon. R. E. Lester
was elected President of the Senate, and Hon. A. O. Bacon, Speaker of
the House. Araong the Senators were D. A. Russell, E. C. Bower,
.lohn T. Clark, Wm. Harrison, J. M. Hudson, J. C. Clements, Jos. B.
Curaraing, J. A. Stephens, C. W. Du Bose, T. B. Cabaniss, T. W.
Griraes, H, D. McDaniel, J. A. Speer, J. W. Preston, H. R. Casey, S.
W. Lumpkin, A. D. Candler, E. P. Howell, A. W. Holcombe, S. Grant-
land, C. .1. WeUborn, J. C. Fain, Saral. Hawkins. This Senate was a
very strong one, and had in it sorae gentlemen of superior abiUty and
decision. Mr. McDaniel is in the present Senate. A sound thinker, a clear
speaker, having a well-balanced temper and judgment, direct and honest,
winning universal respect by his dignity and sincerity, Mr. McDaniel
has been a raost potential meraber of the legislature, always carrying
great weight. It has been a striking evidence of the large influence he
has exercised, that a considerable impediment in his speech has been no
barrier to the exalted appreciation of him entertained by the General

542 THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF 1878.
Assembly and the public. Men in listening to his strong, sensible views
so clearly expressed, forget entirely the manner of their utterance. Mr.
J. W. Preston was a marked Senator in this body. A very ready,
extemporaneous speaker, earnest and faithful to his convictions, Mr.
Preston was a recognized leader. Perhaps, the most polished debater in
the Senate was Major J. B. Cumming. There is a peculiarly musical
tone in his delivery, and he has a diction chaste and ornate. Mr. A. D.
Candler was a forcible debater, always speaking with an emphasis and
directness that insured attention and gave him weight. Mr. Clements
is now a member of Congress, and was a modest, solid Senator then, a
practical, clear-headed, positive legislator, who enjoyed universal respect.
Mr. T. B. Cabaniss held aii excellent position and spoke well. A fine
debater was Judge .lohn T. Clarke, a model of logical arguraent. T.
W. Grimes was a young Senator, blending singularly a fine courtesy
with an uncommon decisiveness of character and independence of con
viction. Col. J. C. Fain is now judge of the Cherokee circuit, and had
an exceptional power of management. Capt. E. P. Howell was the
very essence of a practical, common sense, animated by an exceedingly
rich humor, and grappling all questions and measures with force and an
. unvarying success. All of these men will irapress theraselves on the
future of the State.
The House, also, had some notable and promising characters. Among
these were A. O. Bacon, T. W. Milner, R. A. Nisbet, H. G. Turner, A.
n. Gray, A. P. Adams, W. H. Hulsey, P. L. Mynatt, W. R. Rankin,
Allen Fort, N. L: Hutchins, .L E. Redwine, W. J. Northern, R. L.
McWhorter, A. L. MiUer, J. H. PolhiU, H. C. Roney, Reese Crawford,
L. F. Garrard, L. F. Anderson, Jaraes M. Smith, H. G. Wright, John L
HaU, J. C. Maund, Wm. M. Hammond, A. PI. Cox, J. F. Awtry, J. A. R.
Hanks and F. H. CoUey. Col. H. G. Turner is now a meraber of Con
gress, and was the leader of the House. His utterances commanded a
remarkable attention. Having little oratorical grace, speaking without
fervor and very plainly, and often too low for hearing, yet raerabers
always showed an undisguised eagerness to hear what he had to say,
and his position on aiiy raeasure generally decided its fate. His legis
lative career was a singular demonstration of personal influence. He
was rather under-sized, stoutish, with a large, expansive forehead run
ning to baldness, lit up by dark eyes, and he was very quiet, grave and
polite in his siraple raanners.
W. M. Hararaond ranked very high. His fine face denoted inteUi
gence and culture. A Carolinian by birth, and a raeraber of the gifted

THE PERSOXELLE OF TIIE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1878. 543
Hammond blood of that State, he has, in Georgia, taken the high posi
tion due to his strong and cultured intellect, graceful courtesy and
eloquent speaking power. Mr. J. H. PolhiU was a recognized leader, a
lawyer of ability, and a person of integrity and convictions. One of
the most marked men in the body, and possessing sorae exceptional
qualities, was A. L. ililler.. A slender, clear-faced gentleraan, with
searching, coal-black eyes, he had as much power on the floor as any
member in the House. There was no more successful debater. His
talks could hardly be called speeches, but were rather keen thrusts and
incisive statements, cutting to the quick the weak points of the opposi
tion, and presenting plainly the practical ones of his own side. He was
inimitable in defending an assaulted report of the finance coraraittee, of
which he generally took the lead. Mr. Miller made a hobby of economy,
and rather ran it to extremes. A ready parliamentarian, he shrewdly
anticipated defeat by sorae adroit concession that secured hira a raodi-
fied victory. Mr. L. F. Garrard was one of the brightest and raost
active raerabers, generally uniting his energies with Mr. Miller. He
originated several large public financial raeasures, and he had an
unwearied zeal and tact in getting them through. Bold, combative
and ready, Mr. Garrard took an unusual stand for a new and young
legislator. A marked young meraber also was Arthur H. Gray, whose frankness .
is a refreshing and uncommon quality in a day of political hypocrisy.
H. G. Wright was witty and popular. Perhaps the most original char
acter in the House was John C. Maund, a man of pecuUar jest and
quaintly practical. His hard sense was flavored with an unctuous and
perennial humor. One of the briUiant young merabers was A. H. Cox,
a natural orator and legislator. His ringing voice penetrated the House
more resonantly than any one, and his clear tones never carried a weak
utterance. No man commanded a raore attentive hearing than Mr.
Cox. Col. P. L. Mynatt was a raost useful and influential legislator.
A very gifted young representative was A. P. Adaras, eloquent, argu
mentative, the master of a compact logic. Jaraes M. Smith of Ogle
thorpe county, was a progressive, successful farmer of large operations,
entirely at home on the legislative floor. W.-H. Hulsey was a gaUant
officer in the war, was made Mayor of Atlanta soon after, and was a
bright, pleasant, promising young fellow.
The action of this legislature wUl ever be a raeraorable chapter of
Georgia history. It settled the North Eastern railroad bond calumny
upon the Governor. Shocked and indignant at the aspersion. Gov.

544 GOVERNOR Colquitt's ringing message.
Colquitt met it with the high spirit that belonged to the man, and he
sent into the General Assembly the following matchless message, as
eloquent, fitting, and sententious a paper as was ever penned:
"Executive Department, )
Atlanta, Ga., November ,6, 1878. j
"To The General Assembly;
" A grievous necessity has been imposed upon me to demand at your hands a thorough
investigation of my motives and conduct, as the Executive of Georgia, in placing the
State's endorsement upon tlie bonds of the North-eastern railroad. This necessity has
been created by widely circulated slanders and innuendoes, vile and malignant, and so
mendacious and wicked as to raake all corament and paraphrase upon them utterly
futile. Nothing but a thorough sifting of my every motive and act in regard to these
bonds, as far as human insight and judgment can reach these, can sati^fy aggrieved
honor, or give such entire assurance to the jieople of Georgia, as they have a right to
demand in the premises. To a man who values his good name far more than life, it
would be an act of supremest injustice to deny the most plenary vindication rendered in
the most august and authoritative form known to the laws, or to public opinion. To the
people of tliis great Comraonwealtli, it is of the last consequence that they should know
beyond all peradventure, that the man who fills, at their call, the chief seat of authority,
is above reproach or suspicion.
" My denunciations of an awful and stupendous slander, forged and uttered to dishonor
me, will not be enough. The Geueral Assembly of this State — a co ordinate power — is
appealed to for that justice wliich, while it will, I know full well, exonerate me as a
man, will also vindicate the fair farne of Georgia, assailed by cruel slanders on her Chief
Executive. ALFRED H. COLQUITT."
This ringing document went over the State carrying like an electric
spell the inspiration of its resenting innocence and stern defiance.
There was never a more stirring or exquisite expression of a wounded
'spirit of honor. A joint committee was appointed in conformity with
the request of the Governor, to investigate the matter, consisting of A.
H. Cox, W. M. Hammond, R. C. Humber, H. G. Wright, John L HaU,
W. J. Northern, Allen Fort and A. H. Gray of the House, and J. W.
Preston, J. F; Troutman, H. R. Casey, J. P. Tison and Saral. Hawkins
of the Senate.
The investigation continued, and the committee reported on the 12th
day of December, 1878. During the inquiry there wer'e many inci
dents, to keep the public sense excited. A personal difficulty nearly
occurred between Maj. ,L W. Murphy and Hon. B. W. HUl, and a suit
was started between them about the fee paid by the RoUing mill. It
was a painful ordeal for a proud man Uke Gov. Colquitt, to thus have
his private integrity and official honor under investigation. But such
is the disagreeable accompaniment of public trust. Gov. Colquitt's
conduct in this unspeakable trial was perfect. He stood serene.

THE NORTH-EA.STERN BOND SLANDER. 545
patient, unirritated, acting with a noble christian dignity that endeared
him to the public esteera. The raajority of the coramittee thus re
ported: "In the opinion. of this committee, the reports and rumors that connect the name of
the Governor with any improper conduct in the matter of the endorsement of the bonds
of the North eastern Railroad Company, are vile and malignant slanders."
The minority of the coraraittee, Wm. M. Hammond and R. C. Plum
ber, thus reported:
"We brand as a libel the insinuation that the determination of Governor Colquitt to
endorse the bonds was induced by any sinister influence or unworthy motive."
The coraraittee was unanimous and emphatic in vindicating the Gov
ernor, but divided upon the question of approving the action of Maj.
J. W. Murphy in taking a fee in the matter. The majority of the com
mittee exonerated Mr. Murphy. The minority declared it an abuse for
any government employes to receive rewards in consideration of in
fluencing or attempting to influence the official conduct of any officers
of the government.
The reports being raade on the 12th of Deceraber, 1878, and the
legislature adjourning on the 13th, there was not tirae for an examina
tion by the body of the voluminous evidence. The action on the re
ports was therefore deferred until the summer session. Mr. McDaniel
of the Senate, offered this resolution.
" Resolved, That this General Assembly cannot adjourn, in justice to a co-ordinate
branch of the Government, to themselves, and to the State, without placing upon the
record an avowal of our undiminished confidence in the integrity and purity of the Gov
ernor of our State."
Mr. Curaraing offered the following araendraent, which was added, and
the resolution passed both branches:
"Resolved, That the postponement by the General Assembly of action on the report of
the Investigating Committee, is not to be construed as an expression that its confidence
in the character of the Governor, a character exalted by his civil, military and private
career, is at all shaken, but such postponement by the General Assembly is simply due
to its own appreciation of the proprieties of judicial proceedings, which forbid judgment
in any and all cases, before the cases have been heard."
The legislature reasserabled July 2d, 1879, and during this session the
coramittee united upon the following, which was adopted by the body
as the final conclusive action upon this raatter, entirely and forraally
relieving Gov. Colquitt.
" Your committee, from the want of any evidence sustaining snch charges, and from
the mass of evidence disproving such charges, report this conclusion : That his Excel
lency deserves, at the hands of the General Assembly, complete vindication on the issues
3,5

540 THE INVESTIGATKI.V of THE COMPTROLLER GENERAL.
made by him, and specified above. Your committee have unanimously concluded that
his Excellency did not, in any way, sliape or form, participate in the fee received by Mr.
.lohn W. Murphy ; that no offer ot any such thing was made by any one to his Excel
lency ; tliat said fee did not control liis conduct in said endorsement, and that, wliether
the act of endorsement was legal or illegal, the motives of the Governor were pure."
While this inquiry so signally exonerated the Governor, it seeraed as
if its effect was to stimulate an epidemic of legislative investigation.
A series of inquests was inaugurated. Committees were appointed to
look into the Comptroller General's office, the Treasury, the Department
of Agriculture, the State School Commissioner's office, the penitentiary
system, the public printer and the Secretary-of-State's office. It was a
general nosing for wrong. The Legislature put itself upon a prowling
recognizance for dark deeds in the various departments. In the wild
land office of the comptroller's department there had been for a year or
two public rautterings of mismanageraent and dissatisfaction. And a
committee had spent weeks looking into the trouble. It found much
cause of complaint, and a majority of the committee, D. A. Russell, P.
D. Davis, L. Strickland and .1. C. Maund, recommended that all sales of
wild land under transferred^;?, fas., be declared null and void. Mr. A. D.
Candler made a minority report dissenting from this recomraendation.
Upon the heels of these reports, Mr. P. D. Davis and L. Strickland
startled the Legislature by the declaration, that Mr. H. P. Wright had
sought to induce thera by bribery to sign a paper prepared by the
Comptroller General, making some modifications in their reports.
It would be difficult to convey the excitement created by this dis
closure. The wild land committee made a supplemental report, recom
mending that articles of impeachment be preferred against Col. W. L.
Goldsmith, the comptroller. A committee of thirteen, C. D. PhiUips,
R. L. McWhorter, B. M. Davis, G R. Sibley, R. A. Cannon, W. .1. Pike,
A. C. Westbrook, W. T. Irvine, .1. A. R. Hanks, A. M. Du Dose and F.
H. CoUey, was appointed to investigate the facts, and recommend action.
The first eight reported articles of impeachment, and the last four dis
sented from the recommendation. Resolutions for impeachment were
passed. A coraraittee of C. D. Phillips, R. L. ilcWhorter, B. M. Davis,
G. R. Sibley, R. H. Cannon, A. C. Westbrook and W. T. Irvine was
' appointed to notify the Senate. An election for raanagers of the
impeachment was held on the 6th day of August, 1879, and the follow
ing gentlemen were elected: H. G. Turner, W. ;M. Hammond, C. D.
PhiUips, B. M. Davis, .L H. PolhiU, W, J. Pike and A. P. Adams.
On the 10th of August, 1879, the managers presented articles of

THE IMPEACll.MENT OF J. AV. GOLDSMITH. 547
irapeachraent before the Senate, the Hon. H. G. Turner having been
chosen the chief manager. Mr. Goldsmith was cliarged with illegally
receiving ^4,582,50 as costs on tax e.xecutions; iUegally issuing eight
ta.x executions; extorting illegal costs; illegally refusing to receive tax;
illegaUy issuing and transferring 228 wild land executions; illegaUy
paying out §8,179.73 of the public money without authority; illegally
ordering sheriffs to pay tax money in excess to owners; illegally retain
ing $11,193.17 of public money; making false returns of $2,363.61 of
public money; illegally retaining $9,720.40 of insurance taxes and fees;
fraudulently altering the wild land records; raaking false returns of
$0,134.45 of insurance tax; atterapting bribery; and for lucre establishing
a disgTaceful precedent.
On the 21st day of August, 1879, the Senate organized as a High
Court of Impeachment, with Hiram Warner, Chief Justice of tho
Suprerae Bench, as the presiding officer of the court. The Senate cham
ber and galleries were packed with people to witness these novel proceed
ings. Several Senators asked to be excused from voting, Mr. JIc-
Daniel on account of relationship; D. A. Russell and A. D. Candler
because they had been on the coraraittee of investigation; Mr. Speer on
account of ill health; and J. P. Turner because he had transferred some
of the wild lands f.. fas. But the Senate did not excuse them. Mr.
Goldsmith was allowed until September 1st, 1879, to prepare his answer,
which denied the jurisdiction of the Senate, alleged that the matters
charged did not constitute an offence, and declared his innocence. The
counsel of Mr. Goldsmith were Judge J. L. Hopkins, Col. Milton A.
Candler, Capt. Harry Jackson, and W. S. Thompson.
It was generally regarded that the defense made a mistake in filing
jileas to the jurisdiction, and to the sufficiency of the articles. All tech
nical resistance should have been foregone and the issue met squarely
upon its raerits. The arguraent on these dilatory pleas was made by
Col. Candler and .ludge Hopkins, for Mr. Goldsmith, and W. M. Ham
mond and A. P. Adams, for the prosecution, and was very able and
exhaustive. The pleas were unanimously over-ruled. The defense
made another mistake in objecting to testiraony covering conduct during
Mr. Goldsmith's first term, on the ground that the articles of irapeach
raent failed to designate hira as a former comptroller. This objection
was over-ruled, and had an injurious effect in showing a disposition to
cut off the examination of charges on their merits. Nearly a week was
consumed in this profitless sort of skirraishing. The vote had to be
taken by ballot separately on each article, and consuraed a-deal of time.

548 THE END OF THE IMPEACHMENT.
It was a right curious matter, that the able Chief Ju,stice, so long
accustomed to preside over a judicial tribunal, did not successfully gov
ern the deliberations of the Senate as a court of impeachment. He was
little acquainted with parliamentary law, and his decisions were con
stantly over-ruled by the Senate. The taking of the testimony began
on the/ 8th of September, 1879, and continued untU the 13th, when in
the beginning of the defense, the counsel of Mr. Goldsraith asked an
adjournment of the court. Mr. Goldsmith tendered his resignation to
the Governor, who declined to receive it, pending the impeachment
trial. On the 15th of September the counsel of Mr. Goldsmith an
nounced that they would introduce no more testimony, and had nothing
more to say. The defense thus breaking down, Mr. Turner made a
brief speech, and the trial ended by taking the vote on the 17th of Sep
tember, 1879. Mr. Goldsmith was found guilty of illegaUy receiving
$4,582.50 as costs on tax executions; illegally extorting costs; illegally
refusing to receive tax; illegally issuing and transferring 228 wild land
executions; illegally retaining $9,720.46 of insurance fees and tax;
making false returns of $6,134.45 of insurance tax; and establishing a
disgraceful precedent. It was a curious feature of this conviction that
though the accused had abandoned defense, and thus stood unresisting
a condemnation on every charge, the Senate critically tested every
count in the impeachment, and acquitted Mr. Goldsmith upon a number
of thera. Mr. Lumpkin offered an order that the punishment should be
removal from, and life disqualification to hold office. Mr. Howell moved
to strike out the disqualification feature of the penalty. This motion
received fourteen yeas and twenty-five nays. Mr. Lumpkin's order
then passed by thirty-seven yeas to two nays. Senators Head and Pres
ton voting against.
The sentence was declared on the 19th of September, 1879, and its
enforcement was a touching spectacle. Judge Hopkins made an im
pressive stateraent for Mr. Goldsmith. The Senate chamber was filled,
and there was a deep feeling pervading the large assemblage, as this
solemn and irreversible fiat of out-lawry was officially announced against
this citizen. The incident lost none of its significance, from the fact
that in the whole population of a raiUion and a half of this large"- cora
raonwealth he was the single individual that was thus deprived of the
political privileges of a freeraan. It was a tragic isolation for any man
to occupy, and it carried with it a sympathy that strangely tinged the
stern justice of the act.
Of the other investigations several were lengthy and elicited deep

THE ACQUITTAL OF THE TREASURER. 549
feeling and warm discussion. The Treasurer, Col. J. W. Renfroe, had
conducted the affairs of his office with unsurpassable ability. The
raajority of the coraraittee reported articles of impeachment against
him for taking interest on the public deposits. Hon. J. E. Redwine
raade a rainority report against impeachment, quoting the resolution of
the General Asserably, of December 8, 1871, relieving Treasurer N. L.
Angier frora liability for interest on the State deposits, and 'dismissing
suits against hira for $7,000 of such interest. He urged that if Mr.
Renfroe had accepted raoneys that should have gone into the State
Treasury he could be raade to pay thera over; but to prosecute so
faithful an officer by costly irapeachraent would be unjust to hira and
contrary to sound policy. Col. Renfroe offered to the House his resig
nation and the raoney taken as interest.
The House declined to receive this reparation. Messrs. A. H. Cox,
T. W. MUner, AUen Fort, Reese Crawford, R. A. Nisbet, N. L. Hutchins,
and W. A. Turner were elected Impeachment Managers. Col. Renfroe
had, as counsel. Gen. Henry R. Jackson of Savannah, and Capt. Harry
Jackson of Atlanta, father and son. The prosecution was ably con
ducted. The defense was a consummate piece of legal management.
Renfroe's counsel offered to admit all the facts, and required none of
thera to be proven. Every effort was made to expedite the trial, and
get a hearing on the merits. Much raillery was indulged in at the time,
that the young and talented raanagers were unraercifuUy deprived of
the opportunity to make some great speeches, prepared in anticipation
of dilatory pleas' and demurrers, which were not filed. The facts being
proraptly admitted, the argument carae on swiftly, and was very able.
Allen Fort and A. H. Cox spoke for the managers, and did it well. The
speech of Mr. Cox was a reraarkable one. Harsh in voice, awkward in
gesture, full of griraaces and shrieking, the speech was a master-effort,
powerful, striking and eloquent. Its argument, sarcasra and eloquence
were extraordinary. It was sustained from beginning to end. It cov
ered the whole ground. It held the imraense audience electrically. It
showed deep study, exhaustive thought and vividness of expression.
Capt. Harry Jackson made a clear, concise, strong legal argument.
Gen. Henry R. Jackson is a fervid orator, fluent, imaginative and im
passioned, and he made a powerful and thrilling speech. The Senators
consumed four days in discussion. Senators Curamings, Cabaniss,
Harrison, Preston, Bryan, and others, advocated acquittal. Senators
McDaniel, Clarke, Bower and Lester, spoke for conviction. Upon the
vote being taken. Treasurer Renfroe was acquitted. A resolution was

550 THE BATTLE OVER JOHN W. NELMS.
passed instructing the Governor to issue execution against hira and his
sureties for the interest. This was done, but the courts decided in favor
of Renfroe, and he thus stood exonerated. His conduct through the
whole painful ordeal was manly, open, frank and courageous.
The committees investigating Prof. Orr, the School Commissioner,
and Col. Barnett, the Secretary of State, found nothing to condemn
and everything to approve in their dejaartments. It was jocularly
declared that Col. Barnett had used several cents' worth of wax in
putting the great seal of State to public docuraents, and Prof. Orr had
paid his own expenses in traveling around in the interest of the public
schools. Dr. Janes, the Commissioner of Agriculture, had raade some
errors of judgraent in establishing his valuable department, that, in
any other time than an epoch of diseased suspicion, would have passed
unnoticed. Dr. Janes resigned his position on the ground that the
opposition to the Bureau was personal opposition to him, and he was
unwilling that the Departraent should suffer on his account.
One of the most interesting battles was over the adrainistration of
Capt. John W. Nelms, th,e principal keeper of the penitentiary. This
gentleman, in many respects, is a very uncomraon character. Having
only raoderate education, he is one of the raost untiring and effective
political raanagers in the State. A devoted friend and an unsparing
opponent, an open-handed, free-hearted, out-spoken, fearless character,
affectionate in his attachments, wielding a remarkable influence, shrewd
and enterprising, he has shown himself a valuable political ally in any
contest. He moved to Campbell county when a set of fighting raen
held a pretty strong political rule. He not only held his own, but
adrainistered some severe punishment in several tough encounters
forced upon him, and obtained a firm grip on the men of that county.
His administration of the penitentiary was careful, conscientious and
capable. He had kept up a custora inaugurated by his predecessor.
Col. John T. Brown, of removing convicts for the lessees at so much a
head. This was an open arrangeraent between him and the lessees, in
no way affecting the State. This was the point of attack against him.
The coraraittee was divided. Four raembers. Chambers, ^^^alters, Gar
rard and Tarver, condemned the Principal Keeper, but suggested no
action. Four merabers, Ivy, Tatura, Butt and Patterson, entirely justi
fied Capt. Nelras. Mr. Anderson raade a third report, not altogether
exonerating the Principal Keeper, but leaving the raatter to the
Goverrlor. The Legislature referred the subject to the Governor, who did not

GOVERNOR COHiUlTT's ENEMIES MAK.E A B.VD BLUNDER. 551
remove a faithful officer. Growing out of the raethod of the investiga
tion with closed doors, a sharp controversy ensued between ex-Gov.
Joseph E. Brown and Hon. L. F. Garrard, in which the prosecution of
the Colurabus prisoners, charged with the kUling of Ashburn, was
re-opened, discussed, and placed in a new light, as has been stated
before in this volurae.
An atterapt was made to throw the responsibUity of Nelms' conduct
on Gov. Colquitt. Col. C. D. Phillips, of Cobb, boldly charged that
the Governor was as guilty as Nelras, and if Nelras went the Governor
should go. The utterance fired the House like an electric shock. R.
C. Huraber endorsed PhiUips. Du Bose, of Hancock, replied that the
Governor was not under investigation. Turner, of Brooks, followed on
the sarae line. Huraber offered a resolution censuring Gov. Colquitt
for Nelras' conduct. This was like putting a torch to a powder raaga
zine. In all of the investigations of the State House officers, there had
been a large, decided under-current of hostility to the Executive, and
it was hoped, through them, to reach him. The issue was clearly made
by number's resolution. It would be difficult to convey the excite
ment created. The House adjourned, and a lively night of agitation
followed. For once and at last Gov. Colquitt's friends became aroused.
The idea of attacking the E.xecutive in a matter that did not concern
him, and without even a hearing, evoked a whirlwind of disapproval.-
The Governor was cool and placid. He seeraed glad that the issue had
come, and welcomed the chance to raeet squarely the secret and unrea
soning warfare that was ever threatening him. The fight had to corae,
and could not present itself in better shape.
The excitement kept up during the night. Men rallied to the Gov
ernor, who had never been allied with him. It was recognized that the
tirae had corae to rebuke the personal crusade against the Executive.
The reaction was overwhelraing. The issue was whipped by the raere
force of public opinion. In the raorning the vote stood 119 against,
and 16 for the Huraber resolution, and of the sixteen, three voted
under a misapprehension, and recalled their vote.
Persistent effort was raade to throw upon Gov. Colquitt the respon
sibility of all the raatters evolved frora these investigations. But it
was in vain. Wholly unconnected with any transgression of any sort,
or any lapse of any official; assailed rancorously in every conceivable
way, and yet standing pure and unstainable in a very pestilence of
accusation; the object of an enraity, ruthless and iraplacable, but so
panoplied in integrity that the raost unsparing dissection of motive or

552 AN EPIDEMIC OP SUSPICION.
conduct could find nothing in him to visit with a shadow of disap
proval. Gov. Colquitt went through such an ordeal as falls to few
public servants, and he emerged frora it with an unfading crown of
honor. There has never been such a fierce fever of suspicion and groping,
wide-spread inquisition. It was a sort of raorbid plethora of public
virtue, a riot of harsh inquiry, that in its furious sweep suspected all
men, no matter how pure and exalted, and doubted all transactions,
even though faultless. It was a curious phase of public sentiraent, and
strangely blended honesty and raalice, a proper public spirit and very
censurable raotives of private, personal dislike and interest. There was
much good done, and rauch injustice threatened. There was a fair
raeasure of evil corrected, a good deal of injustice done and sorae wrong-
barely escaped. The raatter forms an interesting and exceptional chap
ter of Georgia history, that has a rich instruction and a vivid interest.

CHAPTER XLVIII.
THE POWERFUL HISTORIC. GEORGIA TRIUMVIRATE
COLQUITT, GORDON AND BROWN.
The Railroad Commission. — Ex-Gov. James M. Smith. — Maj. CampbeU WaUace. — Col.
Samuel Barnett. — Gov. Colquitt Vilified into the Gubernatorial Race. — A Flaming
Contest.— The Most Violent Political Struggle of State Annals. — Slander and
Calumny. — The Candidates. — Rufus E. Lester. — L, J, Gartrell. — Hiram Warner, —
Thomas Hardeman. — An Event that Turned the State Wild. — The Resignation
of United States Senator John B, Gordon. — Appointment of ex-Gov, J, E. Brown,
— Bargain and Sale Charged. — Gordon's Fine Senatorial Career. — Great and Bril
liant Services. — Thorough Vindication. — Gen. Gordon's Eloquent Speech. — The
Value of the Tender to ex-Gov. Brown. — The Alliance of Colquitt, Gordon and
Brown, a Union of Ponderous Agencies. — Gov. Colquitt as a Political Fighter. —
Gordon's Power. — Senator Brown's Valuable Three Weeks' Service in the United
States Senate. — His Success. — Personal Disappointments at not Getting this Ap
pointment. — A Brewing Storm.
One of the most iraportant things done by the Constitutional Con
vention of 1877 was the passage of Gen. Toombs' pet idea that it was
the duty of the General Assembly to regulate freight and passenger
tariffs, and prevent discriminations. It was a vast raeasure for the
State to take the regulation of fifty railUons of private property, upon
which rests the whole coraraercial fabric of the coraraonwealth, and is
its largest single eleraent of power. The discussion in the Convention
over it was protracted and befitting its iraportance.. In the General
Asserably the bill to carry out this provision of the Constitution was
introduced by Hon. W. R. Rankin of Gordon county, a gentleman who
had been for several years one of the best journalists of the State. He
is a meraber of the present legislature and chairraan of the railroad
coramittee. He is a person of ability, and a clear, forcible speaker.
Hon. Allen Fort also introduced a bill forbidding railroads raaking
unjust discrirainations. Substitutes, araendraents and long discussions
marked every step of the raeasure through House and Senate, deraon-
strating the great interest it excited. But it finally passed, and was
approved October 14, 1859.
Under this act Gov. Colquitt, with the advice of the Senate, appointed
three Coraraissioners: ex-Gov. Jaraes M. Smith, lawyer, for six years;
Maj. Campbell Wallace, railroader, four years; Samuel Barnett, two

554 THE RAILROAD COMMISSION.
years. The Commissioner's salary is $2,500, and he raust not own railroad
stocks or bonds, or be in the employ of any railroad corapany. Gov.
Sraith's appointraent created rauch commentary. He had supported Gov.
Colquitt for Governor. When he was defeated for United States Sena
tor, he had made a breach of friendship with Gov. Colquitt, and had
become very hostile against him. When the North-Eastern bond slander
was started against Gov. Colquitt, ex-Gov. Smith proraptly conderaned
it, and amicable relations were restored. Gov. Colquitt, under that high
sense of official duty that elevated hira above personal considerations in
his public acts, appointed Gov. Smith on account of his estiraated fit
ness for the place. And it was said .that Gov. Smith, who had suffered
denunciation from raen whom he had favored, declared that he would
lay down the commission of Gov. Colquitt whenever he antagonized him.
Maj. Campbell Wallace has been a raarked character in Georgia for
many years. He was one of that large body of influential and enter
prising citizens that came to Georgia from East Tennessee, and that
have become leaders among the business princes of middle Georgia and
especially Atlanta. Araong these desirable Tennessee immigrants, raen
of brain, energy and leadership, may be mentioned Judge John L. Hop
kins, the Inmans, P. L. Mynatt, the Lowrys, Wm. T. Newraan, the
Parrotts, the. Fains, J. J. Williams, Reuben Arnold, S. R. McCamy,
.lohn G. Dunn, Wm. H. Tibbs, and the raembers of that strono- firm
of Moore and Marsh. W. M. Lowry was United States Marshal for
East Tennessee under Pierce and Buchanan. Mr. Triplett, of the
ThoraasviUe press, was one of these valuable East Tennesseeans. Major
Wallace had been President of the East Tennessee and Georgia railroad.
He had perforraed wonders of service during the war in movino- Con
federate troops and supplies. After the war he was raade superintendent
of the Western and Atlantic .railroad in 1866, by Gov. Jenkins, and did
a rare work in restoring that ruined railway. He raanaged the road
during Ruger's and Meade's regimes, and resigned when Bullock was
elected Governor. He is now President of the Merchants' Bank, and
was tendered, unsolicited, a place as RaUroad Commissioner. To an
unusually strong common sense. Major Wallace adds a fine humor, a
perennial amiability, tireless energy, an unbending positiveness and high
Executive capacity.
Col. Samuel Barnett is a gentleraan of a hearty turn for statistics
and scientific investigation, and an unwearied power of clear-cut,
vivid writing, who has tackled the stupendous and inexhaustible
subject of railroad facts and figures with' the keen relish of an

^^<i^2^-^:>^u^ ^^V'^^.i^ ^:<C^

GOVERNOR COLCJUITT FOR A SECOND TERM. 555
enthusiast. The only apprehension is, that he will give us a railway
literature as volurainous as our Suprerae Court decisions. The com
mission has a congenial and efficient clerk in Maj. R. A. Bacon. The
Comraissioners have handled the big subject boldly, cutting down and
raaking uniforra rates and fares. The Savannah, Florida and Western
Railroad, the old Atlantic and Gulf RaUroad, under that strong and
rising young lawyer. Judge Walter S. Chisholra, of Savannah, raade a
vigorous effort, in the United States Court, to strike down the commis
sion, but the court sustained it unqualifiedly. An atterapt is being
made, under the lead of ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown, to get the present
Legislature to restrict the autocratic powers of the coraraission. The
endeavor is being stoutly resisted. The success remains to be seen,
but however it results, there is the prospect of an endless agitation of
the matter, superinduced by the inevitable rebelliousness of so vast a
body of strong capital over its arbitrary regulation by a power, not
directly interested in its profitable manageraent.
It is doubtful if Gov. Colquitt would have permitted the use of his
name for a second terra as Governor, but for the unremitting and ran
corous onslaught upon him. The Convention had cut the terra from
four to two years, and the salary from $4,000. to $3,000 a year. His
private affairs needed his attention, while the .salary did not pay the
expenses of the station. But the assaults upon him had been so
fierce and rankly unjust that it was but a question of self-respect to
submit the issues of his administration to the popular judgment, and
he determined to do so. The result was the raost bitter political battle,
the longest campaign and the most crushing personal victory, that have
ever happened in the State's history. For nearly six long months did
the extraordinary conflict rage, with a gathering heat every week and
raonth. The battle becarae violent beyond description, and yet, strange
to say, there was not in it a single direct, legitimate poUtical question.
It was all personal, and in its ultiraate analysis, involved several very
larsre raoral and social considerations and a sentimental matter of
o
national effect. The distant and philosophical reader of the extraordi
nary incidents and phases of this roaring and flaming contest wiU
wonder at its desperation, brutality and causelessness.
Georgia has had some memorable poUtical conflicts. The Troup and
Clarke flurry from 1823 to 1827, was warm enough as far as it went.
The Colquitt, Cooper and Black storm in 1840 stirred things up. But
the anti-Colquitt campaign of 1880 was such a tornado of violence as
to make aU previous disturbances mere chUd's play. And its interest

556 GOVERNOR COLQUITTS HOLD ON THE PEOPLE.
does not dirainish frora the fact that it was not a political issue, but a
moral and religious civilization that stood at stake. Gov. Colquitt was
the exponent and champion of temperance, religion and sectional fra
ternity. He embodied in his life, virtue and Christianity. He repre
sented a great question of a kinder practical accord between the races.
Every exalted raoral and social raission was enthroned in the candidacy
of this gentleman. And it was a vital feature of the stern battle that
Gov. Colquitt, under the strong inspiration of his Christian qualities,
was imraovably fixed in the horaes and hearts of the popular raasses.
He was rooted in the public heart, and no violence could tear hira from
his hold.
This indissoluble clasping of the people's esteem must ever stand one of
the marvels of this raging affair. For months every species of detraction
and besrairchment was poured upon Gov. Colquitt. It was bred in a
thousand protean forms, damaging enough, if true, to have damned his
character, and killed forever the public confidence. If a tithe of what
was charged had been the truth. Gov. Colquitt would have been deserv
edly an outcast. Yet all this deafening crusade of defaraation fell
irapotent upon the great, raoral public thought, and when the day of
verdict carae, the people, with a resistless force, crushed out of existence
the nuraberless brood of black criminations, spawned in this furious
struggle. And it was the most inexplicable feature of all of this extraordinary
battle of slander, that there was a stubborn iteration of disproven scan
dals. The North-eastern bond calumny had been stamped out by the
General Assembly, but it was rung and re-rung with unwearied persist
ence, just as if it had never been tried and shattered. So with other
aspersions. But the clear-seeing, undeludable masses, with a cool poise
held unshaken amid the boisterous fury of raalice to their faith in the
Christian Governor, who had the novel experience of a martyr's ordeal
in the exigencies of a political strife.
There were two phases of this stirring carapaign, the contest for the
noraination, and then the fiercer struggle for the election. Usually the
nomination in Democratic Georgia ends the tussle. In this carapaign
the nomination was simply the hot preface to a hotter sequence. It
merely begun the battle well, and intensified its animosities.
The candidates for the nomination were five, viz.. Gov. Colquitt,
Hon. Thomas Hardeman of Macon, Hon. Rufus E. Lester of Savannah,
Gen. Lucius J. GartreU of Atlanta, and Chief Justice Hiram Warner of
the Supreme Bench. These distinguished gentlemen have all been

GEN. LUCIUS J. GARTRELL.

GOVERNOR COLQUITTS OPPONENTS. 557
sketched in this volume. Harderaan and Lester proved to be the next
in strength to the Governor. Lester liad some strong geographical
considerations to aid his candidacy. Savannah not having had an Ex
ecutive in a long time. Lester's campaign was finely organized and
raanaged. It had sorae intelligent and masterly direction, and was
shaped with method and strategy. His strong counties were captured
early, to give hira a boora. The ultiraate issue was the field against
Colquitt, and the strongest raan would gather and focalize the oppo
sition. Lester refused to canvass, taking high grounds against it.
But his friends organized consummately. He labored under one disad
vantage — one not seen at the surface, yet a substantial difficulty. His
co-operation at home was not unstinted. He was a new man in that
old place — a recent acquisition to its aristocratic ranks. A community
like Savannah is wedded to its antecedents, and its blood. Lester was
bright and popular, but there were older men and older citizens that the
people, under their strong ideas of family reverence, would have selected
as a representative of the city for gubernatorial honors. That the bold
ambitious young statesman should have shoved aside the older material
was a disability for him, so far as home backing was concerned.
Gen. Gartrell had no organization, and made no systematic campaign.
He had strong friends in various parts of the State, and a large backing
by the press. He had been before and since the war an ardent and
effective political worker. He was prominent very early in his man
hood, and as Legislator, Congressman and ' Confederate Colonel and
General, he had sustained hiraself ably. He was the author of the cele
brated " Southern Right's Resolutions " of the legislature of 1849; he
raet Cobb, Toorabs and the Stephens brothers on the stump in the great
Union fight of 1850; he canvassed the fourth Congressional District in
1855 against Know-Nothingism, for Hirara Warner against Ben Hill;
he was the Buchanan and Breckenridge elector in 1846, and canvassed
the State; he went to Congress in 1857 and 1859 from the Fourth Dis
trict, by large and growing majorities. His Congressional record was
very bright; he was on important committees and made some notable
speeches. He was Regent of the Smithsonian Institute. His career in
the Confederate Congress was valuable. Pie held the high position of
Chairman of the Judiciary Committee. As a Confederate officer he ranked
high, and did exceUent service. Since the war he has been one of the
leaders of the Atlanta bar, an able lawyer and an eloquent advocate.
Judge Warner had been all his life grazing at the Governorship.
This was his last chance, necessarily, in the course of advancing years.

558 Gordon's resignation and brown's appointment.
He soon became convinced that Gov. Colquitt was the strongest raan
in the field, and with that grim frankness that belonged to hira, he so
told one of the other candidates. Pie left his canvass to take care of
itself. The trouble with Col. Harderaan was that his friends were Gov.
Colquitt's friends, mainly. No man in the State had been a more
zealous and disinterested party-worker. His strong abilities and ready
eloquence could be counted on at any time in any party stress. He
had a cheery, stimulating way with the people, and was a valuable and
wiUing worker in any cause of a public character. He was always a
generous antagonist, just, courteous, fair and honorable, scorning any
underhanded advantage, and dealing none but legitimate blows. Such
men as this candid and lofty gentleman raake politics honorable, and
elevate public agitations. The truth is that " Tom Harderaan," as he is
familiarly called, is the type of truth, directness and fidelity, and has
been a true representative of our best Georgia raanhood. And he never
made a poor or uninteresting speech in his life. Gov. Colquitt, Gen.
^GartreU and Col. Hardeman all made campaign addresses.
In May, 1880, occurred an event that enlivened the campaign, some
thing like the effect that the explosion of a powder raagazine would
have in a fortification. There has never been an incident in our politi
cal history that created a more sudden and uncontroUable fury of the
political elements. It shook the State from center to circuraference.
Things were comparatively quiet. The swift storm that ensued was
blinding and ferocious. 'It was for a while like a raging cyclone — it
blew men's wits off their feet, so to speak. Gov. Colquitt thought he
had been pretty heavily abused before this. He received a gust of
thundering public vituperation that nearly took his breath away. The
event that had such an overwhelming effect was, that Gen. John B. Gor
don resigned his place as United States Senator frora Georgia, to which
he had been so recently elected, and Gov. Colquitt appointed in the
vacancy ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown.
The relations between Gov. Colquitt and ex-Gov. Brown had been
very friendly. Between Gen. Gordon and Gov. Brown there existed,
perhaps, a less cordial intercourse than araong ordinary acquaintances,
due to an assault of the latter on Gen. Gordon about his course as a
Senator in the Presidential raatter. There was, therefore, a cordial
good feeling between Colquitt and Brown, and an absence of the same
between Brown and Gordon, and yet a charge of " bargain " was
instantly formulated by the opposition, based upon the very opposite
of these relations, • involving acts of kindness and benefit done by

BARG.VIN charged against COLQUITT, GOEDON AND BROWN. 559
Brown for Gordon to win Brown's support for Colquitt. The State
rang with the calumny of an understanding between the three, which
made Gordon give up his seat that Brown might be appointed in his
place, Gordon to get railroad favors frora Brown, including the Presi
dency of the State road, and Brown to help Colquitt politically. Tho
circumstantiality with which this incredible fiction was urged was
something wonderful. With a fierce passion but a severe logic, appar
ently, sensible raen and honest journals argued this monstrous aspersion
upon three of the purest, ablest, best tried and most trusted public
men of the State. Intelligent and conscientious raen believed it,
though there never was a piece of popular injustice that had less basis
of fact. Against life-time honor and integrity, against thrice tested
character, against illustrious public service, against reason and proba
bility, the svvift, hot, unreasoning charge of the darkest personal dis
honor and official criminality was blazoned against these gentlemen.
The incident illustrates how rancorous can be political hostility. Tho
lives of these men was a standing disproof of such reproach. Gen.
Gordon had made an illustrious fame as a soldier and Confederate Gen
eral. For seven years he had Ulustrated Georgia most magnificently as
a United States Senator. Plis career in the national councils had been
conspicuously able and influential. His first speech in the United
States Senate was upon the great financial question of the day. It
made a profound impression upon the whole country. Senator Morton
pronounced it the ablest effort made on the subject. The Agricultural
Convention which assembled in Georgia soon after its delivery unani
raously adopted a vote of thanks to Senator'Gordon for it. The New
York Times, a Republican paper, while criticising the speaker and
differing with hira, used this language: " Gen. Gordon is the ablest man
from the South in either House of Congress." This was very high
praise from an opposition paper.
Senator Gordon's next effort, which attracted raost attention, was the
defense of the South in the debate with Morton and Edmunds. The
approval of our people was universal, whUe even the Northern press
passed upon it the highest encomiuras. It was the first tirae anything
like an elaborate vindication of the South had been raade by a Southern
man. Every effort was made by Morton, Edmunds, Conkling and
others, to provoke Gen. Gordon into imprudent utterances; but the
friends of .the eloquent Senator and of the South aU over the country
thought that the whole of our case was managed with tact, skill and
abUity by him in that memorable debate.

560 GENERAL GORDON S SENATORIAL CAREER.
Perhaps the next most striking fact in Gen. Gordon's senatorial
career was his bill and speech intended to secure reform in the civil
service of the country, and especially in the Revenue Department, the
central idea of which was the separation of the revenue from party
politics. Some conception of the impression raade upon the whole
country raay be obtained frora the comraentary of the press. The
Republican and Independent papers of the North were forced to com
mend the views of our distinguished young statesman. The Spring
field Republicctn declared of this raeasure of Gordon that it was " the
first notable demonstration in the direction of civil service reform from
high Democratic authority,'' and warmly endorsed it. The Chicago
Times said editorially, " There never has been brought to the attention
of Congress a proposition of civil service reform so practical and
thorough as that which Mr. Gordon had indicated. It is, in truth, the
only suggestion of a practical remedy for the all-pervading official
corruption that has ever been brought to the attention of Congress."
The Boston Advertiser, New York Herald, New York Tribune, New
York Post and Chicago Tribune, all of which were among the leading
papers of the United States, strongly endorsed and commended the
effort. The New York 'World pronounced the speech " impassioned,
able, eloquent, logical and impartial." There is little doubt that Sena
tor Gordon would have succeeded in engrafting some such policy upon
the administration of our revenue, had he have remained in public life,
for the country was with him upon it.
These are some of the great occasions, when Gen. Gordon arose to
the full stature of a Sehator, handling vast themes of public policy,
originaUy, eloquently, and with unquestionable statesmanship. He was
able to impress himself upon the critical thought of a great nation.
Not only in these large matters, but in every possible phase of private
and public service, he bore himself with .the duty and dignity befitting
his high trust. He wielded a powerful influence among his colleagues
and in the Departments, and he won from the raasses of the broad
country the farae due to an acknowledged public leader, whose exalted
individuality gave an added renown to the great coraraonwealth he so
well represented.
And this was the official who, at the beginning of a second term of
six years of his most dazzling distinction, laid it dovrn to attend to his
private affairs, sadly neglected. And this was the official whose almost
unprecedented renunciation of an august responsibility was charged to
be the subject of a corrupt personal bargain. In the light of subse-

the facts of senator Gordon's resignation. 561
quent developraents, the raonstrosity of such a charge is so overwhelra
ingly deraonstrated as to excite amazeraent that it ever had an exist
ence. Public meetings in Columbus and Pike county denounced Gov.
Colquitt, Gen. Gordon and ex-Gov. Brown. The cry of " Trade ! "
rang over the State. The severity of denunciation of these distin
guished and honored Georgians was soraething phenomenal. " Base
and treacherous conduct," " a stench in the nostrils of honest raen,"
" Senatorial deforraity," " slimy pits of dishonor and degradation,"
" eternal-infamy," and a thousand similar phrases, were showered upon
them. The issue was made clear, sharp and savage, and it was raet
with a gameful readiness that betokened what resulted, that the people
had to settle the stirring question.
The facts were very few and simple. Senator Gordon had long
wanted to get out of public life, to build up his private fortunes. He
was offered a valuable chance in Oregon. He tendered his resignation.
Gov. Colquitt tried to get him to withhold until the session of Congress
ended, which would be in a few weeks. He had to utilize his busi
ness opportunity, and declined to postpone his resignation. Gov.
Colquitt, upon his own inspiration, sent for Gov. Brown and tendered
him the place unconditionally. And this was all of the bargain — no
collusion, no conditions — no trading. The presidency of the State
Road was not resigned by Gov. Brown and given to Gen. Gordon.
Gov. Brown knew nothing of Gen. Gordon's resignation until the
appointraent was tendered hira. Gen. Gordon knew nothing of Gov.
Brown's appointraent until it was made. Gov. Brown was already a
supporter of Gov. Colquitt for Governor, and therefore there was no
induceraent to win his charapionship. Mr. Newcomb, the president of
the Louisville and Nashville railroad, after Gordon's determination to
accept the Oregon offer and to resign, offered Gordon a business propo
sition that allowed hira to stay, in Georgia; which he accepted, getting
released from his other contract. With this Gov. Brown had nothing
to do. And since then. Gen. Gordon has succeeded in organizing and
starting the construction of a great line of railway from Atlanta to the
Mississippi, through the coal fields of Alabama, utilizing the defunct
Georgia Western railroad, and connecting with the Richmond and
Atlanta Railway scherae, independent of the State road, or the Louis
ville and Nashville road.
Thus one by one of the specifications in the fierce charge of " Bar
gain " have been disproved by that unfailing healer of injustice. Time,
and its inevitable co-worker. Truth. The storra, like all storms, did
36

562 Gordon's eloquent speech.
good. The right was vindicated after rauch travail. It was a deadly
struggle, but a raarvelous victory. The final result was beneficial to the
State and to the country. Gen. Gordon came home, and in a masterly
and eloquent speech in Atlanta, thus stated the motives governing Gov.
Colquitt in this appointraent:
" Let us place ourselves in Gov. Cohiuitt's place, and laying aside all passion, see what
onr cool judgment would dictate. [Laughter aud applause,] Let rae premise what I
am about to say by the remark that while, as a matter of sentiment, most of us would
have preferred some other Georgian, yet there are thousands in and out of the State
who are beginning to agree with that greatest of living generals, Joseph E. Johnston,
that Joseph E. Brown was the very best selection that could have been made under all the
circumstances surrounding our present and the momentous issues involved in our politi
cal contests for the future. There are great men and true men now in high places of
responsibility, who believe that the time had come in the South when the* integrity of
our society, the security of our property, and the supremacy of our political principles
require that we should so liberalize our policy as to extend the olive branch to all
men now in accord with our principles, although they had differed from us in the
transition stage succeeding the war as to the public policy. They saw in Gov, Brown
the most di.stingnished representative of that class of citizens in the entire South, They
saw in him a man of intellect, of long experience, of distinguished services in the ante
bellum history of the State, A man of large property, deeply interested in the material
progress of the country and in stable government — a life-long Deniocrat, who, although
denounced by us for voting for Grant and reconstruction in 1868, was joined by us in
voting for Greeley and reconstruction in 1872. [Applause,] This is, I say, what otlier
men, able and true, saw in this appointment. What did Gov, Colquitt see to guide him
to a conclusion which his eneraies now seek to nse to his detriraent. If he will permit it,
I will publish his letter informing me of Gov.-Brown's appointment, and of the results
he expected to be produced upon himself, the party, and the country. He saw the two
strongest Democratic districts in the State lost to the Deraocratic party. He saw in a
third, the same fate seriously threatened. He saw in a fourth, Hammond, able and elo
quent, elected after a most laborious struggle. He saw the party upon whose supremacy
seems to depend all that is valuable to us as a people, apparently on the verge of disso
lution. Ho saw the friends and lifelong followers of Gov. Brown among the hardy
yeomanry of the mountains, dissatisfied and ready to break with the organization ; and
he felt that he might thus recall them to their allegiance, recapture these Demo
cratic strongholds, harmoniie former differences, assuage bitterness, and assure the
future of Democratic supremacy. I wish to repeat here that everybody knows that I
am not the champion of Gov. Brown, but it is due our manhood that we either cease
hostility to Gov. Brown, or cease to ask his time and talents and money for the
benefit of our party. It is due to truth to state that Gov, Brown has been unfaltering
in his devotion to the Democratic party for ten or twelve years ; that he was the sup
porter of Milton Smith, of Alfred Colquitt and of myself in my last race for the Senate,
even against his lifelong friend — that upright jurist, and great statesman, Herschell V,
Johnson, It would be unworthy in rae were I to fail, in this public manner, to testify
to the earnest, unswerving, potential aid given in the last campaigns to myself and to
the standard-bearers ot the party in these hotly contested mountain districts, [Applause.]
In thus speaking at sorae length upon the purposes of Gov, Colquitt in making this ,

n^j

the suggestiveness of governor brown's appointment. 563
appointraent, I have done him nothing but siraple justice. If I know rayself I speak in
the cause of truth, of harraonv, of Democratic unity. [Applause] One thing is cer
tain, that while others high in position were apologizing for, or defending Grant, while he
drove the cold iron into the breast of Louisiana, Gov. Brown was denouncing tliis act
of tyranny," [Applause aud cries of that's so,]
For Gov. Brown, the unsolicited tender of this peculiar trust was an
event of unspeakable import and most draraatic connection. It recalled
the grim memories of that painful experience of twelve years back, in
1868, when the people of his State stood solidly against hira, and he was
defeated for this very office, under such pitiless public e-xecration as few
raen ever experience and fewer outlive. It looked then as if he was
forever buried, politically. He went down in the raad savagery, of that
tirae, a recipient of as noble a resentment, though unjust, as any people
ever exercised. He had lived to see the subsidence of passion, and the
abatement of obloquy. He had steadiLy cured the misconceptions of
his course, coraing with a wonderful elasticity above the cruel repression
and odiura that struck him down. And the redemption had at last,
after many a weary delay, arrived, but was not, even with this appoint
ment, complete. This was the act of the Governor. It failed of the
requisite finish unless rounded off by the popular endorseraent. There
•was much speculation as to whether Senator Brown would seek an elec
tion at the hands of the legislature, his appointraent only running to the
session of that body in the winter of 1880.
There is, perhaps, no earthly inducement that could have withheld
Joseph E. Brown frora that test of the public pulse. The opposition
raade the appointment an issue, and the leading issue of the guberna
torial campaign. But if this had not been done, he would have fashioned
it so. Every prompting of his pride and memory, every impulse of his
nature, every tingling nerve of his corabative teraperament drove him
irresistibly to a naked trial of this single question by the majestic in
quest of the popular suffrage. His friends led off in suggesting that
the approval of the Brown appointraent be directly canvassed and voted
upon. ^
It was a very strong triumvirate of influences, capabilities and man
agement, this union of Colquitt, Gordon and Brown. Each one of them
was powerful, and had shown hiraself pretty nearly invincible, each
achieving victories single-handed that recorded marvels of majorities.
Each one could point to personal triumphs that were out of the range
and scope of ordinary political success. The alliance of the three in a
battle where their coalition was intensified by a reciprocal interest and

564 BROWN, GORDON AND COLQUITT.
a coraraon defaraation of their conduct, was the junction of the raost
ponderous agencies of our Georgia leadership. And as well equipped
raanagers as they each were, each found valuable aid in the others.
Gov. Colquitt's enemies have decried his abilities and decision. No one
could look at his firm set mouth, and not read there an uncommon
reserve of will. It coraes to hira by inheritance. His life, critically
dissected, has shown it strikingly. And as for raanageraent, his father,
Walter T. Colquitt, was the very incarnation of the sagacious and
invincible raanager, and transmitted it to his diplomatic son. Under that
gentle grace and hearty simplicity Gov. Colquitt carries as practical a
sense, as rare a tact, as broad a scope of plan, as nice a discernment of
agents, as resolute a persistence, as astute a retention of his own
secrets, and as true a fidelity to his friends, as any man in the State.
And to these subtle qualities he adds an effective raagnetisra in impress
ing and swaying raasses of men, and an exceptional prudence of ex
pression that leaves hira no indiscretions to correct.
Ex-Gov. Brown has been an unequaled conductor of political cam
paigns, and brought to this strong junction of force his superlative and
disciplined capacities. Gen. Gordon has been a lordly campaigner,
going direct to the popular heart with his chivalrous esprit, bold, direct,
lofty and gallant. There has always been something in this gentleman
to make raen love, adraire and trust him, an unfailing glow of generous
sentiraent, a raanly self-respect, and a vigorous, healthy intellectuality.
His ideas are all liberal and large, his impulses knightly, his nature
attractive, and his bearing princely. Never a foeman, unless under
attack, he is always an open-handed, magnaniraous opponent. And
every fiber of his soul is loyal to friendship and the popular good. It
was a strong trio, and when the struggle carae, an irresistible coalition.
It was no slight benefit in the campaign that the anticipation of
Senator Brown's service in the few weeks' session of the United States
Senate was realized, and was an exaraple of instantaneous and poten
tial influence. In a body where large-brained and distinguished men
go through a long probation and apprenticeship of quiet and initiation,
Gov. Brown took iraraediate rank as an acknowledged leader. The
tuition of years in this august parhament he mastered imraediately.
He gained the ear of the body at once, and his voice was heeded. He
was sworn in on the 26th of May, 1880, and Congress adjourned on the
16th of June, giving him three weeks' service only. In that short time
he secured a $10,000 appropriation for the harbor of Brunswick against
the report of the appropriation coraraittee, and carae near increasino-

S. SENATE. 505
the appropriation to the Savannah river from $65,000 to $100,000. He
passed a bill to allow the Savannah, Florida, and Western railroad to
build a bridge over the St. Mary's river, which is now being used. He
discovered and defeated a provision in the census bill that would have
lost Georgia a representative in the United States Congress. This pro
vision provided that enumerators should report a list of all males over
twenty-one years disqualified frora voting, and such number be deducted
from the inhabitants of the State in making up its basis of representa
tion. On account of the voters in Georgia disqualified for non-pay
ment of taxes, this would have lost Georgia twenty or thirty thousand
votes in estimating our representation in Congress.
Senator Brown raade three speeches in his strong, practical way, that
attracted general attention, that placed hira among the recognized
leaders of the Senate, and carried to Georgia a substantial basis for
popular sanction of his appointment. In urging increased appropria
tions for our State harbors, he put so clearly our claims to "greater lib
eraUty that Senators Thurman, Bayard, Davis, Blaine and Vance cora
pliraented him. Senator Blaine raised quite a laugh by saying " he
never heard so fine a speech from so young a Senator." It was in the
speech, however, delivered on the 12th of June, 1880, upon the Mexican
Pension bill, that Gov. Brown made a profound impression upon the
country, and instantly stamped hiraself as a master of debate, an origi
nal thinker and a positive actor in the national councils, able to cope
with any of the practiced powers of that august body, and to place his
people in sharp advantage upon the delicate questions of the war. An
araendraent was offered to strike Southern soldiers who had participated
in the last war frora the benefits of a pension for service in the Indian
and Mexican wars. Gov. Brown strenuously opposed this exclusion of
Southern soldiers. Senators Ingalls, Conkling, Kirkwood and Blaine
kept a running fire upon hira, injecting adroitly into the discussion the
disunion and war issues.
Gov. Brown's speech was a raaster-piece of diplomacy and argument.
He took occasion from the interruptions to go into the whole subject of
Southern sentiment upon war questions, and without an imprudent
word, he completely turned the tables upon his sharp questioners, and
struck the " Bloody Shirt " policy, as it was felicitously called, of keep
ing up war prejudices, the deadliest blow it has received. His temper
was perfect, his readiness unfailing, and his retorts irresistible. He
made every stroke cut. His acceptance of reconstruction was used hap
pily. The galleries were crowded, and the ablest men of the other side.

560 SENATOR brown's SPEECH AGAINST THE BLOODY SHIRT.
the recognized experts of debate and the keenest wits of the Republi
can party were using every effort to trip the new Senator. They came
at him from every quarter and struck him vigorously. Parrying every
lunge, cool, poised and prompt, he met every attack successfully, and
followed his adversary to an undeniable discomfiture. He evaded
nothing. Senator Ingalls asked hira if he did n't think now he was right
in defendinar secession. Gov. Brown shot back the affirraative instan-
taneously, but added that secession was not a living issue, and had been
settled foreyer by the war.
He drew with the nicest discriraination the difference between the
questions decided , by the revolution and our Uving rights. He thus
adrairably concluded:
" When we returned to the Union, we did so in good faith. The question of the right
of secession is settled forever, and with its settlement our faith is pledged to stand by
and defend the Constitution and the Union. In tbe field you found the Southern
armies to be brave men, and brave men are never treacherous. Should our relations
with foreign powers at any time involve this Government in war, the people of the
North wiUliave no reason to complain of the promptness, earnestness and gallantry
with which the people of the Southem States will rally around the old flag, and bear it
triumphantly wherever duty calls. If that emergency were now upon us, the comrades
in arms of Sherman and Johnston, who once confronted each other with snch distin
guished heroism, would rally together in the cause of the Union, and vieing with each
other, would perform such prodigies of valor as the world has seldora witnessed. This
being the present condition of the country, the present feeling of the great masses of
people on each side, let us do justice to each other, restore cordial and fraternal rela
tions, and folding np the bloody shirt, let us bury it forever beyond the reach of resur
rection; and let us unite in the enactment of such laws as will show to the world that
we, are once more, not in narae only, but in reality, a united people, ready to do equal
and exact justice to all. And let us move forward gradually and gloriously in united
efforts to restore to every section ofthe Union substantial, growing, material prosperity ;
and we will then bring to the whole country peace, happiness and fraternal relations.
This seems to me to be a consummation devoutly to be wislied by the patriotic people
of all parts of the Union.
There was a universal acknowledgment that the new Senator had
fulfilled the great expectation of his value in the National councils, and
the issue of his appointraent had to be met upon that vantage ground.
But there was one strong complication in this aniraated contest, that
exerted a powerful underlying influence. How many distinguished
gentlemen had hard feelings against the Governor for not being selected
for this distinction, will never be known. Men who had passed beyond
active life, immeraorial friends of the Executive, raen on the political
shelf, and individuals who had no shadow of claira upon him, were dis-

THE HOSTILE CRUSADE AGAINST GOVERNOE COLQUITT. 567
appointed, and added their hidden dissatisfaction to the gathering
crusade of hostility in this remarkable contest. There was a focaliza-
tion of hostile elements for a thunderous storra, and it exploded with
a stirring effect.
This crusade against Gov. Colquitt was the aggregation of every
political disappointment, every soured ambition, every personal griev
ance connected with the Democratic party, every partisan pique, every
irritated sensibility of private malice, every envenomed spite of a public
nature, every restless dissatisfaction with existing politics, and every ,
strong yearning of hope from new combinations of party and personal
elements. It was homogeneous in the one common purpose to over
throw the existing and establish a new dynasty.

CHAPTER XLIX.
GOVERNOR COLQUITT RECOMMENDED FOR GOVERNOR
BY THE MOST EXTRAORDINARY AND EXCITING PO
LITICAL CONVENTION OF GEORGIA ANNALS.
The Convention to select Presidential Delegates, — The Fiery Campaign before the Gu
bernatorial Convention. — Colquitt's Atlanta Managers, — Henry W, Grady the Chief.
— E. P. Howell. — The City Papers, — Harderaan, Gartrell, Lester 'and Warner. — A
Fierce Crusade of Calurany against Colquitt, — A Savage Contest. — Gordon and
Colquitt. — Amusing Conflict of Estimated Strength of the Candidates, — The Two
Thirds Rule. — The Convention. — Its Personelle. — The Colquitt Caucus. — Gov.
Brown's Advice. — The Fine Leadership of Patrick Walsh. — Concessions of the
Majority. — L, N. Trammell Perraanent President. — His Brilliant Presiding. —
Almost Two Thirds for Colquitt, — A Wily and Implacable Minority, — Any body
bnt Colquitt, — Seven Long Days of Stirring Session. — Majority Indiscretion, —
The Two Thirds Rule Adopted. — The Fight over the Rules, — Gag-Law Discussed. —
Clifford Anderson. — Dr. Henry Carlton's Compromise. —Hot Scene over it. — Ring
ing Speech of Patrick Walsh. — " We will Nominate Colquitt." — Thomas D. Wat
son's Burning Speech. — Joe Warren. — All the Compromises Rule out Colquitt. —
Livingston of Newton. — Gen. Imboden, — Break in the Colquitt Ranks, — W. A.
Reid Suggests Thomas G, Lawson.— Joe Warren's Ambuscade.— Colquitt's Men
Stand Solid — A Sparkling Debate,— S. G. McLendon Drops Colquitt,— R. W. Pat
terson's BriUiant Speech,— The Majority Rock-firm,— Final Resolutions to Recom
mend Colquitt after Three Ballots,— The Minority Ask Time, — A Recess —The
Minority Disintegrating,— On the Final Ballot Colquitt Gains, but no Nomination,
and his Recommendation goes into Effect.— Electoral Candidates Chosen,— State
House Officers Norainated,— Delegates on Final Adjournraent begin Coming to
Colquitt.— Carlton and Norwood Raise Points of Order, and stop the Change of
Votes. — Adjournraent of Convention.
The Deraocratic State convention that raet in Atlanta, on the 9th of
June, 1880, to appoint delegates to the Cincinnati convention, was the
first State gathering after the resignation of Gordon, and the appoint
raent of Brown. A raajority of the merabers were for Colquitt, and
this fact deraonstrated the popular sentiraent. Hon. L.N. TramraeU
was raade teraporary, and Hon. A. O. Bacon perraanent Chairraan of
the Convention. There were 350 delegates frora 119 counties. The
delegates selected for the National Convention were : at large. Gen. A.
R. Lawton, Hon. Geo. T. Barnes, Hon. E. P. Howell and Gen. P. M.
B. Young ; District, W. A. Wilkins, J. M. Couper, J. R. Alexander,

Colquitt's Atlanta campaigners. 569
B. E. Russell, L. M. Felton, D. M. Roberts, T. W. Grimes, P. H.
Brewster, J. D. Stewart, C. C. Duncan, J. G. Ockington, A. C. Mc-
Calla, J. C. Fain, A. H. Gray, D. M. Du Bose, P. Walsh, W. P. Price,
T. M. Peeples.
Gen. A. R. Lawton was raade chairman of the delegation at Cincin
nati. Hancock and English were nominated as the Democratic ticket
for President and Vice-President, creating great enthusiasm in Demo
cratic Georgia. The raain interest of our people in this State, how
ever, clustered around the gubernatorial race, and it intensified to a
white heat. An organization of Gov. Colquitt's friends was made in
¦Atlanta — a very thorough, strong and vigorous body. The leaders in
it were an incomparable collection of bold raanaging young spirits, keen
witted, indefatigable, resourceful and aggressive. Henry W. Grady,
as chairman of the carapaign coraraittee, is entitled to the leadership,
though Evan P. HoweU, WUliara T. Newraan, S. M. Inraan and W. D.
EUis were ndt far behind him in their contributions. All of these long
headed youjig fellows buckled to the contest with a wonderful energy
and tact. HoweU was perhaps the most experienced of thera, but
Grady's enthusiasm was irresistible, and he finally took the undisputed
coramand, and he manifested an executive capacity that was extraor
dinary. He threw himself into the struggle with his whole h^art. He
watched every point, kept the whole State in his observation, devised
means, wrote letters, sent myriads of dispatches, strengthened doubt
ful localities, and placed help wherever it was needed.
The managers of the large dailies, the Atlanta Constitution, Augusta
Chronicle and Constitutionalist, Savannah News, and Macon Tele
graph and Messenger were personally for Gov. Colquitt, though the
journals were held neutral until the convention. The Colurabus En
quirer-Sun, Atlanta Post and Augusta News strenuously opposed him.
The large raajority of the press favored Gov. Colquitt. The struggle
for control of the convention was ferociously acrimonious, and settled
into Colquitt and anti-Colquitt, it soon being discovered that he was
stronger than the whole field together. Hardeman and Gartrell made
speeches, fair, unexceptionable and effective, abstaining from any
personal discourtesy, and discussing Gov. Colquitt's official record legit
imately. Lester and Warner did no speaking. The auxUiary speakers
and press against the Governor, however, kept up a lively fusiUade.
The savage character of the carapaign against Gov. Colquitt was out
side of the opposing candidates, and was difficult to understand. Sorae
how this gentleman has never been on good terms with the professional

570 THE COLQUITT MASSES SLOWLY AROUSED.
politicians. His strength has been with the quiet, undemonstrative
raasses, who take Uttle active interest in politics, unless aroused by
some unusual inducement. The country wire workers have always
antagonized hira. The noisy eleraent of the cities has been against hira.
The'bar-rooras and their frequenters have fought him. His wonderful
hold upon the people has excited the envy of the leading public men
with some exceptions. The inabUity to use hira has made hira odious to
the average partisan. His impregnable morality and identification with
temperance, virtue and religion, have been a standing rebuke to the
vicious and immoral. The bitter opposition that was aggregated against
this godly gentleman, was something marvelous, and the resulting war
fare was unparalleled in its fierceness, persistence and malignity.
Every invention of calumny was evoked against Gov. Colquitt. His
Democratic fealty was assailed, his ability denied, his personal honesty
questioned, and his religion travestied. The opposition press teemed
with charges against hirh of every kind, affecting his moral and reUgious
character. Corruption was asserted against him in both personal and
official raatters. Every act of his adrainistration was attacked and fal
sified. And in the noise following the Brown appointment, it looked
as if the whole State was down upon the Governor. But it was a large
mistake. The sluggish masses of good men began to take an interest.
Slowly the reserves carae into action, and under the steady advance of
an awakened people the opposition disclosed its real weakness. Such
an arousement of the State has not been seen in a century in Georgia.
Men who had never takeh any active part in politics came to the front
as leaders. Old church deacons who had hitherto pursued a serene
course of passivity in the turbulent turraoil of political strife, turned out
zealously in the cause of morality and religion, imperiled in its cherished
exponent. Usually few men turn out to norainations. The popular
voting is reserved for elections. That contest for a noraination had all
the intense interest of an election. The ordinary political raanagers in
counties were aghast to see the people taking the authority from their
hands. Tricks and tickets were set at naught. Town cliques, usually
omnipotent, were brushed aside like cobwebs, and their raanipulations
punctured like erapty bubbles. In Richraond county over 2,000 votes
were polled. In numbers of counties a thousand raen turned out to
select norainating delegates. Such a .priraary expression of the voice of
the people had never before been given in the political annals of the
State. And it was almost a continuous thunder tone of endorsement
for the slandered Colquitt.

COLQUITT SWEEPS THE STATE. 571
In the middle of the fight a new and frightful aspersion was shot
upon the air just when a majority of the iraportant counties were to
act. It was the last and reserved fire of the calumniators. It made
Colquitt more votes. The people, thoroughly aroused, roUed up in
creased majorities for the gameful Colquitt. The speeches raade by
Colquitt and Gordon were stirring and effective pieces of hustings !
oratory. They were invited to all parts of the State. Immense gather"
ings met them wherever they were announced. Both are strikingly
handsorae men, both possessed of magnetic personal presence, both
captivating pubUc speakers, both individuals of exalted Christian piety,
and both had been successful and brilliant soldiers. The victories in
sorae of the counties were extraordinary, and the enthusiasra they ;
created was unbounded. In the powerful county of Burke, where°^
Lester was born, the toughest struggle of the carapaign resulted in a
solid delegation for Colquitt. The wealthy and influential county of
Houston, one of Harderaan's strongholds, chose a fervent Colquitt dele
gation. Even Merriwether county, the life-long horae of the venerable
Judge Warner, gave a majority of district delegates for Colquitt for a
county convention to select State delegates. The Warner men
appointed delegates, and there resulted a contest in the State Conven
tion. The victory for Colquitt in Merriwether was not a beneficial one
in results. It very rauch displeased Judge Warner, and begat in hira
a stern opposition that he pushed in no half-handed way. It is due to
truth, however, to say that araid all the vilification of Governor Col
quitt, he never spoke a word of abuse against his rivals. He went
steadily forward in firra reliance upon his own merits, uttering no
detraction of others.
It was very amusing to see how widely apart the strength of the can
didates was put by the opposing papers. The Constitution of Atlanta,
whose information had been culled and sifted with vigilant care, and
that had the benefit of all of Gov. Colquitt's coraprehensive and accu
rate correspondence, gave Colquitt 224^ votes out of the 350 votes in
the Convention, or within nine_ of a two-thirds majority. When 320
delegates had been chosen, the Constitution gave Colquitt 203^, Harde
raan 44, Lester 38^, Gartrell 16^, Warner 3, Doubtful 7, anti-Colquitt
7^. The Atlanta Post- Appeal divided 308 votes as follows: Colquitt
143^, Lester 72^, Harderaan 42, Gartrell 29, Warner 7, Underwood 2,
anti-Colquitt 18. The Macon Telegraph and Messenger estiraated 318
votes as follows: Colquitt 189^, Harderaan 54-^, Lester 42, Gartrell 16^,
anti-Colquitt and Doubtful 15^, but gave Colquitt 215 votes for the

573 THE NOMINATING CONVENTION.
first ballot. A bare raajority was 176. The Anti-Colquitt papers 'esti
mated Colquitt's vote under a majority. Both sides claimed to be un
erringly correct.
A question that excited much feeling and speculation, was whether
the convention should adopt the two-thirds rule. The raajority rule
would give the noraination to Colquitt. The old usage of the Deraoc
racy had been the two-thirds rule in National Conventions. This rule
was adopted in the Democratic Conventions frora 1843 to 1857, in the
Convention that norainated Gov. Brown. In Deceraber, 1871, Gov.
Smith was nominated under the raajority rule. The Convention of
1872, that renorainated Gov. Smith, adopted the same rule. The
Convention of 1876 used no rule in the noraination of Gov. Colquitt.
The Convention raet in Atlanta, on Wednesday, the 4th day of Au
gust, 1880, at half past two o'clock. The delegates asserabled in the
representative charaber, at eleven o'clock, but it was found that the
large hall would not hold them, unless the desks were moved out, and
the hour of raeeting was postponed for this purpose. There were 549
delegates representing every county in the State, and 350 votes.
There never has been in the history of Georgia, and there never proba
bly will be such another Convention. During war days no such fever
has been aroused. Gov. Colquitt's crushing sweep of county triumphs,
and magnificent popular majority, had not subdued in the slightest ex
tent the deterrained hostility of the opposition, but rather intensified it
seemingly. The convocation of inflamraable spirits carae together
priraed for an irrepressible explosion, and the out-burst ensued inex
orably. Gov. Colquitt's friends raet in caucus in the large Concordia Hall,
Lester's adherents in the breakfast-room of the Kimball House, and
Hardeman's supporters at the Markham House. Colquitt's caucus was
like a convention and packed the large hall. It was an unwieldy gath
ering, but it somehow settled, by its own inspiration, -into cohesiveness
and accord of action. Caucus meetings were held nearly every evening,
and the policy of the next day discussed and decided. And it was a
curious demonstration of zeal and interest that these advisory gather
ings continued to the last with full attendance. Several of thera were
a species of political " love-feast." The first and main subject of dis
cussion was the two-thirds rule. There was a contrariety of opinion.
Some very strong raen, led by Hon. Patrick Walsh, were in favor of the
majority rule. Gov. Brown advised the adoption of the two-thirds
rule, and some of the Colquitt raen would have no other. This subject

HON. PATRICK WALSH. 573
was ably discussed frora every stand-point. Gov. Brown beUeved that
enough delegates would, after a while, corae frora 'the opposition to give
the two-thirds to Colquitt, if his friends stood firra. But if they did
not, and it was necessary to go before the State with the Deraocracy
split, because the rainority refused to carry out the will of the major
ity^ and the opposition party vbte should become a balance of power,
it would be easier to get that vote than if a regular raajority noraina
tion was made. One fact had to be confronted squarely, and that was,
that the leaders of the minority had corae to the convention to defeat
Colquitt at any cost and in any way. His friends were equally resolved
to carry hira through. ^
The anti-Colquitt raen boldly declared that, if the majority rule was
adopted, which Colquitt's supporters could do, they would bolt the
convention, and raake a separate nomination. Under this rule
Colquitt's noraination was a certainty. Under the two-thirds rule
they hoped to prevent his nomination. Mr. Walsh saw the spirit of
the opposition, and was for " taking the bull by the horns " and mak
ing the issue, leaving the rainority to their reraedy of acquiescence or
the responsibility of disintegrating the party by disobedience to its
action. Mr. Walsh developed in this whole session in caucus, and on
the floor of the convention, the most salient and potential traits of
leadership. When his sturdy, strong-set, firm-planted figure rose, his
coat closely-buttoned, shoulders thrown back, his head poised solidly
and unmoving on his stout nqck, his deterrained, raassive face gazing
steadily forward, with his short, straight hair rolling back in a leonine
way frora the brow, and his resonant, compassing voice uttering with a
singularly strong emphasis, his clear-cut, direct sentences, he was a
striking erabodiraent of force and earnestness, and he held the eager
attention of the vast body upon every ringing syllable. There was no
deviousness in this superb Irishman's strategy. He was as direct as
the course of a cannon ball. His individuality was the raore irapressive
that he has nothing in him of the mercurial and flashing quality sup
posed to belong to his high-mettled nationality. His best power was
his fine, intense repose and freedom from nervousness. Fearless, true,
able, eloquent, earnest, devoted, immovable by menace or teraptation,
Mr. Walsh raade raore repute, stood upon higher ground and was raore
the target for the hostile fire of the opposition than any other meraber
of this storray and unprecedented convention.
Gov. Brown's view was adopted by a large majority in the caucus.
Mr. Walsh was raade temporary -Chairraan of the Convention, which

574 THE PERSONELLE OF THE CONVENTION.
was opened by Judge Geo. N. Lester, Chairman of the State Derao
cratic Executive Committee, in an eloquent little speech, earnestly urg
ing party harmony. Mr. Walsh delivered a ringing address. Among
the delegates who figured during the session were: A. L. Hawes, F. C.
Furman, F. G. Du Bugnon, T. W. Akin, A. W. Fife, P. M. B. Young,
Clifford Anderson, S. H. Jemison, R. W. Patterson, Sarauel Hall, R. F.
Lyon, J. L. Harderaan, E. R. Harden, E. F. Lawson, R. O. Lovett, J. P.
Thomas, J. L. Warren, A. P. Adams, T. M. Norwood, H. H. Carlton, T.
N. Rucker, P. W. Alexander, U. B. Wilkinson, L. H. Featherston, J.
C. Nisbet, David A. Vason, R. Hobbs, J. R. Towers, Wm. T. Newman,
W. M. Lowry, Walter R. Brown, G. ^. Mabry, M. L. Mershon, W. R.
Rankin, T. M. Peeples, Henry Perry, W. J. Northern, Geo. M. Nolan,
John W. Glenn, J. W. Preston, W. P. Johnson, F. H. West, H. T,
Hollis, Thos. E. Watson, J. R. Casey, W. R. Gignillatt, G. A. Caba
niss, W. Luffman, W. W. Giddens, S. E. Field, F. G. WUkins, John
King, J. M. Russell, L. F. Livingstone, Jarnes M. Sraith, J. C. NichoUs,
N. J. Tumlin, C. M. Bozeraan, Geo. W. Jordan, W. A. Reid, W. M.
Anderson, T. L. Guerry, R. H. May, J. V. H. Allen, P. L. Cohen, W.
Daniel, P. Walsh, J. C. DeU, John D. Stewart, E. P. Speer, W. A.
Hawkins, John A. Cobb, A. A. Carson, J. T. WiUis, L. C. Hoyle, S. G.
McLendon, H. W. Hopkins, F. M. Longley, A. D. Abraharas, F. B.
Wimberly, C. J. WeUborn, W. H. PUcher, A. B. Purdom, D. B. Har-
reU, J. H. Nichols, F. H. CoUey, L. N. TramraeU, I. E. Shuraate, J. A.
W. Johnson, W. A. Harris.
There were contests frora Clinch, Chattahoochee, Merriwether, Wash
ington and Wilkinson counties. The Colquitt men having a majority,
had the whole raatter in their own hands, but the seated delegates were
ptetty equally divided between the contesting sides. Araong the contest
ants adraitted were W. T. Revill, J. Sweat, J. N. Gilraore and J. K. Hines.
The Hon. L. N. TramraeU was elected, unanimously, President of the
Convention. There has never been, in the history of public conventions,
a finer piece of parliaraentary presiding than Mr. Trammell's govern
ment of this fiery convocation. It must be held in raind that he was a
warra Colquitt supporter, and he had to steer between the expectation
of his friends for that decided leaning to his own side, that an expe
rienced chairraan can so helpfully give, and the proclivity of the oppo
sition to suspect his fairness and censure his rulings. It was the highest
possible tribute to Mr. TramraeU, that both sides were satisfied and
deeraed his action fair. Not only this, but in the clash of parliaraentary
strategy and in the turbulence of heated debate, there were repeatedly

HON. L. N. TRAMMELL, President Dejiocratic Convention.

HON. L. N. TRAMMELL AS CHAIRMAN. 575
two dangerous contingencies constantly threatening, viz., inextricable
confusion in the order of business and an ungovernable turraoil. Mr.
Trararaell raet both of these perils with a most masterly skill and firra
ness. His solution of a parliaraentary puzzle was instantaneous and
decisive. No raan with a less available and thorough knowledge of, the
law of deliberative bodies could have been equal to the trying occasion.
His intuitions were like lightning, and as resolute as the edicts of an
autocrat. Both sides stood in eager, reckless antagonisra, and fought for every
advantage. Both sides were deterrained and corabative, and their
spirit drove to an explosion. Mr. TramraeU held the unruly eleraents,
with a strong hand, and carried the storray proceeding for seven long
days to an orderly conclusion. It was a splendid triuraph of presiding
genius. And it was an extraordinary and unequaled piece of tact,
intelligence, firraness and leadership. The policy of the Colquitt raen,
looking to win converts, was conciliation. The policy of the opposition,
looking solely to defeat Colquitt, was collision that would solidify the
anti-Colquitt raen, and they therefore used every means tp stir strife
and sting the majority to feeling and aggressiveness. In the Colquitt
caucus the line of a determined sUence was laid out, but the rainority
leaders were so adroit and annoying, putting the sraart so effectively
that time and again some of the majority, worried and goaded out of
all discretion, slopped over and went to fighting back in good fashion
to the unspeakable deUght of the minority leaders.
There never was just such another parliamentary battle. It was a
large body of unusual intelligence. It was an unbroken majority
against a solid minority. The leaders on both sides were men of
splendid wit. The masses of both sides were men of conviction and
pride. Colquitt's hold on his followers was a marvel of personal infiu
ence. The other candidates were speedily absorbed in the over
whelming and implacable purpose to defeat Colquitt, and the hold of
the opposition leaders on their coalition of four conflicting squads,
caring nothing for each other, and only united in a crusade to defeat a
common opponent, was a phenomenon of manageraent. The rainority
leaders were afraid of their raen, who were disposed to yield an unavail
ing fight, especially when they were placed in the disagreeable position
of an obstinate and factious minority. And these leaders would stir up
a hot debate, when an injudicious speaker of the raajority, under sorae
scorching provocation, would blurt out a reproach that would weld the
dissolving minority. The greatest danger was in the withdrawal of the

576 THE TWO-THIRDS RULE ADOPTED.
rainority candidates, under the appeal that they were holding their
names as instruments to prolong a strife and balk a decided majority.
The rainority leaders overcarae this peril by pressing the obligation
upon these candidates to stand to the friends who had fought their
battle. It was a cruel slaughter of raen for an honorable idea.
All through the thrilling conflict it seemed as if a series of well-meant
acts of the majority played into the hands of the keen-witted and
implacable rainority leaders. Just when the convention seeraed at a
solution, sorae unfortunate episode would rerait the body back to tur
bulence and irreconcilable division. Every effort was made to break
the unity of the Colquitt phalanx. Man after raan of its leaders was
terapted with the nomination. The minority, it was alleged, was ready
to support any one the raajority would offer, except  Colquitt. It
was a strange and persevering fight on one unalterable line. It was a
rairacle of hostile tenacity. Nor is there any reasonable solution of it
in the mere opposition to Gov. Colquitt. Men were pushing this
crusade of enmity to Colquitt, who had none of it, and were merely
using it as ^ weapon. This will be referred to later.
Gen. Young threw the two-thirds rule at the minority with a ringing
defiance that roused every spark of the war spirit. In the majority
caucus it had been determined to concede the two-thirds rule for this
convention, but to urge that the majority rule prevail in future conven
tions. Mr. Walsh made an eloquent effort to press the raajority rule
for the future, but strange to say, the unspeakable folly was committed
of the rherabers of the raajority voting in the convention against a
measure they supported in caucus. This episode did no good to the
majority, and gave the minority a manifest advantage. One of the
gentlemen who raade a fine irapression on this body, was I. E. Shumate,
of Dalton, Whitfield county. Both in caucus and convention, he was
very brilliant and irapressive. His oratory is rausical and stirring, and
his matter and raanner dignified, conservative, and magnetic. He
evinced a rare quality of leadership. His colleague. Col. .1. A. W.
Johnson, in several meetings of the caucus, made sorae talks in his own
inimitable, tingling style, that will stay in the memory of every man
that heard them.
The next raovement that excited sharp discussion, was the report of
the Committee on Rules. Judge D. A. Vason was the author of the
two regulations that no man should be voted for, who was not nomi- .
nated, and no man should be norainated whose perraission had not been
first obtained. This was an innovation upon the ordinary code of gov-

THE FIEST BALLOT. 577
eminent of conventions, but it was done to prevent the practice of
ringing in " dark horses." Judge Harrell, and Mr. Thoraas E. Watson,
a bright young anti-Colquitt raan frora McDuffie county, opposed these
rules, declaring thera " gag law." .ludge Vason, a clear-headed, solid
gentleman, defended the rules as necessary to prevent disorganizers
breaking up the convention. The rules were adopted. An iraraediate
atterapt to reconsider the matter was raade by Mr. Sam Jeraison of Ma
con, a gentleman of unusually fine speaking power, with a fluent, forci
ble diction, and a voice of penetrating quality. He was supported by
A. P. Adams of Chathara, and Dr. H. H. Carlton of Athens. J. W.
Preston of Jasper, and B. L. Ross of Houston, opposed reconsideration.
On motion of E. F. Lawson of Burke, the reconsideration was tabled.
One of the undoubted leaders of this strong body was Hon. Clifford
Anderson, who headed the Macon delegation for Col. Thomas Harde
man. He made some brilliant speeches, and showed a consuramate
readiness in debate. He moved that the members of the convention
pledge theraselves to support its nominee. J. W. Warren, W. T. New
man, Patrick Walsh and Mr. Jemison supported the raotion, which was
carried. Mr. Jeraison alluded to the " infaraous gag," and was promptly
called to order by the chairman, when he as proraptly withdrew the sharp
phrase. Mr. W. J. Head, of Haralson county, boldly declared that he
should vote against Colquitt nOw, and vote against hira in October.
Irrepressible little outbursts of a heated teraper, continuously occurring,
indicated that there was trouble ahead.
The nominations were made with eloquent taste. John D. Stewart,
of Spalding, presented the name .of Gov. Colquitt ; Mr. Walter R.
Brown, of Gen. L. J. Gartrell ; Clifford Anderson, of Thoraas Harde
man ; Thomas M. Norwood, of Rufus E. I^ester, and Mr. J. N. Jervis,
of Judge Hiram Warner. The first ballot was taken araidst profound
attention, and the deepest interest. The original alignraent of the
five little representative armies, was the most important movement of
the battle. The vote stood, Colquitt 208| ; Lester 58^ ; Hardeman
54^ ; Gartrell 17^ ; and Warner 11. Nine baUots were taken right
straight along on this the second day of the convention. The Oth bal
lot stood Colquitt 209|, Lester 69, Harderaan 50J, GartreU 14^ and
Warner 6. Colquitt had crept up a vote, while Lester had gained con
siderably. It was a dead-lock, however, the raasses of each division
standing firra, while a few votes skipped around.
On the third day occurred two exciting episodes that fired the Conven
tion to an almost uncontrollable pitch. The rainority leaders sprang a
37

578 THE MEMORABLE SPEECH OF PATRICK WALSH.
subtle arabuscadc with masterly sharpness. Dr. Henry H. Carlton, one
of the shrewdest of the minority chiefs, proposed that a committee of
two from each of the five parties be appointed to go out and select a com
promise nominee. The inequality of this proposition, giving to Judge
Warner's eleven supporters the same proportion of comraitteeraen with
Gov. Colquitt's nearly two-thirds majority of the Convention, and sub
raitting the rights and preferences of the raajority of the body, to an
urapire, in which the raajority had a two-tenths voice, and the rainority
an eight-tenths control, was something so iraraeasurably cool and
unreasonable, that it excited a flurry of indignation. It was felt to
be an open, glaring declaration of war upon Colquitt, and the an
nouncement of an uncoraproraising policy of resistance to the will of
the raajority, so far as his norain.ation was concerned. It was a charac
teristic act, of the fearless and straight-forward Walsh, to meet this issue
clearly and frankly. Rising with cool deliberation, and speaking with a
measured, but intense eraphasis, he made the most memorable speech
of that long and fiery convention. It threw off all qualifications and
stopped the parleying. With the characteristic' directness of the man,
it put the opposition upon the fullest manly notice, and it laid down
the end in a remarkable spirit of prophecy. Recognizing that the
rainority raeant a no-quarter war, it accepted the issue distinctly and
boldly, in these ringing words.
" Mr. Chairman : Speaking for the distinguished gentlemen whom I have the honor
to represent, I will say to the Convention that we have anticipated the resolution intro
duced by the gentleman from Clarke, and that we have conferred and have come to a
decision, and the decision is to carry out the voice of the people of Georgia as expressed
in nearly two-thirds of the counties of this State [applause] ; and that voice is that
Alfred H, Colquitt shall be the next Governor of the people of Georgia [cheers]. I say
the people, in order to preserve the integrity of this party and to conforra to its usages,
have upon this occasion — and this occasion differs from no other State Convention that
has been held — sent us here to perform a formal duty. They have passed upon it
themselves, and I say we will not be true to the voice of the people if this Convention
does not nominate Alfred H, Colquitt ! [continued cheering.] In this great State a
majority — nearly two thirds— of the people prevail in that opinion, and the friends of
Gov, Colquitt, in a spirit of harmony, in a spirit of peace, and wilh a liberality that
should be admired and appreciated, have deviated from the usages aud customs of our
party iu the past ten years, by adopting the two-thirds rule. But gentleraen say that,
in former State Conventions there was no reason why the two-thirds rule should have
been enforced, because there was no opposition. Why, sir, so much the more reason for
the rule being used at all times in the Deraocratic party. If it is to be so much
respected there was all the more reason why it should have heen adhered to in the former
State Conventions, But, sir, it was the voice of the men of brains, progress and patri
otism that the rule sliould be repealed and the majority rule should prevail ! [cheers.l

THE MINORITY OFFER A LARGE HILL OP FARE. 579
I say we made these concessions in a spirit of harmony, in order to maintain the integ
rity of the party. But we have come to respect tlie will of the people, and we do not
intend to depart from the city of Atlanta until we have nominated Alfred H. Colquitt !
[great applause,] We have come here to do that if it takes us until Christmas to do
it. [Renewed cheering."]
The excitement that foUowed was indescribable. The motion was
tabled and a ballot taken. Mr. Watson then arose and offered the fol
lowing list of gentleraen, and moved that " six delegates be appointed
from each faction in the Convention, Colquitt and anti-Colquitt," to
select a candidate other than those before the body, stating that he did
this to answer Mr. Walsh: Gen. A. R. Lawton, Gen. Henry R. Jackson,
Hon. Thomas M. Norwood, Hon. Joseph B. Curaraing, Hon. J. C. C.
Black, ex-Gov. James M. Smith, Hon. M. H. Blanford, Hon. P. W.
Alexander, Hon. Martin J. Crawford, Hon. A. O. Bacon, Hon. Clifford
Anderson, Hon. H. G. Turner, Hon. Jaraes Jackson, Hon. Augustus
Reese, Hon. George Hillyer, Hon. George T. Barnes, Plon. Henry D.
McDaniel, Hon. W. H. Dabney, Hon. A. T. Mclntyre, Hon. W. M.
Hammond, Hon. Milton A. Candler, Hon. David E. Butler, Hon. John
I. HaU, Hon. Robert P. Trippe, Hon. Joel A. Billups, Hon. J. H. Blount,
Hon. Thoraas M. Lawson, Hon. H. V. M. Miller, Hon. N. J. Hammoiiu,
Hon. Alexander H. Stephens.
Mr. Watson followed with a bright and raost fiery little speech, that
swept the raiftority into a perfect whirlwind of deliriura. His sentences
carae out with a condensed intensity of passion. Araong other things,
he said:
" Sir, I am tired of hearing the cry of generosity, when I see no generosity [applause] ;
1 ara tired of this cry of harmony, when I see no harmony [applause]. I have not corae
here to be fattened on chaff, nor filled with taffy. You raight as well attempt to gain
flesh on corn-cob soup in January [laughter].
" Mr. Chairman, I have said, and I say now, that I am here with no bitterness of
partisan rancor. I have fought this much-named gentleman, A. H, Colquitt. I have
fought him honestly. I have advocated Rufus Lester. I have advocated him honestly.
But high and serene above them both, above my opposition to Colquitt, above my sup
port of Lester, rises my love, my devotion to my State, like the tranquil star that burns
and gleams beyond the reach of the drifting clouds [cheers]. * * *
" Sir, the gentleman's position means that we must take Colquitt or the party shall he
disrupted. Sir, if it must come, let it come [cheers]. We love the party, honor it, are
devoted to it, hut we will not yield when the gentleman's speech has made it a loss of
self-respect to surrender.
"If they will split this Convention, we will be here to the end [applause] ; if they
will sink the ship, we will remain in her shadow to the last [applauSe]. We would

580 REPEATED ATTEMPTS TO CROWD OUT COLQUITT.
deprecate it. We would deplore it. But if she can only he saved ou terms as unmanly
as these, then — " ' Nail to the mast her holy fiag,
Set every threadbare sail.
And give her to the god of storms,
The lightning and the gale.' "
[Great applause.]
The effect upon the corabative and heated rainority was electrical.
Frora all parts of the hall they crowded up to hira to shake his hand and
congratulate hira. Mr. T. W. Akin followed with a spirited appeal.
Upon motion of Mr. Walsh, the resolution was laid on the table, and Mr.
Joseph stirred a shout of laughter with this motion : " I move the mole
hill now come to the mountain."
Among the ablest heads of the minority was Mr. Josiah L. Warren, a
fine speaker, a rare talker, an affluent humorist, an unsurpassed political
manager and an unsparing opponent of Colquitt. He rose and with
a soft diplomacy said it had been the purpose of the minority to present
the olive branch of peace, and they stood ready to unite in friendship
on some standard bearer " other than the one you have." Mr. Ross of
Houston " offered Hon. Alfred H. Colquitt as the raan on whora to
unite." Mr. Livingston of Newton replied, urging the friendly spirit of
the Colquitt raen, alluding to yielding the two-thirds rule and dividing
the contested delegates. Pie added:
" I desire to say that the Colquitt men are not for disruption, and do not intend to
produce it. I desire to say that if you are tired of your friends, and if you are so
patriotic as to desire a compromise, present it to us and we wiU see what we will do
with it. [Applause.] We have no intention of dropping Colquitt now, [Cheers.] We
would be untrue to the people and ourselves to do so ! [Cheers.] We have no feeling
in this matter outside of our duty. [Applause.]
The baUoting went on to the 19th with little change: Colquitt
211f-g, Lester 58'^^, Hardeman 51, GartreU 15^ and Warner 13.- Gen.
Imboden offered a resolution for four of the rainority to meet five of
the majority and select a candidate whose name was not before the
convention. He made a strong speech for his motion. Mr. Livingston
asked if the opposition had centered on a man. Col. Imboden said
they could not present a raan without his consent, but for the raajority
to narae him and the rainority would corae to him. Col. Geo. M. Nolan
of Henry county, who made some adrairable speeches in caucus and
convention, said this was the sarae voice in another dress — it was the
hand of Esau, but the voice of Jacob. The raajority had time and
again presented the name of a spotless character. Mr. Duncan moved

A COLQUITT DELEGATE BREAKS: THE CONVENTION WILD. 581
to amend by leaving out the words excluding the present candidates,
but Col. Imboden withdrew his resolution.
On Saturday the 4th day this racy convention had a new and tingling
experience. The Colquitt men were pretty solid, but not wholly so.
They had sturdily refused to yield Colquitt, and nothing had been able
to move them. When therefore Judge W. A. Reid of Putnara, a
Colquitt delegate, arose and urged Judge Thos. G. Lawson for norai
nation, the fury it created was raaddening. Mr. Shumate replied in a
superb response of exquisite felicity and eloquence for Gov. Colquitt,
urging his support by two-thirds of the people as an evidence that he
could rally the party around the standard of unity, and intimating that
Chathara county could, by a patriotic course, now secure Lester in the
future. Mr. Norwood charged that the Colquitt men were putting
Colquitt above the party. Col. Willis Hawkins arose on his crutches
and in his inimitable and electric way replied that they were there to
enter up judgment for the people who had rendered their verdict. Mr.
Murphy retorted that his side would file a bill of exceptions. Mr. J. W.
Preston declared that he would vote against Gov. Colquitt, if any man
would prove a single act of wrong against him. It was, however, when
Mr. Preston alluded to Clifford Anderson having, after fruitless balloting
in the Congressional convention in the Sixth District, secured J. H.
Blount's noraination for Congress and broke just such a dead-lock as this
by an eloquent appeal for harraony, that the most prolonged and
craziest exciteraent of the convention occurred. Delegates rose to
their feet waving hats and handkerchiefs, and peal upon peal of deaf
ening cheers thundered through the house. The point was the stronger
because Mr. Preston himself was defeated by Mr. Blount, for the
congressional nomination, through this very appeal of Col. Anderson.
Col. Anderson arose cool, serene and poised, and met the palpable hit
with consummate force and adroitness; utterly unconfused and undis-
concerted he drew an elaborate discriraination between Col. Blount and
Gov. Colquitt, arguing that the former was the only raan that could
unify his District, but Gov. Colquitt could not unite the Democracy of
the State. Gen. Young put in a question that brought down the house,
as to whether, when it was found that Hancock had a majority of the
National Convention, did not every one flock to him.
The truth is that this debate was sparkUng and fervent beyond
measure, full of hits and oratory, a raagnificent and sustained corabat
of eloquence and ready inteUectuaUty. At the proper raoraent Mr.
Warren, thinking the fever right, arose, and hoping and planning to

582 THE COLQUITT PHALANX UNBREAKABLE.
carry the convention in one of those raad tornadoes of irapulse that
soraetiraes seize bodies of raen, wearied with strife and unavailing bal
lots and ready to drop anybody and go for anybody alraost, he moved
that Thos. G. Lawson be nominated by acclaraation. The raaneuver fell
dead. The rainority went for it with a wild rush, but the solid Colquitt
array, corapact and imraovable, untouched by the frenzy and tempta
tion, grimly frowned down the ambuscade. Alarraed that the raove
ment might release the minority delegates from their candidates, the
quick-witted Warren, discerning the failure of his plan, and the threaten
ing peril, proraptly withdrew the noraination and told the minority to
rally to their leaders. The twenty-fifth ballot was finaUy taken, and
the convention adjourned until Monday.
It must not be overlooked in measuring this remarkable convention,
that the delegates were getting no pay and were on heavy expense,
and raany of thera raen of raoderate means who had come only prepared
to stay a day or so. It will show the fire that had becorae kindled that
the convention held together. Men raised raoney to see the battle
through, and the body re-asserabled Monday, the 5th day, in full force.
It was a settled conclusion, that a number of the leaders of the mi
nority meant to default Colquitt at all hazards. Whether they could
hold their followers was the practical question. Col. Norwood was
approached Saturday by a Colquitt delegate, and was reported to have
said there could be no compromise, and Colquitt must be defeated.
Gov. Colquitt raade a speech to the caucus Saturday night, that was a
rairacle of effect. He would gladly withdraw from the contest and the
responsibilities of office, but he never retired under fire, and the fight
upon him siraply forced hira to keep the field. The delegates in strong
enthusiasm, pledged him continued support. Telegraras poured in from
various parts of the State to stand firra.
The convention re-assembled Monday morning. Judge Reid withdrew '
Judge Lawson's name. The twenty-sixth ballot was taken with no
change. Another episode occurred of a break in the Colquitt ranks,
but it was powerless to change the alignment. Mr. S. G. McLendon,
of Thoraas county, a very effective young speaker, said that he had stood
to Colquitt as long as there was a chance of his nomination, that a nom
ination was impossible with the names before the convention, and that
he could not follow Colquitt to the peril of the party. Mr. McLendon
was followed by a gifted young delegate from Bibb county, Mr. R. W.
Patterson, who made one of the raost brilliant and irapassioned speeches
of the convention — a speech that at once fixed his fame as an orator.

TIIE RESOLUTION RECOMMENDING COLQUITT. 583
He plead for party harmony. The twenty-ninth ballot was taken, and
the Convention adjourned.
On Tuesday morning matters came to a focus. In the Colquitt
caucus Monday night, it was resolved to allow a fair chance for an har
monious conclusion of the strife, and if that could not be had, to pass a
resolution recommending Colquitt as the Democratic candidate for Gov
ernor. Judge Harrell offered a resolution requesting the five candi
dates to withdraw, but it was voted down. Mr. Walsh then offered the
following resolution, that has become historic:
" Resolved, That the Democratic party of Georgia, in Convention assembled, hereby
renews the expression of its devotion to the great principles of the Democratic party of
the nation, aud pledges the united and enthusiastic support of the Democracy of Georgia
to Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock and the Hon. Wm. H. English, the nominees of the
Cincinnati Convention.
" 2. Whereas, After a long and tedious session of this Convention, and continuous
balloting, it appears that no nomination of a candidate for Governor can be made un
der the two-thirds rule; therefore, he it resolved. That this Convention recommend to.
the people of Georgia, Gov. Alfred H. Colquitt as the Democratic candidate for the
office of Governor at the ensuing election, provided that this resolution shall not go into
effect until three ballots shall have been had under the two-thirds rule, and it is deraon
strated that no nomination can be effected thereby.
" 3. Resolved, That a committee of nine, consisting of one from each Congressional
District, be appointed by the Chair to notify Gov. Colquitt of the action of this Conven
tion and request his acceptance."
The reading of the resolution created a profound sensation. Mr.
Walsh said, in his resonant accents, that the argument was exhausted,
and he moved the suspension of the rules and called the previous ques
tion. The exciteraent was intense. The rainority resisted bitterly.
The fiery young Watson said garaely, " We were tied to the naraes
before us, heramed up, penned up, starved out. I said that these gyves
being upon rae, I could never go to Colquitt, and I never will." The
rules were suspended. The first resolution about Hancock and English
was unaniraously adopted. Dr. Carlton offered a resolution that was
read by courtesy, "That this convention norainate Alexander H.
Stephens by acclamation." Dr. Carlton tried to speak. Cries of
" order." Mr. Brown, of Fulton, began to say soraething of " why sen
tence of death should not be passed upon the Deraocratic party." Cries
of "order" and "go on." It was a confused time, but the Chairraan,
Mr. TramraeU, held the Convention to its business with a steady hand.
It was evident that the crisis had corae. The raajority had the power,
and were firm. Judge Willis of Talbot, asked Mr. Walsh to withdraw

584 A STIRRING TIME.
the resolution long enough to allow the rainority tirae to consult. An
adjournment was raade until 3 o'clock for this purpose.
The minority raet in caucus first at the Kiraball, and then at the
Markham House. It was appareilt at- once that the solidity of the
rainority was broken. , Strong raen refused to go farther in the fight
upon Colquitt, and in the disintegration of the Deraocracy, notably
Col. Clifford Anderson, Judge J. T. Willis, and R. W. Patterson. But
the greater part of the rainority stood imraovable and unrelenting. The
convention raet in the afternoon, under very intense feeling, the raa
jority quiet but expectant of success, and the minority depressed and
divided, but with its opposition element stubborn and watchful. The
resolutions of Mr. Walsh were adopted. The 30th ballot was taken,
and was unchanged, save that the rainority concentrated on Col. Harde
raan, and for the first time the contest was narrowed to two men. The
31st ballot showed a concentration of the rainority on Lester, but with
a grim adherence of each side to its raan.
Mr. Reid of Putnam, offered a resolution for a Conference Coraraittee
of three from the majority, and two from the rainority, to consult and
report. Gen. Young favored the resolution. The rules were not sus
pended, so the resolution failed. Col. P. W. Alexander of Cobb, of
fered a resolution that it was the suprerae duty of the convention not to
adjourn until it nominated. A fiery discussion ensued. There is little '
doubt that some of the rainority leaders drove the discussion, to heat
the body and solidify the rainority. It was a debate full of fire and
taunts. There is no doubt, either that sorae of the utterances of the
majority speakers, thus provoked, stopped the change to Colquitt. Dr.
Carlton and Col. Alexander raade speeches, and were replied to by Col.
Preston and Col. Livingston. When Col. Preston said the rainority
was deterrained not to norainate Colquitt, the response " no! no!
never! " pealed frora that side. Col. Livingston declared that it had
been the policy of the rainority "to stuff into our face everybody's
name, but that of Alfred H. Colquitt," and that " persistency on that
line was an insult to the Colquitt delegates." Prolonged applause,
hisses and great confusion foUowed this statement. He thus con
cluded: " It cannot raean that they are in earnest ; it cannot mean that they hope to accom
plish anything by it, because I give these gentleraen credit for good common sense. If
you do not hope to gain anything by it, why persist in it ? If you do not intend to
insist and stir up the baser feelings of our nature, and get up turraoil and strife in the
convention, why insist '! It has been manifested by Colquitt's friends that they intend
to norainate him under the two thirds rule if they can; or if not to elect him by the

COLQUITT RECOMMENDED. 585
people, and you might as well receive it now, [Applause, long continued.] And they
intend to put him iu office next November. [Renewed applause,] "
The heated sparring continued until Col. Anderson asked a recess of
half an hour. The convention re-asserabled, and the 32nd ballot pro
ceeded. Col. Clifford Anderson cast 2^ votes for Colquitt as " an offer
ing of peace." The applause was prolonged over this noble act of raoral
firmness. Judge R. F. Lyon, of the Macon delegation, with fierce
emphasis, stated that he cast 1^ vote for Thoraas Plarderaan, in the
hope that it will " unite the Democratic party in solido." Applause and
hisses greeted this. Judge WUlis, in an eloquent speech, cast 3 of the
Talbot county votes for Colquitt, saying that they were now testing the
question whether they should dissolve the organized party, or cling to
their preferences. Applause and hisses accorapanied this manly utter
ance. The last ballot went on in blinding excitement, and the result was
announced ; Colquitt, 220J3, Lester, 58f, Hardeman, 463'^, Gartrell,
15^, Warner, 8^. Gov. Colquitt still lacked 14 votes of a two-thirds
noraination, but stood the recomraended candidate of the party for
Governor. The convention then elected candidates for Hancock and Tilden elec
tors. Hon. J. C. C. Black and R. E. Kennan were chosen at large, and
A. P. Adams and L. J. Glenn, alternates. The District electors were
S. D. BrasweU, W. M. Hammond, C. C. Smith, L. R. Ray, John I. HaU,
R. B. Nisbet, T. W. Akin, Seaborn Reese, and W. E. Siraraons. The
next day N. C. Barnett was nominated by acclamation for Secretary of
State, and W. A. Wright for Comptroller General. A spirited contest
occurred for the nomination for Attorney General, between R. N. Ely,
J. W. H. Underwood and J. T. Glenn. Maj. Ely had a heavy raajority,
and Mr. Jeraison offered a resolution in sport, that he be declared norai
nated, and that his resolution was offered to carry out the letter and
spirit of the two-thirds rule. A shout of laughter greeted this rally.
Col. J. S. Boynton's name was put in and withdrawn. Col. Clifford
Anderson's narae was announced, and he received the noraination.
Maj. D. N. Speer received the nomination for Treasurer.
In the afternoon, W. A. Harris raoved to adjourn sine die. Judge
Willis, in voting against it, appealed to the minority to come to Colquitt,
and make a nomination. Before the vote on adjournment was an
nounced, Mr. Dendy, of Harris county, said he did not wish the conven
tion to adjourn without a nomination, and he changed four votes to Col
quitt frora Harderaan, bringing Gov. Colquitt within 9 votes of a two-
thirds majority. The enthusiasm over this was imraense, and the cheering

586 THE CONVENTION ADJOURNS.
prolonged, and there is no doubt that the changes would have con
tinued, and secured the nomination. But both Dr. Carlton and Col.
Norwood objected to any changes of votes for the noraination, on a
raotion to adjourn. The convention adjourned with raatters in this
condition, and Gov. Colquitt was before the people as the selected
choice of the Georgia Democracy for Governor, through the action of
the most extraordinary convention of Georgia political annals.
The conduct of the convention was in the highest degree revolu
tionary, and it resulted in a schism in the Deraocratic party that the
people alone could settle, and which they did settle with an overwhelm
ing emphasis.

CHAPTER L.
GOVERNOR COLQUITT'S OVERWHELMING RE-ELECTION.
The raeraorable Colquitt Election Carapaign of 1880, — The Minority Organize a Revolt
from the Action of tlie Convention. — .1. C. DeU and Mr. Wade. — The Invitation to
Dr. Felton to Run. — Hon. Thomas M. Norwood put out as the Minority Candi
date for 'Governor. — Gov. Colquitt Accepts. — Judge Hiram Warner Resigns frora
the Supreme Bench and Speaks Against Gov. Colquitt. — The State Press for Col
quitt. — The Discussion between Colquitt and Norwood — A Disgraceful Scene at
Macon. — Attempt to Silence Colquitt, by a. Violent Mob.-^The Benefit to Col
quitt. — The Leaders of the State Against Colquitt. — The Masses of the People for
Him. — A Sharp Tilt between Gen. Gordon aud Gov. Smith. — The Inspiration of
the Opposition to Colquitt. — The Republican Convention makes no Nomination. —
A Desperate Carapaign of Calumny Against Colquitt. — Ben. C, Yancey's Charge
and its Withdrawal, — Gen, Henry R. Jackson's Superb Speech, — The very Safety of
Society and the Preservation of Character at Stake, — The Convic!: Catechism. —
. The Appointment of Gov. Brown as United States Senator, a, Leading Issue, —
The Race between Gov. Brown and Gen. Lawton, — Gov, Brown's Work, — The
Colquitt Workers, — Gov. Colquitt's Election, — The State House officers and their
Aids. — The Canvass for United States Senator, — Gov, Bro^vn's Election.
The adjournraent of the stormy convention of August, 1880, was
the beginning of the second and still more heated phase of the raerao
rable Colquitt gubernatorial campaign. The members of the minority
were asked to remain in the hall. Mr. Norwood was raade chairman.
A committee of nine was appointed to prepare an address to the people
and business for the meeting. The committee was H. H. Carlton, R. F.
Lyon, F. G. Wilkins, J. L. Warren, T. M. Imboden, .1. W. Staton, D.
B. Harrell, W. R. Brown, P. W. Alexander and H. T. HoUis. At
night a resolution was reported that the recommendation of Gov. Col
quitt was not binding, and the minority should have a candidate for
Governor. There could not be a finer exhibition of moral courage than
the action of Mr. J. C. Dell and U. P. Wade, of Screven county, rainor
ity delegates, in opposing this resolution, in fearless dissent frora the
sentiment of the meeting, which expressed itself in hisses, though both
were cheered. Their remarks were thus reported:
"Mr. Dell continued, and declared that the resolutions would inaugurate a new party
iu Georgia. The question is, shall we submit to the inevitable, or shall we begin revo-
lotion in the party. I speak for myself and for uiue-tenths of my people that we shall

588 HON. T. M. NORWOOD, THE MINORITY CANDIDATE.
abide by the action of the majority of this Convention. It has declared that Governor
Colquitt is the choice of the people, and 1 beBeve the people will endorse that verdict,
[Cheers,] It is the duty of patriotism to adjourn now and go home without stirring
up mischief in the party. [Cheers and hisses ]
Mr. Wade, of Screven, said he had battled with the minority and had followed it
everywhere. But the question now is, if we are not putting weapons into the hands of
these men? I shall tell my people that it is best to submit to the inevitable. Gov. Col
quitt will be elected in spite of us. [Great cheers and hisses.] I cannot approve these
resolutions and I will clearly speak my sentiments. No men or set of men shall ever
deter me from doing what I deem my duty. [Cheers and hisses.]"
A. P. Adams, S. H. Jemison, H. Van Epps and S. W. SraaU raade
applauded speeches full of fire and opposition to Colquitt. For
several days the air was full of rumors as to who would be presented bv
the minority. It was a heavy blow to the minority when it carae out
that on the 10th of August, before the convention adjourned, H. H.
Carlton, J. L. Warren and Wra. -Garrard had telegraphed to Dr. Wm.
H. Felton, the acknowledged leader of the Independents in the State,
asking him if he would make the race against Gov. Colquitt, assured
of strong support, a request that Dr. Felton declined, as his friends
wished him to continue the race for Congress. It was with a grira apd
exultant glee that Dr. Felton gave this significant correspondence to
the public, and it so handicapped the rainority that the gentleraen, who
did the raischief, endeavored to break the force of the injury by as
suraing it as a personal act of their own.
It was ruraored that Mr. Stephens, Col. Candler, Gen. Wofford and
others would make the race. The problem was solved when Col.
Thomas M. Norwood was declared the candidate of the rainority. The
coramittee of the minority, with G. M. McDowell as an additional
raeraber, issued an address explaining their course, and published the
correspondence with Mr. Norwood. A large Executive Coramittee
was appointed, with Col. P. W. Alexander, chairman, and a carapaign
central coraraittee, with Col. M. A. Candler as chairman, and C. H.
Williaras as secretary. There is no doubt of the efficient labors of
these coraraittees. They conducted a campaign of remarkable vigilance
and vigor. Mr. Williams, the secretary, was at his post to the last,
and kept the struggle lively. Mr. Norwood's letter of acceptance bore
date the 13th of August, 1880.
On the 12th of August the coramittee appointed by the convention,
Philip L. Cohen, R. Ridgeley, R. Jones, W. A. Hawkins, F. M. Long-
ley, Geo. M. Nolan and Samuel Hall notified Gov. Colquitt of the ac
tion of the convention, and requested that he bear the standard of the

JUDGE HIRAM WARNER ENTERS THE CONTEST. 589
party. Gov. Colquitt replied in a singularly strong and dignified let
ter. He thus epitomized his administration:
"It has been gratifying to see a steady improvement in individual welfare and iu
every phase of the public condition, and I am not insensible to the compliment con-
ve.yed in your letter that you accord to me credit for these results to the full extent that
an executive raay properly claim in our scheme of public polity. Among the valuable
results wrought in these years are, an elevated state credit, a diminished public debt, a
decreased rate of taxation, enlarged sources of income, exaltation of the state's dignity
abroad, and an abatement of sectional strife through Georgia's influence. To these
raay be added kindlier relations between the white and colored races, due to a liberal
spirit in the encouragement of popular education and equal justice in the protection of
all races in every right of citizenship to the fullest extent of executive authority."
The issue was thus made up, and the raost intense and desperate
political contest of Georgia history began. T. N. Rucker, a rainority
delegate frora Clarke, had said when the convention adjourned, " it will
be the bitterest campaign ever known in Georgia," and he predicted
correctly. Mr. Norwood wrote to Gov. Colquitt, proposing a mutiial
retirement. Gov. Colquitt declined to retire under the heavy arraign
ment made by the minority against him, and contrasted his own candi
dacy as the choice of nearly two-thirds of the party with that of Mr.
Norwood, as the nominee of a coramittee of nine. Both sides came
down to work. It would require a volume to record the notable inci
dents of this unparalleled carapaign. The contest preceding the con
vention had been a hot one. It was child's play corapared to the
struggle leading up to the election. It was a species of black flag fight.
Judge Hiram Warner resigned his place as Chief Justice on the 16th
of August, " for reasons of a private nature exclusively." In a speech
in Greenville, during the campaign, he gave the following reason for his
resignation, in connection with a decision of the Supreme Court on a
suit of the State against the securities of R. A. Alston:
" The Governor thought proper to take an appeal before the people from the Supreme
Court of the State, of which I was at the time Chief Justice, I had no intention at
that time of resigning. I was able and willing to perform the duties of the office as I
had been for the ten years, so far as I knew ; but when I saw one department of the
government arraigning another department of the government before the country in
a raanner calculated to weaken public confidence in its Judiciary, I felt that I could no
longer, with honor to myself and credit to the people, hold that position. « * * *
" Therefore I tendered my resignation so as to give the Governor an opportunity to
appoint a personal judge who might be willing to decide upon his official acts in accord
ance with his own personal wishes, and thereby save him the trouble of appealing to.
the people to review the judgment of the Supreme Court."
There was no more remarkable incident of this unprecedented cara-

590 THE ISSUE MADE UP.
paign than this slip of the venerable Chief Justice. It showed the
rancor of politics; it showed the excess to which an honest man can
go under a virulent anger; and it deraonstrated the severity of this
canvass. The people thought too highly of Judge Warner to believe
him earnest in a reason for resigning that was neither just to hira or
Gov. Colquitt.
Mr. Norwood spoke in Atlanta, and Gov. Colquitt replied to hira in
a letter. This speech and letter formulated the issues of the canvass,
and were both able and exhaustive. Mr. Norwood tripped up upon
sorae of his facts and figures, and thus put hiraself at sorae disadvan
tage. But his speech was bold, earnest and aggressive. Gov. Col
quitt's letter was the strongest document of the campaign, and it will
pass into history as a raodel of political disputation. It was felicitous,
dignified, concentrated and unanswerable. It was trenchant without
discdurtesy, and handled his antagonist unsparingly in a decorous raan
ner. It covered every point of attack against hira, and rested impreg-
nably upon official facts and figures. Mr. Grady, the chairman of the
campaign committee, sent it into every county in the State for the
quiet perusal of every voter, and its clear stateraents supported by the
records, carried an irresistible weight.
The large majority of the State papers took ground for Gov. Col
quitt, led by the four powerful dailies, the Atlanta Constitution, Au
gusta Chronicle and Constitutionalist, Savannah News, and Macoti
Telegraph and Messenger. The strongest opposition to Gov. Colquitt
was in the cities and towns, and all of these papers had a noisy and
vigorous sentiraent to antagonize. In Savannah and Macon it was
especiaUy bitter. Col. Estill of the News, was raenaced in Savannah,
with the loss of patrons and business. This was the horae of Col.
Norwood, and the carapaign on that side ran into proscription. Col.
Estill, with cool nerve, pursued his course, regardless of the pressure,
while Col. Thorapson wrote sorae of the best leaders of the carapaign.
The four Titans of the press wielded a prodigious influence. The
Columbus Times later came out for Colquitt, and put in some telling
blows. The Colurabus Enquirer- Suti, Atlanta Post-Appeal, Savannah
Recorder and Augusta News kept the liveliest sort of a fusillade
on the Norwood side, and well exeraplified the power of an earnest
press. A discussion was arranged between Gov. Colquitt and Col. Norwood
and covered seven appointments, beginning at Augusta and ending
with Colurabus, and including the interraediate points of Madison, Co-

COL. NORWOOD AS THE MINORITY LEADER. 591
vington. Griffin, Macon, Butler, Talbotton and Colurabus. It was an
amusing peculiarity of the canvass that both sides claimed the complete
triumph of their respective champions, and the utter deraolition of
their opponents. The raatter depended very much upon whose side
happened to have the raajority present. Whoever had the nurabers
made the largest racket. Perhaps the fairest statement carae from
the Augusta Chronicle. It thus measured the speakers:
" Candor compels us to say that Hon. T. M. Norwood is no stump speaker. His two
speeches in the Senate led our people to believe that he was a gentleman of oratorical
power. He ha^ no magnetism whatever, and as a public speaker he is not above the
grade of mediocrity. Our whilom Senator is no match for Gov. Colquitt on the
stump." The selection of Col. Norwood was not a fortunate one in many
respects. An elaborate and logical pleader, and possessing an affluent
but not a ready or contagious intellectuality, he lacked fire and the
magnetic eleraent. A plain raan in appearance, he was cold and un-
electrical. He was not the leader for the masses. His antecedents too
were against him. He had not participated in the war; he had taken
the unpopular side as a receiver of back-pay in the Senate; he had been
agent for sorae of our contested Bullock bonds; he had used some very
hard things in his speeches about the negroes, whose votes were needed
to elect him. All of these matters were used effectively against him.
In Macon and Columbus the majority of the people assembled to hear
the discussions were against the Governor, but at the other points were
for hira. An incident occurred at Macon that did great injury to Mr.
Norwood's cause. He had the opening and the conclusion. The scene
was unparalleled for a civilized community. Mr. Norwood made a
severe arraignment of Gov. Colquitt. The Governor arose to reply,
introduced by Hon. A. O. Bacon. The Macon Telegraph and Messenger
thus describes the wild tirae that ensued:
" Thereupon occurred one of the most remarkable scenes ever witnessed, probably, in
the state. For two hours the man stood before the people,, speaking araid a storra of
cheers, hisses, groans, cries, cat-calls, jeers and insults. Eloquence was powerless before
it, and the presence of the most substantial and dignified citizens of Macon had little
effect A dozen times the speaker was forced to stop entirely, and several times Col,
Whittle, Capt, A. O. Bacon and others sought to calm the people in vain. It was only
when Colquitt's time dwindled down to thirty minutes that he secured a comparatively
quiet interval.
" It was the most disgraceful scene ever witnessed in this city, but let it be said to the
credit of the greater portion of the crowd, that when called upon to endorse or conderan
the confusion, there arose a shout of conderanation that for a little while awed the
remainder into silence. The speaker struggled through it all, reminding a looker-on of a

m

592 THE WILD SCENE IN MACON.
strong swimmer batiling with the waves. He kept his temper nearly all tlie way
through, letting his indignation only find voice when it seemed as though human courage
and patience could endure no longer. Whatever else his enemies may say of him,
there were few who last night did not admire the unconquerable spirit that would not
be overwhelmed.
" No intelhgible report of the speech as delivered can be given. It was broken up
into snatches through wliich were mixed the (questions of the crowd and his answers."
The conclusion of this bra*e exhibition of manhood and endurance is
thus portrayed by the Telegraph:
" At this time the crowd kept up a pretty lively fuss, but when the speaker ended his
description of how Norwood was nominated, the excitement and confusion became o\ er-
whelming. Gentlemen advised the Governor to cease, but he refused. No one could be
heard for a long time. Finally Captain Bacon addressed them, and in a sharp speech
shamed the crowd into silence.
" When the speaker could be heard he attacked Norwood's war and senate record,
but the confusion became so great that even the reporters within a few feet of him could
not hear his words. Some one said something about Joe Brown, and the governor
singled him out, and calmly said : " I will give you Joe Brown, if you wish it,"
He then gave them in clear language his reasons for the appointraent. Brown was a
democrat ; had Voted the ticket for twelve years ; had acted with the democratic com
mission iu Florida, He had voted for Grant ; the democrats had voted for Greeley ;
he had favored the reconstruction measures ; the democrats had afterwards endorsed
them ; he had not always been a democrat, but there were whigs in the crowd around
him. " This latter part burst from his lips in a torrent of writhing sarcasm, and, wearied,
the Governor took his seat,"
This occurrence will afford some conception of the desperate crusade
against G9V. Colquitt, and of the lengths to which this stormy canvass
ran. Here was the Executive of the State insulted by a howling mob;
here was an officer whose record had been assailed, refused a hearing in
reply to his assailant. The incident raade hundreds of votes for Gov.
Colquitt. His splendid bearing, under this trying ordeal, deraonstrated
the garae quality in the raan that all raen so rauch adraire. The stirring
incidents of this canvass would fill a volume of the raost draraatic type.
It was a curious feature of it all, that the drift and the noise seeraed to
belong to the minority. The huzzaing and fire appeared overwhelra
ingly on that side. It looked like Gov. Colquitt was being swept away,
yet to the critical and posted observer it was apparent that the great
heart of the people, in its trust for hira, was true and untouched.
Strong leaders, one after another, threw themselves into the current
against him, and unavailingly added their best energies for his defeat.
Ex-Chief Justice Hiram Warner, e.K-Gov. Jaraes M, Smith, ex-United
States Senator II. V. M. MiUer, Gen. A, R. Lawton, Hon. Rufus E,

Norwood's heavy support of leaders. 593
Lester, Gen. Robert Toombs, Gen. Wm. T. W^offord, Col. .L C. C. Black,
Hon. Milton A. Candler, Maj. Joseph Ganahl, Hon. A. P. Adams, Saral.
H. Jemison, Esq., S. B. Spencer, Esq., H. Van Epps, Esq., Col. John
D. Ashton, Sarauel W. Small, Hon. Louis F. Garrard, Hon. Mark
Blanford, Hon. Thomas W. Grimes, Col. J. T. Jordan, Gen. Eli Warren,
Hon. Nelson Tift, W. M. Bray, Rev. J. R. Respess, Col. David E. But
ler, Mr. Walter G. Charlton, Mr. Alvin Freeraan, Dr. H. H. Carlton and
others, joined in the affray and spoke or wrote letters against Colquitt.
An effective worker on the Norwood side was Col. George W. Adair,
briraful of resources and expedients, and of a sleepless energy, and
withal one of the wittiest of speakers. There was a close canvass of
the whole State, and in many places elaborate discussions. Perhaps
the attitude of Gov. Smith created the most varied commentary. It
had been charged, that when he accepted the office of Coraraissioner of
Railroads frora Gov. Colquitt, he had stated that he would resign it
whenever he antagonized his adrainistration. Be this as it raay, the
criticism upon him was riot kind, and in his speech in Atlanta he said
he would resign, but it should be to  Gov. Norwood that he tendered
his resignation. His speeches were very aggressive. He and Gen.
Gordon struck at each other sharply.
Gov. Sraith commented severely upon Gen. Gordon as urging that
Gov. Colquitt was " persecuted for floating the banner of the King of
Kings." And he continued with sarcasra :
" He has preached, as I have been informed, and as he says himself, to the colored peo
ple of the State, Again, we say all right. But did our good Governor ever think it
worth while to preach to a camp of convicts in Georgia? [Great cheering,] Thousands
of holy men have enlisted to teach Sunday schools, but who has felt himself coramis-
sioned to visit the camps of these poor unfortunates, and teach them the way of salva
tion? Has our Governor ever done so? If so, when and where? [Continued applause
from whites and blacks.]"
To this Gen. Gordon raade the teUing reply:
"But Governor Smith makes his climax against the present administration, when he
charges that Governor Colquitt does not preach to the convicts. [Laughter and ap
plause.] Of all the marvelous things which have transpired in this marvelous campaign,
the raost remarkable and farcical is the spectacle of James Milton Smith lecturing
Alfred H. Colquitt upon his dnty as a christian. [Great laughter and cheering.] Why,
I thought the charge against Colquitt was that he spent too much time running
around to Sunday schools, and was neglecting on this account his duty as Governor ;
but it seems that this was all a mistake, and that the real complaint is that he did not do
enough running about. [Laughter.] Fellow-citizens, it would take forty of the best
lawyers in Georgia to tell what Governor Colquitt's opponents would have him to do. In
one breath he is wasting too rauch tirae on religion, and in the next he is not wasting
enough. [Laughter and applause,]"
38

594 GENERAL GOEDON AND GOVERNOR SMITH.
This was keen sparring between these strong talkers. Another
practical matter that was the subject of a racy tilt between these
gentlemen, was the endorseraent of the North Eastern Bonds. Said
Gov. Smith:
" The opinion of Attorney General Hammond was adverse to the indorsement, and
the same I hold has never been nor can be successfully met. It is still en file in the ex
ecutive office. Disregarding all these, however, the Governor at last allowed himself
to be persuaded to raake the indorsement. But not until after the ratification of the
constitution of 1 877, which provides that the credit of the State shall not be pledged in
aid of any work of internal improvement. The fundamental law which the Governor
was sworn to obey, took away from the Governor, and from every other official, the
power to pledge the credit of the State in such cases. Nevertheless the Governor, in
the face of this provision of the constitution, made this pledge. The constitution said
he should not do it. But he made the pledge. He swore to obey the constitution. I
make no comment upon this. [Applause.]"
Gen. Gordon thus replied to this assault, the interruptions showing
the fever of excitement that prevailed:
" But Governor Smith places his chief objection to Colquitt's endorsement on the ground
that Attorney General Hammond, the former Attorney General of the State, had ad
vised against the endorsement. Well, if Attorney General Hammond's opinion ought
to have controlled Governor Colquitt, who did not appoint him to office, it certainly ought
to have controlled Governor Smith, who did appoint hiin to office. Mr. Hammond was
Governor Smith's legal adviser when he was iu the Executive chair. Mr. Hammond was
not Governor Colquitt's legal adviser, since he occupied that chair. Governor Colquitt's
legal adviser (Major Ely) did not advise against Governor Colquitt's indorsement of
the North-eastern Railroad bond's, and Governor Colquitt therefore, with the advice of
the ablest counsel, gave the indorsement. Governor Sraith's legal adviser did advise
liim not to indorse the bonds of the North and South railroad, but Governor Sraith
turned a deaf ear to his legal adviser and indorsed them notwithstanding. Governor
Colquitt, with the advice of able lawj'ers, indorsed for a broad gauge road at the rate of
S6,000 per mile. Governor Smith, contrary to the advice of his own Attorney General,
indorsed for a narrow gauge road to the amount of $12,000 a raile. Governor Col
quitt's indorsement never cost the State one dollar in money. Governor Smith's in
dorsement cost the State the loss of nearly or quite a half million dollars. [Cries of
" Give it to him," " Hurrah for Gordon," " Hurrah for Sraith," Laughter and hisses.]
Governor Smith indorsed for the North and South Road, to the extent of S240,000 in all.
Two hundred thousand of this was lost as principal, besides the interest for twenty years
on the bonds which you are bound to pay. But this is not all. Governor Sraith indorsed,
again,st the advice ofthe Attorney General, for another railroad, narrow gauge at that,
called the Meraphis Branch up here at Rome, and he lost the State nearly every dollar of
that money, [Laughter,] This railroad has long since gone " where the woodbine twin-
eth," [Great laughter, cheers and hisses,] It is among the things that wer^. [Laughter ]
There is nota car, nor engine, nor bar of iron, nor cross tie left to mark the place where
it once was, [Laughter,] Colquitt, according to Governor Smith, is a very weak Gover
nor. Well, 1 am glad he has left no such monument of strength as this. [Applause J
I rejoice that he was not strong enough to brave the advice of liis own Attorney Geueral

THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 595
and pocket such a loss for Georgia. [Great applause.] Oh, my countrymen, what do {
you think of this warfare raade upon Governor Colquitt by an ex-Governor who indorses
one narrow gauge railroad for $240,000, and then buys it for $40,000 — [cheers and ;
hisses] — and who indorses for another narrow gauge road and loses it all except the
pittance for which the iron and cars sold, leaving nothing else save the bare and gullied
earth where it once was. [Loud cheering.]" •
Both speeches were deUvered at Colurabus, though at different
times. These speeches will also give an idea of the heat pervading
this acrimonious contest. Against the powerful array of Norwood
orators were enlisted and speaking for Gov. Colquitt, Gen. John B.
Gordon, Col. Raphael J. Moses, Col. John D. Stewart, Gen. 0. C.
Home, G. W. Mabry, Esq., Grigsby E. Thoraas, Esq., Walter B. Plill, \
Esq., R. W. Patterson, Esq., Hon. I. E. Shumate, Col. J. A. W. John- j
son, W. C. Glenn, Col. Jenks Jones, Geo. Fry, WiUis Plawkins, David-
Vason, J. A. Billups, and others. The odds in the nuraber of orators
were against Gov. Colquitt.
One of the Colquitt papers presented a list of the Norwood leaders,
showing that the raajority of thera had been defeated candidates for
some place and shrewdly surmised that the raovement was a powerful
effort to build up a new party, that would bring the " outs " in, and
the extraordinary personal crusade against Colquitt, was the selected
means to accompUsh the end. It was the fact that attack on Colquitt
was the weapon of opposition. Mr. Norwood had his point of assault
written out under sorae sixteen heads or raore, and the docuraent was
so bulky that the huge and forraidable indictraent evoked a storra of
badinage and retort. It certainly was an incongruous thing that so
raany ordinarily conservative men were engaged in this bitter personal
campaign, so foreign to them, and so inconsistent with their character.
It was a deeper motive than one raan's alleged shortcoraings.
The Republican convention raet on the 7th of Septeraber, 1880, after
the split. It was composed chiefly of colored delegates. The question
of the Republicans nominating a candidate for Governor was a very
iraportant one. The Republican Executive Committee of the State
had questioned their own authority to act, and had called a convention
of nine delegates from each Congressional District. W. A. Pledger, a
bright young colored raan, was Chairman of the Executive Coraraittee,
and called the convention to order. W. J. White was elected President.
The convention was a very turbulent one, but still quite unaniraous.
Col. Jonathan Norcross was a delegate, and offered a resolution for the
Republicans to support Norwood. He raade a speech supporting his
resolution, and declaring that he had a letter from Marshall Jewell, say-

596 ' THE FINAL SLANDER.
ing it was for the interest of the Republican party to go for Norwood.
A hot discussion ensued. The convention finally passed a resolution
by 72 yeas to 9 nays, to make no nomination. This left the Republi
cans free to vote for whom they pleased. The colored voter was a strong
factor in the contest, and was sought by both sides. The penitentiary
lease systera entered very largely into the canvass. A nuraber of col
ored speakers took the sturap on both sides.
Gen. Wofford raade the most effective talks to the negroes, and was
very potential in changing them to Norwood. The battle waxed hotter
as it neared the election day. The whole State was in a turmoil. The
papers were filled with the notes of the angry strife. In the midst of
the stormiest time, an incident occurred that gave a treraendous shock
to the Norwood cause. Col. Ben. C. Yancey published a letter charg
ing that Gov. Colquitt had drawn from the State $7,500 for the State
Agricultural Society, and not accounted for the raoney. The next day
followed' the stateraent of the Secretary of the Society, Col. Malcolra
Johnston, showing by the books the charge to be utterly unfounded,
and every dollar accounted for. Col. Yancey was in Athens, and seeing
the reply of Col. Johnston, he telegraphed his prorapt withdrawal of
the fria-htful error. This was the straw that broke the camel's back.
o
The people had before become sickened with the crusade of calumny
against the Christian Colquitt.
It was in the unparalleled turbulence of this phase of the confiict
when the opposition was thundering its heaviest volleys against Col
quitt; when it looked as if an unsparing enmity would be satisfied with
nothing less than the raoral wreck and political annihilation of a noble
Georgian; but when the great public sense and feeling were quivering
under an accuraulated sense of indignation and injustice, that a chival
rous gentleman threw himself, stimulated by his own burning sensibility
into the rancorous struggle, and gave eloquent, irapassioned and unan
swerable utterance to the overraastering popular sentiraent that had
been hitherto unvoiced. It was a draraatic incident, full of thrilling
inspiration. The distinguished and brilliant citizen, who was thus irre
sistibly irapelled into politics, in which he had taken no part since the
surrender, was Gen. Henry R. Jackson. With every fiber of his intense
soul throbbing over the prostitution of a great public election to the
defilement of private character, this loyal scion of honor and courage,
with the magnificent inspiration that is the child of truth and genius,
under the guidance of right, struck the electrical key-note of the great
confiict. It was not a question of policy or politics, of adrainistrations

GENERAL HENRY R. JACKSON's GREAT SPEECH. 597
or dynasties, it was soraething grander and more vital; the very exist
ence of civilized and Christian society demanded the crushing rebuke
of slander as a political weapon and the protection of private character.
It has often happened that, in a public agitation there has been sorae
crucial idea in the public raind that has been gathering an overwhelraing
silent raoraentura, and yet been unspoken, until at last, at a tiraely and
inspired hour, it has been happily expressed, and carried a raighty force
due to the fact that it incarnated the popular thought. And if, as in this
instance, the utterance, so seasonable and suggestive, coraes with the
entrancing accorapaniraents of poetic diction, lofty spirit and glowing
eloquence, and with the highest prestige of character in the speaker,
it more than bears the irapression and wields the spell of resistless
inspiration. The people were inflamed. The State was on fire with
fierce passion. The raad battle of slander, pursued with reckless audac
ity and resisted with desperate resentraent, had set the public blood
throbbing in feverish pulsations. Every fair-rainded raan in the State
was in a growing rebelUon against the horrible drift of the carapaign.
At this opportune moment it was that this gifted Georgian, Gen. Jack
son, the very instrument for such a mission, born an orator, unstudied
in political policy, careless of results in the search of the right, and a
rare type of knightly sentiment, made one spontaneous, fervent, noble
protest against personal defaraation for political purposes, arguing Gov.
Colquitt's cause with an unanswerable logic, and forraulating an
appeal of resistless power.
Public sentiment had been grossly outraged by a secret campaign
pamphlet, entitled the " Convict Catechism," meant to put the negro
vote against Gov. Colquitt, appealing to the worst prejudices of the
blacks, dealing in the vilest falsehoods, and doing great injury to our
State abroad in furnishing raaterial for aspersing the very civilization of
the Coraraonwealth. The direct charge of personal dishonesty against
the Governor, circurastantially given by a responsible gentleraan, and
withdrawn in twenty-four hours upon the presentation of facts, easily
in his access, fired the State, and brought the campaign of calumny to
an explosive focus. The time and the people were both ripe for Gen.
-Jackson's transcendent and potential effort— his single, unsurpassable
conclusive speech. The following extract from that address will afford
some conception of its_ style and influence:
" I ask every true-hearted man who listens to ray voice, whether, if he had been oue
of that majority, and if he had believed in the innocence of his candidate, or even had
simply believed that the charges against him were yet to be proved — whether he couM

598 GENERAL HENEY R. JACKSOn's ELOQUENT SPEECH.
have obtained his own consent to surrender that candidate to such a fate ? [Cheers.] I
am aware that it is not wise to indulge in strong words, and yet I cannot restrain my
self from saying that the delegates who declared upon the floor that rather than do it
they would " rot in their seats,'' commanded my cordial sympathy. [Cheers.] It has
been contended by gentlemen, who possess my highest esteem, that Governor Colquitt's
supporters, having themselves adopted the two-thirds rule for the control of the conven
tion, and he having failed to obtain a two-thirds vote, the majority could not honorably
recommend hira for election, and Gov. Colquitt could not honorably present himself as
a candidate to the people. This is a conclusion which I cannot accept. [Applause.]
My whole nature rises up in resistance to it. If 1 be allowed to refer to myself, I have
no hesitancy in saying that, were my name placed before snch a convention, and Were I
to lose the nomination, not simply by failing to secure a two-thirds vote in my favor,
but by a two-thirds vote against me, and were I to be satisfied that this result had been
reached through the belief of charges involving my integrity or my personal honor, made
falsely against me, I would unfurl my fiag of resistance, though it might seem to others
the frailest of rags. [Cheers,] I would write my declaration of war, though the words
might be traced on the sands of the seashore. [Cheers,] I would challenge the juris
diction of any nominating political convention to pronounce condemnation upon me un
heard ; I would, indeed, appeal to my own people for a hearing ; would call forth each
of my peers to listen to my words, and to look an honest raan iu the eye ; and if after
all, their verdict should be rendered against me, while the hair would grow whiter on
my head and the wrinkles grow deeper in my brow, and the very earth upon the verge
of ray grave crumble and falter beneath my feet, I would at least sink into its embrace,
proudly conscious of carrying with me a heart which had not been untrue to itself, which
had not tamely yielded to the despotism of a lie. [Greet cheering.] A man's country
mnj" call upon him for the sacrifice of his time, his limb, his life ; bnt 'for the sacrifice of
hi.< honor — never ! never ! never ! [Cheers ] That is something between himself, liis con
science, his prosperity, and his God. Let us beware that, in the excitement of tempo
rary conflict, we do not trample upon heaven-born principles which must outlive the stars !
" The conclusion cannot be questioned that the minority of the convention, by their
action during its session, and by placing a candidate in nomination after its adjourn
ment, practically resolved themselves into the grand inquest of a criminal court, with the
Ijrosecntor aud the State's counsel enrolled among their number, and proceeded to pre
fer an indictment before the people of Georgia. [Applause ] They have thus made of
every voter a petit juror to try the issue of guilt or innocence, I have not failed to
pursue the argument of the case, in some instances falling from the most eminent lips,
and yet wholly ineffective to control my convictions, I have seen that charges, involving
absolute personal infamy, have been solemnly, and yet most remarkably made. The
honorable withdrawal of such may indeed rectify the personal ; I do not think it can
wholly rectify the pubhc mischief. Despicable appliances have been resorted to, which,
,as it seems to me, cannot fail to tarnish the character of our State abroad. No author
can be found to father them ; but unquestionably, the parties who engendered the con
flict, aro practically responsible for their appearance. [Applause,] Under these cir
cumstances, the fact that I was myself at one time opposed to Gov. Colquitt; that I,
too, have made complaints of him, never in public, but among my friends, has made me
feel the more restless, and the more anxious to repair any mischief which inight pos
sibly result from a word of mine, [Applause,] Before the wrongs which, in my judg
ment, have been inflicted upon him, anything of which I may have complained, has been

THE BEOWN APPOINTMENT. 599
constrained ' to pale its ineffectual fire.' [Applause.] And now, as the canvass draws
to a close, so far as I am capable of forming a correct judgment, the calm, exhaustive
letter which he wrote at the beginning, remains unanswered, and in all essentials is a
good defense. Therefore have I raised my voice here iu liis support, and will hereafter,
cordially give him my vote." [Great cheering.]
The effect of this speech on those who heard it was indescribable.
Cheer upon cheer 'followed in deafening succession. It was copied all
over the State, and thousands sent out by mail. It struck a universal
feeling, and met with an endorsing response everywhere.
One of the raain issues of the carapaign was the Brown appointment,
and, in consequence. Gov. Brown flung hiraself into the struggle with
his whole strong energy. But this issue was curiously complicated.
Col. Norwood ignored it entirely, though Gen. Lawton, who was run
ning for the United States Senate, upon a magnificent presentation of
his name by the people of Chatham county, for that august office, took
bold ground against Gov. Colquitt, in conflict with the usual consider
ations of prudential policy that govern candidates. Gen. Wpfford, who
was supporting Norwood, favored Brown for the Senate. Gen. Toombs
took no stock in the slanders upon Colquitt, but opposed the Brown
appointment. It was right amusing when Gen. Wofford was booked
for a speech at Columbus, where Gov. Brown had many opponents, that
he should have been alarmed away by the threatened developraent of
his support of Brown.
The gubernatorial and senatorial issues ran along together. Gov.
Colquitt warraly charapioned his appointment of Brown, meeting that
issue handsomely, and planting himself squarely upon its propriety.
Gen. Lawton and Gov. Brown were worthy foeraen, but the contest
was not equal. Gen. Lawton stood at that terrible disadvantage result
ing when a strong raan is shorn of his strength. He was handicapped
by Norwood's cause, and carried a double burden. He had many
friends among Gov. Colquitt's supporters, yet his course drove thera
from his cause with a few exceptions, notably the powerful Chronicle
and Constitutionalist of Augusta. Gov. Brown had his own massive
backing, and he had Gov. Colquitt's too, alraost unbroken, since the
defeat of Brown was the condemnation of Colquitt on a question
involving alike official honor and personal integrity. It was a striking
feature of this whole campaign that nearly every issue was foolishly
freighted by the minority with some uncompromisable question of
sacred character, to have yielded which would have been an unforgiva
ble and crushing dishonor in Gov. Colquitt, and desertion in his friends.

600
i And this very overraastering subject of conflict of Gov. Brown's
i appointraent as United States Senator carried with it the vital repute
I of Colquitt, Brown and Gordon. The opposition raade a controlling
1 matter of a simple act, practically unimportant, properly regarded.
-r— rpjjg raere fiUing of a three weeks' vacancy in as high an office as
' United States Senator was a trivial occurrence. When it was con-
' strued to involve betrayal of Senatorial trust in Gordon, barter of Gu
bernatorial integrity in Colquitt, and the base purchase of distinction by
Brown, it became magnified into overwhelming import, it comprehended
the transcendent idea of the purity of public service, and it engendered
inevitably a conflict of personal disgrace and political extermination.
And the intensity and desperation of the struggle were proportioned
to the magnitude of the cause. Gov. Brown has never been a mediocre
poUtical fighter. He gave to this supreme contest his best effort of
brain, experience and energy. He rallied his vast legion of personal
and political friends to Gov. Colquitt's support. He devoted every
resource of his extraordinary management to this conflict.
Effective work was done in all parts of the State by enthusiastic
coadjutors for the Colquitt cause. A series of unusually trenchant and
argumentative articles upon the issues appeared in the Macon Telegraph
and Messenger, over the signature of " No-Axe." Their author was
Walter B. Hill, Esq., one of the foremost young lawyers in the State.
Among those who did a large work in their localities were ; Dr. W. H.
Pilcher of Warren, H. W. Hopkins of Thoraas, E. F. Lawson and
Jenks Jones of Burke, Judge E. R. Harden of Brooks, Judge T. G.
Holt and Charles Bartlett of Bibb, Phillip M. RusseU and Gen. George
P. Harrison of Chathara, G. E. Thomas and H. Bussey of Columbus,
A. D. Abrahams of Lagrange, A. L. Hawes of Baker, G, W. Mabry of
Glynn, Judge W. D. Nottingham of Houston, Col. J. W. Preston of
Jasper, Col. M. C. Fulton of McDuffie, Col. H. R. Harris of Merri
wether, Col. L. F. Livingston of Newton, C. M. Bozeraan, Gen. O. C.
Home and George T. Jordon of Pulaski, B. F. Adaras of Putnam,
Judge W. F. Eve of Richmond, B. D. Evans and T. J. Smith of
Washington, Col. W. A. Harris of Worth, Dr. H. R. Casey of Colum
bia, R. L. Barry, and a host of others. Dr. Casey has been a prominent
figure in State politics, and stands among the first citizens of Georgia.
The day of election came, and the result was such an overwhelraing
victory for Gov. Colquitt, and crushing defeat for the rainority candi
date as to excite a wonder that so sraall an opposition had been able to
raake such a deceiving show of strength, as indicated by the noise.

GOVERNOE Colquitt's great victory. 601
The whole vote was, 182,353. Gov. Colquitt received of these, 118,349,
and Col. Norwood, 64,004. Gov. Colquitt's astounding majority was
54,345. The import of this triumph raay be estiraated by comparison.
In the large Northern States, where there are from a half to three-
quarters of a million of voters, majorities run to a few thousand only in
heated contests, and a 40,000 majority is soinething exceptional. The
people spoke in no uncertain voice, and with an overmastering emphasis.
And the condemnation of personal slander as a political weapon was
befitting our great State. Hon. Clifford Anderson was elected Attorney
General, Hon. N. C. Barnett, re-elected Secretary of State, Hon. Wm.
A. Wright elected Comptroller General, and Hon. Daniel N. Speer,
Treasurer. The State House offices were in the raain raost adrairably filled, and
well organized. The Executive Departraent proper had the original
staff of the Governor nearly entire. Major J. W. Warren and Col. I.
W. Avery, were and are the Executive Secretaries, Col. John B. Baird,
the Adjutant General, Mr. R. A. Murphy the Warrant Clerk, and Col.
T. C. Howard in charge of the minutes. Col. Baird has taken a zealous
interest in the organization of the MiUtary department, whose present
status is largely due to his labors. Mr. Murphy is a tall, dark-bearded
gentleraan, of uniforra suavity of manner, and a most pleasant associate.
The CoraptroUer's assistants are Robert A. Harderaan, one of the raost
accoraplished book-keepers and rapid and tasty penraen of the State,
a brother of Col. Thoraas Harderaan, and a raarvel of figures, meraory
and correctness. Dr. William King and Mr. Will Haralson. Mr. Speer,
the Treasurer, is aided by his brother, W. J. Speer, and both are close
business gentleraen. The State Librarian is Mr. Frank L. Haralson, a
handsorae and bright young lawyer, talented and aspiring, and with the
proraise of both legal and political distinction before him. Capt. John
W. Nelms, the Principal keeper of the Penitentiary, a faithful official,
and a true raan, has his half brother, Mr. Turner, doing his clerical
work. Prof. Gustavus J. Orr, State School Coraraissioner, has for his
assistant, Col. Mark Johnston, one of the raost pleasant and efficient of
the State House attaches. The staff of Col. John T. Henderson is a
strong one, coraposed of Mr. J. R. Redding, Mr. J. S. Newman, Wm.
H. Howell and W. B. Henderson, all attentive and skiUed in their
duties. Col. N. C. Barnett has had with him for years a gaUant officer
of the Confederacy, Col. J. F. Jones, who well suits his venerable and
irreproachable chief.
The Legislature elected, which convened on the 3d of November, 1880,

602 JOSEPH E. BROWN ELECTED SENATOE.
gave an overwhelraing endorsement of the appointraent of Gov. Brown
as United States Senator by Gov. Colquitt, by electing him to the
august responsibility over his worthy and distinguished competitor.
Gen. A. R. Lawton, by a vote of 146 for Brown to 64 for Lawton, or
82 majority in 210 votes. Both Gov. Brown and Gen. Lawton gave
public utterance to their views. It was a right suggestive contest in
its philosophical aspects, and it was an even, fair battle, honorably
fought and unobjectionably won. The issues were clearly presented by
these illustrious intellectual foeraen. The night before the election,
Gov. Brown raade a speech in De Gives Opera House in Atlanta, in
which he made an explicit declaration of his opinions. He reviewed
the course of the Democratic party, and his own position, on the recon
struction measures, and thg fourteen and fifteen constitutional amend
ments; and showed conclusively, that his present position on those
questions was identical with that occupied by hira in 1868; and that he
now stood upon the precise platform occupied at present by the Demo
cratic party on those questions. He took position in favor of a faith
ful and just execution of the constitutional araendments in letter and
spirit. Pie was for a free ballot and a fair count. Laying aside obso
lete issues, he favored a broad progressive statesraanship, erabracing in
its benefits every section of the Union. " The world raoves," said he,
" and we raust raove with it." It was one of the ablest and most
remarkable speeches of the age — a bold, advanced, progressive enunci
ation of public sentiraent. An anonyraous writer, " John Teraple," in
the Sunday Banner, gave a sketch of the scene that is well worthy of
preservation as a clever piece of word-painting.
" I sat in the Opera House the other night and watched a scene of unusual interest'.
"A crowded house — the beauty and the chivalry of Georgia's capital fairly glittering
in the blaze of gaslight : au eager, brilliant tlirong, throbbing in sympathy with the
occasion, or thrilling with the pain of unavailing regret. * * * The stirring strains
of music from a band of Union soldiers, a brief demonstration as the prominent figures
in the General Assembly filed in and took seats upon tlie stage, and then a pau.»e, a
hush, and a burst of passionate applause as a gray-bearded and attenuated man walked
awkwardly in,
" The merabers of the Assembly arose and bowed profoundly.
" The gray beard bowed ungracefully in return.
"Its wearer sunk into a sofa, and, while the band played a stirring lyric, we had time
to scan him well,
" Nothing in the man's appearance or manner suggested the idea of a more than
ordinary occasion.
" Not a line of the calra, meek face betrayed emotion ; not a quiver of the thin lips,
not a flash of the gray eye, or a nervous movement of the frame ; and yet that gray-

A VIVID CONTRAST. 603
bearded figure, sitting tliere so quietly under the glare of the footlights, faced the eve
of a consummated aud realized ambition for which he had watched and -waited, toiled,
planned and hoped for a weary life-time,
" It was a singular face — not a line or a curve that suggested birth or blood ; not a
touch of the aristocrat had been born of the twenty years of affluence that had rolled
over him ; a calm face, with a wonderful depth of quiet patience and tranquil determi
nation in its placid outlines — the face of a man who would have smiled calmly at the
stake, not from warrior pride or fordtude, but because the equable pulse of his disci
plined and philosophical temperament accepted the inevitable.
"And now he sat, facing a, to-morrow that would bring, with a certainty which he
had calculated to a mathematical nicety, the realization of his life-dream.
¦' It had come at last.
"From the plow handles to the helm of State, from Gaddistown to the National Cap
itol, and from handling the rope that ' gee'd' or ' haw'd ' the famous ' bull' to handling
the reins that veered the Government.
" He rose to speak. His first sentence, awkward like himself, spoken in the vernacu
lar of the masses, proclaimed himself of the people— a commoner indeed. But there
was a homely strength in what he said, a practical vein of thouglit, a well-defined and
evident purpose in his life, a. sort of utilitarianism breathing in his policies that com
mended him to an impoverished people, and, withal, a teUiug force in his ideas, that jus
tified, perhaps, his elevation to the high position which he fronted. * * *
" Up above him, in the gallery, with arras folded proudly and gracefully, showing just
one aristocratic hand in whose blue veius the rich blood coursed calmly in the tranquil
flow of his high-bred composure, sat another flgure,
" There was the air of the soldier about this man. His erect carriage, his easy and
yet faultless dignity of dress and manner, the 'perfect gr.ice of movement, the firra
mouth and the strong lines of the handsome face, with the flashing eye, all proclaimed
the old blooded Southerner, fine-fibered and high-mettled as an Arab steed,
" He had the magnetism and dash of a born leader. * * *
" The man in the gallery was the rival of the raan on the stage. The prize to be
awarded on the morrow was souglit by both, but the winner was already known,
" The patrician in the gallery, throned in the hearts of Georgia's chivalry, had
reached out his white hands, and pointing to .his bright record and his stainless charac
ter, had asked this splendid gift of the State. And she said to him, ' Nay ! ' with a pang
at her heart.
" The plebeian on the stage, deified iu the reason of the people, had pointed his
thin, patient fingers to the pregnant future, which his ' judgment ' alone could utihze to
their advantage, and said, ' I am one of you. Give me this ! '
" And with utter faith they gave it to him.
" The people loved Lawton's purity and his shining character.
" They trusted Brown's sagacity and his wonderful management,
" There the two raen sat, in the struggle for the best honor in the gift of the State.
And I could not help thinking of the forces and ideas that were at stake in the contest
between them. It was the last close struggle for supremacy between the spirit that
ruled the old South and the spirit of the new South, The old South was a South of
traditions, of sentiments, chivalric memories, of heroic impulses. The new South is a
South of conservative tendencies, of practical ambitions, of democratic ideas."

604 SENATOR brown's SERVICE.
The scene was certainly an impressive one, and the result it prefaced
was invested with a vivid and philosophical interest. It is a pretty idea
that contending forces Of variant systeras of civilization were involved.,
Perhaps they were to some extent. But there could be no better
representatives of the best of the Old and New South, than either Gov.
Brown or Gen. Lawton, while Gov. Colquitt and Gen. Gordon stood as
striking types of the most cherished sentiments and practices of our
ante-war civilization. The result had a two-fold significance. It was,
to a considerable extent, personal in noting the restoration of public
confidence to Gov. Brown as well as harvesting the fruits of the recent
victory. And it deraonstrated the deterraination of an honorable but
practical people to conforra to the new order of things to the fullest
extent necessary for the public welfare.
The election of Joseph E. Brown to the United States Senate by a
Legislature so representatively Deraocratic, over a corapetitor so for
raidable, and who would have received the cordial support of the body
under other circurastances; and after so full,' free and searching a test
of the issue on its merits, was as fair a triumph as has ever been won
in the State. And it was a victory for both Gov. Colquitt and ex-Gov.
Brown. The element of Gov. Brown's pre-erainent capacity for the
great trust entered largely into this battle, and his career as a Senator
in the session of Congress of 1880 and 1881 crowningly verified the
anticipation of his usefulness. He had in the three brief weeks of his
appointraent in 1880 placed himself iraraediately araong the foremost
factors of the august body he entered. In the first lengthy session of
his elective term he continued conspicuously and prorainently his strong
and valuable service. He raade a number of speeches that seized the
attention of the Senate and people. He steadily grew in influence and
prestige. He became a recognized party leader. He made a strong
speech upon the iraportant subject of establishing an educational fund.
His interest in the cause of free and liberal education has been earnest
and unceasing. Perhaps the raost effective speech that he raade was on
the " Peculiar Coincidence " in the determination of Senator Mahone
of Virginia to support the Republican party in effecting an organiza
tion of the United States Senate.
That memorable contest is recent in memory. Senator Mahone, a
Democrat, gave the Republicans a majority by his vote, and his friends
Gorham and Riddleberger were nominated for Secretary and Sergeant
at Arms by the Republican caucus. The contest between the Demo
crats and Republicans over the organization of the Senate continued

HIGH OPINIONS OF SENATOR BROWN. 605
for weeks. The Democrats refused to go into the election of these
officers after the comraittees had been organized. The Republicans
refused to go into Executive session to transact the business requiring
attention. Many of the Deraocrats were for yielding. It was Senator
Brown who held thera to the policy of resistance, a policy that finally
succeeded and that gave new strength and courage to the somewhat
demoraUzed Democratic party.
Senator Hill first uncovered the position of Senator Mahone, and
Gov. Brown demonstrated the matter, and was fiercely assailed by
Mahone, to whom he made a crushing reply. The matter Ulustrated
that peculiar quality of successful leadership for which Gov. Brown
has been so remarkable in his long and varied life. Senator Laraar
said of hira that " the ease, dignity and power with which he estab
lished himself as one of the leaders of the Senate was simply raarvel
ous." Mr. HiU, his colleague, could not find words to express his esti
raate of Gov. Brown's " discretion, sagacity and inflexible patriotic
sentiments." Senator Conkling said that he " looked to see Senator
Brown one of the most notable men in the country." Senator
McDonald of Indiana uttered this strong encomium:
" He is one of the most valuable additions made to the Democratic force in the senate
for years. More than that, he is a senator whose influence will be felt all over the
country. He seemed to recognize instantly upon coming into the senate that it was not
a debating society, but strictly a practical business body. He therefore became at once
a sensible, straightforward, sagacious worker, and won the confldence and esteem of
both sides of the chamber. He can be a power for good in the practical questions that
must he settled now that sentimental issues have died out."
These strong opinions from the highest sources will show .how Sena
tor Brown irapressed hiraself upon the strong brains of the Senate.
His political stature to-day cannot be estimated. He is in the very
ripest maturity of his potential faculties, and has the largest possible
arena for their exercise, a domain of distinction and usefulness cora-
raensurate to any raan's abilities. He is fortified by his religious ante
cedents and connections, and his christian liberality is an undying raonu
raent to the man. Mr. J. P. Harrison in his book of Baptist celebrities
just published, thus speaks of his charities.
" Through life he has heen a most liberal giver ; yet his charities have been so unos
tentatious that few if any are aware of their extent. Some of his donations have
necessarily been public, and a few of them it may he well to mention,
" He contributed $800 to the building of the Sixth Baptist Church of Atlanta ; $1,000
to the Georgia Baptist Orphans' Home; f 1,000 to Mercer University; $500 to the
Southern Baptist Convention ; $500 for an organ for the Second Baptist church of At-

606 THE LEGISLATURE OF 1880-81.
lanta ; $3,000 for repairs and additions to the same church ; $500 (some years ago) to
the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, aud recently (1880) $50,000 to the same
institution; and last year he contributed $800 towards the payment of his pastor's
salary. His smaller charities, from one hundred dollars, and downward, have been
simply innumerable,"
He holds a large variety of heavy trusts: President of the Western
Atlantic Railroad Company, President of the Dade Coal Company,
working 350 hands. President of the Walker Iron and Coal Company,
working over 300 hands, and raaking 75 tons of iron per day, Presi
dent of the Southern Railway and Stearaship Association, including
the transportation corapanies interested in Southem traffic. Presi
dent of the Board of Education of Atlanta, etc. These large responsi
bilities practically testify to the versatile genius of this masterful
character, and give augury, that in the near future we raay expect alike
in great business enterprises, and august political achieveraent that
Senator Brown will enlarge his own farae and give luster to our State.
The Congressional election resulted in a fine corps of Representatives,
viz.: George R. Black, Plenry G. Turner, Philip Cook, Hugh Buchanan,
N. J. Hararaond, Jaraes H. Blount, Judson C. Cleraents, Alexander
H. Stephens, Emory Speer. These gentlemen have been alluded to in
this work. Col. Black has been identified for years in high place ¦with
the State Agricultural Society, and is a handsome, talented person, a
fine speciraen of our Southern gentlemen. Col. N. J. Hararaond has
been a meraber of the Constitutional Conventions of 1865 and 1877, and
Attorney General of the State, under Gov. Sraith's adrainistration, and
is now serving his second terra in Congress. He is one of the best
equipped raen we have in public life, vvith uncoramon powers of intel
lect, inforraation and eloquence. Soraewhat of a cold and exclusive
individual, with Uttle popular warrath, he has, by sheer force of inteUec
tual power and available .public capacity, clutched high trust. He is a
marked character, strong and briUiant, and his future is one of large
proraise. The Legislature of 1880 and 1881, elected Col. .lames S. Boynton
President of the Senate, and Hon. A. O. Bacon, Speaker of the House.
Col. Boynton is a taU, stately, dignified gentleman of sterling ability,
the very highest possible character, and of most agreeable manners.
He has made an adrairable presiding officer, and both he and Mr. Bacon
are prorainently spoken of for Governor. Araong the more experienced
members, who have been mentioned before, we find in the Senate, A. C.
Westbrook, R. L. McWhorter, Wm. B. Butt, H. D. McDaniel, W. P.

THE PERSONELLE OF THE LEGISLATUEE. 607
Price, .L M. Wilson, S. M. H. Byrd, B. C. Duggar, R. T. Fouche and
A. T. Hackett. In the House of the better-known legislators were : P.
Barrow, W. S. Basinger, J. B. Estes, L. F. Garrard, A. H. Gray, W. M.
Hararaond, A. L. MUler, N. L. Hutchins, T. W. Milner, W. J. Northern,
E. A. Perkins, J. H. PolhiU, W. R. Rankin, M. P. Reese, PI. M. Sapp,
J. L. Singleton, J. M. Sraith, H. D. D. Twiggs, P. B. Whittle, W. M.
WiUinghara, C. T. Zachry.
Mr. Pope Barrow has been a raost useful raember with an unusual
capacity for legislative work, and a happy vigor and courtesy in dis
cussion. Col. W. S. Basinger is one of the most original and intellec-
tual raerabers, a gentleraan of thought, conviction and culture. Judge
H. D. D. Twiggs has taken a high prorainence, a fluent, ornate and
eloquent speaker. He had graced the Bench, and he was equally and
conspicuously at horae in the legislative halls. The other gentlemen
have been sketched in this volume. This legislative body has been
unusually rich, in bright young men, just entering public life.
Hon. P. W^. Meldrim, in the Senate, has made a brilliant reputation.
Representing the critical constituency of the 1st District, including
Savannah, a handsome, thorough-bred looking gentleman, with a pecul
iarly silvery elocution, he has at once become a legislative leader. Dr.
R. B. Harris, E. P. S. Denmark, A. L. Hawes, James G. Parks, Du
Pont Guerry, S. G. Jordan, John S. Reid, W. J. Winn, B. F. Payne,
are new men. These are all promising young Senators. Among the
young Representatives are F. G. Du Bignon, a classic young gentleraan,
raaking geras of exquisite speeches, and carrying iraportant raeasures
affecting his constituents with a wonderful success; J. C. Branson, Reese
Cra\i-ford, son of Martin .L Crawford, W. C. Carter, J. M. Dupree, E. F.
Du Pree, F. C. Foster, Henry HiUyer, J. J. Hunt; Davenport Jackson,
son of Gen. Henry R. .lackson; H. C. Jones, J. J. Kirasey; Lucius M.
Lamar, Colonel of the famous Sth Georgia Regiment, in the war, and
ripe now for congressional honors ; T. W. Lamb, Edwin Martin, J. H.
ilartin; S. W. Mays, of Richraond, a brilliant young lawyer; W. H.
Patterson, W. A. Post, W. W. Price, F. P. Rice, H. C. Roney, L. L.
Stanford, Dr. C. M. Suraraerlin, J. L. Sweat,. W. B. Wingfield, W.
C. Winslow; Seaborn Wright, a rare young orator, gifted by inherit
ance with eloquence from his silver-tongued father. Judge Aug. R.
Wright. Mr. J. T. Youngblood and U. B. WUkinson raust not be
oraitted frora the valuable new raerabers, though not young men.
The work of this body has not been very valuable, while it has illus
trated the impolicy of biennial sessions and the impracticability of the

608 GOVERNOR Colquitt's aids.
laws on local legislation. This legislature has been singularly Uliberal
in many respects, and yet it has expended nearly a quarter raUlion of
dollars beyond the State expenses. It refused to begin the construc
tion of a much-needed new capitol; it declined to even make a bid upon
some valuable colonial records of the State, on sale in England; it
killed a general temperance law; it left the railroad coraraission law
practically unchanged; it voted $165,000 to enlarge the lunatic asylura;
it authorized the expenditure of $18,000 for a new revision of the code
made by Geo. N. Lester, W. B. HiU, and it has improved the convict
laws without any radical changes.
It elected as Judges of the Superior Court the following gentle
raen: William O. Fleming, George Hillyer, James R. Brown, Jaraes T.
WiUis, J. C. Fain, F. M. Longley, S. W. Harris, WiUiam B. Fleming,
John D. Stewart, R. W. CarsweU, E. H. Pottle and C. F. Crisp. A
new judicial circuit has been created, the North Eastern, and Hon. C.
J. Wellborn elected the Judge. During Gov. Colquitt's adrainistration
the following Aids were appointed on his staff: Col. B. B. Ferrill, of
Savannah, a pleasant and public-spirited young gentleraan, of one of
the old families of that city, and Col. W. D. Mann of Albany; and
recently Lt. Col. J. PI. Estill, the proprietor of the Savannah News, one
of the first citizens of Georgia, Lt. Col. L. C. Jones, of Atlanta, and
Lt. Col. T. W. H. Harris, of Rome. Of Col. John B. Baird, who, under
the new law, was appointed by the Governor Adjutant General of the
State, with the rank of Colonel, the convention of military officers that
met in July, 1880, in Rome, passed the following complimentary reso
lution in appreciation of his services in this department, the resolution
being offered by Lt. Col. Magruder:
" Whereas, Col. John B. Baird accepted appointment as Adjutant General of Georgia,
and has zealously and laboriously discharged the duties of that ofiice without compen
sation —
" Resolved, That in behalf of the Georgia Volunteers we do hereby express our high
appreciation of the valuable and gratuitous services thus rendered, and we commend
him as a faithful and eflScient officer."

CHAPTER LI.
THE JOURNALISM AND LITERATURE OF GEORGIA.
A fine Endowment of Press Writers. — The Daily Journals. — A Strong Array of Papers.
— Gifted Editors. — Newspapers running back to the Revolution nearly. — The
Weekly Journals. — The Religious Press. — The Literary Periodicals. — A Heavy
Corps of News and Political Weeklies, Original, Independent and Progressive. —
A Galaxy of Bright Thinkers and Writers. — A Steady Growth of a Vigorous
Journalism. — Model Editors. — Georgia's Picturesque Literature. — The very Home
of the Nation's Huraor. — An Unequaled Quintette of Humorists of wide Repute. —
Our Historians aud Biographers. — Men known to the World. — A Glittering Endow
ment of Poets of National Fame. — Our Novelists and Miscellaneous Writers.
Take them all m all, Georgia has as bright, independent and gifted
journalists, ancl as newsy and vigorous a batch of papers as any State
in the Union. Our press typify admirably the sturdy and self-asserting
character of our people, and blend a sparkling vivacity with resolute
conviction and an admitted ability. It is a matfer of undeniable fact
that there have been in the past, and are to-day, raore notable and brill
iant raen that have illustrated and adorned our journalism than any
State North, East, West or South. There is now a larger endowment
of superior press writers connected with the papers of this comraon
wealth than any other can show. We have raen that can be pitted
against any workers on the continent, witty, tasteful, scholarly, discrim
inating, masterful spirits of the pen — whose labor finds a ready market
in the raetropolitan papers of largest circulation, and the raost critical
magazines of the tiraes.
Our ablest statesraen, orators, jurists and business raen have been
many of thera connected with our State press. Some of the most pow
erful names among our people have vivified and given it honor, — among
them Alex. H. Stephens, Gen. A. R. Wright, Judge Cincinnatus Pee
ples, ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson, Gen. Mirabeau B. Lamar, Col. Jaraes
Gardner, Gen. Henry R. Jackson, H. W. HiUiard, Samuel Barnett, P.
W. Alexander, Gen. Wm. M. Browne, Dr. H. V. M. MiUer, Albert R.
Laraar, and others. At the present time, as has been stated, we have
a superb array of known and gifted writers, whose utterances are
quoted over the whole country, and raake Georgia a marked State in
its able and progressive journalism.
39

610 THE AUGUSTA CHRONICLE AND CONSTITUTIONALIST.
Of the daily press of the State, we can point to Walsh and Randall
of the Augusta Chronicle, Moore of the Augusta News, HoweU, Finch,
Grady and Harris of the Atlanta Constitution, Clisby and Reese of the
Macon Telegraph, Thorapson and Richardson of the Savannah News,
King of. the Golnmhus Enquirer- Sun, &nA DeWolf of the Columbus
Times, whUe H. H. Jones, .1. H. Martin and S. W. Small (" Old Si.")
still browsing in daily newspaperdom, though not editing, are still rec
ognized powers of the press. Dr. H. H. Tucker of the Index, Rev.
Atticus G. Haygood of the Advocate, and Mrs. MaryE. Bryan of the
Sunny South, are araong our ^recognized paper celebrities.
The daily press of Georgia is able, enterprising, independent and
financially strong. It has a high reputation abroad. Several of them
are among the oldest journals in the country, running back almost to
the Revolution, and enjoying the distinction of having been established
and edited by very illustrious- men. The oldest living paper is the
Augusta Chronicle and Constitutionalist, representing two old jour
nals, the Chronicle having been founded in 1785, and the Constitution
alist in 1799. A history of this powerful consolidation of venerable
papers would pretty nearly furnish the chronicles of Georgia for three-
quarters of a century. Mr, William Sraythe was not the editor of the
Chronicle and Sentinel in 1858, as stated in page 79 of this volurae,
but .laraes M. Jones was chief editor then. In 1846—47, James M.
Sraythe, father of Wra. W. Sraythe, was assistant editor. The contro
versies in 1850 between the Chronicle and Sentinel and Wm. W.
Smythe, resulted in a duel between Tom Thomas and Smythe, in which
the latter, at the third fire was shot in both thighs. In 1859, Mr.
Jones eraployed Mr. V. M. Barnes to aid in editing the Chronicle,
which he did with vigor and ability, and in 1860 and 1861, Mr. Barnes
was chief editor. In 1863, Mr. Barnes edited the Constitutionalist, and
was a raeraber of the Constitutional convention of 1865. The Consti
tutionalist, under Jaraes Gardner, from 1850 to 1860, was the most
potential political paper we have ever had in Georgia, and Gardner
would have been Governor on the strength of his editorial power but
for an early indiscretion. The two Wrights, father and son, Ambrose
R., better known as " Ranse," and Gregg, were two briUiant writers.
The younger, H. G. Wright, was a witty and felicitous paragrapher,
capable of heavy work, and yet with a singularly happy fund of keen,
hearty huraor. Its present raanageraent is exceedingly able and bright.
Patrick Walsh, Jaraes R. Randall, and a sprightly young writer, Pleas
ant StovaU, conduct it. Walsh has fine chances to realize Gardner's

JAS, R. RANDALL.

H, G, WRIGHT.

JAMES G.VRDNER.
, AUGUSTA "CHRONICLE."

HON. PATRICK WALSH.
.AND " CONSTITUTIONALIST."

THE COLUMBUS ENQUIRER-SUN, AND ATHENS BANNER. 611
baffled hope of filling the Executive chair of Georgia, and giving to his
paper the glittering distinction it so closely escaped a quarter of a cen
tury ago, of furnishing the State a Chief Magistrate. Randall is
perhaps the raost scholarly and versatile writer we have on the Georgia
press. The next paper in seniority is the Colurabus Enquirer-Sun, which
was established as the Enquirer in 1,828, by Mirabeau B. Laraar, who
afterwards became so famous as the SpsIT President of the Republic of
Texas. Gen. Lamar ran the paper until 1830, when he was succeeded
by Hon. Henry W. Hilliard, recent United States minister to Brazil,
who edited it for, a year. Gen. Lamar resumed control, in 1834, for a
while. S. M. Flournoy was editor, through various changes of proprie
torship, from 1834 to 1857, when he died. Mr. Thomas Ragland was
sole and senior proprietor from 1843 to 1873. Mr. Flournoy was a vig
orous writer and ardent whig. John H. Martin was editor frora 1858
to 1876, of whora we have spoken elsewhere. The sons of Mr. Rag-
land, in 1874, sold the paper to Mr. A. R. Calhoun of Philadelphia, who
ran it until 1876. Mr. Calhoun made things lively. He cut about at
raen and measures in a manner soraewhat unusual to our quiet news
paper experiences, and kept in an incessant turmoil of editorial and
personal conflict. In 1875 he bought out the Sun, and adopted the
present name of the " Enquirer- Sun." Major W. L. Salisbury bought
out Mr. Calhoun, and conducted the paper, with Mr. J. G. De Votie as
editor. Major Salisbury was assassinated in 1878. Mr. John King, the
present proprietor, bought the paper soon after. Mr. De Votie contin
ued as editor until his death, in April, 1881, when Mr, Kirig assumed
editorial as well as business manageraent. The paper is a raodel of
typographical beauty, and one of the progressive journals of the South.
It was raade a daily in 1858. Under the enterprising and able manage
raent of Mr. King, it wields a powerful influence.
The Athens Banner, made a daily in 1879, by Dr. H. H. Carlton,
and now owned and edited by that very high type of our best Georgia
journalisra, J. T. Waterraan, runs back to 1816. Athens took eariy to
the press. The first paper was brought in a wagon from Philadelphia,
by Rev. John Hodge, a Presbyterian minister. It lived but a short
time. A little sheet was published by Sarauel Wright Minor, who
was the first editor that hoisted the name of Gen. Jackson for Presi
dent. Jackson reraerabered hira by raaking him printer of the laws of
the United States, though Minor had reraoved to Fayetteville, Fayette
Co., Georgia. The Southern Banner was published and edited by

612 THE SAVANNAH NEW.S.
Albion Chase and Alfred Nesbit, and was the only Deraocratic paper
in that part of the State. Alfred Nesbit went to Milledgeville and took
charge of a paper started by John A. Cuthbert, afterwards United
States Senator from Georgia. Col. Hopkins Holsey, Mr. .lames Sledge,
Mr. S. A. Atkinson, Messrs. T. W. and T. L. Gantt, Dr. H. PL Cariton
and Messrs. Chapraan and Ingraham, in succession, owned the Banner.
Mr. Waterman bought.it in September, 1880. Mr. Waterman is one of
the really independent and original raerabers of the Georgia press. Pie
is a trenchant and a cultured writer, fearless, honest and imraovable in
his convictions, a keen, witty paragraphist, and with a raodesty that
riins to shyness in his manners.
The Savannah News was established in 1850, on the 15th day of Jan
uary, by John M. Cooper, publisher, and Wm. T. Thompson, editor.
Savannah has had a number of papers that have had an honorable
career, the Georgia Gazette, founded by James Johnson, in 1763, and
suspended in 1799; the Savannah Republican, by John F. Everett, in
1802, and running for seventy years, covering twenty-four changes of
manageraent and including P. W. Alexander and J. R. Sneed among its
conductors; the Savannah Georgian, in 1818, by Dr. John Harney, Uving
to 1859, and numbering those two bright men among its editors. Gen.
Henry R. Jackson in 1849, andAlbert R. Laraar; the Evening Journal, in
1852, by .1. B. Cubbege, and Advertiser in 1865. The Savannah News
was started as a cheap business daily, its price being four dollars a year.
The paper has had a number of changes of proprietorship, but through
' them all Col. Thompson has been the editor for the thirty-one years of
its varied and influential existence, except from the fall of Savannah in
December, 1864, to August, 1865, when Mr. S. W. Mason ran the paper
as the Savannah Herald, a little war affair. Col. Thompson was propri
etor from 1855 to 1858. T. Blois and Aaron Wilbur have been among
the proprietors. Col. J. H. EstiU became proprietor in July, 1867, and
under his business raanageraent and the capable editorship of Col.
Thorapson, the News has become one of our raost powerful representa
tive Southern journals, financially successful, boldly enterprising, inde
pendent, dignified, and potentially influential. It is a model of typo
graphical beauty and taste. Gol. Estill is destined for large things.
No raan can tell where he will bring up. Pie has a cool sense, a clear
judgraent, and a firra nerve that are the coraponents of a strong indi
viduality. He handles everything well. His executive abUity is very
marked. Whatever he touches, prospers. He owns a street railroad.
He has erected one of the finest buildings in the State for his paper.

THE MACON' TELEGRAPH AND MESSENGER. 613
He is President and Director of railroads, benevolent societies, press
associations, etc., without limit, his energetic and discriminating busi
ness ability making him valuable everywhere and in all practical raatters.
Mr. B. H. Richardson, one of the brightest journalists of the State, is
the city editor of the News.
The Macon Telegraph and Messenger was established in 1826. It
has been a notable paper in Georgia annals. The name that has been
continuously connected with the Telegraph, since in 1848, like Col.
Thorapson with the Savannah News, has been the famUiar and honored
one of Joseph Clisby, but it has had sorae very briUiant raen associated
with him. Among these may be mentioned J. R. Sneed, of the Savan
nah Republican; Captain Henry Flash, one of our genuine Southern
' poets, the author of that ringing lyric, " Ode to ZoUicoffer;" Col. H.
H. Jones, one of the truest men and most graphic writers of the
Georgia press; A. R. Watson, another poet; A. W. Reese, an editor
of trenchant writing capacity, one of the hardest political hitters in
our State journalism. The Telegraph absorbed the Messenger some ten
years or more ago, a paper established by Simri Rose, published at the
time of consolidation by Rev. John W. Burke, and edited, araong
others, by A. W Reese and Gen. Wra. M. Browne. Gen. Browne
raade farae as a Washington editor; he was on the staff of Mr. Davis
during the war, and is now Professor of Agriculture at the State Uni
versity at Athens. When Mr. Rose started the 3Iessenger, Macon was
a diminutive village. No man did more to make it a handsorae city
than he. The beautiful cemetery bears his name. This and the
Messenger were his pets. He was a bright Mason, too. The Messen
ger absorbed the Georgia Journal of MiUedgeviUe. iThe surviving
associates of Mr. Rose are the Hon. .1. T. Nisbet of Macon, and that
most accoraplished writer. Rev. Joshua Knowles of Greensboro, Ga. Mr.
Clisby has been spoken of elsewhere in this work. His writing has an
Addisonian purity of style. His treatment of subjects is poised and
conservative, while underlying and pervading his lucubrations, there is
a perennial strata of the most exquisite humor.
The remarkable and unapproached paper of Georgia is the Atlanta
Constitution. In sparkle, push, versatility, enterprise, genius and suc
cess, it has no peer in the South, except the Louisville Courier- Journal.
Its career has been full of roraance, and dramatic in the extreme.
Duels and libel suits have been araong its varied experiences. It was
established the 10th of June, 1868, by Carey W. Styles & Co. The cora
pany was J. H. Anderson, and W. A. Heraphill was the business raan-

614 THE ATLANTA CONSTITUTION. .
ager, and has continued in that place to the present, a raodel of
managing capacity, and more responsible for the business success of
the paper than all others combined. Col. Styles edited the paper, and
a red-hot adrainistration it was, fighting Radicalism without quarter,
and with a burning bitterness. Styles & Co. ran the paper four months,
when Styles went out, and W. A. HemphiU & Co. took the paper, the
company being Mr, Anderson, J. W. Barrick edited the journal until
May, 1869, when Col. L W. Avery took editorial charge. In 1870,
Col. E. Y. Clarke bought Mr. Anderson's half interest. In 1872, the
paper was changed into a stock concern. In 1874 Col. Avery retired
from the editorship, buying an interest in the Atlanta Herald frora Col.
R. A. Alston and Henry W. Grady. Mr. N. P. T. Finch came into
the paper in 1872. Col. Clarke was raanaging editor untU 1870, when
he sold out to Hon. E. P. Howell. The present proprietors are E. P.
HoweU, W. A. HeraphUl, N. P. T. Finch, Henry W. Grady and R. A.
HemphUl, who kept the books of the concern for four years in its early
history, and has recently bought an interest, and become book-keeper
again, a strong business addition to its corps.
Capt. HoweU decides the political course of the journal, and writes
editorials Uke rifle shots, that snap and go straight to the mark, and
bring the blood. Mr. Finch is an editor of universal versatility and an
industry that knows no bounds. He reads aud culls every one of the
hundred, exchanges that come to the office, and writes fine leaders upon
every conceivable subject. Mr. Grady's flashing and inimitable sketches,
editorials and articles give an unremitting sparkle to the paper. On
the staff of this journal are two of the best writers of the Georgia
press, Mr. J. C. Harris and Mr. F. H. Richardson, and an industrious
corapiler, Mr. .1. T, Lumpkin. Mr. Harris can corapass anything in
newspaperdom from a strong editorial to a pungent paragraph. Every
thing he writes is both strong and dainty. His book reviews are schol
arly and charming, with a vein of delicious humor and quaint reflection,
and often a subtle and aromatic irony most exquisite. His Uncle
Remus sketches have raade hira faraous. Sir. Richardson is a scholarly
young writer of rare promise. No journal in the Union has a better
intellectual and literary equipment than this paper. This is strong
praise, but it is every bit raerited. His conteraporaries on the journal
will not consider it a derogation from their high claims to say that Mr.
Grady is the genius of this powerful paper. There is a vividness, an
audacity and a velvety splendor about his articles that are peculiar to
himself, and that no other man has approximated.

4^ . • *

¦^.¦'^.

ATLANTA CONSTITUTION.

THE ATL.VNTA CONSTITUTIO.V .VXD AUGUSTA NEWS. 615
The journal had a romantic time during Reconstruction. Its editors
and proprietors had five dueling affairs. It then took that root in the
affections of the people of the State that gave to it its first growth,
and laid the basis for its enduring and remarkable prosperity. During
those fiery days of Reconstruction, under the editorial management of
Col. I. W. Avery, it battled with a steady conservatism, yet an unwea
ried devotion for the public interest, refusing the patronage of the
Bullock adrainistration, and fighting every raeasure of wrong. Mr.
"Grady's connection with the Constitution began then. He was a stu
dent at the University of Virginia, and wrote a boyish letter of gossip
for publication. Col. Avery was struck with the uncoraraon vivacity
and grace of the coraraunication, and in accordance with his policy of
making superior correspondence a special feature of the paper, ho
encouraged the boyish writer.. When Col. Hulburt, as Superintendent
of the State Road, who was a wonderful genius in enterprise, originated
the first press excursion to "go over the State Road, to have it written
up. Col. Avery telegraphed to Mr. Grady, who had left college to return
to his home in Athens, to come and represent the Constitution on that
affair. Grady's letters, under the name of " King Hans," were the best
of the hundreds written then, and were copied into the whole State
press. This experience turned the bright boy into his native journal
ism, where his genius finds its legitiraate field.
The Augusta Daily Evening News has had a flattering success. It
was issued Noveraber 20, 1877, by Wra. H. Moore, who had been with
the writer in conducting the Atlanta Herald. Mr. Moore had associ
ated with hira Messrs. Gow and Weigle, aU practical newspaper raen.
Mr. Gow had the raaterial, but none of the gentleraen had any capital.
The paper paid its way frora the start, and has gained a fine circula
tion and advertising patronage. Mr. Moore is a peculiarly snappy,
vigorous writer, wiith a good stock of shrewd humor and piquant
observation. He has, to a remarkable degree, the true journalist's
keen instinct for news. His paper is a paragraphic epitorae of current
events, a trenchant critic upon all things and men, and a very unusually
rapid and growing success.
The Columbus Tiynes is a fine and influential paper that is the reviyal
of one of the raost venerable of our anti-war journals. It was started
in its second career six years ago. It is now run by Wynne, DeWolf
& Co., and is one of our best journals, conducted in a fair, conservative
and enterprising way. The Rome Courier started as the Coosa River
Journal in 1843, by S. .lack, Dr. H. V. M. MiUer and W. Spencer. It

616 THE REMAINING DAILIES OF GEORGIA.
passed through various hands when, in 1849, A. M. Eddleman and S.
M. .lack bought it and changed the name to the Rorae Courier. Joshua
Knowles, and Wra. J. Scott, in succession, owned it. In 1855 M. Dwi
nell and S. Finly bought, and in 1856 Mr. Dwinell became sole proprie
tor, and has owned the paper ever since and made a fortune out of it
by his successful management. Mr. Dwinell was in the war when the
paper was managed by B. G. Selvage. The Courier was suspended
frora May 17, 1864, to Septeraber 1, 1865. The daily was established
February 1, 1881, after twenty-one years' successful publication of the
tri-weekly. Since 1857 the Courier has absorbed four other papers by
purchase and consolidation, the Calhoun Statesmrxn, the Cedartown
Patriot, in 1858, the Chattooga Advertiser in 1874, and Rome Commer
cial in 1876. Soma of the best writers of our press have edited the
Courier, notably Mr. Grady, Mr. WilUngham and Mr. Harris. Mr.
Dwinell has written an excellent book of European travel.
The Atlanta Daily Post-Appeal was established October 1, 1878, by
Col. E. Y. Clarke, who sold it .lanuary 12, 1880, to David E. Caldwell,
who has since owned and edited it, and has mads it a well-established
and paying property. The Post-Appeal may be called the war paper
of Georgia. It generally takes the opposition to the majority, and it
makes raatters lively. It slashes right and left and has a large amount
of vim and enterprise. It has had on its staff Col. Sawyer, one of the
strong men of the Georgia press, and Mr. Wallace Reed, a graceful
and well-known Georgia journalist. The Griffin Daily News was estab
lished in 1871. It was run for years by J. D. Alexander. It is now
conducted by C. A. Niles, a capable and independent journalist. It
is a staunch little paper, the steadiest, truest, most conservative jour
nalistic craft in the State. The Rome Bulletin was started in 1869,
and is run by the Mosely family, who write well, and all write, Mrs.
Mosely, who has recently died, being a most excellent journalist. The
Savannah Recorder was established by R. M. Orme in 1878, but is now
conducted by other parties.
One of the best and most pronounced little dailies is the Albany
News and Adve^-tiser, published and edited by Henry M. Mcintosh &
Co. This was the consolidation of the News, established in 1 844, and
the Advertiser, in 1877, the union occurring in September, 1880. Mr.
Mcintosh is one of the most vigorous and independent editors o,f the
State press. He comes of the famous Mcintosh blood.
The weekly press of Georgia has always included an unusual number
of clear-headed, out-spoken, independent and weU-informed editors.

THE RELIGIOUS AND LITERARY PRESS. 617
And it was never in as thriving and influential a condition as it is to-day.
The mental activity of the age finds in the weekly newspaper, literary,
religious, scientific or political, the vent for that more quiet and phUo-
sophical phase of its operations, that deals not so much with the fact
of news, like the daily journal, as with its application to Ufe and society.
The Georgia weekly papers have sorae reraarkable instances of original
and striking individuality, and can probably number as many potential and
successful thinkers and workers as the press of any State in the Union.
The religious weekly press of Georgia is very powerful and capable.
The two oldest papers are the Christian Index and Baptist, founded
in 1820, published by James P. Harrison, and edited by Dr. Henry H.
Tucker. Both are reraarkable raen. Mr. Harrison is the son of Hon.
Geo. W. Harrison, Secretary of State under Gov. Town's adrainistration,
who was Governor frora 1847 to 1851. He is a business raan of extraor
dinary enterprise, practical, arabitious, accurate and successful, and
withal a siraple-rainded, true-hearted, loyal friend and gentleman. Dr.
Tucker is one of the large-brained raen of Georgia, a profound thinker,
crystally candid, and a rausoular, logical writer. Ths 'W-isleyctii Chris
tian Advocate, owned and in part edited by the Rev. John W, Burke,
v.'ith Rev. Atticus G. Haygood as chief editor, one of the raost eloquent
divines and powerful writers of the country, was founded in 1837, and
is a fine journal. Mr. Burke, too, is a marked man, like Mr. Harrison,
a raarvel of energy and business triuraph. In Butler, Tavlor county,
the Gospel Messenger, founded in 1878, and edited by Mr. J. R. Res
pess, is published.
Georgia has a weekly literary journal, the Sunny South, established
in 1875, by the Seals Brothers, with Mrs. Mary Bryan as editress, that
equals any paper in the Union. It has a national circulation, and is a
bfilliant publication. Another literary and society weekly of peculiar
merit, is the Atlanta Gazette, founded by Henry W. Grady, in 1878,
and now owned and edited by Williams & Palmer. The Atlanta Pho
nograph is a weekly literary and political paper, started in 1878, by W.
H. Christopher, a young raan of sorae uncomraon qualities. The 'Weekly
Post is a good paper owned by Col. E. Y. Clarke.
The oldest news and political weekly is the MilledgeviUe Union and
Recorder, now owned by Barnes & Moore. This paper was the combi
nation of the Southern Recorder and the Federcd Union in 1872. The
Recorder was established in 1819 by Grantland & Camak, who sold
to Grieve & Orrae. The Union was started in 1825, as the Statesman
and Patriot, and sold to Henry Soloraon, and the narae changed to

618 GEORGIA WEEKLY PEESS.
the Union in 1830. John G. PolhiU was the editor. In 1831 John A.
Cuthbert, who has just died in Alabaraa, and who was a congressraan
frora Georgia, was associated with Mr. PolhiU in 1831. Mr. Wilkins
Hunt, Park & Rogers, and Arrastrong & Carapbell, in succession
owned the paper. Boughton, Nisbet & Barnes bought it in 1851.
Ex-Gov. H. V. .lohnson edited it once. Mr. J. M. Moore becarae part
proprietor in 1862. Mr. Nisbet retired in 1867. Mr. Boughton died,
and Barnes & Moore are the present proprietors. The consolidated
journal, the Union and Recorder, is one of the honorable land-raarks
of Georgia history, and has furnished to the writer raore valuable polit
ical historic raaterial than all other sources corabined. It is, to-day, a
progressive paper, representative of the State's best civilization and
raost virtuous and independent public thought.
The Mounta,in Signal at Dahlonega, the center of the famous
gold region, was put forth in 1839. It is now owned by Col. W. P.
Price, one of the valuable and most public-spirited raen of Georgia.
The next paper in age is the Sandersville Herald and Georgian,
founded in 1841, and now run by Wra. Park. The Lagrange Reporter
was started in 1843 by Dr. Bronson, with Col. W. B. Jones and Hon.
John F. Awtry as printers, and the name then was the Lagrange Her-
cdd. B, H. Bigham and Col. Jones owned the paper a while. Wm. J.
Scott of " Scott's Magazine," edited it for a period. Alexander Speer,
a most reraarkable raan, father of Judge Speer of the Suprerae Court,
and grandfather of Emory Speer, the congressman, was editor a long
time. Thomas J. Bacon, a relative of Speaker A. O. Bacon, conducted
this journal. The paper had a stirring adrainistration under C. H.
C. WiUinghara, who was threatened with arrest for his unsparing
denunciations of the military reconstruction government. Mr. J. T.
Waterman bought the Reporter in 1872, and ran it for eight brilliafit
journalistic years, making it a model in every respect. He sold to
Wm. A. Wirabish, who has recently disposed of the paper.
The next weekly paper in point of tirae was that exquisite speciraen
of typography and .sustained taste and ability, the North Georgia'
Citizen, published and edited at Dalton by J. T. Whitman. It was
started in 1847 by Ware & Wyatt, as the Mountain Eagle. Its name
has been often changed — to Spirit ofthe Timss, North Georgia' Times
and Citizen. In 1858, the proprietor and editor was J. Troup Taylor,
and not J. R. Christian, as stated in chapter ten, page seventy-nine. In
1859, J. T. Whitraan, the present owner, bought the paper. It was
partially destroyed by Gen. Sherman's men, and was suspended a

GEORGIA WEEKLY PRESS. 619
while. It has been Democratic, conservative and ably conducted,
and is one of the solid institutions of Dalton. In 1854 Col. C. 'V\''.
Hancock established the Sumter R&pubUcan in Americus, when the
place had three hundred people. It was a Whig paper, but has been
Democratic since the war. It was suppressed by Gen. Steadman a
raonth, in 1865. It is a fine journal, and Col. Hancock is a leader of
the Georgia press. It has a splendid scope of territory, it has grown
SteadUy in circulation, and its present and only proprietor, if he lives
fifty years longer, will leave it a legacy of honor and profit to his
descendants. The Southern 'Watchman, at Athens, was. also estab
lished in 1854. The Southern Enterprise, at ThoraasviUe, began its life
in 1855, and is now brilliantly run by Mr. C. P. Hansell.
In 1856 the Monroe Advertiser was launched at Forsyth. J. P.
Harrison ran it long. J. C. Harris began his bright journalistic
career upon it. It has always been a raodel of a paper, and Plenry H.
Cabaniss now keeps it up to its unsurpassable standard. In 1857 the
Cartersville Express was put forth. In 1858 the Gainesville, E:xgle
coraraenced a strong career, J. E. Redwine long raanaging it. Its edi
tor is a bright writer, H. W. J. Ham. In 1859 the Early County
Ne.cs, at Blakely, and the Elberton Gazette, at Elberton,were established,
both first-class journals.
The Warrenton Cli23per, so far as we can learn, is the only war-born
paper in existence, it having been established in 1863. It has had a
stirring time, one of its editors, Mr. Wallace, having been murdered.
It is now run by Rev. .lohn A. Shivers, one of the noted raen of the
State press, a bold, born editor. After the surrender, the Newnan
Herald came to us first in 1865, and also the Georgia Enterprise at
Covington. The year 1866 saw an increased activity in the birth of
papers. The Marietta Journal, Waynesboro Herald and Expositor,
Dawson Journal, Eatonton Messenger, Greenesboro Herald, Hawkins-
ville Dispatch, .lesup Sentinel, Sparta Times and Plccnter, and Washing
ton Gazette, all vigorous bantlings, inaugurated healthy, influential jour
nalistic lives. The Marietta Journal was issued when the town was in
ruins and garrisoned by Federal soldiery. It served a good mission,
and gave hope to the county. It fought reconstruction boldly, and
was raenaced tirae and again. R. M. Goodman & Co, owned it up to
1875, when Neal & Massey bought, and still run it. It is a first-class
journal. The Waynesboro Herald and Expositor is under control of
R. O. Lovett, and was a consolidation, in 1880, of Expositor, started in
1866, and the Herald in 1878. The Eatonton Messenger has been a

020 GEORGIA WEEKLY PRE.SS.
specially valuable and vigorous paper. It was called first the Press
and Messenger. It has changed hands and names several times. Its
publisher and editor is Geo. W. Adams. It is one of the progressive
journals of Georgia.
In 1867 the Valdosta Times was established. In 1868 the Barnes-
ville Gctzette was introduced to the public by Lambkin & Pound.
Mr. Pound, McMichael & AUen, and lastly J. C. McMichael owned the
paper in succession, the last gentleman now being the proprietor. The
journal has been twice enlarged, so great has been its prosperity. It is
read in six counties, and is a strong publication. The Brunswick
Appeal was started also in 1868. The year 1869 saw several excellent
weeklies given to the public, the Madison Madisonian, the Calhoun
Times, the Fort Valley Mirror, the Perry Home Journal, the Rome
Bulletin, and the Talbotton Register and Standard. The Madisonian
was the project of Dr. J. C. C. Blackburn, for thirty years identified
with our State journalism. It is ably conducted, Dr. Blackburn being
aided by his son, B. M. Blackburn, and especially and wisely devoted to
local news. The Talbotton Standard wa,s the enterprise of two remark
able young men, John B. Gorman and .1. T. Waterman. Mr. Gorman
wa's a gallant soldier, has been a successful business man, and a great
walker, traveling on foot over 1,200 miles, and is altogether a genial and
original character. The Standard wa,s consolidated with the TJe^Mfcr in
1880, and is now owned by J. B. Gorraan and 0. D. Gorman, and edited
by O. D. Gorman, who is a facile writer, and noted for his enterprise
and fearless views. It is one of the model papers of the State, and
wields a deservedly great influence in the progressive county in which
it is pubUshed.
In 1871 the Catoosa Courier was published, and has a large circula
tion, under R. M. Morris. The Hinesville Gazette was first issued in
1871, and that sterling journal, the Gwinnett Herald, published now
by Col. Tyler M. Peeples, at Lawrenceville. This is one of the strong
¦v^eeklies, and edited by an ornament of the newspaper calling. The
McDuffie Jourmd, at Thompson, and the Louisville News and Farmer
and Bainbridge Democrathj Mr. Ben. Russell, complete the list of 1871.
The Carroll County Times is a vigorous weekly, founded in 1872 by
Edwin R. Sharpe. It has a pure moral tone, and steadih"- strives to ele
vate public sentiraent. CarroUton is the terrainus of the Savannah,
Griffin and North Alabama Railroad, and the county is large and its
prospects briglft. The Eastman Times, the Toccoa News, the Green
ville 'Vindicator by J. T. Revill, the Lumpkin Independent, all came

GEORGIA WEEKLY' PRESS. 621
out in 1872. The Vindicator is conducted with singular power and
independence. The Greensboro Georgia Home Journal was founded
in 1873 by Rev. J. Knowles, an eloquent preacher and an able writer.
The Harailton Journal and Middle GeoVgia Argus at Indian Springs,
Oglethorpe Echo at Lexington, and Montezuma 'Weekly, and the
ThoraasviUe Times by J. Triplett, also appeared in 1873. In 1874 the
State line Press at West Point, by S. P. Callaway; the Covington Star
by J. H. Anderson, the Jonesboro News, Quitraan Reporter, Sumraer-
ville Gazette, and the Darien Timber Gazette, by Richard W. Grubb,
were established. These are all the very highest types of weekly jour
nals, bold, able and enterprising. Mr. Callaway aided to found an
adrairable systera of public schools. Mr. Anderson's career has been
romantic, he figuring largely in the faraous Kansas troubles, and is one
of the strong raen of our press. Mr. Grubb is a genius. His bright,
newsy paper has been a departure in journalisra, and is to-day a recog
nized leader araong our State publications. In its files it has erabalraed
the local history of its county and the faraous citizens. It has given
sorae twenty-five sketches of the journalists of the State. His office has
been twice destroyed by fire. As delegate to political conventions,
member of State Democratic Coraraittee, he has been unusually honored.
The Gazette has a large circulation, copies of it going to Hong Kong,
Calcutta and Europe. The year 1875 saw the birth of the Berrien
County News at Alapaha, the Brunswick Advertiser, the Carnesville
Register, Hartwell Sun, Irwinton Southerner and Appeal, Jefferson
Forest News.
The Rorae Tribune, the Marion County Argus, the Dublin Gazette,
the Ellijay Courier and Butler Herald, Crawfordsyille Democrat, now
under charge of a bright Atlanta youth, Mr. Ed. Young, De Kalb
News at Decatur, Franklin News, Henry County 'Weekly by Brown &
McDonald, Walton County 'Fidette at Monroe, Coffee county Gazette,
Swainsboro Hercdd, all had birth in 1876. The Crawfordsville Democrat
was established by W. D. Sullivan, then sold to M. Z. Andrews, who
disposed of the paper to Ed. Young & Co. Mr. Young has doubled the
size and circulation of the paper in a raonth, and its editorial raanage
raent shows the first order of ability. The Tribune was founded by that
powerful writer. Col. B. F. Sawyer, and is now run by an efficient
editor, T. E. Hanbury. The Argus, published by W. W. Singleton at
Buena Vista, is a conservative and weU conducted journal, having a
large scope of territory. The Dublin Gazette was the enterprise of
John M. Stubbs. It had a nuraber of editors, A. T. Allen, J. M. G.

622 GEORGIA WEEKLY PEESS.
Medlock, Ira T. Stanley, J. H. Etheridge, and now it is raanaged ably
by David Ware, Jr. The Ellijay Courier was begun by Lurasden &
Blatts. It changed hands several tiraes, until in 1877 it carae into the
vigorous control of W- F. Corabs, its present efficient editor. It is the
official paper of Fannin, GUraer and Pickens. It has been a faithful
advocate of our public school system. The Du Pont Okefeenokean,
Walker County Messenger at La Fayette, Quitman Free Press and
Griffin -Sun belong to the year 1877. Mr. C. R. Hamleiter edited the
Sun vigorously, and recently sold it to Randall & Randall.
In 1878 the Dade County Gazette, the Conyers 'Weekly, and the
Dalton Argus, Blackshear News, CartersvUle Free Press, by C. H. C.
WiUingham, that sturdiest of our political editorial fighters, the Cedar-
town Advertiser, the Dublin Post, and LouisvUle Courier, came forth
to healthy usefulness. The Rev. J. A. Darr put but the Gazette, Dr.
T. J. Lumpkin bought it in 1879, and runs it now. Its motto well
exemplifies its management — " Faithful to the right and fearless against
the wrong." Mr. J. N. Hale estabUshed and now conducts the Conyers
'Weekly, and it is a paragon of good adrainistration, run strictly on a
cash basis. The Argus was the bantling of H. A. Wrench at Dalton,
and was a spicy, outspoken, corabative, keen-cutting striker. It is now
run by Harailton & WiUingham, and is still a piquant paper.
In 1879 several most excellent journals were established, one of them
in its scholarly, forceful arid vivid editorials equaling any journal, North
or South. This paper, the Sparta Ishmaelite, edited by Sidney Lewis,
is marked by a coraraanding ability, thorough fearlessness, and an
incisive discrimination in its editorial conduct. Mr. Lewis is certainly
a strong and gifted writer, and one of the ornaraents of Georgia jour
nalisra. The Fort Gaines Tribune was the enterprise of S. E. Lewis, and
has deservedly grown into large circulation. The Douglassville Star
was founded by Rev. J. B. C. Quillian, and sold the sarae year to its
present proprietor, Robert A. Massey, who has raade it one of the live
papers of Western Georgia. The other papers, born in 1879, were the
Arlington Advance, Cochran Enterprise, Americus Recorder, Bellton
• Georgian in Hall county, Dawsonville Mountain Chronicle, Fort
Gaines Tribune, Fort VaUey Advertiser, Harlem Columbian, McVille
South Georgian, Newnan leader, Sylvania Telephone, Thomaston
Middle, Georgia T^ime.s, ThoraasviUe Pos*, and Warrenton Our Country.
The year 1880 was right prolific in new journals, the Walkinsville
Advance, Spring Place Times, Danielsville Teoman, Cleveland Adver
tiser, Canton Advance, Carailla Despatch, and Elberton Netos.

y^, ^.JIshH^L^^

GEORGIA HUMORISTS.

OUR GEORGIA HUMORISTS. 623
The year 1881 has witnessed the establishraent of several successful
papers; the Walton Newshj B. S. Walker, which from January to Sep
tember has obtained the extraordinary circulation of 1,100 ; the Pike
County Neios, by that veteran and accomplished journalist. Col. j. D.
Alexander, who so long conducted the Griffin News. Col. Alexander '
was a gallant Confederate, a good lawyer, and has been one of the best
editors in Georgia. He is a pleasant gentleraan, true, able and full of
the honor of his caUing. His paper has had a remarkable success. He
has just sold his journal to E. T. & J. E. Pounds.
It has been an extraordinary raark of progress that the colored people
have two well established weekly newspapers, one the Journal of
Progress at Cuthbert, edited by an intelligent raan naraed Wright, and
the other the Blade at Atlanta, edited by W. P. Pledger, Chairraan of
the Republican State E.xecutive Comiriittee, and a very well educated
and sraart person, a good writer and excellent speaker. This account
of the journalisra of Georgia is the beginning of what constitutes an
interesting part of our State history, and is necessarily iraperfect from
the difficulty of collecting information of so multifarious an interest.
The literature of Georgia has not been volurainous, but it has been
in raany respects original and picturesque, and raarked by a vivid
individuality. The field in which Georgia literary genius has been raost
affluent is that subtle and delicate range of intellectual deraonstration
known as Humor. Our State can point to five writers of national
reputation, who have rightfully won the farae due to genuine and
original humorists. No state or country on the globe can show in one
generation such a galaxy of huraorous writers as Georgia. These five,
in the order of their seniority, are Judge A. B. Longstreet, author of
" Georgia Scenes," Col. Williara T. Thorapson, author of " Major Jones'
Courtship," Col. Richard M. .lohnston, author of the "Dukesboro Tales,"
Charles H. Sraith, our " Bill Arp," and .loel Chandler Harris, our " Uncle
Remus." The first three, Longstreet, Thompson and Johnston, have
pictured the racy flavor of country life ; Mr. Sraith has ranged over the
whole domain of huraorous thought, touching up the world of huraan
foible with a gentle satire ; while Mr. Harris has portrayed with a
master hand that wonderful and obsolete character, the plantation negro
of the gone slavery days. Perhaps it is not invidious to say that the
younger one leads the quintette. " Uncle Remus " has gone to Europe -
to capture the critics and literary savans there, and it is not less an
iniraitable and sustained piece of character drawing, imbued with a
matchless humor, than a priceless contribution to ethnological science.

024 Georgia's humorists.
The South owes a debt to this author for snatching from oblivion
pictures of a personality so pathetic and so valuable.
Mr. Harris is versatile. He writes dainty poeras, strong political
leaders, business editorials, discriminating literary criticisms, pungent
paragraphs upon the absurdities of the day, and he has sketched a
serial story, the " Romance of Rockville," that betokens the power of
the novelist. He is now engaged upon a story for " Scribner's Mag
azine," depicting the old slave life in the South. The most attractive
quality of Mr. Harris' genius is his own utter unconsciousness of its
versatile power,
.ludge Longstreet valued very little his talent for huraorous writing,
and was said to be ashamed rather of his successful venture. His
" Ransey Sniffle " will live forever. Col. Thorapson wrote also " Major
Jones' Travels," the " Chronicles of Pineville," " Hotchkiss' Codifica
tion of the Statute Laws of Georgia," a dramatization of " The Vicar of
Wakefield," and " The Live Indian," a coraedy out of which John E.
Owens, the comedian, made farae and raoney, without pay to the author.
And strangely too. Col. Thorapson was tricked out of the copyright of
his " Major Jones' Courtship," in the very flood tide of its ext;-aordinary
sale, and by a chain of curious circumstances has reaped no profit from
its great circulation. This book was first published in the Madison
Miscellany. A chaste writer and an inimitable humorist. Col. Thomp
son will live in our literary annals en'duringly.
Col. Johnston is writing regularly for the magazines, " Harpers' " and
" Scribners'." His " Puss Tanner's Defence," in Harpers' several raonths
back, is siraply unsurpassable. It, like his " Dukesboro Tales," is a
delicious piece of characterization, veiling in its exquisite humor, and
faultless portrayal of personality, a pathos as gentle and an underlying
tragic intensity as strong as any man's pen ev^r erabodied. As for " Bill
Arp," the man seems perennial. Week after week for years he has sent
out his unfailing messengers of wise fun, scalping with a kind keen
ness the every day fatuities of life, and beneath it all bubbling out a
never ceasing current of touching huraan nature. His book " Peace
Papers " had a fine run. Judge Longstreet has gone to his long horae.
Col. Thompson, in his editorial labor, does no literary \vork. Long may
he and Johnston and Arp and Uncle Remus be spared to scatter their
humorous wisdom and illustrate Georgia in the world of letters.
We have had considerable Historical writing in our State. McCall
and Stevens gave us fragments of Georgia History. The Rev. George
White furnished valuable contributions in his " Statistics of Georo-ia,"

COLONEL CHARLES C. JONES, JR. 625
and " Historical Collections of Georgia," coraing to 1854. In 1779,
we had the " Historical Account of the Progress of the Colonies of
South Carolina and Georgia," by Rev. Mr. Herbert. In 1869 a " History
of Georgia " was printed by T. S. Arthur and W. H. Carpenter. Hon.
Thoraas R. R. Cobb wrote in 1858 an " Historical Sketch of Slavery."
Stephen F. Miller in 1858 published his "Bench and Bar of Georgia."
Judge E. J. Harden printed a " Life of Gov. George M. Troup." Hon.
A. H. Chappell put forth in 1874 " Miscellanies of Georgia," and
Thomas Gilbert of Colurabus was the publisher. Hon. William A.
Stiles wrote before the war a " History of Austria," a scholarly work.
.ludge Garnett Andrews was author of " Reminiscences of an Old
Georgia Lawyer." A very reraarkable book of historical Biography by
a Georgian is " Rerainiscences of Fifty Years," by WUliara H. Sparks,
a work of uncoraraon vividness, value and draraatic power. Col. Sparks
has a second volume of these interesting Rerainiscences ready for the
press. The undisputed head of our Georgia historic writers is Col. Charles
C. Jones Jr., a gentleraan of the highest literary culture and a born
antiquarian. He has published twenty-five books and paraphlets relat
ing to Georgia matters, and is now engaged upon a three volume work
covering the entire field of Georgia History from the founding of the
colony to the present. His raost iraportant work, that has attracted
the attention of the literary savans of Europe and won hira the degree
of LL. D., from the University of the City of New York, is the
" Antiquities of the Southern Indians, Particularly of the Georgia
Tribes." This volurae has a large scientific value, is a raodel of ornate
and strengthful style, and is the fruit of antiquarian research, critical,
accurate, and profound. Col. Jones numbers among his other valuable
publications, " Indian Reraains in Southern Georgia," " Monumental
remains of Georgia," " Historical Sketch of the Chatham Artillery,"
" Ancient Tumuli in the Savannah River," " Ancient Tumuli in Georgia,"
" Historical Sketch of Torao-chi-chi, Mico of the Yaraacraws," " Rerai
niscences of General Henry Lee," " Kasirair Pulaski," " The Siege of
Savannah in 1779," "The Siege of Savannah in December 1864," " Ser
geant William Jasper," " General Officers of the Confederate Service,"
" The Dead Towns of Georgia," ".The Life of Commodore Josiah Tatt
nall," " Aboriginal Structures in Georgia," " Hernando De Soto, His
March Through Georgia," " Memorial of Jean Pierre Purry," " The
Georgia Historical Society," " The Colonial Acts of the General Assem
bly of Georgia, 1754-1774." Besides these iraportant publications, whose
40

626 Georgia's poets.
scope and variety give token alike of the literary labors of this classical
writer and accomplished antiquarian. Col. Jones has contributed innu
merable articles to the reviews and periodicals of the country. He adds
the graces of a charming gentleman to his literary tastes, and has a superb
collection of original historical manuscripts and important Indian relics.
He writes with remarkable fluency and taste, in a chirography like copper
plate. His " History of Georgia" will be a work of unspeakable value,
and it is fortunate that the iraportant labor has fallen to one so capable '
and finely equipped.
Interesting sketches have been written of Savannah by  ; of
Macon, by J. Butler; and of Atlanta, by E. Y. Clarke. Ex-Gov.
Wilson H. Lurapkin left valuable raanuscript of record of a nuraber of
years of Georgia History, that has never been published. Col. Herbert
Fielder has ready for the press, manuscript of a History of Georgia
covering the late war which must prove a valuable work. One of the
most important books of historical bearing is the faraous "War Between
the States," by Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, in two voluraes, which
has had a wide circulation, and is a profound and accurate presentation
of the philosophy of the great civil war. Two very interesting biog
raphies of Mr. Stephens havebeen written, one by Henry Cleveland, and
the other by Richard M. Johnston and William H. Browne. Anothei-
briUiant Georgia biography is the " Life qf Linton Stephens," by J. I).
WaddeU. Georgia has had a lavish affluence of poets, and can number among
them some of the adraitted masters of poetry. Such naraes as James
R. Randall, Paul H. Hayne, Sidney Lanier, Charles W. Hubner, F. O,
Ticknor, Harry Flash, Henry R. .lackson, and Richard Henry Wilde,
constitute a galaxy of genuine poetic genius. Mr. .Randall has won an
imraortal farae by his " My Maryland." His handsorae face, lit with the
inspiration of his soul, is a noble outward indication of his exalted strain
of pure poesy. His newpaper work is uniforraly of the highest order,
chaste, glowing, thoughtful, alike full of solidity, faultlessness and radi
ance. Mr. Hayne has taken a high stand in the world of literature, he
being the only one of our writers who devotes hiraself to it as a pro
fession. He has published several voluraes of poems. He is a fine
master of versification. He has written some very fine sonnets. He
has just furnished the ode for the opening of the International Cotton
Exposition at Atlanta, that is a fair out-giving of his poetic genius,
warm, scholarlj^, musical and vivid.
The name of Sidney Lanier evokes the tenderest thought of the

SPARKLING GEORGIA POETS. 627
reader. His recent death, so young and yet so established in farae, and
with such affluence of distinction before him, has made hira rarely
mourned. He was a singularly gifted person. Plis mind early dis
played originality, brilliance and critical taste and beauty of scholarship.
He published " Tiger Lilies," a novel, in Georgia, a book full of his
individuality. He moved North and fixed himself in the literary world
easily and shiningly. He was chosen frora the whole rich range of
Araerican poets to deliver the opening poera at the Great Centennial at
Philadelphia — a glittering pre-eminence. He published in succession
with increasing fame, " The Science of English Verse," and " Boys
King Arthur." And he died in the midst of a new project, and occupy
ing the distinguished chair of lecturer in literature at the John Hopkins
University. Lanier was a genuine genius. He had the true poetic
inspiration and a divine master's faculty of poetic utterance. Richard
Henry Wilde's " My Life is like a Sumraer Rose," will live with the
language. Gen. Jackson is a true poet, and has written some exquisite
gems of poetic feeling and expression. He published in 1850 a volurae
entitled " Tallulah and other Poeras." Perhaps " My Father," and
"My Wife and Ghild,'^ are his best poeras and breathe the true inspi
ration. Harry L. Flash, editor of the Macon Telegraph, was a poet of
rare power. He has settled down in some distant State to the sale of
pork, but to that prosaic business in which he is said to be succeeding
admirably, he is devoting a poetic faculty as dainty as exists. In 18f)0
he published a volume of poeras, and he has written fugitive pieces
as exquisite as anything- in the English language.
One of the daintiest and sweetest poets we have in Georgia is
Charles W. Hubner, now eraployed upon the editorial staff of the
Christian Index. He has published a nuraber of volumes, all rythmi
cal, fervent and sparkling. His " Souvenirs of Luther," " Wild Flow
ers," " Cinderella," and " Modern Coraraunisra," have given him an
admitted standing as the possessor of the true poetic faculty. He is
now issuing, through the fine publishing house of Brown & Derby, a
volume of " Poems and Essays " that will enlarge his rising fame.
There is one narae upon which every Georgian can linger with a tender
adrairation. Dr. F. O. Ticknor. His poeras were thrown off carelessly,
and never published in book forra until after his death, but he had a
flashing vein of poetic genius, and deserves to rank araong the true
poets of America. His " Little Giffen of Tennessee " is one of the liv
ing lyrics of the English language. .1. R. Barrick, once editor of the
Atlanta Constitution, and A. R. Watson of the Macon Telegraph, were

62'8 GEORGIA BOOKS OP A SERIOUS NATURE.
both fair poets. Mrs. M. C. Bigby of Newnan, Ga., has written some
meritorious verses. Mrs. E. B. Castlen of Macon, published a sprightly
volume of poeras under the title of " Autumn Dreams." Miss Annie
R. Blount of Augusta, printed a volume of poeras before the war. Mr.
S. Yates Levy of Savannah, wrote a successful draraa, " The Italian
Bride," for Miss Eliza Logan, that evinced raerit. Father Ryan wrote
some of his best poems in Georgia while editing the Banner ofthe
South in Augusta. His " Conquered" Banner " has become historic.
Miss Carrie Bell Sinclair of Augusta, published a volume of poeras.
Mr. John C. Langston of Bolingbroke, has recently printed a volume.
Mrs. Jennie Porter has published " Valkyria " this year, a work com
memorating the war, with many poetic flashes, and having an excellent
circulation North. Mr. Jaraes Maurice Thorapson, forraerly a lawyer of
Calhoun, Ga., has becorae a regular and popular poetic contributor to
the literary journals of the country. He has written raany fine tales.
Of serious works, Georgia has produced quite a number. Mr. John
S. Wilson published the " Necrology of the Synod of Georgia " in 1871 ;
Rev. James P. Simraons of Lawrenceville, the " War in Heaven; " Prof.
Joseph Le Conte, a " Text Book of Geology," and with his brother,
Dr. John Le Conte, a "Text Book of Chemistry;" Dr. P. H. Mell, the
present able" Chancellor of the University of Georgia, "Baptism,"
" Predestination," " Corrective Church Dis'cipline," and a " Manual of
ParUamentary Practice;" Rev. F. R. Goulding wrote "Life Scenes
from Gospel History," besides an iniraitable series of boys' books that
have had a world-wide circulation. " The Young Marooners " was
printed in 1852 and has been issued by the tens of thousands in Araerica
and Europe. Mr. Jaraes P. Harrison has just issued one of the raost
valyable publications of the day, a volume of 900 pages, giving the biog
raphies of Southern Baptist divines, illustrated with over 400 portraits.
It has been edited with great care, and printed by his own publishing
establishment, the Franklin Printing House. A reraarkable work just
published is " Our Brother in Black," by that powerful writer and
eloquent divine. Rev. Atticus G. Haygood, president of Eraory College
and editor of the Methodist Advocate. It is an able, fearless, original
and conservative work, dealing with the problera of the colored race in
the South with both a Christian and statesraan-like hand. It is one of
the most sententious, pregnant and philosophical publications of the
time, and deserves the general circulation it is getting. Capt. M.
Dwinell, ofthe Rome Courier, gave us " Coraraon Sense Views of Foreign
Lands," a reraarkably clear book of travels, written with force and sira-

OUE GEOEGIA NOVELISTS. 629
plicity. Rev. J. M. BonneU, president Wesleyan Female College, Macon,
issued a "Manual of the Art of Prose Composition." Prof. R. M.
Johnson published " The English Classics " as a text-book in colleges, a
work clear, accurate and discriminating. Col. W. S. Rockwell printed
a " Hand-Book of Masonry." Mrs. Mel R. Colquitt is one of our most
gifted lady writers, who has written no book, but gained high reputation
for her varied contributions to the periodicals of the day. Mr. White
of Athens has written a book on " Southern Gardening " that is an
authority. In the domain of fiction Georgia has done well. The leading novelist
of the South, Miss Augusta J. Evans, now Mrs. WUson, author of
" Beulah," " Macaria," etc., and is a Georgia born lady. Hon. Henry W.
HiUiard, recent U. S. Minister to Brazil, Congressman from Georgia
frora 1845 to 1851, issued a novel, " De Vane: a Story of Plebeians and
Patricians," in 1866. Mr. Clifford A. Lanier, a brother of Sidney Lanier,
has given the State two novels, " Thorn-Fruit " and " Two Hundred
Bales;" Rev. Mr. Warren of Macon, the novel of "NeUie Norton;"
Mrs. Maria J. Westmoreland, " Heart-Hungry" and " Clifford Troup; "
Mrs. Mary E. Tucker, the "Confessions of a Flirt;" Mrs. Emma L.
Moffett of Columbus, "Crown Jewels;" W. D. TramraeU, " Ca Ira;"
Miss L. A. Field,/' Helen Freeman on the Right Path; " Mrs. M. J. R.
Harailton, "Cachet;" Mrs. Fannie Hood of Rorae, "Maude, a Life
Drama; " Mrs. Hararaond of Atlanta, has recently put out the " Geor
gians," a novel of unusual power.
Our two roraance writers at present, of largest celebrity, are Mrs. Mary
E. Bryan and Prof. Williara Henry Peck. Mrs. Bryan has published
" Manche " and " Wild Work," two very draraatic novels, given out
under the strong imprimatur of the Appletons, and displaying .talent
of a high order. She has been for years editing the Sicnny South.
That she has found time and been able amid her severe absorption of
journalistic duty to produce two such fictions, is soraething remarkable.
"Wild Work" is a reconstruction romance, founded in fact, and
depicting sorae of the anomalous phases of that strange era in the South
following the war, that has been narrated in this volurae in its place in
the raarch of turbulent events. Mrs. Bryan has genuine literary genius,
and it is finding a wide and appreciative recognition. She is also a lady
of lovely character and deUghtful social qualities. Prof. Williara Henry
Peck has probably raade raore raoney than all the rest of our literary
workers. He has been professor, president of a college, editor and
novelist. His fecundity of literary production is extraordinary. He

630 GEORGIA JOURNALISM AND LITERATURE.
had published thirty-four serials up to 1869, raany of them stories of
the late war, the " Renegade," " The Conspirators of New Orleans,"
" The Phantom," " The Confederate Flag of the Ocean," " The Maids
and Matrons of Virginia," etc. In 1868, Prof. Peck raoved to New
York and lived there until 1875, when he located in Atlanta. In New
York he wrote only for Bonner's great paper, the ledger, the New
York 'Weekly and the Philadelphia Saturday Night. Mr. Bonner, with
that bold management that has raarked hira, has for years monopolized
the genius of our Georgian, whose stories have so largely contributed
to his paper's success, and paid him the salary that railroad presidents
receive. Mr. Peck has had $5,000 for a single story. His novels are
principally historical, requiring laborious study before the author begins
to fill out his plots. He writes usually five hours a day, soraetiraes ten.
He studies five hours a day, and in addition reads everything published
and keeps up with the press. ¦ He is a student of faces, voices, raanner-
isms and peculiarities, and combines the result of his observation in his
characters. It has been no accident or stratch that enables this industrious Geor
gian to lead the serial writers of the world, to command a princely
income, and to raaintain his hold upon the largest reading constituency
in America and England. Since 1870 he has written sorae forty novels,
araong thera " The Stone Cutter of Lisbon," " The King's Messenger,"
" The Queen's Secret," " Flower Girl of London," " The MiUer of Mar
seilles," etc.
The characteristics of both our Georgia Journalism and Literature
are marked, — healthy sentiment, independent thought, and a rapidly
increasing culture. The genius of our Georgians is pure, original, and
of a sunny, picturesque quality, but lacking in discipline and equipment.
The epoch of reconstruction has in raany respects favored the deraon
stration of our Southern literary talent. The stiraulus of necessity has
forced latent inteUectuaUty to vigorous exercise. Success, of unquestion
able capacity, has only been possible in corapetition with the trained
raethods of literary professionals, and to this end have our bright
Georgia intelligences studied and striven. The warra fancy and strong,
vivid, ready brainfulness of the rainds of a race, gifted by nature and
inheritance, have developed wonderfully. And, in the Ught of the ver
satile intellectual activity in our State in the last decade, reaching the
deraands of cosraopolitan criticism, grasping the attention of the world
of letters and running into the highest forms of manifestation, we can
indulge in large augury for our State's literary future.

CHAPTER LIL
THE RAILROADS, RESOURCES AND FUTURE OF
GEORGIA.
The State use of Railroads.— Stupendous Railway Scheraes Centering in Georgia
recently.— Our State Railways.— The Central, Georgia, Air Line and State Rail-
roads,- Wm, M. Wadley and his Great Plan,— E. W, Cole aud his Draraatic Vicis
situdes,— The Erlanger Syndicate,— The Richmond and Danville, and Georgia Pa
cific Comhination, —fhe Louisville and Nashville Organization and Gen, B. P. Alex
ander. -Over 2.'j0 Millions of Railroad Property Focalizing on Georgia ; and 25
Millions Building on Georgia soil— Our Railroad Superintendents,— L, N. Tram
raeU, Railroad Commissioner,- Georgia's Mineral Affluence.— A Grand State in
Mineral Wealth.— The Results of the Geological Survey.— Our Agricultural
Attractions.— The Work of our Agricultural Department.- Cotton Production.—
Fruit.— Immense Range of Production,— Productive Fertility,— Stock,— Water
Power Illiraitable. — Small Farms.— Cotton Manufacture.— Free Schools. — The
International Cottou Exposition. — An Amazing Enterprise. — A World's Fair put
on foot in 108 days.— The Men of this Great Work.— The Opening of the Expo
sition.— Great Speeches.— Senators Z. B. Vance and D. W. Voorhees.— The
Scope of the Exhibit. — A New Era betokened, and Georgia its Apostle. — The
Sumraing up of Georgia's Career and Destiny. — A Noble Statehood, leading in the
rush of Civilization and Progress. — The End.
One of the raost powerful eleraents in Georgia's striking progress
has been that her people early learned the value of the railroad, as an
irresistible instruraentality of advanceraent. And it lias been a curi
ous exemplification of her potential destiny, that in the last year or two
this State has been the focal point of five stupendous railroad corabi
nations, including thousands of railes of track, radiating through a
quarter of the vast Union, and involving hundreds of millions of property.
And it is a fact, significant and honorable, that the raajority of thg raas
ter spirits of these colossal enterprises are frora Georgia. It is no acci
dent that this suprerae pre-eminence has fallen to our comraonwealth,
but it is the result of adequate causes — her geographical advantages,
her superb resources, and the genius of her raen.
We have now in Georgia 2,616 completed miles of railroad property
in the State, estimated as worth sixty raiUions of dollars. The capi
tal stock in 1880 was $31,380,050; funded and other debt, $24,136,-
727— total $55,517,342. These roads cost $49,676,723. They earned

632 LEADING GEORGIA RAILROADS.
$8,416,625, net earnings being $3,429,018, of which $1,619,936 was paid
as dividends, and $1,051,111 as interest. The first railroads built were
the Central, frora Savannah to Macon, 191 railes in length, and the
Georgia railroad, 171 miles, from Augusta to Atlanta. The experimen
tal survey for the Central Road was raade by Col. Cruger, at the cost of
the city of Savannah, in 1834. The Central RaUroad and Banking Com
pany was organized in 1835, the road begun in 1836, and completed
in 1843. The raaster spirit of this initial enterprise was W. W. Gor
don, Esq., a gentleman of uncommon energy and administrative ability.
The charter of the Georgia road was granted in 1833. A part of it
was operating in 1837, and the road completed in 1845. The
Macon and Western Railroad was chartered in 1833, the charter
araended in 1836, and the road corapleted from Macon to Atlanta, 103
miles, in 1846. These roads had been constructed by private capital.
Our enterprising people imraediately turned their energies to connect
ing our corapleted triangular system from Savannah and Augusta, to
Atlanta, with the great West. Some bold spirits, among them Hon.
Alex. H. Stephens, chartered, and voted the State's money to the West
ern and Atlantic Railroad, 138 miles, frora Atlanta to Chattanooga,
Tenn. This road was completed in 1850. The Air Line was chartered
in 1856. Mr. .lonathan Norcross was the first president. The road
was located in 1860. Work was not begun until 1867, under Col,
Buford as president. The first ground was broken March, 1869, and
the first rail laid October, 1869. The road was corapleted August 26,
1872, the 265 railes frora Atlanta to Charlotte costing 87,950,000,
The name. Col. J. G. Foreacre, has a powerful and honorable connection
with this great road. He was its general raanager for years, and is a
gentleraan of extraordinary ability and enterprise. He is now presi
dent of the North-Eastern Railroad. StiU another narae of strong
prorainence that had connection with the Air Line, is Maj. John B.
Peck, who has long raanaged the South Carolina road, an able railroad
writer as well as raanager.
To show the benefits of raUroads, on the Air Line road, the popu
lation decreased from 1850 to 1860, when there was no railroad, at least
two per cent., or frora 108,800 to 105,247, whUe on the Western and
Atlantic railroad it increased thirty-five per cent., or from 98,208 to
132,549. The enhancement of property in value was over twenty-two
miUions, or eighty per cent, greater on the State road. After the Air
Line road was built, the increase in fourteen counties was fifteen
millions in four years, and 2,000 voters, representing 14,000 people.

WILLIAM M. WADLEY. 633
The South-western Railroad, 143 railes, from Macon to Eufaula,
Ala.; the branch from Gordon to Eatonton, 38 raUes; the branch from
Augusta to MUlen, 53 raUes; from Barnesville to Thomaston, 16 miles;
from Fort Valley to Columbus, 71 railes; frora Perry to Fort Valley, 12
railes; frora SraithviUe to ArUngton, 59 railes; from Cuthbert to Fort
Gaines, 22 mUes; from Griffin to CarroUton, 60 raUes, aU now belong
by purchase or lease to tho Central, making 787 raUes.
The Georgia Railroad, 171 railes; Macon branch, 78 raUes; Washing
ton branch, 18 mUes; Athens branch, 40 miles; HartweU road, 10
mUes, and Lawrenceville road, 10 railes, making 327 miles, have been
leased by the Central Railroad, giving that enormous corporation 1,114
raUes of track in the State, besides its outer connections of the Western
Railroad of Alabama, Montgomery and Eufaula road, and Port Royal
and Augusta road, running its total to 1,494 miles of road. It is in
close syrapathy with the Atlanta and West Point Railroad, 89 railes,
one of the raost valuable and best raanaged railways in the South, whose
stock has valued high, and whose governing spirit has been Col. L. P.
Grant, one of the most capable railroaders in the Union. The gentle- '
man whose name is raost identified with the Georgia Railroad is Plon.
John P. King, once a United States Senator, and for forty years a real
railroad monarch, able, far-seeing, public-spirited and influential. The
genius of this powerful combination is William M. Wadley, a gentle
man of iron force of character and a capacity for broad enterprises.
Mr. Wadley is a large, noble looking man, with a face of singular
benevolence of expression. He began in the humblest capacity on the
Central Road. He has risen to a raasterful pre-erainence through an
individuality, unusually strong, simple and direct, with a vigorous posi
tiveness of will, and far-reaching conceptions, and yet with a narrowed
range of thought in some raatters due to lack of early culture. He is
a great-brained and indoraitable man. His superb systera, grasping the
most vital railways of the State, connecting at Savannah with the
Northern ports by a magnificent line of Ocean steamers, clutching the
South Carolina seaport metropolis of Charleston, with its roads, holding
a direct link with Alabaraa and Mississippi and the great West, is a
monument to his consuraraate and sagacious audacity. Mr. Wadley
builds solidly, and he is one of the Railway Kings, not only of Georgia
but of the South.
The Macon and Brunswick Railroad was begun in 1859 and finished
in 1869, costing four millions for the 196 miles, including the branch to
Hawkinsville. Col. George H. Hazlehurst was the ruling spirit of this

634 COLONEL E. W. COLE.
enterprise, a charraing gentleman, and an accoraplished railway manager.
This road, whose history is romantic in the extrerae, is the corner stone
of the faraous Cole-Seney corabination. The history of these colossal
railway moveraents in Georgia is a glowing chapter of startling sur
prises, sudden, secret and overwhelraing purchases on a gigantic
scale, splendid demonstrations of individual management, and forraidable
coalitions of capital and genius. And connected with these draraatic
audacities of railway enterprise, have been sorae touching episodes of
personal strategy, success and disappointraent. Col. E. W. Cole, long
in charge of the Georgia Railroad, had while President of the Nashville
and Chattanooga and St. Louis roads, conceived and carried out appar
ently a powerful scherae that gave him supremacy to the Georgia coast.
In the very hour of success, the Louisville and Nashville Railroad, under
Victor Newcomb's daring young guidance, bought the Nashville and
Chattanooga road, dethroned Cole and clutched his great scheme. It
was like Sedan to Napoleon, seeraingly, the end of an empire.
Col. Cole bore his downfall philosophically. He had in his long rail
road career demonstrated abilities so conspicuous, judgraent so sound,
executive power so superlative, and a scope of conception so accurate
and broad, that when he organized in a few days a plan covering a cash
expenditure of sixteen raiUions of dollars, and gathering into a corapre
hensive and symmetrical chain the scattered links that railroaders had
struggled with for years, the country gave to the indomitable Cole the
acclaira due to his enterprise and genius. Taking Brunswick, Georgia,
as his ocean terrainus, he bought the Macon and Brunswick road, Selraa,
Rome and Dalton road. East Tennessee and Virginia road, leased the
Memphis and Charleston road, and has thousands of hands building the
gaps from Macon to Rome, through Atlanta. Baffled in leasing the
Cincinnati Southern, he has perfected his scherae by securing connec
tion with Norfolk and by Knoxville to Kentucky, and frora Morristown
to the Carolina roads. His associates are Mr. George I. Seney of the
Metropolitan bank of New York, whose gifts to the Georgia colleges
have so endeared him to the people of our State. The whole line of
this combination includes 2,138 railes, penetrating the seven states of
Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Kentucky, North Carolina
and Virginia, and represents fifty millions of doUars.
The Brunswick and Albany railroad, like the Macon and Brunswick
road, a Georgia enterprise full of roraantic eventfulness in its construc
tion, begun before the war and finished since, a memento of the most
tragic episode of Reconstruction, embroidered with the association of

THE ERLANGER SYNDICATE.

635

over five million of fraudulent bonds, has been raade the initial link of
another vast raUway scheme, known as the Erlanger syndicate of Frank
fort capitalists in Europe, represented by Mr. Fred Wolfe. This Une
extends frora Brunswick, Ga., tb New Orleans, and frora New Oi;leans
through Chattanooga to Cincinnati, and frora New Orleans to Texas.
It owns besides the Brunswick and Albany road, the Vicksburg and
Shreveport, and the Vicksburg and Meridian, the Meraphis, HoUv
Springs and Selma roads, and has leased the Cincinnati Southern. It
has invested over twelve millions, and is buUding between three hundred
and four hundred railes of new road. The Erlanger Une embraces at
present one thousand six hundred and thirty-one railes of road, worth
forty miUions of raoney, and it is stiU extending. It includes at present
the following lines:

Cincinnati Southern, .
Alabama Southern,
Meridian to Vicksburg,
Vicksburg to Shreveport,
Meridian to New Orleans,
Eutaw to Memphis,
Eutaw to Selma,
Selma to Albany,
Albany to Brunswick,

Total, .

326 miles.
296 "
145 "
196 "
193 "
175 "
52 "
163 "
85 "

1,631

Mr. Wolfe has twenty-five millions to invest. Baron Erlanger, the
head of the syndicate, is the husband of the daughter of John Slidell,
Confederate Commissioner to Europe, captured on the British stearaer
Trent. To the historic fact of Slidell's erabassy and the affectionate
devotion of his daughter to the South, do we owe this enorraous invest
ment of capital, commencing in Georgia, in the railways of the South.
The Georgia Western RaUroad, running frora Atlanta into the inex
haustible coal fields of Alabaraa, has been a cherished project of Georgia
enterprise for years. Starting and failing, organized and reorganized
time and again, finally Gen. John B. Gordon caught up the unutilized and
affluent opportunity, and has given it Ufe. He and his brothers, E. C.
Gordon, Walter Gordon and Gov. A. H. Colquitt, organized the Georgia
Pacific Syndicate, with twelve and a half millions of capital, to build a
line frora Atlanta through Birraingham, Ala., to the Mississippi river.
That rich and powerful syndicate, the Richmond and Danville, already
owning the Air Line road in Georgia, has taken in the Georgia Pacific.
This magnificent scheme covers the following roads:

i

636

THE GEEAT LOUISVILLE AND NASHVILLE RAILROAD CO.

Richmond to Danville, Va., 
Piedmont Railroad, Danville to Greensboro, N. C, .
North CaroUna Ra,ilroad, Goldsboro via Greensboro to Charlotte, N, C,
North-western North Carolina Railroad, Greensboro to Salem, N. C,
Atlanta and Charlotte Air Line Railroad, Charlotte to Atlanta, Ga,,
N, & C. Narrow Gauge branches, 
Charlotte, Columbia and Augusta Railroad, Charlotte via Columbia to
Augusta, Ga,, 
Columbia and Greenville Railroad, Columbia to Greenville,
C, & G. branches, ...
Spartansburg, Union and Columbia Railroad, Alston to Spartansburg, S, C,
Ashville and Spartansburg Railroad, Spartansburg to Heudersonville, N. C
Western North Carolina Railroad, Salisbury to W, F. Ashville,
Virginia Midland Railroad, Alexandria to Danville, Va,,
Manassas Junction to Strasburg, Va., . . .
Franklin Junction to Roey Mount, (N. G.,)
Orange C. H. to Gordonsville, Va.,. ...
Warrenton Junction to Warrenton, Va,, .
Richmond, York River and Chesapeake Railroad, ,
North-eastern Railroad and Georgia, Athens to Lula, Ga,,

140 49
223 29
269 70
191143 8568
48
155
233 6237 9
9
39
40
1,899

miles.

*; ..f

Add to this net-work of 1,895 railes the Georgia Pacific frora Atlanta
to Greenville, Mis.s., and Arkansas City, and its branches, of 500 miles,
and we have the superb aggregate of 2,395 miles, worth seventy-five
millions of dollars, with Atlanta and Richraond its centers. The Pres
ident of the Richmond and Danville Company is N. S. Buford of Rich
raond ; Vice Presidents, George W. Perkins of New York and A. Y.
Hokes and T. M. Logan of Richmond, with T. M. R. Talcott as General
Manager, A. Pope, General Agent, and R. Temple as the Chief Engineer.
The Georgia Pacific remains under the Presidency of Gen. John B.
Gordon. We now come to the powerful combination, that seems to be invinci
ble, spreading its strong tentacles ubiquitously, clutching new conquests
with a giant's hand, preserving an acknowledged supremacy araid all
the shifting changes of railway doraination, and enlarging its colossal
rule with a steady, irresistible force. Working in an impenetrable
secrecy, its purposes are only discovered when successful. It in some
way crushes rivalry, while it has a raasterful capacity of beneficial coali
tion. The Louisville and Nashville combination is the mysterious and
potential organization to which allusion is made. It inaugurated its
first startling moveraent in invading Georgia and dethroning the irrepres
sible Cole. It is bound in a cordial alliance with Wadley's gigantic
system in Georgia. It bought a majority interest in the Western and

/

1^ ^^ 0(NV,?f(»^.

GEORGIA'S

^^5^^^

RAILWAY MAGNATES.

GENERAL E. P. ALEXANDER. 637
Atlantic railroad, and but for the wUy brain and firm nerve of Joseph
E. Brown, whose forethought fraraed, and whose skillful management
enforced, the provision in the law of the lease that kept the control of
the road in the hands of the original lessees, and made a forfeiture of
the lease the penalty of discrimination, this subtle and iron-handed cor
poration would have obtained the possession and guidance of this
regnant little State road of ours. And it has been a curious piece of
railway draraa, that this_steady, dirainutive railway of 138 railes, planted
in Northern Georgia, has held its iraperial monopoly of power and
business, firm amidst toppling syndicates, unaffected in a hurly-burly of
vast changes and the war of massive scheraes, raaking every one of the
stupendous enterprises of thousands of railes of steel track, typifying
millions of aggressive capital, pay tribute to its sovereignty. No rival
has yet sprung into life, though King Cole is seemingly about to accora
plish the achieveraent.
It is an interesting fact, that the active spirit of this colossal corabi
nation, the Louisville and Nashville, is our own brilliant young Georgian,
Gen. E. P. Alexander, a noble officer of the South in the war, and now
one of the railway magnates of the Union. He is carrying ably a vast
responsibility. Wadley and Cole are nearing sixty years in age.
Alexander is in the forties, and raay well be called the young Napoleon
of the railways. The Louisville and Nashville has over 3,300 railes of
road, worth one hundred railUons of dollars, covering the South and the
W'est. An instance of its daring and watchfulness is shown in the fol
lowing recent movement in Georgia.
In 1853, the Savannah, Albany and Gulf railroad was projected. Dr.
John P. Screven was the master-spirit, and his son, Col. John Screven,
succeeded him. The road was done to ThoraasviUe, 200 miles, in 1861,
and almost destroyed during the war, and rebuUt to Bainbridge, 236
miles, in 1867. It has branches, Dupont to Live Oak, forty -nine mUes;
ThoraasviUe to Albany, fifty-eight railes; and the Waycross and Florida
division frora TebeauvUle to Folkston, thirty-four railes, extending to
Jacksonville. This road had a mUUon dollar subscription frora the
State, and $1,200,000 from Savannah. It is in the hands of a new com
pany, and bears the narae of the Savannah, Florida and Western rail
road. The LouisvUle and NashvUle road has, with its accustoraed
sagacity, corabined with the Savannah, Florida and Western railroad,
which extends its line to Chattahoochee, Florida, connecting with the
Pensacola and Mobile road, now constructing by the LouisviUe and
Nashville Corapany, and forming a direct and unbroken trunk line frora

638 GEORGIA THE CENTER OF GREAT R. R. SCHEMES.
New York by Savannah to New Orleans. Thus does a Georgia line,
starting from a Georgia seaport, afford the main Atlantic Southern
outlet for another grand scherae. The Louisville and Nashville covers
its shining tracks of steel from Norfolk to New Orleans by two routes,
from Louisville to Pensacola, and from St. Louis to the Gulf of Mexico
and the Atlantic Ocean.
Again, Mr. Garrett, President of the Baltiraore and Ohio Railroad, is
said to be seeking his own line frora Danville, Va., through Spartansburg,
S. C, to Atlanta, at a cost of ten millions of dollars. These colossal
enterprises stagger the imagination, and yet they are realities. The
whole tendency of railway raanageraent is to vast consolidation, which
is now experiraent. It remains to be seen whether the huge net-works
of railway will prove homogeneous and successful systems, or loosely
knit schemes, heterogeneous and inharmonious. One thing is certain,
and that is that in the face of these sweeping systems. State railroad
commissions, governing isolated links of great chains, must be power
less to regulate thera, especially in the absence of a uniforraity of policy
in the States. It looks as if a National coraraission raust ultiraately be a
necessity. It is another evident contingency of this consolidating phase of rail-
roadisra, that the still larger corabinations of the North and West raay
be expected to have an eye to the South, sooner or later, and with their
illiraitable capital and herculean enterprise, we may look for disarrange
ments of our Southern syndicates. Jay Gould has 12,000 railes of rail
way, from New York to California and Mexico. Railroads are secured
by purchase of a bare majority of their stock. When it becomes to the
interest of Gould or Vanderbilt, in the rushing development of Georgia
and its enhanced value in a commercial view, to turn a longing eye
here, we may not unreasonably anticipate a flutter and displacement of
our present syndicates.
Be this as it may, Georgia to-day occupies a position unparalleled in
the Union. Ten thousand railes of railway corporations, aggregating
300 miUions of raoney, are pouring capital into and seeking control of
Georgia coramerce. Between twenty and twenty-five raiUions of capital
from the North are being invested in railways in Georgia to perfect
grand schemes. In every part of the State new iron pathways, besides
those long lines already raentioned, are opening up the counties to the
raarch of progress. The Marietta and North Georgia railroad, twenty-
four railes from Marietta to Canton, is building on to the Carolina
border. The North-eastern road, thirty-nine miles from Athens to Lula,

THE RESOURCES OF GEORGIA. 639
is swiftly extending; a road from GainesvUle to Dahlonega is in process
of construction; frora Arlington to Blakely in Early county, the Unk
is alraost done; the North and South road frora Columbus to HamUton
is booked for Lagrange; the Augusta and Knoxville road has its four
teen miles built in Georgia, and is going on; innuraerable charters have
been granted; Atlanta and Alabaraa, Rome and Chattanooga, Rich
mond county raUroad, Rorae and Lagrange, Curaraing and Suwannee,
Buena Vista road, LogansviUe road, Rorae and CarroUton, Kingston
and Gainesville, Tennille and Wrightsville, Covington and Ocraulgee,
Covington and North Georgia, Covington and South River, Hawkins
ville and Florida, Jeffersonville and Southern, Belt road, Cleveland and
Lulu railroads.
It would not be proper to conclude reference to our Georgia raUroads
without sorae allusion to its fine array of Superintendents, raen of
superior capacity and character. Among these are Mr. Raoul, Mr,
Wm. Rogers and W. F. Shellman of the Central, Gen. Wm. McRae ot
the State road. Col. H. S. Haines of the Savannah, Florida arid
Western, Mr. I. Y. Sage of the Air Line, Mr. John Green of the
Georgia, and Mr. J. M. Edwards of the Macon & Brunsvvick. A change
has been just made in the Railroad Coraraission, Col. N. C. Barnett
retiring, and Col. L. N. Trararaell taking his place. Col. Barnett filled
the place well. Col. Trararaell has all the qualities to raake a superior
Commissioner. He brings to the high duties a splendid practicality,
ambition to serve the public interest, and natural diploraacy.
The resources of Georgia are not fully known. The Geological sur
vey, so well conducted for five years by Dr. George Little, still incom
plete, presents such an exhibition of varied wealth, even in its partial exe
cution, as places our coramonwealth foremost in its transcendent natural
advantages. The results of the survey have been: 1st, a collection of ten thousand
speciraens of rainerals, rocks, ores, fossils, plants and woods, represent
ing every county in the State, arranged in geographical position, so
that any one may walk through the room on county lines and see
samples of everything which would be seen by traveling over the whole
State. 2. A topographical map of the State, half completed, showing the
county lines as now established by law, county towns, viUages, post;
offices^ churches, schools, raills and roads.
3. A geological raap of the State, showing the different forraations
and periods in its history, and the raines in operation.

640 THE MINERALS OE GEORGIA.
4. A hypsometric map showing the elevations from tide water to
4,811 feet on the Blue Ridge.
5. A map showing the river systems and drainage areas.
6. County raaps of Dade, Walker, Catoosa, Chattooga, Murray,
Whitfield, Gordon, Bartow, Floyd, Polk, Cobb, Fulton, Hall and Haber
sham, and of the Okefenokee Swamp, embracing portions of Clinch,
Ware and Charlton counties.
7. A map of the Ocmulgee River, from Covington to Macon, show
ing all the sites for manufactories in a distance of seventy railes, with
an aggregate fall of 400 feet, with an atlas representing the topography
of the separate falls.
8. A raap of North-West Georgia with two sections, showing the
geological features frora the North-west corner of the State to the Une
of metaraorphic rocks, in Bartow county.
9. Unfinished raaps of the counties in the western half of the State,
for which all the data have been collected on sectional raaps.
10. Gold mines have been put in successful operation in Rabun,
Towns, Union, Fannin, Gilraer, Pickens, Cherokee, Cobb, Paulding,
Haralson, Dawson, l^umpkin. White, Hall, Habershara, Ijncoln, Ogle
thorpe and Meriwether. In 1874 there were twenty-five staraps in
Lurapkin; in 1881, 425. The 400 increase represent about 400,000 dol
lars of investment of capital.
11. Copper has been worked by the Hunt & Douglas process, in
Haralson county. ,
12. Lead has been mined in Lincoln county.
13. Manganese mines have been opened in Polk, Floyd and Bar
tow. From the last $60,000 worth was shipped during the last year.
14. Iron mines have been opened, and large shipments raade, from
Bartow and Polk and Dade counties, and over 100 miles of outcrop of
fossiliferous iron ore located in Dade, Walker and Chattooga counties.
15. Coal has been mapped over a territory of 175 square miles.
16. Soapstone is now worked into blocks for furnaces and kilns and
stoves, in Atlanta, from the mines in Cherokee.
17. The largest acid charabers in Araerica have been built at At
lanta, for the ra'anufacture of sulphuric acid and the raills for produc
tion of acid phosphates. These form the basis for the fertilizers, of
which Georgia consumed last year $5,000,000 worth.
18. The North-eastern railroad is well under way to reach the gold,
asbestos, serpentine and corundum of North-east Georgia.
19. The Marietta and North Georgia railroad is raoving toward

MINING IN GEORGIA. 641
the iron, marble, mica, graphite, talc, soapstone and gold of North
Georgia. 20. The Georgia Pacific is building to the gold, copper, magnetic
iron, asbestos, raica and corundura of West Georgia, the coal-fields of
Alabama, and the cotton belt of the Mississippi.
21. Georgia has taken the first rank of the Southern States, from
the publication of its resources for raining, manufacturing and agricul
ture, its climate, health resorts, mineral waters, timber and variety of
soils. Up to this time there have been collected and placed in the geological
rooms, at the State Capitol, carefully labeled with the narae of the
owner, and the nuraber of the lot, district and section, and arranged by
counties: Asbestos frora nine counties; Barite or Heavy Spa, two;
Buhrstone or Mill Rock, twenty-seven; Chrorae for paints, two; Coal,
three; Copper, twelve; Corundura for Emery wheels, six; Diamond,
one; Graphite or black lead, ten; Granite for building, forty-five;
Glass sand, two; Green sand, fertilizer, four; Grindstone and Whet
stone, four; Gold ores, sixty-one; Gypsum, land plaster, two; Hy
draulic Ceraent, two; Iron ores, seventy-one; Iron Pyrites (sulphur),
seven; Kaolin, for china ware, eleven; Lead ore, eight; Lignite, fuel,
four; Liraestone, forty-eight; Manganese, fifteen; Marble, six; Marl,
fertilizer, twenty-two; Mica, eleven; Nickel, one; Nitre, two; Peat,
four; Quartz (opal, araethyst), forty-six; Slate, roofing, four; Soapstone,
twenty-two; Serpentine, raantels, etc., eleven; Rutile, seven; Zinc ore,
two. The foUowing counties have rainerals as follows: Rabun, Gold,
Asbestos, Serpentine; Towns, Gold, Copper, Corundura; Union, Gold,
Mica; Fannin, Gold, Copper, Iron, Marble, Talc; Gilmer, Gold, Copper,
Iron, Marble, Soapstone; Pickens, Gold, Iron, Mica, Marble, Graphite;
Cherokee, Gold, Copper, Iron, Mica, Soapstone; Milton, Gold, Iron;
Forsyth, Gold; Dawson, Gold, Corundura; Lumpkin, Gold, Copper,
Iron; 'White, Gold, Asbestos, Diaraond; Habersham, Gold, Iron, As
bestos; Hall, Gold, Lead, Iron, Mica, Asbestos; Dade,lron, Coal, Fire
clay, HoUoysite; 'Walker, Iron, Coal, Marble; Catoosa, Iron, Marble,
Liraestone. We have now in Georgia fifty gold miUs with 500 staraps, the raa
chinery worth $500,000; one copper raine,$50,000; one Sulphuric Acid fac
tory, $200,000; one Soapstone raill, $10,000; one Asbestos raine, $10,000;
one Manganese raill, $100,000; eighteen Iron Furnaces, $2,000,000; one
Lead mine, $1,000,000; one Corundum mine, $10,000; one Mica mine,
41

642 AGRICULTURAL DEPARTMENT.
$5,000; Lime Kilns, $20,000; one Ferro-Manganese Furnace, $10,000;
ao-gregating four millions dollars of mineral establishments. Georgia
has grown from the production of 9,634 tons of iron in 1870 to 35,152
tons in 1880.
The State of Georgia has the honor of being the first State in the
Union to organize a Departraent of Agriculture, presided over by a
Commissioner charged with the administration of the office, untram
meled by an advisory board.
The adrainistration of the Department throughout, and especially by
Hon. J. T. Henderson, has been vigorous and profitable to the State by
educating the farmers through many valuable publications, by increasing-
production and elevating the pursuit of agriculture. It contributed too,
raore largely than any other instruraentality, to the advertiseraent of
the resources of Georgia, and to the enhanceraent of her reputation
abroad. It is a source of gratification to Georgians, when traveling in
other states of the Union, to hear the encomiums passed upon their
State, and especially upon the work of their Departraent of Agriculture.
The commissioner has control of the inspection and analysis of
coraraercial fertilizers, and by the thorough systera of supervision the
farmer is very thoroughly protected frora loss, by the purchase of spu
rious goods.
The fee for the inspection of fertilizers is fifty cents per ton. The
State derived during the last season the sura of $64,060.23 in revenue
frora this source. Previous to 1877, the inspectors received the fees as
compensation for their services.
Under the law of 1877, the inspectors receive salaries and the fees are
paid into the treasury. Since that time nearly $200,000 have been
paid into the treasury, in fees for inspection, or $100,000 raore than the
Departraent of Agriculture has cost since its organization.
The infiuence of the publications of the departraent have exerted a
silent, yet decided influence on the agriculture of the State, which has
been overlooked by many, but which has not failed to irapress itself
upon the observant of this as well as other states of the Union — nor has
this influence been confined to Georgia, but has been felt for good in
adjacent states. The raanuals on Sheep-husbandry, the Hog, on Cattle,
Farmers Scientific Manual, the Hand-book of Georgia, Manual of
Georgia, the reports of the soil-tests of commercial fertilizers in the
different sections of the State — the crop reports — indeed all of the
publications issued by the department, have exerted a most salutary
influence upon the productive industries of the State, by supplying a

GEORGIA THE SECOND COTTON STATE. 643
vast amount of useful information to the tillers of the soil, which they
have not failed to turn to practical account.
A few facts and figures in this connection will serve to iUustrate
sorae of the beneficial effects of the work of this Fanners' Department
conducted by farmers in the interest of farraers. The production of
oats in the State in 1870 was, according to the census, 1,904,601 bushels.
The census of 1880 shows a production of 5,544,161 bushels, on 612,-
350 acres. This increase has been induced, in the raain, through the
agency of the publications of the Department, which inforraed the
farmers in every section and county of the State as to the varieties
which had given best results. The influence of the information in
regard to the Rust Proof variety of Oats, published by the Depart
ment, has been most marked.
The influence of the Department in inculcating correct ideas in
regard to the use of commercial fertilizers, has been decisive in the
increase in cotton production. According to the census of 1870, the
Cotton Crop of the State was 473,934 bales, while the census of 1880
shows a production of 814,398 bales, upon 2,617,138 acres, aggregat
ing 193,430 tons of lint cotton, and 386,859 tons of cotton seed. This
increase in cotton production has not been accorapanied by a reduction
in grain. On the contrary, besides the increase in oats already mentioned,
the last census shows that Georgia produced 5,544,013 more bushels of
corn in 1879 than in 1869. The census reports of 1880 reveal the
compliraentary fact that Georgia stands the second State in the Union
in the total production of cotton, a fact due to " better cultivation of
the soil, the use of fertiUzers and the thrift of an industrious popula
tion." It has been a remarkable fact in the cotton production of
Georgia, that the use of the coraraercial fertUizer has raade Northern
Georgia a large cotton-producing section by hastening the seasons.
Georgia, in her versatility of climate and soil, is adapted for every
variety of fruit, and is making rapid progress in fruit culture. The
raising of eariy fruits and vegetables for the Northern and Western
markets, is becoraing a vast business. Judge Cunninghara, of Atlanta,
is the leader in the fruit industry. He has the largest orchard in the
South, 60,000 trees covering neariy 600 acres. The first peaches bring
thirty-five dollars a bushel in the New York raarket.
The range of production in Georgia is very wide and varied. Sea
Island cotton, rice, sugar and tropical fruits, in the Southern part; cot
ton, corn, fruit and the cereals aU over the State; and grasses and
clovers in the raiddle and Northern parts, afford any kind of fanning.

644 FERTILITY OF GEORGIA SOIL.
that any one can desire. The vast pine forests in the lower portion
have supplied an iramense and growing luraber and turpentine trade.
The tea production has been proven a success, offering an illiraitable
source of wealth with the proper labor.
Sorae remarkable cases of productive fertility have been shown.
Mr. R. H. Hardaway, in Thomas county, raised 117 bushels of corn
to the acre; Mr. S. W. Leak, of Spalding county, has obtained
iO^ bushels of wheat on an acre; Mr. J. F. Madden, in the same
county, raised 137 bushels of oats; Mr. T. C. Warthen, of Washing
ton county, five bales of cotton; Mr. J. R. Winters, of Cobb county,
over three tons of clover hay; Dr. T. P. Janes, of Green county, five
tons of clover hay; Mr. R. Peters, Jr., of Gordon county, nearly five
tons of Lucerne hay; Dr. W. Moody, of Greene county, seven tons of
Bermuda hay; Mr. John Dyer, of Bibb county, 398 bushels of sweet
potatoes; Dr. J. S. Lavender, 1553 bushels of turnips in Pike county,
on one acre. These are fine results, and show alike the fertility of the
soil, and the excellence of the farming.
In stock raising, Georgia has the best capacities, and has achieved
good results. The Jersey cattle are taking strong and general hold on
our people. Col. Richard Peters, of Atlanta, has been the leader in
the introduction of stock. He has experiraented in every variety of
thoroughbred cattle and hogs. He has tried Devon, Ayrshire, Brahma,
Durhara and Jersey cattle, settling down finally upon the Jersey breed,
the Merino sheep and the Angora goats. Col. W. B. Cox has made a
specialty of Jerseys, and also Mr. Rhode Hill, Judge John L. Hopkins,
and Mr. J. B. Wade, and others.
The water powers of Georgia are almost innuraerable, covering three-
fourths of our counties. There are raineral springs of strong potency
in 23 counties. The development of cotton manufactures is progress
ing with a giant stride. The manufacture of cotton where it is grown
is an idea that is seizing the world, it has proven so profitable. In
Augusta 170,000 spindles are running, and the profit for eleven
years of one mill, has been 18 per cent. The Eagle and Phenix mills
of Columbus, in 1870 used 1927 bales, and in 1880, 19,000, and have
made 25 per cent, profit. The following figures taken from an article
in the Savannah News will tell the tale of our manufactures:
" There are two classes of factories in our State — those exempt from taxation for a cer
tain period, and those which pay taxes annually to the CoraptroUer General. Through
the courtesy of Robert U. Harderaan, Esq., the able chief of this department of tlie
CoraptroUer's office, we have verified our figures, as far as such a thing was possible.

FACTORIES, FARMS AND FREE SCHOOLS. 645
Of the taxable factories, Bibb county has invested within her borders $77,500, Brooks
$13,955, Clarke $260,000, Cobb $156,750, Coweta $7,500, Decatur $5,000, Early $6,500,
Greene $52,000, Hancock $10,800, Harris $75,000, Hart $6,000, Houston $25,000,
Muscogee $501,565, Newton $15,500, Pnlaski $6,000, Richmond $546,000, Taylor $11,-
000, Troup $40,000, Upson $43,000, Walton $56,000, Warren 830,000, making a total of
81,966,070. Of the non-taxable corporations Cobb county has invested $53,000, Chattoon-a
$225,000, Coweta 875,000, Chathara $100,000, Cherokee $16,000, Bibb $70,000, Brooks
$30,000, Bartow $49,000, Early $57,000, Fulton ,f286,000, Muscogee 8500,000, Pickens
$15,000, Richraond $1,700,000, raaking a total of $3,176,000, and a grand total of
$5,142,070. This, however, does not include the splendid new cotton factories under con
struction at Augusta, in Richraond county, which, when fully completed and put in
operation, will add over 82,000,000 to the foregoing grand total."
These are raarvelous figures.
The policy of running sraall well-tilled farms in the place of the baro
nial plantations is becoraing engrafted beneficially upon our husbandry.
Frora 1868 to 1873 our sraall farms had increased 32,824, and now the
enlargement will nuraber 138,626, of which 76,451 are owned, and the
balance rented. Only 3,491 are 1,000 acres and over; 7,017 of 500 acres
to 1,000; 53,635 of 100 to 500; 26,059 of 50 to 100; 36,524 of 20 to 50;
8,694 of 10 to 20; 3,110 of 3 to 10; and 101 under 3 acres. Georgia
has raore farras than any Southern State. The colored people have
become thrifty and own 680,000 acres of land. The farraers raust gen
erally adopt the policy of raising provisions and raaking cotton a sur
plus crop, and then with the multiplication of manufacturers we shall
see an era of prosperity that can not be measured.
In free education the State is raarching apace with the age. Prof.
J. G. Orr, the State School Coraraissioner, has done a noble work.
The attendance since the inauguration of the school system in 1871,
exhibits the gratifying fact of a steady growth of the system in each
year. In 1871, white pupils, 42,914; colored, 6,664; total, 49,578. In
1873, white, 63,922; colored, 19,755; total, 83,677; increase, 34,099.
In 1874, white, 93,167; colored, 42,374; total, 135,541; increase, 51,864.
In 1875, white, 105,990; colored, 50,358; total, 156,394; increase, 20,808.
In 1876, white, 121,418; colored, 57,987; total, 179,405; increase,
23,011. In 1877, white, 128,296; colored, 62,330; total, 196,626; in
crease, 11,211. In 1878, white, 137,217; colored, 72,655; total, 209,872;
increase, 19,246. The total number of children of school age is 433,444.
Cities and towns have local school laws, paying $200,000. With the
State school fund the sura of $600,000 is paid for free schooling. The
State gives an endowraent of $10,000 to the State University at Athens,
and $8,000 to the colored college at Atlanta. The State University and

646 CONDENSED STATEMENT OP GEORGIA ADVANTAGES.
its branches at Dahlonega, MilledgeviUe, Cuthbert, and ThoraasviUe,
educate free in the highest college curriculura over 2,000 pupils. We
have flourishing denominational and private schools and colleges. Mr.
Geo. I. Seney of New York, deserves a large share of State gratitude
and appreciation for $100,000 donation to Eraory College at Covington,
and $70,000 to Wesleyan Feraale College at Macon. The State is espe
cially affluent in Feraale Colleges. Wesleyan, at Macon, is the first
Female College that was established in the world. The Southern
Masonic Feraale College at Covington, Catholic Pio Nono CoUege at
Macon, Rorae Feraale College, Rorae Cherokee Baptist Feraale College,
Houston Female College at Perry, Martin Institute at Jefferson, Con
yers Feraale College, Collingsworth Institute, Levert Female College
at Talbotton, Southern Female CoUege at La Grange, West Point
Female College, and two Female Colleges at Dalton, are among our
prosperous serainaries of learning.
The following succinct and condensed statement of the advantages of
Georgia was made by Hon. Joseph E. Brown, and gives an admirable
recapitulation of our great State:
" The climate is genial and healthy, with every variety to suit the preferences of the
immigrant, whatever may be his intended pursuit. If he desires to raise rice, sea island
cotton and serai-tropical fruits, including the orange, and have fish in abundance, or
desires to engage in the culture of early vegetables and fruits for Northern consumption,
he can find a suitable location upon her southern coasts or islands. If he desires to
engage extensively in the lumber business, there is no better field open to him in the
world. In connection with this, he can make turpentine and naval stores to any extent
that his capital and enterprise may justify. If he desires to raise cotton, and pro
duce the cereals necessary for his own use, there is no better field than Middle and
Sonthern Georgia. If he desires to embark in sheep husbandry or the raising of
cattle, he can do so with great success in all the wire grass section of the State, where
they winter themselves upon the spontaneous productions of the earth. If he wishes to
make sugar and syrup for his own use, and even for raarket. South Georgia affords hira
an ample field. If he wishes to cultivate clover and the other grasses, with corn, wheat,
oats and cotton, the ricli valleys of upper Georgia hold out a most inviting prospect.
If he wishes to raise the apjjle and other fruits of the higher latitudes, tlie high table
and mountain lands of North-eastern Georgia afford hira an ample field with liberal
remuneration. If he wants to engage in the culture of potatoes and vegetables in com
mon use, he can find a suitable location in almost any part of the State, If he wants a
henlthy retreat in the heat of summer he can find among the mountains of North-east
Georgia localities where the buds scarcely begin to swell before the first days of June,
and where he will need fire in his room every niglit in the year. If he wants to engage
in the manufacture of cotton, water power of the best kind abounds without limit, and
lie will never be iuterrup'ed a day during the year by the streams being frozen over with
ice, or if he prefers the nse of steam power, he can have that in the upper part of the
St.ite, near the coal mines, as cheap as he can have it anywhere in the Union. And if

THE INTERNATIONAL COTTON EXPOSITION. 647
liis tastes or his training lead him into the business of merchandising, Atlanta, Savannah
aud other centers of the State extend to him an inviting field and a cordial invitation.
In a word, we offer to the iramigrant of every country and of every calling or pursuit
a cordial welcome and an inviting field of operations, where industry, energy and
economy soon lead not only to competency, but to the accumulation and possession of
large wealth.
The year 1881 will be a memorable one in Georgia annals in marking
the raost momentous and far-reaching event of her extraordinary mate
rial progress. It has at one single step placed her indisputably araong
the foreraost states of the Union and the leader of the South. It has
strikingly worked out her "raanifest destiny" of supreraacy. The
International Cotton E.x:position, the first World's Fair in the
South, was opened on the 5th day of October, 1881, with iraposing
cereraonies. In its significance and results it was a massive occurrence.
An imraense crowd witnessed the pageant. The Right Rev. Bishop
Rabert W. Elliott, son of Bishop Stephen ElUott, one of the raost
gifted and pious divines of Georgia, opened the cereraonies with a
beautiful prayer. The Director-General, H. I. KirabaU, gave a brief
history of the enterprise, and presented the Exposition- to the public.
Gov. A. H. Colquitt, the President of the Exposition, forraally received
the Exposition in a brief address of fervent eloquence. Succinctly
alluding to the financial and raaterial purposes of the project, he broad- -
ened its inspiration in these noble words, which evoked deafening
applause: " While material objects and results have heen wisely considered in this exposition,
for one, I feel sure that the noble and beneficent impulse of this enterprise is to
draw the people of every section of this great country nearer and more firmly to
gether, and closer to each other's hearts. The idea that has run like a thread of light
through every measure and labor of this enterprise is, that all sections or portions of this
vast country are truly, essentially, virtually parts of it. Yon, gentlemen, propose to
encircle in the warm embrace of your fraternal love onr fellow-citizens of every state,
and to unify the spirit of our common country, A sublimer work was never designed
or attempted by mortal agency, * * Let the good work prosper and go on. Let the
ministering spirit of peace and good will, with strong pinion, take the sweep of this vast
heritage of ours, and may every patriot feel that in the house of our Father, we cherish
one heart, one hope, one destiny." --¦^'.-.jg
U. S. Senator, Z. B. Vance, of North Carolina, followed in an
exquisite little speech. His tribute to Cotton was poetic. Designating
iras the " infant heir of the"15lbod' royal toThe' empire of'tra'de.^^e
continued in these beautiful words:
" The raerchiint in the distant city listens fortidings of its coming up ; the manufac
turer amid his brick walls and tall chimneys anxiously observes its bloom ; the restless

648 U. S. SENATORS Z. B. VANCE AND D. W. VOORHEES.
speculator gazes upon its opening bolls; the mariner, with his broad sails flapping idly
against his masts, waits for its maturing — and the poor everywhere pray for the gentle
shower and the soft sunlight on wliich it feeds, and rejoice at its safe ingathering.
" Its growth is the idyllic poem of our people — its mature existence is a system of
political economy. It is the source of the hoarse shout of the steara engine ; it is the
melody of the soft song of the spindle and the loom; it is the fairy of the waterfall; it
is warmth, it is comfort, it is beauty. It is the pride of our fields, the source of our
wealth, the king of our commerce."
Mr. Vance gave this soulful Southern welcorae, the characteristic out
flow of the sunny hospitality of our people:
" Farmers, merchants, manufacturers, miners, curriers, laboring men and raen of
letters, the great army of civilizers and supporters of progress and free government,
the raen of the press, strangers and lookers-on, countryraen and countrywomen, we
welcome you all. To every one present, or to come, we extend a Southern welcome,
warm as our sunshine, and bid him behold what can be done by a land whose fields were
but yesterday ' kneaded into bloody sods by the maddening wheels of artillery,' whose
beasts of burden were swept away by devastating armies, whose noblest sons were
slaughtered in battle, whose homes were burned with fire, and whose governments have
passed through an era of corruption worse than anarchy. We invite you with pride to
witness these conclusive tests of the genial nature of our climate, the fertility of our
soil, the energy of our people, the conservative vitality of our political institutions; in
short, we invite you to see that we have renewed our youth at the fountains of industry
and found the hills of gold in the energies of an imperishable race.
" To every human soul from all the broad domains of Christendom, which may have
one desire to promote the happiucs and stimulate the progress of our race, which can
add one voice in praise of the triumphs of peace, we say welcome, in God's name, to
the hearts and homes of this Southern land."
The response to this was given by U. S. Senator Daniel W. Voorhees,
of Indiana, in a speech of eloquence and statesmanship, holding the
immense gathering upon his stately utterances for one hour and a half.
This address elaborately recounted the history and triumphs of Cotton.
The whole speech was a great one. There were expressions in it of
noble import, and a broad grasp of inspired prophecy. The paragraphs
following deserve perpetuation:
" This is a world of compensations, and it seeras to me that for the sorrows of the
past Ave are now standing in the dawn of a better day than American history has ever
known, and that the splendor of its unclouded sun will soon break over our heads. Sir, the
South enters the arena to contend, for the first time, for the supremacy in all the
industrial pursuits. She comes with the light of youth and hope in her face, her eyes
no longer red with weeping, and every patriotic heart in the North salutes her here on
these grounds with a fraternal embrace. This is a field of peaceful strife over which the
angels in heaven have joy. The South and the North meet here with one language, one
territory, one government, one aUegiance, one fl,ig and one heart for the prosperity of
all. Those whom God hath thus joined together let no man seek to alienate or put
asunder !

SENATOE voorhees' GREAT SPEECH. 649
" The relations which the southern states bear to the great questions of production
and manufacture are of vital aud overshadowing importance. Here stretches that
mighty cotton belt which startled and revolutionized the trade of the world less than a
century ago ; whose fields, with their tinted blossoms, are richer and more valuable to
mankind than all the mines of gold and diamond fields of the earth. It was once
thought that the cotton plantation was dependent upon a certain system of labor. The
rapidly increasing production of cotton during the last fifteen years has, to the joy
of the world, exploded that error. It is the creature of intelligent industry by whomso
ever bestowed. It invites the labor of every nativity and color, and remunerates them
all, " There is such a thing as fair play in the history of a people, and the time has now
come for the south, in ray opinion, to enjoy its fruits. There is a gigantic double profit
within your reach if you will put forth your hands and take it. The profit of the pro
ducer you already have ; the profit of the raanufacturer — which enriches nations — is
yours to command ; it awaits your call, and if I mistake not the meaning of this day,
the caU has been raade. Be assured that it will be answered. It is my fond hope and
behef that he who is living twenty-five years hence will behold the transfiguration of
the south. New industries, incoming capital, and teeming populations are in store for
her future. The cotton belt proper, extending frora North Carolina to Texas, will be
studded with gems more resplendent than ever shone on the belts or diadem of roy
alty. Along the banks of southern streams, inlets and bays, new cities and villages will
arise, sending to all the markets ot the world the raanufactured productions of the
neighboring plains.
" The Creator has here spread His araplest bounties for the human race, and the south
now for the first time, with the authority of circumstance and ceremony, invites the capital
and labor of the world to assist in their development. Througliout all this vast
extent of country, the capabilities of the south for cotton-raising and for manufacturing
her own productions are practically without limit. There are young men and women
now listening to me, who will as certainly behold a crop of twenty million bales in the
future, as they have seen one of five millions in the past. And they will with the same
certainty, behold the purchasers of the whole world coraing here, not only for their
supply of the raw material, but also for manufactured goods in such quautities as to
rule all markets, foreign and domestic. Such is the great and puissant future which I
foresee for the South, springing forward, as she now is, to grasp all the improvements,
the inventions, and the progression of the present age, and all the benefits and blessings
of her government,
" Sir, I come from the North-west, and I bring to you the hail of hope, good cheer,
and American brotherhood from every true and manly heart in all that mighty regicm,
A few moments more and the first world's fair on southern soil will begin its three
months' career. All the nations will take note of the experiment. Your brethren of
the East, of the North and of the West are looking on, hoping all things and believing
all things favorable to its success, After a little while it will takp its place iu history,
and from that point may a new era of national prosperity be opened before the Ameri
can people, and may they be inspired with new and lasting affection for each other,"
The ceremonies closed with a fitting poem by Paul H. Hayne, read
by Col. N. J. Hararaond, — a rare tribute to Atlanta, whose irrepressible
enterprise has made this august achievement a success. The concep

050

THE OEGANIZATION OF TIIE COTTON EXPOSITION.

tion of an International Cotton E.xposition belongs to Mr. Edward
Atkinson, of Boston, Mass., and the original idea was to combine in
one great display, every conceivable form of cotton production, manu
facture and invention. This idea was soon enlarged, and the Exposi
tion was broadened into a World's Fair. There was rauch corapetition
for the Exposition between southern cities, and sorae very strong
inducements held out, but Atlanta won it. On the 25th of February,
1881, the first meeting of business men was held in Atlanta, and a tem
porary organization was effected. A charter was procured and a per
manent organization effected on the 16th of April. The enterprise
was placed in the hands of an executive coraraittee of 29 raembers.
The committee was coraposed as follows:

H, 1 KIMBALL, Chairman,

B. E. CRANE,
Joseph E. Brown, .
S. M. Inman,
.T. W, Kyckmaii,
R, J, Lowry, .
R. F. Maddox
W, A. Moore, . ,
M, C, Kiser, . ,
L, P, Grant, , , .
,Jno, A, Fitten, , ,
R, I), Spalding,
Richard Peters,
E, P, Howell, , ,
Sidney Koot, .
,T. VV, Paramore,

Chairman, pro tem.
. . . Atlanta, Ga,
, . . Atlanta, Ga,
Philadelphia, Pa,
, , , Atlanta, Ga,
, , Atlanta, Ga,
. Atlanta, Ga,
, Atlanta, Ga,
, Atlanta, Ga,
, Atlanta, Ga,
, Atlanta, Ga,
Atlanta, Ga,
, Atlanta, Ga,
Atlanta, Ga,

B, F. Abbott, .
T. G, Healey, . ,
W, C, Neff, _. .
Jno, L. Hopkins,
Jno. T. Henderson,
J. F. Cummings,
Jas. R. WyUe,
J. C. Peck, . .
E. P. Chamberlin,
Edward Atkinson,
Cyrus Bussey, , ,
Richard Garsed,
Jno, H, Inman, ,

Atlanta,Atlanta. Atlanta, Ga,
Atlanta, Ga,
Atlanta, Ga,
Atlanta, Ga.
Atlanta, Ga.
Atlanta, Ga.
Atlanta, Ga.
Atlanta, Ga.
Atlanta, Ga.
Boston, Mass,
New Orleans, La,
Philadelphia, Pa,
New York,
St, Louis, Mo.

Mr. H. I. KimbaU was made Director-General, and Mr. J. W. Ryck-
man, editor of the Textile Record, the Secretary. The first President
of the convention was Joseph E. Brown. He resigned on account of
family affliction, and Gov. Alfred H. Colquitt was made the President.
Mr. Kiraball has an uncommon talent for enterprises of this kind, possess
ing energy, inventiveness and adrainistrative faculty. Mr. Ryckman has
been the right man in a responsible place. The committee has proven
to be a body of extraordinary manageraent. Mr. Kiraball visited the
North and M''est, and Hon. Thomas Harderaan the South and West, in
the interest of the Exposition, addressing the Boards of Trade of the
leading cities, and securing some $200,000 of subscriptions to the enter
prise. The interest in it was general and profound. Business men took
hold of it eagerly. Dr. H. V. M. Miller was sent to Europe as agent of
the Exposition.
Perhaps never, in the history of such enterprises, has there been any
thing to equal this one in the rapidity and completeness of its execution.

COTTON. 651
It is an unequaled monument of bold and immense business skill and
energy. On the SOth of May, 1881, the contract was signed for the
main building, which had been enlarged four-fold beyond the original
size to suit the enlarged demand. On the 1st of June, ground was first
broken, and in 108 days, to the 5th of October, 1881, when the Exposi
tion was opened, buildings have been erected, furnishing twenty acres
of exhibition space, eleven miles in circumference, using eight million
feet of luraber, five miles of sewerage pipe and six miles of steam pipe.
Beautiful grounds have been created. An hotel for the accoraraoda
tion of 1,000 guests has been erected at the grounds.
The work done has been siraply araazing. Over 2,000 exhibitors have
sought space, and hundreds have been refused. Every kind of business
is represented. Sorae exhibitors have expended $35,000 on their displays.
The varied exhibition of general industries is coraplete. In executing
the chief idea of the E.xposition, the show of cotton, textile machinery,
and the hundreds of appliances and processes that have grown out of the
great staple all over the world, is something phenoraenal. Seed of every
kind of cotton grown in the world were obtained by telegraphic order by
Mr. S. M. Inraan, the Treasurer of the Exposition, and are planted and
growing in the sarae field. There is cotton frora India, from Hindoostan,
from China, from Japan, frora Australia, the North coast of Africa,
Brazil, Chili, and the South Sea Islands, the Cape of Good Hope, Mexico,
Central Araerica, Borabay, and every other cliraate in which the cotton
plant has ever been grown. Each plant preserves its characteristics
admirably, and side by side may be seen cotton with the perfectly red
flower growing ten feet high, and the stalks, with perfectly blue flowers,
growing less than two feet high. There is the queer Chinese cotton
with a pinched, contracted look that raarks everything that comes from
that country; the Peruvian cotton, with its flowers of Indigo and its
small bolls; the Indian cotton, with its tropical appearance, but imperfect
fruitage, and all of them with their various raarks crowned by a few
rows of our own, king of thera all. Cognate to this, and a part of the
sarae exhibition are bales and bags, and packages of cotton received
from every country, in which cotton is handled, packed, or baled in the
manner peculiar to each country. This exhibition of itself is a wonderful
one, and shows that while the South may be ahead of all other sections
in growing cotton, that there are older, if not wiser people, who know
how to pack it better.
The display of cotton raachinery is complete and instructive. Every
process of manufacture is practically shown, and the aggregate in-

652 Georgia's great inventors.
ventions of this keen-witted age are grouped together in the benef
icent collision of peaceful rivalry for the benefit of all peoples and
countries. Among the raost picturesque deraonstrations, are those raade by the
great railroad systeras, of the woods, rainerals and agricultural produc
tions of the country on their lines of track. States have raade sirailar
displays of their resources. It is impossible to enumerate the extent
of this stupendous exhibition. It includes the comraerce and raanufac-
tures of the world. Throngs of people are swarming to the Exposition,
giving the supplement of a vast attendance to the suprerae achieveraent.
The problem of entertaining thousands of visitors in a city of 40,000
inhabitants, has been a critical one, but it has been nobly solved by
hospitably throwing open the horaes of the indomitable little metropolis
to the inundation of welcorae guests.
Reviewing the past of Georgia, irapartially estimating her present
importance and power, it requires no strain upon the iraagination to lay
down for her a great future. She seems to have been selected for un
usual achieveraent. Her history glitters with incidents of moral and
intellectual supremacy, some of them valuable and important, and
¦ freighted with associations of renown and humanitarian utility.
Georgia was the first and only free and anti-slave colony in America,
and continued thus for a number of years, until the superior growth of
the slave colonies around her necessitated a change. Her code of laws
of 1799 was so wise and syrametrical that it was engrafted upon the
hoary and venerable body of English jurisprudence. The first steam
ship that ever crossed the ocean sailed frora Savannah, an instruraen
tality that has revolutionized the international coraraerce of the world.
The first feraale college in the world, the Wesleyan Feraale College,
was established at Macon, Georgia. The Cotton Gin, that oranipotent
weapon of huraan benefit was invented in 1793, by Eli Whitney, near
Savannah, on the plantation of Gen. Greene of revolutionary farae.
And it is a fateful coincidence that our great International Cotton Ex
position, the first of the world, now progressing in Atlanta, should be
on Georgia soil, and the outcome of that wonderful invention of nearly
a century ago that here found birth.
The first sewing machine was invented by a Georgian, Rev. F. R.
Goulding, author of the "Young Marooners." The archives of the
Georgia State Executive Departraent contain a letter written by Jaraes
Longstreet, father of A. B. Longstreet, author of "Georgia Scenes,"
in 1793, to Edward Telfair, Governor of Georgia, asking his help to

GEOEGIA THE LEADER OF THE CONFEDERACY. 653
equip the stearaboat that he had invented, thus establishing Georgia's
claim to the first invention of this benefaction.
The State has witnessed another incalculable contribution to the
world's great benefits in the discovery, by Dr. Crawford W. Long, a
native of Athens, Ga., of Anesthesia, in 1842, who thereby takes
rank among the benefactors of mankind. Science and humanity have
deterrained that the two greatest boons conferred on mankind were
vaccination and Anaesthesia. England gave the one and Georgia the
other. The portrait of Dr. Long was presented to the State of Georgia
by Mr. Stuart, and formally received by the General Assembly, and it
now hangs in the Representative Charaber, in the State House in At
lanta, araong the historic pictures of our distinguished raen.
The four years before the war of 1861, the increase in the taxable
wealth of Georgia was 176 raiUions of dollars, an astounding fact. In
the slavery agitation preceding the war, Georgia was the leading instru
mentality, and to Robert Toombs, of this State, is due above all others
the responsibility for secession. The declaration of defiance for the
South against the North was fulminated by Martin J. Crawford, a
Georgian. The first act of war was by the Georgia Governor, Joseph
E. Brown, in seizing Fort Pulaski. Georgia's reprisal upon New York
through Gov. Brown evoked the attention of the Congresses of both
governments. The shaping spirits of the Southern Confederacy were
Georgians. Howell Cobb was President of the Convention, Thoraas R.
R. Cobb was Chairraan of the .ludiciary Coramittee, Francis S. Bartow
was Chairman of the Military Coraraittee, Alexander H. Stephens was
Vice President of the new governraent, and Robert Toombs was premier
of the President in the provisional, and the formative period of the per
manent, Confederate governraents. Mr. Stephens' great Corner Stone
Speech put the world against the South on the slavery issue. Gov.
Joseph E Brown raade Georgia historic by his eloquent controversies
with Mr. Davis and the Confederate adrainistration upon the raoraentous
issue of preserving the integrity of constitutional principle. Confed
erate States Senator, Benjamin H. Hill, becarae the strong prop of Mr.
Davis in the closing years of the war, and another strong Georgian,
Gen. A. R. Lawton, the adrainistrator of the raost iraportant depart
ment of the Confederate service.
Georgia became the center of field supply, and of manufacture of
army stores, as well as the raain depository of Federal prisoners.
Finally the chief battle ground was transferred to Georgia, and the
decisive carapaign of the struggle, resulting in the capture of Atlanta,

654 GEORGIA A LEADING STATE OP THE UNION.
Sherraan's March to the Sea, the annihilation of one of the twin armies
of the Confederacy, and the destruction of the subsistence of the other,
brought the war to its end. The first effort at peace was raade by Gen.
Sherraan in this State. The Confederate administration drifted to and
went to pieces in Georgia, the last order of the Confederate govern
ment was issued, and Mr. Davis, the President, was captured in Georgia.
Georgia sent more troops to the field, lost raore soldiers in battle, and
sacrificed raore property than any other Southern State. And a
Georgia lady, Mrs. Mary A. Williaras, was the originator of the Decora
tion Day custora, observed by both sections universaUy in paying honor
to the dead of the war.
In the era of Reconstruction Georgia played a more potential part than
any of her suffering sisters, undergoing three distinct and different
rehabilitations, furnishing the most conspicuous champions for and
against that motley experiment of governmental workmanship, fighting
its abuses raost stubbornly, focalizing the public attention raost conspicu
ously, eliciting raore of Congressional legislation, and finally regenerating
with raore sturdy vigor and superb recuperation than any other Confed
erate coraraonwealth. Since the complete restoration to her own State
sovereignty in 1871, just ten years ago, Georgia has, in the liberality of
her statesmanship and in raaterial progress, outstripped all of her rivals.
She is the first State of the Union in the extent and variety of her
raineral and agricultural resources, the second State in the production of
cotton and the first in the South in its raanufacture. In education, hi
literature, in journalisra Georgia has kept apace with the best progress
of the age. In furnishing the railway genius of the South this com
raonwealth has had no rivalry, while in the colossal focalization of
railroad capital and enterprise in her borders, that will bring a tidal wave
of new population and boundless developraent, Georgia has had the
raost raagnificent possible practical tribute to her unequalable supremacy.
The prodigious power of these gigantic instrumentalities of coraraerce
and increased production raust give her irresistible capacities for growth
and prosperity. Supplement this with the transcendent benefactions
of the great Cotton Exposition now progressing, which will introduce
this State to the world as the favored Southern home of Cottojx, the
imperial raonarch, and surely no people or country will or can have the
basis for a more august future.
But at last the proudest excellence of this commonwealth lies in her
political, raoral and Christian civilization. Lovers of constitutional
governraent, devoted to a true, fraternal Union, loyal to law and liberty.

THE END. 655
wedded to temperance and morality, cherishing the sanctity of home
and imbued with the spirit of the genuine religion of the living God,
her million and a half of God-loving people at last constitute the real
greatness of Georgia. And raost striking of all her glories, this State,
so potential in severing the Union, is to-day, by her broad-hearted senti
ments, her catholicity of patriotisra, her genius for substantial enterprise
and her elevated philanthropy, the dominant agency in re-uniting the
broken brotherhood of States, in re-cementing the sundered sections of
the nation, and in restoring the lost harmony of this mighty Republic.
Thus does the record close in 1881 for Georgia.

APPENDIX A.

GEORGIA OFFICERS
Who served in the Civil War of 1861-5 in the Confederate
Service, including General and Regimental
Field Officers and Captains.
The foUowing list is admittedly incomplete and painfully iraperfect.
It was taken frora the Confederate war records in the custody of the
Federal Governraent at Washington, D. C, and has been enlarged and
corrected as far as possible from the meager docuraents in the Georgia
archives, and such personal inforraation as has been obtainable and
authentic. The war departraent of the Confederacy was raost loosely
run as far as its records are concerned. Regimental muster-rolls were
curiously mingled and confused, very few of the constantly occurring
changes in railitary organizations were noted, and altogether a hap
hazard and inaccurate method of clerical work seems to have prevailed.
It will be found in the following list, faithfully transcribed, that men's
names are both wrongly spelled and omitted, and there has been no
opportunity to rectify the one or supply the other. Gen. Marcus J.
Wright, who is employed to edit the Confederate records, is giving to
his important work in the War Archives office under Col. R. N. Scott, an
intelligent and faithful industry, and is daily perfecting the Confederate
war chronicles. But as his task covers the whole Confederacy, he can
devote but a portion of his tirae to Georgia.
This list of our Georgia officers is given as a beginning, with the hope
that in future editions, it may assume something like accuracy and com
pleteness through the voluntary co-operation of the survivors of the
Conflict. Those who have been oraitted or improperly printed, can, by
furnishing the author with the facts, appear as they should hereafter.
And it would be weU for coraraanding officers of organizations to cora
municate with Gen. Marcus J. Wright, at Washington, D. C, the
facts about their coramands, in order that the publication of Georgia's
service and personeUe in the great civU war, raay be as coraplete as
possible. 42

658

APPENDIX A.

The writer is rauch indebted to Gen. M. J. Wright, for assistance in
preparing this Ust, and also to Major Sidney Herbert, for valuable aid
in raaking a full roster of Georgia general officers, and for the roster of
Georgia West Point officers who entered the Confederate service.
r^Iajor Herbert is' a disinterested and pains-taking collector of valu
able historical information as well as a graceful writer.

Georgia Generals.

Alexander, E, Portek
Capt, Corps of Engineers, C, S. A., April
2, 1861.
Chief of Ordnance, A. of N. Va,, Aug,
1862.
Lt, Col, of Artillery, Dec. 31, 1861.
Colonel of Artillery, Dec, 5, 1862,
Chief of Artillery, Longstreet's Corps,
Sept. 25, 1863,
Brig, Gen, of Artillery, Feb, 26, 1864.
(West Pointer and 2d Lt. 'Eng. Corps U. S, A,)
Anderson, C. D.
Brig. Gen. in Georgia State forces.
An-derson, George T.
Col. nth Ga. Infantry, July 2, 1861.
Brig, Gen. P, A, C, b",, Nov, 1, 1862,
An'Drrson, Robert II,
1st Lieut. Corps of Artillery, C, S, A.,
March 16, 1861.
Major 1st Batt. Ga. Sharp Shooters,
June 20, 1862.
Col. ."Jth Ga, Cavalry, ,Jan 20, 1863,
Brig, Gen, P, A, C S., July 20, 186'4.
(West Pointer and 2d Lt. lu'f. U. S. A.)
Avery, Isaac W.
Pj-ivate 8th Ga, Vol,, May 21, 1861,
Capt, Ind, Cav, Co,, Nov, 1, 1861,
Lt. Col. 23d Ga. Cav. Bat.; Aug. 1862.
Col. 4th Ga. Cay., Nov. 1862.
Brig. Gen. P. A, C, S,, Feb, 1865.
Bartow, Francis S,
Capt Sth Ga, Vols., May 21, 1861.
Col. Sth Ga. Vols., May 1861.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S , 1861.
Browne, Wiliam M.
Brigadier General,
Battle, Cullen A.
 General. A native Georgian, en
listing from Alabama,
Bowen, John S.
Major General,
Benning, Henky L.
Colonel.Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Jan. 17, 1863,

Boggs, "W. E.
Capt. Corps of Engineers, 1861.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 4, 1862.
Chief of Staff to Gen. E. Kirby Smith.
(West Pointer and 1st Lt. Ord. IT. S. A.)
Bryan, Goode
Col. 16th Ga. Infantry, Feb. 15, 1862.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Aug. 29, 1863. Re
signed Sept. 30, 1864,
Cobb, Howell
Col, 16th Ga, Infantry, July 15, 1861,
Brig, Gen, P, A, C. a., Feb. 13, 1862.
Maj. Gen. P. A. C, S., Sept, 9, 1863,
Conn, Thcmas R, R,
Col, Georgia Legion, Aug, 28, 1861.
Brig, General, Nov, 1, 1862.
Clayton, Henry D,
Major General. A native Georgian en
listing from Alabama.
Carswell, R. W.
Brig. Gen. State forces.
Colquitt, Alfred H.
Cid. 6th Ga. Infantry, May 27, 1861.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Sept. 1, 1862.
Major General, March 1865.
Capers, F. W.
Brig. Gen. State forces.
Cook, Philip
Col. 4th Ga. Infantry, Nov. 1, 1862.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C, S,, Aug, 5, 1864,
Cumming, Alfred
Major Corps Inf. C, S. A., Mar. 16, 1861.
Lt. Col. 10th Ga. Regiment, June 1861.
Colonel " " Sept. 25, 1 861.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C S , Oct. 29, 1862.
(West Pointer and Capt. Infantry, U, S. A.)
Dkshler, James
Brig. Gen, P, A. C, S,, July 28, 1863.
Doles, Geokoe, killed.
Col, 4th Ga, Infantry, May 8, 1861,
Brig, Gen, P. A, C, S , Nov, 1, 1862.

APPENDIX A.

659

Du Bose, Dudley M.
Col. 15th Ga. Infantry, Jan,, 1863,
Brig. Gen. P, A. C. S., Nov. 16, 1864.
Ev.iNS, Clement A.
Major 31st Ga. Infantry, Nov. 19, 1861.
Coh " " May 13, 1862.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., May 19, 1864.
Gardner, W. Montgomery-
Major Corps luf, C, S, A,, Mar. 16, 1861,
Col Sth Ga. Infantry, Aug. 21, 1861.
Brig, Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 14, 1861.
(West Pointer and Capt. Infantry U. S. A.)
Gartrell, Lucius J.
Col. 7th Ga. Inf., May 31, 1861. Resigned
Dec, 1862.
Member of Confederate Congress.
Brig, Gen, P, A. C. S,, Aug, 22, 1864,
Girardet, Victor J, B.
Brig. Gen. P. A, C. S,, July 30, 1864,
Gordon, John B,
Lt. Col. 6th Ala. Infantry, Dec. 26, 1861.
Coh-6th Ala., April 26, 1862.
Brig, Gen. P, A, C, S,, Nov, 1, 1862.
Major Gen., May 14, 1864.
Lt. Gen., 1865.
Hardee, William J.
Col Corps of Cav. C, S, A., Mar, 16, 1861,
Brig, Gen. P. A. C. S,, June 17, 1861.
Major Gen,, Oct. 7, 1861.
Lt. Gen,, Oct, 10, 1862,
Tendered full Generalship, 1864,
(West Pointer and Lt, Col. Cav, U, S. A,)
Harrison, George P,, Jr,
Col. 32d Ga. Infantry.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C, S., Feb., 1865.
Harrison, George P., Sr,
Brig, Gen. State forces.
Holtzclaw, James T,
Brig. Gen, A native Georgian, enlisted
from Alabama.
Henderson, Robert J.
Colonel.
Brig. Gen,, 1865.
Jackson, Henrt R,
Brig. Gen, P, A. C, S„ June 4, 1861.
Resigned Dec, 2, 1861.
Major Gen, State troops, Dec, 1861,
Re-appointed Brig, Gen. P, A. C. S,,
Sept, 21, 1863.
Jackson, John K.
Col, 5th Ga, Infantry, 1861.
Brig, Gen, P. A, C, S,, Jan, 14, 1862,

Jones, David R,
Brig, Gen, P, A, C. S,, June 17, 1861.
Major Gen,, Oct. 11, 1862.
(West Poiuter and Capt. in Adj. Gen. Dept, U.
b. A.)
Iverson, Alfred, Jr,
Brig, Gen, P, A, C, S,, 1863,
(1st, Lt, Cav. U. B. A.)
Lawton, Alexander R.
Brig, Gen. P. A C. S., April 13, 1861.
Quarter Master Gen, C. S,, August, 1863.
(West Pointer.)
Longstreet, James
Lt. Col. Corps Inf. C. S. A,, Mar 16, 1861.
Brig, Gen, P, A, C. S,, June 17, 1861,
Major Gen,, Oct, 7, 1861.
Lt. Gen,, Oct, 9, 1862.
Martin, James B,
Brig, Gen, A native Georgian enlisting
from Alabama, Killed,
McLaws, Lafayette
Major Corps Inf, C, S, A., Mar. 10, 1861.
Col. 10th Ga. Infantry, June 17, 1861.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Sept, 25, 1)561,
Major Gen,, Mav 23, 1862,
(West Pointer aiid Capt. Inf. U. S. A.)
Mercer, Hugh W. '
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Oct. 29, 1861.
McCoy, H. K.
Brig. Gen. State troops.
Phillips, William
Brig. Gen. State troops.
Phillips, R, J.
Brig, Gen. State troops.
Perry, William F,
Brig, Gen. P, A, C, S. A native Geor
gian enlisting from Florida.
Prather, .T. S.
Brevet Brigadier.
Semmes, Paul J,
Col, 2nd Ga, Inf., May 7, 1861.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Mar. 11, 1862.
Simms, James P.
Brig. Gen. State troops.
Smith, W. D.
Capt. Corps Cavalry, C, S, A., Mar, 16.
1861.
Col, 20th Ga, Reg,, July 14, 1861 , Brig, ,
Gen. P. A. C. S., March 7, 1862. Died.
Sorrel, G. Moxley
Chief of Staff to Gen. Longstreet.
Brig, Gen. P. A. C, S,,Oct, 27, 1864.

660

APPENDIX A.

St. John, Isaac M,
Capt, Corps Engineers C. S. A,, Feb, 1 5,
1862,
Major Artillery, Head Nitre and Mining
Bureau, April 18, 1862,
Lt, Col. Mining Corjis, May 28, 1863,
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., and Commissary
General, C. S,, Feb. 16, 1865.
Stovall, Marcellus A.
Lt, Col. 3rd Ga. Bat, Inf,, Oct, 8, 1861.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C, S,, January 30, 1863,
Thomas, Edward L.
Col, 35th Ga. Inf., Oct. 15, 1861.
Brig. Gen, P, A. C. S., Nov. 1, 1862.
Thomas, Bky'An M.
Col. of 51st Tennessee, 18. Alabama
and Cavalry Regiments.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Aug. 1864.
(West Pointer and 2nd Lt. Inf, U. S. A,)
Tracy, Edward D,
Brig, Gen, P. A, C, S, Killed,
Toombs, Robert
Brig, Gen. P, A, C. S,, July 19, 1861.
Resigned Mar. 4, 1863.
Secretary of State to President Davis.
Twiggs, David E.
Major General P. A, C. S,, May 22, 1861,
Died July 15,1862.
Walker, Wm. H. T.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., May 25, 1861.
Resigned Oct. 29, I86I.
Brig. Gen, State troops, Dec, 1861. Re
appointed Brig. Gen, P. A, C. S,,
Feb, 9, 1863, Major Gen. May 23,
1863, Killed.
(West Pointer and Bat. Lt. Col. Inf. U. S. A.

Wayne, Henry C.
Major General State troops and Adju
tant General of Georgia.
(West Pointer and Brevet Major, U. S, A,)
Walker, W. S.
Brig, Gen, P. A. C, S.
Wright, Gideon J,
Brig, Gen. State troops.
Wright, Ambrose E.
Col, SOth Ga, Inf., May 8, 1861.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., June 3, 1862.
Major Gen., Nov. 26, 1864.
Wilson, Claudius C.
Col, 25th Ga. Inf., Sept. 2, 1861.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 16, 1863.
Willis, Edward
Colonel.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S. KiUed.
Wheeler, Joseph
Captain aud Colonel, 1861.
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Oct. 30, 1862,
Maj, Gen,, Jan, 30, 1863.
Lt, Gen,, Feb, 28, 1865.
(West Pointer and 2nd Lt. Mounted Rifle
men, U. S. A.)
Young, P. M. B.
Major Ga. Legion, Sept. 5, 1861.
Lt. Col, Nov. 15, 1861.
Col. Cobb's Legion, Nov. 1, 1862. •
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S,, Sept. 28, 1863.
Maj. Gen,, Dec, 30, 1864.
Zachary, C. T.
Col, 27th Georgia Inf, I86I,
Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S., March, 1865.

West Point Georgia Students who entered the Confederate Army
and served below the Rank of General.

Andrew .1, Ford, Capt. and Asst. Surg.
Abraham B, Hagan, Major and Pay-
John T, Mercer, Col, 21st Ga. Inf.
Leroy Napier, Jr,
William D, Smith,
John R, Church.
Geo, A, Cunningham,

Abner Smead.
St, Clair Dearing.
Owen F. Solomon.
Edward F. Bagley.
Alexander B, Montgomery.
Aurelius F. Cone.
Arthur Shaaf.

Georgians on the Federal Side in the War.

Brig, Gen, Brevet, Maj, Gen, M, C, Meigs,
Quarter Master Gen, U. S. A.
Col. and Bvt. Brig. Gen. John M. Cuyler,
Surgeon, U. S. A.
Col and Bvt. Brig. Gen. Henry D. Wallen,
U. S. A.

Brig. Gen. George F. B. Dandy, Quarter
Master Dept. U. S. A.
Capt. Mason Carter, Sth Inf.
Lt, Col, Julian McAllister, Ordnance Dept.
U. S. A.

APPENDIX A.

661

INFANTRY.
1st Georgia Regulars, Infantry.

Colonel Chas. J. Williaras, Eesd.
Wm. J. Magill.
" R. A. Wayne.
Lieutenant Colonel Wm. J, Magill.
" " Wm, Martin,
" " E. A, Wayne.
" ¦ " Miller Grieve.
Major John D, Walker.
" E. A, Wayne.
" Miller Grieve.
" A. A. F. Hill.
Assistant Quarter Master L. De Laigle,
" W. W. Paine.
Captain (E) E, A, Wayne.
(E) J. R, Du Bose.
(F) J. G. Piitten.
(H) M. Grieve,
(I) L, H. Kenan
(L) A. M. WaUace.

Captaiu (C) H, A. Cannon.
(M) A. A, F. HiU.
(G) J, G, Montgomery,
(D) John Milledge.
(A) H, H, D. Twiggs.
T, Fort,
G, W. Anderson.
" John Howard.
E. P, Bowdre,
W. W, Paine.
" R, H. Atkinson.
" F M, Myers,
" Thos, BurdeU.
Chas, L, Wylly.
B. H, Hudson.
" J, D, Anthony.
" (B) Wm, Martin.
(K) Jacob Read.

1st Georgia Volunteers, Infantry.

Colonel J, N. Ramsay.
Lieutenant Colonel Geo. H. Thompson.
Major Jas, W, Anderson.
Captain (A) Geo, M. Hanvey.
(B) T, G, Wilkins.
" (C) John A. Houser.
(D) H. B. Adams.

Captain (E) S, A, M, Jones.
(F) C. A, Stone.
(G) John W. Evans.
(H) T.B. Cabaniss.
" (I) Samuel H, Crump.
(K) J. S. Pinkard.

1st Georgia Volunteers, Infantry — 510 (3d.)

Colonel Charles H. Olmstead.
Lieutenant Colonel W. S. RockweU.
M. J. Ford.
Major W. J. Ford.
A, C. S,, E. W. Drummond,
Assistant Quarter Master E, Hopkins.
" F. M. Hull.
Adjutant M, H, Hopkins.
Captain ( A ) J, H, Flanuery.
(B) David O'Connor.
" (B) James Dooner.
" (C) J. W. Anderson.

Captain (C) G, W, Anderson.
(D) S, Y, Levy.
" P, C, Elkins.
" (E) J, M. Doherty.
(F) J, S, Turner.
" (G) A. C, Davenport.
(G) G. Eberhart.
" (H) F. W, Sims,
" (H) J, Lachlison.
(I) C. Werner, Kd,
(I) C. A. H Umbach.
" (K) John Cooper.

2d Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 750.

Colonel Paul J. Semmes.
Edgar M, Butt,
Lieutenant Colonel Skidmore Harris,
•< " W, T. Harris, Kd.
" " Wm, R. Holmes, Kd,
" " W. S. Shepperd.
Major Edgar M, Butt.
" W. S. Shepjerd.
" Wm. T. Harris.

Major W, W, Charlton.
" A, M, Lewis,
Assistant Quarter Master Jas, Houston.
A, C, S S„ G, W. Dillingham,
Adjutant W, Redd.
Captain (A) D, G, Candler.
(B) Wm, T, Harris,
(C) Wm, S, Shepperd.
(D) Wm. E. Holmes.

663

APPENDIX A.

Captain (E) W, A, CampbeU.
" (F) Thos. E, Dickerson.
(G) Eoswell Ellis,

Captain (H) Jesse A, Glenn.
" (I) Charles R, Wiggins.
(K) Jared J. BaU.

2d Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized.

Captain (A) W. W. Charlton.
" (A) John W. Owens.
(B) A. McLewis.
(C) W. S. Shepperd.
" (C) Robert Howard.
(D) W. A. Thorapson, Kd.

, Kd.

Captain (E) T. J, Morris.
(F) A, B, Shuford,
(G) T, Chaffin.
(H) B.L, Hancock, Kd.
(I) Jno, T, Maddox.
(K) J. B. NeweU,

3d Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 1145.

Colonel Ambrose E. Wright.
" Edward J. Walker.
Lieutenant Colonel James S, Reid.
R. B, Nesbit.
" " C, Snead.
Major Augustus H, Lee,
" John R, Sturgis, Kd.
" A. B, Montgomery, detailed with
regiment.
Major John F, Jones,
" G. E, Hayes,
A, C, S,, H, S., Hughes,
Assistant Quarter Master, A, PhiUips.
Adjutant W. W. Turner.

Adjutant J, B. Habersham.
J, W. Perry.
" S, L. Alexander.
Captain (A) Wm. C. Musgrove.
(B) R.B. Nisbet.
(C) R. L. McWhorter.
(D) C. H. Andrews.
(E) J. R. Griffin.
(F) Wm. 0. Beall.
(G) Edward J Walker.
" (H) John F. Jones.
(I) N. A. Carswell.
(K) H. C, BiUups
(L) Jas. W, Hendon.

3d Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized — 1064.

Captain (A) S, A. Corker.
" (B) E. B. Nisbet,
(B) John S, Reid.
(C) J, T, Geer,
(D) C. H, Andrews.
(E) J. A. Hamilton, Kd.
(E) G. W, Allen.
(E) J. G. Eoyal
(F) J. M. Waters.
(F) J. A. Mason.
(G) E. J. Walker,

Captain (G) C, Snead.
(H) John F.Jones.
(H) L, F, Luckie.
(H) J, H. Evans.
(I) N. A. CarsweU.
(K) H. C. Billups.
(K) D. B. Langston.
(I) J. J. McRee, Kd.
(I) W. H. Bearden.
(I) H. J. Hughes.

4J,h Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 870.

Colonel George Doles.
Philip Cook.
W. H. Willis.
Lieutenant Colonel John J. Matthews.
W. T Jordan.
PhiUp Cook.
" David R. E, Winn.
Major Charles L. Whitehead.
'¦' Wm, F, Jordan. .
" David R, E, Winn.
" R, S, Smith,
" Edwin A. Nash,
" F, H, de Graffenreid.
" Wm. H, WilUs,
A, C. S,, J. B, Morgan.

A. C. S., Jas. F. Murphy.
Assistant Quartermaster H. R. Daniels.
" Wm. H. Tinsley.
Adjutant Philip Cook.
" A. J. Eoberts.
Captain (A) B. Cusley.
(B) Robt S. Smith.
(C) Ed. A. Nash.
(D) Geo. F. Todd.
(E) Y. G. Rust.
(F) B. R. Maves,
(G) Geo, F. Bartlett.
(H) Sfime M, Prothro.
" (I) Wm. L, Johnson.

APPENDI.X A.

663

Uh Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized— 120.
Captain (A) J. P. Strickland.
(A) Jas. H. Weeks.
(B) R, S. Smith.

(B) M, H. HiU,
(B) A, C. Gibson.
(C) E. A, Nash.
(C) Geo, F. Todd, Dd.
(C) A. C. Frost.
(E) Wm. E. Sraith.
(E) F. H. de Graffenseid.
(F) Geo. G. Carey. '

Captain (F) Jas. F, Sullivan.
(K) D, R.E, Winn, -
(K) E M, Bisel, Kd.
(G) Wm, F, Jordan,
(G) John T, Lang, Dd.
(G) C. R, EzeU
(H) J. W, Caraker.
(H) WaUace Butts,
(I) S, M, Prothro.
(I) Wm.H. WiUis.

bth Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 835.

Colonel John K Jackson.
" Saml. W. Mangham.
" . Wm. F Black.
Wm, T, Beach.
Chas, P, Daniel.
Lieutenant Colonel 'Thos, BeaU,
" Charles E, Day.
" " John F. Iverson.
Major Wm. L. Salisbury.
" Charles P. Daniel.
" D. H, Ansley.
" W. B. Hundley.
A. C. S,, H. B. T. Montgomery,

Assistant Quartermaster, Jas. M. Cole,
Adjutant R S, Cheatham,
Captain (A) Charles A, Platt,
(B) Sauil. W. Mangham,
(C) John H, HuU,
(D) Ed, H, Pottle.
(E) C, B. Wootten,
(F) WiUiam H, Lang,
(G) William J, Sears.
(H) Hugh M, King,
(I) John T, Iverson,
(K) Williara J. Horsley.

Caiitain (A) D. H, Ansley.
(C) H. P. Steeney.
(D) Ulm B. Hundley.
(F) John P. Kiddor.

bth Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized — 434.

Captain (G) John J. Hurt.
(H) Stephen R, Weston.
" (I) John F, Iverson.
(K) Wm. G. Horsley.

&th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 849.

Colonel A. H Colquitt.
•' J. T. Lofton.
" S. W, Harris,
Lieutenant Colonel James M, Newton, Kd,
W C, Cleveland.
J, T. Lofton,
S, W, Harris.
W. M. Arnold, Kd.
Major Phil Tracy, Kd.
" C. D. Anderson.
" W, C. Cleveland.
" W. M, Arnold,
" .T, M, Culpepper.
A, C, S,, T. J, CoUier.
A, Q. M„ R, N. Ely.

Adjutant B, RusseU.

Adjutant J. H. Rogers.
Captain (-A) W. M. Arnold.
" (B) John Hanna.
(B) W. M. Tidwell.
(C) C. D. Anderson.
(C) J. M, Culjiepper.
(D) J. D. Watson.
(D) S. M. Ralston.
(E) W, C. Cleveland,
(F) E, H, Shackelford.
(G) John T, Griffin.
(H) W. L. Plaine.
(H) B, J, RusseU,
(I) J, A, Barclay.
(K) J, T. Lofton,
(K) S. W, Harris.

1th Georgia Infantry, Volu7iteers — 891.

Colonel L. J, Gartrell.
" W. T, Wilson.
" W, W, White.

Colonel G, H, Carmichael
Lieutenant Colonel John Dunwoody.
W. W, White,

664

APPENDIX A.

Lieutenant Colonel George II, Carmichael.
" M. T. AUraan.
Major L, B, Anderson.
" E, W. Hoyle,
A, C, S,, W. J. Wilson.
A, Q, M,, R, R, Holliday.
Adjutant E. W, Hovle.
J, E, Shaw,
Captain (A) G. H, Carmichael.

Captain (B) G. J, Foreacre.
(C) C. S, Jenkins,
(D) J, B, Lindley.
(E) John W. Fowler.
(F) EU Benson.
(G) C, N. Featherston.
(H) Thos. E. King.
(I) Wra, W. White.
(K) W. J, BaUard,

Major G, H, Carmichael,
" H. H. Wiet.
" John Kizer,
" T. S, Hartridge.
" M, T, AUman,
A, Q. M,, B E, Henry.
Captain (A) G, H, Carmichael.
(B) H. H, Wiet,
(C) D, T. Peek, Kd.

1th Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized — 634.
Captain (C) I. M, Holcombe.
(D) J. Kizer.
(D) T. J, Hartridge.

(E) W. W. Bradberry.
(F) J. C, Wadkins.
(G) M. T. AUman.
(H) R. B. Hicks.
(I) W. W. White.
(K) Jno. McLendon.

Wl Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 745.

Colonel F. S, Bartow, Kd.
" Wm, M, Gardner,
" L, M, Lamar,
" John R, Towers,
Lieutenant Colonel John R, Towers.
" " E, J. Magruder.
Major E J. Magruder,
" George 0, Dawson,
Surgeon H, V, M. Miller.
A. C. S., George C. Norton.
A. Q. M., E. A. Wilcox.
Adjutant J. L. Branch, Kd.
" A. R. Harper.
W. F. Shellman.

Captain (A) E. J. Magruder.
(A) S. H. HaU.
(B) A. F, Butler.
(B) J, H. Conper.
" (B) J, West,
(C) H, J, Menard.
(D) H. E, Malom.
(E) D. Scott,
" (F) J. T, Lewis.
(G) T. D, L, Ryan,
" [\\) George N. Yarborough.
" (I) George 0, Dawson.
" (K) Jacob Phinizy.
(K) T. J. Bowling.

%th Georgia Volunteers, Infantry.

Colonel E, R, Goulding.
" R, A, Turnipseed.
" Ben Beck,
" E, F, Hoge.
Lieutenant Colonel R, A. Turnipseed.
" " John C, Mounger.
E, F, Hoge.
J, G, Webb.
Major John C, Mounger,
" W, M, .lones,
" C, J, Webb
" J, W. Arnold,
A, C, S., J, C, Waddy.
A, C. S,, R, J, Cowart.
A. Q. M , J. W. Sutton.
A. Q. M., E. P. Watkins.
Adjutant A. 0. Bacon.
" John Jones,

Captain (*A) John Lane.
" (A) Gideon J, Norman.
(B) Wm. M, Jones,
(B) Wm. E, Cleghorn.
(C) George HiUver.
(C) J, W, Arnold.
(D) J, G, Webb.
(D)T, A. Hurt,
(E) P. A, S. Morris.
(E) E. P. Wellborn.
" (E) S. A. Jemison.
(F) Ben Beck.
(F) Hamp Doles.
(G) E. F. Hoge.
(G) G. G. Gordon.
(G) E. A. Sharpe.
" (H) John C. I^ounger.

•Transferred to Artillery.

APPENDIX A.

665

Captain (H) E. A. Hardee.
(H) S. D. Corker, Kd.
(H) T. J. Hardee. ¦
(I) L. C. Belt.
(I) E. V. Fulcher.

Captain (I) Thomas Bought.
(K) J. M. D. King, Dd.
(K) N. C. Duncan.
(K) M. E, Sparks.

lO^A Georgia Volunteers, Infantry — 808.

Colonel Lafayette McLaws.
" Alfred Curaraing.
" John B. Weems.
" W. C. Holt.
" A J. McBride.
Lieutenant Colonel J. B. Weems.
• " " WiUis C. Holt.
C. C. lObbee.
Major E. E. Hawes.
" WiUis C. Holt.
'' P. H. Loud.
A. C. S,, G. H. Cheever.
A. Q. M., S. T. Neal.
Adjutant E, G. Strickland.
" John H, Dobbs,
Captain (A) O. S. Kimbrough.

Captain (B)

C.

H,

Phinizy.

" (B)

A,

P.

Boggs.

'¦ (B)

W

. S

Davis,

(C) Willis C, Holt,

" (C)

J,

w

, Neih

" P)

Henry L, Leon.

" (E)

Andrew J, McBride

" (F)

Wm,

F, Johnston.

" (E)

W

. G. Green, Dd.

" (F)

T,

H.

Wood,

" (G)

C.

C.

Kibbee.

" (H)

P.

H

Loud.

" (H)

E,

M

Foster.

" (1)

Y,

L.

Wootton.

" (K) J-

P.

W. Read.

" (K)

T

C.

Cone.

11th Georgia Volunteers, Infantry — -750.

Colonel George T. Anderson.
" F. H. Little. '
Lieutenant Colonel Theo. L. Guerry.
" " Wm. Luffman.
Major Wm. Luffman.
" W. R. Welsh.
" H. D. McDaniel.
" C. T, Goode,
A. C. S , HockenhuU.
Assistant Quarter-master J. Guthrie.
Adjutant J, F. Green,
Captain (A) Wm, H, Mitchell, Kd.
(B) J. W. Stokes.

Captain (C) Wm Luffman,
(C) W, R, Ramsay,
P) W, R, Welsh.
(E) S, C. Dobbs.
(F) J, D, Hyde,
" (F) J, W, Johnston.
" (G) John Y, Wood.
(H) M, T. Nunnally, Kd.
" (H) E. C, Arnold,
(I) Samuel Thatcher, Dd.
(I) F. M, Bledsoe,
" (I) E. B, Brannan.
(K) G. W. Wimberly.

12th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 745.

Colonel Edward Johnson.

Captain (C)

" ¦ Z, F, Conner.

" (C)

" Edward Willis, Kd.

'¦ (D)

Lieutenant Colonel Abner Snead,

" (D)

F, B, Scott, Kd.

" (E)

" " WUlis A, Hawkins.

" (E)

Mark H, Blanford.

" (F)

" " J. Hardeman.

" (F)

Major WiUis A. Hawkins.

" (G)

" Edward Willis.

" (G)

" J. Hardeman.

" (H)

" J. T. Carson.

" (H)

Captain (A) Samuel Dawson, Kd.

" (I)

(A) S, G, Prior.

" (I)

" (B) Isaac Hardeman.

"' (K)

(B) Jos, N. BeaU.

" (K)

I John McMuUan, Kd.
' T, W, Harris,
Wm, L, Furlow, Kd.
D, D, Peden.
T. B Scott,
Jas, A, Whitesides,
Wm, F, Brown, Kd.
I Jas. Everett,
I R, T, Davis, Dd.
A. S. Reid.
I J. G. Rodgers.
I 0. T. Evans.
J. W. Patterson, Kd,
¦James M, Briggs.
Mark H. Blanford,
R. McMichael,

666

APPENDIX A.

13th Georgia Infantry, -Volunteers— 94:7.

C'olonel Walker Ector, Dd,
" Marcellus Douglass, Dd.
" James M, Smith.
Lieutenant Colonel James M, Smith,
" " John H. Baker,
Major James M, Smith,
" John H Baker.
A. C. S., J. H. Mangham.
A. Q. M., M. Gomerly.
Adjutant 0. K. Walker.
Captain (A) J. H, MitcheU,

Captain (B) James McCanley.
(C) J, L, Moore,
(D) W. W, Hartsfield.
(E) W, A, Clarke
(E) B. P, Brooks.
(F) S, W, Jones.
(G) J. T. Crawford.
(H) Rich Maltha.
(I) E, W, Robinson.
(K) J. A. Long.

14^A Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 770.

Colonel A. V. Brumby.
Felix Price
Robert W. Folsom.

Captain (A) J. W. Mayes.
(B) C. C. Kelly.
(B) W. N. Evle.

R, P, Lester,

(C) L. A. Lane.

Lieutenant Colonel R, W

Folsom.

(D) James M. Fielder.

W, A

Harris.

(E) R. P. Lester.

" " James M. Fielder.

(E) S. B. David

R. P,
W. L,

Lester. '
Goldsmith.

(E) R. N. Rogers.
(F) R. P. Harman, Kd.

Major W. A. Harris.
" James M. Fielder.

(F) W. 0. Clegg.
(F) J. H. Hicks

" R.P.Lester.

(G) WiUiam A. Harris.

" W. L. Goldsmith.

(G) T. T. Mounger.
" C. C. KeUy.
A. C. S., T. C. Moore.
(H) Thos. M. Yopp, Cashd
(H) H.B. Smith.
A. Q. M., E. A. Heggis.
(I) R. W. McMichael, Kd.
Adjutant A. Talliaferro.
(K) W. L. Goldsmith,
T, C, Moore.
" (K) R, A, Holt,
Captain (A) J. H. Etheridge, Kd.
(K) J, M. Evans.
15th Georgia Volunteers, Infantry — 660.
Colonel T, W. Thomas,
William T. Millican.
D, M, DeBose,
Lieutenant Colonel W, M. Mcintosh, Kd,
T, J, Smith,
Major T. J, Smith.
" P, J. Shannon.
A, C. S., J, H, WUlis,
A, Q, M,, H, W. Forbes,
Adjutant B, H. Lofton.
" L. Pierce.
Captain (A) A. B. Cade.
(A) J. S. CaUaway.
(B) WiUiam T, MiUican.
Captain (C) L H, O, Martin.
(C) W. J, WiUis,
(D) S, J, Farmer.
(D) S, J, Flynt,
(E)T, J, Smith
(F) John C. Burch.'
" (G) S. Z. Hearnesberger.
(H) William R. Poole.
(H) T. H. Jackson.
(I) William H. Mattox.
(I) J. A. G,aines,
(K) J, L, Culver,
(K) Mark Latimer,
l&th Georgia Volunteers, Infantry — 865.
Colonel Howell Cobb.
" Goode Bryan.
" James S, Gholston.
Lieutenant Colonel Goode Bryan.
Henry P. Thomas, Kd.
B. E. Stiles.
Major H. P. Thomas.
" .lames S Gholston.
" J. H. Skelton.
A. C. S., L. McGuire.
A. Q. M., R, Thomas.
Adjutant T, W. Cumming.
APPE.^DI.X A.

667

Captain (A) J, S, Gholston,
(A) H, C, Nash, Kd.
(A) J. M, Sims,
(B) A. M. Reynolds, Kd.
(C) J. H. Skelton.
" (D) J, N. Montgomery.
(E) B. E. Stiles.

Captain (F) J,
•¦ (G) A,
(H) N
" (H) H

H. D McRae.
C, Thompson.
Reeder.
M. Richardson.
(I) N. L. Hutchins.
(K) E. J. Boyd.

17*/i Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 636.

Colonel H. L. Benning.
" Wesley C. Hodges.
Lieutenant Colonel W. C. Hodges.
Chas.W. Matthews, Kd
" " W. A. Barden.
Major Thomas Walker.
" J, H, Pickett.
" W, A, Barden.
" J. B, Moore.
A, C, S., G. H. King.
A. Q. M., T. C. Shorter.
Adjutant T, A, Klink.
Captain (A) D, B, HarreU.
" (A) D. H. WUmot.
(B) H. L. French.
(C) F. S. Chapraan.
(C) J, B, Moore.

Captain (D)
" (1>)
" (D)
" (E)
" (E)
" (F)
" (F)
" (F)
" (G)
" (G)
" (H)
" (H)
" (I)
" (K)
" (K)
" (K)
Ensign B F,

C, G, CampbeU,
V. A. S, Parks,
J. H, Martin,
John A. McGregor.
J. N. Tyers.
D. B. Thompson.
II. McCanley.
J, H, Weeks.
Aug, C, Jones,
A. B. Nichols.
R. E. Kennon.
W. A. Barden.
C. W. M.itthews.
John H. Pickett.
A. M. Jones, Kd.
M. H. Marshall.
Shivers.

Kd,

18th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 750.

Colonel WiUiam T, Wofford.
" S, Z. Euff, Kd.
" Jos. Armstrong.
Lieutenant Colo'nel S. Z. Euff.
F. M. Ford.
Major Jefferson Johnson.
" J. A. Stewart.
" W. G Gallahan.
Captain (A) J. B. O'NeiU.
(B) J. A. Stewart.

Captain (C) D. L. Jarratt.
(D) S. D. Irvin.
(E) E. J. Starr.
(F) J. C. Roper.
(G) J. C. Maddox.
(H) F. M. Ford.
" (I) Jos, Armstrong.
(K) Jno, A, Crawford.
(K) W. Brown.
(K) L. C. Weems.

19th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 753.

Colonel W. W. Boyd.
" Andrew J, Hutchins. ,
" J, H, Neal,
Lieutenant Colonel Thos, C, Johnson,
" " A. J. Hutchins,
" " Jas, H. Neal.
" T. W. Flynt.
¦ " " E. B. Hogan.
Major A. J. Hutchins.
" J. H. Neal
" J. W, Hooper.
C, W, Mabry.
" Wm. Harailton.
Adjutant Jas. P. Perkins.
S. G. Turner.
Captain (A) F. M. John.iton.
" (B) Jas. H. Neal.

Captain (B) John Keely.
(C) J, J, BeaU.
(C) E, B, Hogan,
(D) Jas, D. Hunter,
(E) Chas, W, Mabry.
(E) D. H, Sims.
" (F) Wra E, Curtis,
( K) A, H, Black,
" (F) Wm, Hamilton,
(G) Tilman W, Flvut,
(H) John B, Beali
(I) John T, Chambers.
(K) John W, Hooper.
" (A) John Morrison.
(B) Jas, H, Neal,
(B) Denis S, Myers,
" (C) A. J. Richardson.

668

APPENDIX A.

Captain (G)  EUiott, Kd.
(H) J. W. Neally.
" (I) T. W. Abercrombie.

Captain (I)  Lalor.
(K) A. J. Eowe.

20th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 764.

Colonel W, D, Smith,
" J. B. Cumming.
•¦ J. D, Waddell.
Lieutenant Colonel J, B. Cumming.
. '¦ " John A. Jones, Kd.
E. M. Seago.
Major John A. Jones,
" Roger L, Gamble.
" J, D. WaddeU.
" Wm. Craig.
Adjutant J, 0. WaddeU.

Captain (A) A. B, Ross.
(B) John A. Strother.
(C) Roger L, Gamble.
(D) Jas. D. WaddeU.
(E) R. D. Little.
(F) E. ¦M Seago.
(G) John E. Ivey.
(H) J. A. Coffee.
" (I) Van A. Leonard.
(I) C. B. Minis.
(K) Wm. Craig.

21st Georgia Infantry, Vohmteers — 749.

Colonel John T. Mercer, Kd.
" Thomas W. Hooper.
Lieutenant Colonel James J. Morrison.
" " Thomas W, Hooper,
T, C. Glover.
Major T. W, Hooper.
" T. C. Glover.
" M, Lynch,
Adjutant T, J, Verdery.
L, F. BakeweU.
Captain (A) T. C. Glover.
(A) W. M. Butt, Kd.

Captain (B) A. S. Hamilton.
(C) J. F. Woddail, Kd.
(D) H. T. Battle.
(E) J. E. Hart.
(F) John T. Boykin.
" (G) Wesley Kinman.
(G) N. B, Hudgins.
" (H) Jas, C, Nisbet.
" (H) John B. Countiss.
" (I) Michael Lvnch,
(K) John B, Akridge.

22nd Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 805.

Colonel Robert H, Jones.

Captain (D) J. N, Mercier.

" George H, Jones,

(E) H, N, HoweU.

Lieutenant Colonel T. W. Pritchett.

(E) J. D. Foster.

Joseph Wasden, Kd.

(F) P. E. WiUis.

Major J, Wasden.

(G) J, J. Jones.

" Lawrence D, Lallerstedt.

(G) W, F, Jones, Dd.

Adjutant I, A. Girardeau.

(G) G. W, Thomas.

S. L, BedeU.

(H) J, D, W, McDonald.

J, D, Daniel,

(H) F, M. ConnaUy,

Captain (A) L. D, Lallerstedt.

(H) J. W. Leonard, Kd.

(A) G, W, Rush, Kd,

", (H) H. J. L. BeaU.

(B) Thomas S, Hundley.

" (I) George H. Jones.

(B) J, W, Walker.

(I) A. B. Rodcers.

(B) F. M. Heath,

(K) J. T. Albert, Kd.

(B) I. C, A, BeaU,

(K) J. W. CaUaway, Kd

(C) B. C, McCurry.

(K) F. M, Clayton.

(D) John Gibson.

23rd Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 811.

Colonel Thomas Hntchersou.
" W. P. Barcliy, Kd,
" Emory F, Best.
" J, H, Huggins.
" M. R. Ballenger.
Lieutenant Colonel W. P, Barclay.

Lieutenant Colonel E. F. Be.st.
" " James H, Huggins.
" M, R, Ballenger.
" " J, J. A. Sharp.
Major E, F. Best.

APPENDIX A.

669

Major M. R. Ballenger.
" J. J. A. Sharp.
" W. J. Boston.
Adjutant C. Saunders.
" E. Fort.
Captain (A) Ben G Pool.
(A) W, J, Boston.
(B) J. H, Huggins,
" (" C ") M. E. Ballenger.

Captain (C) H, T, Kennon,
" (D) John L, Steele.
" (E) James Lovless.
(F) B, F, King,
(F) R. W. Mitchell.
(G) John J, A. Sharp.
" (H) Francis M. Young.
(I) M. L Pritchett, '
" (K) Andrew Young.

2ith Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 775.

Colonel Robert MtMiUan.
" C, C, Saunders,
Lieutenant Colonel C, C, Sanders.
J, N, Chjindler.
T. E. Winn.
Major E, E. McMillan.
" T. E, Winn,
" F, C, Smith.
Adjutant D, E, Banks.
U. S, Turner.
Captain (A) J, N. Chandler.
(B) P. E. Davant,
(C) W, L, Smith, Kd.
(C) F. C, Sraith.

Captain (D) John Corn.
(D) H, H, Smith, Kd.
(E) J, N. Cannon, Kd,
(E) H, P. Caunou, Dd.
" (F) J. H F, Mattox.
(F) T, E, Winn,
(G) W, T. Leonard, Dd.
(G) W, S, Brewster, Kd.
(H) John H. Mosely, Dd.
(H) George W, Keeling.
(H) N, J, Dortch, Dd.
(I) H. L Pool
(K) J, G. Porter.
Ensign W. C, Sears.

2bth Georgia Infantry, Volunteers.

Colonel C. C, Wilson,
" W, J, Winn,
Lieutenant Colonel W, P. M. Ashley.
W. H. Wylly.
A. J. WiUiams.
Major W. J, Winn.
" W. H, Wylly.
" A. W. Smith,
A, Q, M., W. D, Bacon.
Adjutant R, E, Lester,
Captaiu (A) A, W. Smith.
" (B) M L, Bryan.
" (C) J. Roberts.

Captain (D) A. J. Williams.
(E) W. S. Norman.
(F) George T.Dunham.
(G) W. D. Hamilton.
(H) W. H. Wylly.
(I) A. H. Smith.
(Kl M. J. McMnllen.
(L) E, J. McClary.
(B) Jos. Bryan,
(D) J, E, Cooper.
(D) A, Jackson,
(G) Jas. W, Best.

2oth Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized. — 870.

Captain (A) W, H, .Wylly,
(B) A. W, Smith,
(C) E. J, McClary.
(D) A. H, Smith,
(E) G, W, Holmes,
(F) E, E, Young,

Captain (F) J. E, Moore,
(A) J C, Bryan, Cashd.
(A) J, C. HoweU.
" (H) S, D, Brad well.
(I) J, M, Smith.
(K) J, R. Cooper.

2&th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers^-951.
Major E, S. Griffin.
" J, S. Blain.
" B. F, Grace,

Colonel C, W, Styles.
" E. A, Atkinson.
Lieutenant Colonel W. A. Lane.
E. S, Griffin.
J, S Blain,
" Wm, A McDonald,
Major Thos, N. Gardner,

Adjutant E. A. Atkinson.
" Andrew J, Lvles.
Captain (A) G. C. Dent.
(B) A, S. Atkin.ion,

670

APPENDIX A.

Captain (C) J, C, Nichols,

Captain

(B) Jas, H. Hunter.

(D) D, J, McDonald.

"

(C) Jas, Knox.

(E) Eh S, Griffin.

"
(D) David Davidson.
(F) Wm, H, Dasher.
"
(E) E, S, Griffin.
(G) Ben. F. Mosely,
"
(F) John Lee,
(H) Wm. A, McDonald.
"
(G) C. M. HoweU.
(I) Alex, Atkinson,
((
(H) J. P. Smith.
(K) Jas, S. Blain,
"
(H) R. Paxton.
(L) Ben, A, White, Jr,
"
(I) C, W. HiUiard.
(L) M, R,-CogdeU, Reorganized.
'•
(I) Thos, J, Ivey.
(A) Jas S, Blain,
"
(K) B, F, Grace,
(A) N, Dixon,
"
(K) J. Hilton.
" (B) A. Atkinson.
27th Georgia
Infantry, Volunteers — 731.
Colonel Levi B. Smith.
Captain
(A) W. E, Dougherty,
" C. T. Zachry.
(B) J, W. Stubbs.
Lieutenant Colonel C, T, Zachry.
(B) J, J. AUen.
" " , — Brewer.
(C) C. J, Denis.
John W. Stubbs.
(C) J, W, Murray.
'• " J. M. Dorsey.
"
(C) W. W. Johnston.
" " James Gardner,
Kd,
"
(C) Thomas Grace.
H. Bussey.
"
(D) J, N, Dorsey.
Major H. B. Holliday.
*'
(D) Geo, Latham.
" C. J. Dennis.
"
(E)W. H, Renfroe.
" J. Gardner.
"
(E) — Abercorabie.
" H. Bussey.
•'
(F) J, Wilcher.
" W. H. Renfroe, Kd.
"
(F) — Edwards.
" I. D. Grahara.
"
(G) W, D, Redding.
Adjutant J. Gardner.
"
(G) M. L. BiUingsley.
L B. Pve.
"
(H) C. T. Zachry.
A. C. S. Thomas Bacon, Kd.
"
(H) W. H. Delamar, Kd
" J. M. Zachry.
<(
(H) R. A. Harkie
A. Q. M., H. B. Holliday.
(.
(I) 0. A. Lee, Kd.
" G, B, Buchanan,
"
(I) J. D. Graham.
Captain (E) — Spratlin, Dd.
"
(I)  Baxley.
(E) J, M. Zachry..
"
(K) H. Bussey.
(A) P, C. Carr, Dd.
"
(K) C. Calhoun.
28th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 718.
Colonel T. J, Warthen, Dd.
" Tully Graybill,
Lieutenant Colonel Geo. A, Hall,
" '.' James G, Cain,
" W. P. Crawford.
Major J, G, Cain,
¦' TuUy GraybiU.
" Jas, W, Banning.
Adjutant J, W, Robinson,
Captain (A) Tully GraybiU,
(A) J, E, Tucker.
(B) E, B. Hook.
Captain (B) R, W, Flournoy.
(C) Wm, P. Crawford.
" ( D ) N, J, Garrison.
(E) Geo, R, Moore.
" (F) Je.isie Burtz.
(F) L, R, Wade.
(G) John Hill, Jr.
(H) Wm. L. Johnson.
" (H) J. A. Johnson.
" (I) I.saacF. Adkins.
(K) John N. Wilcox.
29th Georgia Volunteers, Infantry — 850.
Colonel E. Spaulding.
" Wm. J, Young.
Lieutenant Colonel T W, Alexander.
W, D. MitcheU.
Major L. J. Knight.
" J. C. Lamb.
Adjutant G. Butler,
Captain (A) C, S. RockweU,
APPENDIX A.

671

Captiiin (B) W, J. Young.
(C) T. S. Wylly,
(D) J. C, Lamb.
(E) F. M, Jackson.
(F) W. W. BiUopp.

Captain (G) L J. Owen.
(H) W,D, MitcheU,
(I) J. W. Turner.
(K) H.C. Bowan.

39*A Georgia Volunteers, Reorgani:ied.

Captain (A) J. D. Henderson.
(B) W. W. Spencer.
" (C) L. J. Knight.
30*/i Georgia Infantry, Volunteers
Colonel David J. Bailey.
" Thomas W. Mangham.
" James S. Boynton.
Lieutenant Colonel Miles M. Tidwell.
" " Thomas W. Mangham
" " Jas.-S. Boynton.
Major Cicero A. Thorpe.
" J. R. Boynton,
" Henry Hendricks.
A, C. S,, A. N. McLarty.
J. C. Little.
A. Q. M., J. C. Hightower.

Captain (D) J. C. Lamb.
(E) B. Y. Stanford.

-767.
Adjutant J. W. McCord,
Captain (A) John L, Barnett.
(B) H, Hendrick, ,
(C) J, G. Lindsey,
(D) Thos, C Bartlett.
(E) Robert M, Hitch,
(F) Wm. N, Magonick.
" (G) John Edmondson,
(H) Francis M,HarraU.
(I) C, A, Dollar,
(K) Wm,B, Richards,

30th Georgia Volunteets, Reorganized — 728.

Captain (A) Felix L, MatthaU,
" (B) Henry Kendrick.
" (C) R, J, Andrews,
(D) Hudson Whitaker.
(E) E, M, Hitch.
" (F) Ulm N. Magonick.

Captain (G) John Edmondson.
(G) Jno W, McLeod,
(H) F, M. Harrell,
(J) C, A, Dollar,
" (K) Geo. T. Lougino,

Colonel P, J. PhiUips,
" Clement A, Evans,
Lieutenant Colonel Daniel P, Hill,
J, T, Crow.
Major C, A. Evans, '
" J. H Lowe.
A. C S., J. H. Sutton.
A. Q, M., A, B, Redding.
Adjutant .1. H. Woodbridge.
Wm. M. Head.

31st Georgid Volunteers, Infantry — 800.
Captain (A) Apollo Forrester.
(B) Rodolphus T. Pride.
(C) Archer Griffetts.
(D) John T. Crowder.
(E) L. B Redding.
(F) Warren D. Wood.
(G) J. H, Lowe,
(H) John W. Murphy.
(I) Geo. W, Lewis,
(K) R, H, Fletcher,

31st Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized.

Captain (A) A, Forrester, Dd.
(A) C. L. Shorter.
" (B) R. T. Pride,
(C) J. G. Sanders,
(D) Thos. B, Settle,
(E) L, R. Redding.

Cnpt.iin (F) M, D. Wood,
(G) J. H. Love,
(H) J, W, Murphy.
(I) Geo, W, Lewis,
(K) E, H. Fletcher.
(K) S. W. Thornton.

Colonel Geo, P. Harrison, Jr.
Lieutenant-Colonel W. H, Pruden.
" " E. H, Bacon,

32d Georgia Volunteers, Infantry — 880.
Major E, H. Bacon, Jr.
" W, Y, Holland.
Adjutant G, M. Blount.

6:3

APPENDIX A.

Captaiu (A) W, Y. Holland.
(A) W. D, Cornwell.
(B) J. B. McDoweU.
(C) S. J. Heath.
(D) E. K. Hines.
( D) J. A. Hines.
(E) S. A. H. Jones.

Captain (E) P. E. Talliaferro.
(F) C. A. WiUis.
(G) ,J. A. PhiUips.
(H) S,D. Mobley.
(I) J, F, Lewis.
(K) F, G, Godbee,
(K) J. L, McElraurry.

33d Georgia Volunteers.

Colonel A Littlefield.

34<A Georgia Infantry, Volunteers.

Colonel J. A, W, Johnson,
Liedtenant Colonel J, W. Bradley.
Major Thos, T, Donongh.
" John M, Jackson.
Adjutant I, J, McLendon,
Captain (A) Caleb Chitwood.
(B) Thomas A, Neal
(C) E, A, Jones,

Captain (D) Wm, E, Brock.
" (E) Jordan Rowland.
(F) W. A. Walker.
(G) G. M. BlackwiU.
" (H) John M, Jackson.
" (I) A. T. Bennett.
(K) A, P. Daniel.

35th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 656.

Colonel E, L, Thomas
Boiling K Holt.
Lieutenant Colonel Gustavus A, Bull,,
B. H. JJolt.
W. p. McCuUongh.
Major B. H. Holt.
" W. H. McCuUough.
" W. L. Groves.
" L. A. WUliams.
" J. T. McElvauy.
Adjutant J. H. Ware, Kd.
S. W. Thomas.
Captain (A) Wm. I, Head,

Captain (B) I, M. White,
(C) D, B, Henry, Kd.
(D) L, A, J, Williams.
(D) J, M, MitcheU.
(D) LP, Johnston,
¦(E) E, R, Whitley,
(F) R, M, Rawhngs, Dd.
(F) J, T, McElvany.
(G) Wm, S. Barrett.
" (H) A. K, Richardson.
(I) W, L, Groves.
(I) S. T. Irvine.
(K) W. H, McCuUoch.

3Gth Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 986.

Colonel Jesse A, Glenn.
" C. E, Broyles,
Lieutenant Colonel Alex. M. WaUace.
Major Chas. E. Broyles.
" Jno. Loudermilk.
Adjutant .John S, Ault,
Captain (A) J, W, Aderhold.
" (B) H, J, Sprayberry.
(D) J. R, Rhodes.
(E) W, H, Howard, Jr.
(F) J, P, Girardy.
(G) R, T, English.
(H).L T.Kerr,
(I) J. N. Edwards.

Captaiu (K) E. S. Amos.
" (A) Joseph Glenn.
" (B) Geo. A. Cooper.
(C) B. B. White.
(C) F. M. Dwight.
" (D) Jno. Loudermilk.
(E) J. D. Gilbert,
(F) E, L, Martin.
(G) D. H. EUedge.
(H) A. P. Roberts,
(I) J, L, Morgan.
(K) A. A, Dver.
(L) Thos, WiUiaras.

Colonel A, F, Rudler,
Lieutenant Colonel J. T, Smith.
Major J. J. Bradford.

37th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers.

M.ajor E. E. Wilson,
Adjutant G. H, Sherod,
Captain (A) R, E, AVilson.

APPENDI.X A.

673

Captain (B) T. E. Blanchard.
(D) J. G. McMuUan, Kd.
(D) W. M. Clark.
(I) M, Kendrick, Dd,

Captain (I) T, D. Wright.
" (1) Wm, Hutchinson.
(K) W. IL H. Phelps.

oSth Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 775.

Colonel A. R. Wright.
" Geo. W. Lee.
" J. D. Mathews.
Lieutenant Colonel Geo. W. Lee.
" " Lewis J. Parr.
" " J. D. Mathews.
P. E. Davant.
Major L. J. Parr.
" T. H. Bomar.
Captain (A) Wm. L. McLeod, Kd.
(B) Robert P, Eberhart.
(C) John Y. Flowers.
(D) Geo. W. McClesky, Kd.

Captain (E) Wm. H. Battey, Kd.
(E) J. W, Brinson.
(E) L. W. Farmer, Kd.
' (F) Cornelius R. Hanleiter.
(G) Wm. Wright.
(G) Geo. F. Robinson.
" (II) Thomas H. Bomar.
" (I) John V,. Thornton.
(I) J. 0 Maxwell.
" (K) Jas. D. Matthews.
(K) Chas. A. Hawkins, Kd.
(K) R. T. Donough.
(K) L. H. T. Bomar.

39th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 899.

Colonel J. T. McConnell, Dd.
" J. F. B Jackson,
Lieutenant Colonel J. F. B. Jackson.
Major J, H, Randall
Adjutant W, M. McCallister.
Captaiu (A) L, W, Crook.
(B) T, H. Pitner.
(C) Timothy Ford.

Captain (D) J. W. Cnreton,
(E)C, D, Hill,
(E)H, B, Osborne,
" (F) Jas, H, Anderson.
(G| B, J, Brown.
(K) J. W, Brady, Kd.
(I) John D. Hayes.
(H) Wm. H. Edwards.

40*/i Georgia Infantry, Volunteers.

Colonel Abda Johnson.
Lieutenant Colonel Robert M. Young.
Major Raleigh G. Camp
Adjutant G. W. Warwick.
Captaiu (.\) Jno H. Matthews.
(B) John U. Dobbs,
(C) Z. B, Hargrove.

Captain (D) Francis H, HaU,
(E) J, F, Groover, .
(F) John Middlebrooks.
(G) Thos. J. Foster.
" (H) Joseph L. Neel.
" (I) y^ bd a Johnson.
" (K) Alex. Murchison.

41s* Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 683.

Colonel Charles .A. McDaniel.
Lieutenant Colonel Wm. E. Curtis.
Major John Knight.
¦" W. S. NaU.
Adjutant E. EUess.
A. Q. M., A. D. Abraharas.
Captain (A) J. E. Stallings.
(B) Geo. N. Lester.
(B) D. ML-Cleskey.
" . (B) Thomas I. Dobbs.

Captain (C) Geo. S. Avery.
(D) Jno. W. PoweU.
(E) J. C. Curtwright.
" (F) A.D. Abrahams.
(F) S. D. CIcTnents.
" (G) Washington Henibree.
(G) R. A. Wood.
" (H) Newton J. Ross.
(I) "W, B. Thomasom
" (K) J. J, Bowen.

12d Georgia Infantry, Volunteers — 939.
Major L, P, Thomas,
Adjutant H, M, Wylie.
Captain (A) L. P, 'j'homas,
(B) B, P, Weaver,

Colonel Robert J, Henderson,
Lieutenant Colonel R, F, Maddox,
Wm, H. Hulsey.
Major W. H. Hulsey. 43

674

APPENDIX A.

Captain (C) II. W. Parris.
(D) Nath.an CLay.
(E) T. J, Mercer,
" (B') Jas, M, Summers.

Captain (G) Enoch E. McCoUum.
(H) J, T. MitcheU.
(I) John H, Barrett,
(K) Wm. L, Calhoun.

43rd Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 1060.

Colonel Skidmore Harris,
" H. C. KeUogg,
Lieutenant Colonel Hiram P, Bell.
Major Henry C, Kellogg.
Adjutant J. S. Allen.
Captain (A) Wm. F. MuUins.
(A) A. M. Reinhart.
(A) W. I. Sloan.
" (B) M. M. Grantham.
(C) Ben. F. Hanie.
(D) Wm. P. Brown. 44*/i Georgi
Colonel Robert A. Smith.
" John B. Estes.
" Sam'l. P. Lumpkins.
" Wm. H. Peebles.
Lieutenant Colonel J. B. Estes.
S. P. Lumpkin.
AV. H. Peebles.
Jas. W. Beck.
jMajor Richard 0. Banks,
'' ,Jos, W, Adams, Dd,
" W. H. Peebles. '
" J. W. Beck.
" John C. Key.
Ailjutant Chas. M. Wiley.
Captaiu (A) W. H. Peebles.
(A) H. M. CrediUe.
(B) John C. Key,
" (B) Jas, Henderson.

Captain (D)

M. J. Ragsdale.

" (E)

Thos. G. Pilgrim.

(F)

James F. Law. ,

(F) Cicero H, Furr,

" (G)

M. M. Mintz.

" (G)

J. M. Storey.

" (H)

H. R Howard.

¦¦ (I)

AV. C. Lester.

¦¦ (K)

John F. Rives.

" (L)

M. H. West.

Volunteers—

-018.

Captain (C)

Sam'l. P. Lumpkin.

" (D)

John B. Estes.

" (D)

R. R. Hanes.

(E) Joseph AV, Adams,

" (E)

J. H. ConnaUy.

( t')

David L. Hitchcock.

(F)

C. D. Pearson.

(F)

G. G. Green, Kd.

(F)

J. B. Reese,

(G)JohnHuie.

(G) J, L. Blalock.

" (II)

Jno. C. Redding.

" 111)

Jno. AV. Butler.

" (I)

Chas. AV. AUiston, Kd

" (I)

J. H. Harris.

(I)

Jas. AV. Beck.

" (I)

Thomas T. Eason.

45*/i Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 686.

Colonel Thomas Hardeman.
" Thomas J. Simmons.
Lieutenant Colonel T. J. Simmons.
W. L. Grice.
,L W. Carter.
W. S. Wallace.
C. A. Conn, Kd.
Major W. L. Grice.
'' M. E. Eogers.
" J. AV. Carter.
" A, W, Gibson.
Adjutant Geo, F, Cherry,
Captain (A) M, E, Eogers,
(A) W, H, Shaw,
(A) Geo, F, Cherry.
(B) J, W^ Dozier.

Captain (C) Jas, M, Carter.
(C) John H. Baskins, Dd.
(C) H. G. Lamar.
(D) Jos. H. AVhite, Dd.
" (D) Jesse Mavs.
(E) AVm. S. WaUace.
(F) Richard M. Bonner.
" (V) John Hardeman.
(G) C. A. Conn,
(H)Wm,M. Davis,
(H) John G, Brown.
(H) W, D, KUIeu.
" (I) L.J, Dupree.
(I) J, L Hall.
(I) J, M, Carter.
(K) A, W, Gibson.

APPE.XDIX A.

675

4:Gth Georgia Infantry Volunteers— 8^3.

Colonel Peyton H. Colquitt, Kd.
" S. J. C. Duuhip.
Lieutenant Colonel Win. A. Daniel
Major Alex M. Speer.
S. J. C. Dunlap.
Adjutant AV. W. Charlton.
W. E. BedeU.
Captain (A) T. B. Hancock.
(B) Sam'l. J. C. Dunlap.
(C) A. H. Cooper, Kd.
(C) T. C. TUlman.

Captain (D) E.G. Eaiford.
(E) Wra. A. Andrews.
(F) John P Beaty.
(F) R. M. Dixon.
(G) G. A. BaU.
(G) Malcomb Gillis.
" (H) Eleazer 'lay lor.
(1) W.F. Moore.
(I) AV. A. Davis.
(K) A. G. BedeU.
(K) I. F. Pou.

47*A Georgia Volunteers — 814.

Colonel G. W, M, WiUiams, Dd,
" A. C. Edwards.
Lieutenant Colonel A, C, Edwards,
W, S, PhiUips,
" " J. S, (yone.

Major J. S. Cone.
" A. G. Cone.
Adjutant B. S. AVilliams.
Captain (A) M. J. Doyle.
(B) Pat. Gormley, Cashd.

48*A Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 1053.

Colonel William Gibson.
" M. E. HaU.
Lieutenant Colonel E. W. CarsweU.
M, E. Hall.
Major J. E. Whitehead.
" M. E. HaU.
Adjutant Julian Cumming.
T. H. Gibson.
Captain (A) A. Kelley, Kd.
(B) M. E. HaU.
(C) H. J. Dortic, Dd.
(C) L, G. Doughty, Kd.
C J, K. Evans,

Captain (D) John W, Hariow, Kd.
(D) U. L, Skinner,
(E) T, H, PolhiU, Kd.
(E) E. W. Carswell.
(E) W.J. Smith.
(F) Thos. W. Kent.
(G) Uly.sses A. Eice.
(G) T. J. Roberston.
(H) NieU McLeod.
(H) A. C.Flanders.
(I) R, J, Wilson.
(K) T. J, Hamilton.
(K) D, T. Wilson.

49*/t Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 762.

Colonel Andrew J. Lane,
" S, T. Player.
J, T. Jordan,
Lieutenant Colonel Seaborn M. Manning,
" " Jonathan Rivers,
S, T, Player.
O. H, Cooke,
" " J, T. Jordan.
" W. J. AViUiams.
Major J, Rivers.
" S. T. Player,
" J, H. Pate.
" W. J, WiUiams.
" John Durham.
" J. B Duggan.
Adjutant M. Newman,
Captain (A) S, T. Player.
" (A) J, B. Duggan.
" (B) Jas, Humphreys, Dd,
(B) W.J. Williaras.

Captain (C) Wm, M, Carter.
(C) J, T. Jordan,
(D) Wm, F Holden.
(D) John Durham,
(E) Sam'l. D, Fuller,
(E) A, C, McLenuon.
( F) O. H. Cooke.
(F) T.D. Wilcox.
(G) Jas. T, Cappell,
(G) 11. B, Stanley,
" (H) A, D. Jernigan.
(II) C, M, Jones, Kd.
(H) W, G, BeU.
" (I) Jas. J, Lawrence.
(I) A, J Lane.
(1) J. W. AUen.
(K) H. H. Whitfield.
" (K) S, M, Manning,
(K),LH, Pate.
(K) 0, A. V. Rose.

676

APPENDIX A.

50th Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 974.

Colonel AV, E, Manning,
" Peter McGlashan,
Lieutenant Colonel F. Kearse.
" " W. O. Fleming.
Major P. C. Pendleton.
-" D. Curm.
" AV. 0. Fleming.
" P. Sheftall.
Adjutant .Jas P. Graves.
Captain (A) Jno. T. Wilson,
" (B) P, B. Bedford,
" (B) P. C, Pendleton.

Captain (C) John M, Spence,
" (D) Jas, T, Bevill.
" (E) Cicero li. Young.
" (F) Duncan Curry,
" (F) AV, 0. Fleming,
" (G) John B, Osteen.
" (H) Jesse M, WeUs,
" (I) E, C. Morgan,
" (I) C, Townsend.
" (K) PUny Sheffield.
" (K) John G. McCall.
(F) H, L, Reeves.

51,s* Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 968.

Colonel W. M, Slaughter, Dd,
" E, Ball,
" James Dickey.
Lieutenant Colonel E, Ball,
O, P, Anthony.
J, Dickev,
" J. P, Crawford.
Major 0, P, Anthony.
" H. M. Dunwoody.
" Jas. Dickey.
, " J. P. Crawford.
Adjutant J. II. West.
Captain (A) H. M. Dunwoody.
" (A) S. Alexander, Kd.
(A) W. E McLean.

Captain (B) W. C. Ware, Kd.
(B) AV. H. Chastain.
(C) A. Cumbie.
(C) J. W. Brooks.
(D) F. M. D. Hopkins.
(E) -James Dickey.
(F) B. J. Kendrick.
(F) T. M.Jones.
(G) John P. Crawford.
(H) Edward Ball.
(H) AVm. F. Davis,
(I) 0, P, Anthony.
(I) S, A, McLend'on,
(K) AVra, M. Slaughter.
" (K) Eichard Hobbs.

'52^id Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 890.

Colonel AVier Boyd,
Lieutenant Colonel C, D. Phillips.
Adjutant W. A. .James.
Captain (A) S. H. Vandiviere.
" (B) John J. Moore.
(C) R. R. Asbury.
(D) John A, Parker.

Captain (D) J. W, Woodward.
(E)D, AV. Killian.
(F) S. M. Beck.
(G) Lewis B. Beard.
(H) AV. AV. Brown.
(I) JohnR. RusseU.
(it) T. F. Cooper.

53rd Georgia Infantry Volunteers.

Colonel L. T. Doyal.
" James P. Sims.
Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Sloan.
Major J. P, Sims,
Adjutant John F, Hanson,
Captain (A) T. W. Atkins.
(B) Thos. W. Sims.
(I) J. M. D. Bonds.

Captain (D) J. AV. Ha'nce, Kd.
(E) Jas. P. Sims.
(E) S, W. Glass.
(F) Thomas Sloan.
(G) R. P. Taylor.
(H) AV. B. Baker.
(C) Sam'l. W, Marshhone.
(K) J, M, Ponder.

54i;A Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 815,

Colonel Charlton H, AVay.
Lieutenant Colonel Morgan Rawls.
Major Wm, II, Mann.
Adjutant T, H, Brantley,
Captain (A) T, AV, Brantley,
(B) Geo. AV, MoodV,
(C) D. A. Green.
(C) T. M. Brantley.

Captain (D) A. S. Eoberts.
(E) J. D.Evans.
(E) H, M, Tally,
(F) W. T, Chisholm.
(G) Geo, AV, Knight.
(H) C, E, RusseU.
(I) L,L, Elkins,
" (K) Geo, Eason,

APPENDIX A.

677

55i!/i Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 1008.

Colonel C, B, Harkie, Cashd,
" A. W, Persons.
" D. S, Printup.
Lieutenant Colonel A . W. Persons.
D. S. Printup.
Major D. S. Printup.
' M, P, Tucker.
A. C, S,,  Wright.
Adjutant R. C, Saxon,
Captaiu (A) Turner J. Ball.
(B) James M. Griffin.

Captain (C) Wm, J, Collins,
" (D) John G, Lester,
(E) Ben R, Kendrick, Kd.
(F) H. W, Baker,
( F) J, J, Roberson.
(G) R, L, MitcheU.
(H) J, P, Allen,
(I) D, A, Lee, Dd.
(K) M, P, Tucker,
(L) E. M. AVestbrook.

56*74 Georgia Infantry Volunteers.

Colonel E. P. Watkins.
Lieutenant Colonel J. T. Slaughter.
Major M. L. Poole.
" J, P, Brewster,
Adjutant Jas, N. Bass,
Captain (A) J. P. Brewster.
(B) J. B. Martin.
(C) J. A. Grice.

Captain (D) W, S, Monroe.
" (E) J, F, Albert.
" (F) P, H, Prather, Kd.
" (G) E. M, Strcetman.
" (H) J. M, Parrish.
" (I) J. M, Cobb,
" (K) B, T, Sherman.
" (K) J, H. Harrison.

57*A Georgia Infantry Volunteers.

Colonel Wm. Barkaloo,
Lieutenant Colonel E. S, Guyton.
Major John AV. Shinholser.
A. C, S,, M, AV, Johnston.
Assistant Quartermaster H. Cleveland.
Adjutant T. J. Dyson.
Stephen De Bruhl.
Geo. R. Hunter.
Captain (A) L, C, Bryan.
" (B) James M. Smith.

Captaiu (C) Lucius Q, Tucker.
" (D) Henry Iv, Byington.
(E)C, H, Richardson.
(F) John F, Vinson,
" (G) James P, .Jordan.
(U) John H, Bonner.
" (I) George AV, Bishop.
(K) J, W. Shinholser.
(K) J. N. Shinholser.

58th Georgia Volunteers.
59th Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 833.

Colonel Jack Brown,
Lieutenant Colonel C, J. Harris.
B. H. Gee.
Major B. H. Gee.
" C. J. Harris.
" M. G. Bass.
" W. H. Pickling.
A. C. S., W. A. Sparks.
Assistant Quartermaster B. F. Bruton.
Adjutant H. Marshall.
M. F, Bass,
Captain (A) B. H, Gee,
(B) John G, Collins.
(C) W. II, Ficklin.

Captaiu (D) D, C, Smith.
(D) B, H.Miller.
(E) M, G. Bass.
(E) B. L. Brown.
" (F) James M. Kouse.
(G) G. F. Brown.
" (H) Jack Brown.
(H) F. M. Robinson.
(H) W. W. Tr,ain.
(I) E. Cain, Dd,
" (I) John AV, Hutchinson.
(K) C, J. Harris.
(K) F, W, Johnson.
(K) S. H, Gates. '

60*/t Georgia Infantry Volunteers.

Colonel W. H, Stiles.
" W. B, Jones,
Lieutenant Colonel Thomas J. Berry.
Major W. B. Jones.

A, C, S,, A, D, Murray.
As,sistant Quartermaster D. N. Speer.
Adjutant B, F, Keller.
E. L. McFariin.

678

APPENDIX A.

Captain (A) T. D. Bertody.
(B) W. B. Jones.
(C) J. C. Wardlaw.
(C) James C. Ward,
" (C) J, A, Edmondson.
" (D) W, Talliaferro.
(E) J, W. Beck.

Captain (F) W. P, Jarrett.
(G) John B, Golding, Kd.
" '(H) W, H. Stiles.
(H) W. C, Leake.
(I) B, F. Fariss.
(K) W. 11, Howard.

Cist Georgia Infantry Volunteers.

Colonel John H, Lamar,
Lieutenant Colonel J, Y. McDuffie.
C. AV. McArthur.
Major A, P. McRae,
" Peter Brennan.
" H. Tillman.
Assistant Quartermaster Geo. Higgins.
Adjutant G. AV. Lamar.
" G. C, Connor,
Captain (A) G. D. Wilcox,
(B) D, R. A, Johnson.
" (C) Dan'l, McDonald.
(D) S. H, Kennedy.

Captain (E) C, W, McArthur.
(E) T, M. McRae.
( F) P. Brennan.
(G) W. Fannin.
(H) J, M. Dasher,
(I) J, D, Van Valkenburg.
(K) E, F, Sharpe,
(C) J. A, Edmondson,
(G) H, T. CoUey.
(A) J. Y. McDiiffie.
(D) H, TUlman.
(B) A. P. McRae, Kd.

62nd Georgia Infantry Volu7iteers.

Colonel J. E. Griffin.
Lieutenant Colonel Eandolph Townes.
" " John T. Kennedy.
Major John T. Kennedy.
" W. L. A. Ellis.
A. C. S., T. Meara.
" W. R. Baldwin.
Adjutant B. B. Bower.
W. A. Holson
Captain (A) John P. Davis.
(B) Jas. W. Nichols.
(B) B. B. Bower.

Captain (C) W. L. A. EUis.
(D) Wra. H. Fancett.
(D) R. DuvaU.
" (E) W. A. Thompson.
(F) S. B. Jones.
(G) Pat, Gray,
(H) Thos, A, Janes.
(H) A. P. Newhart.
" (I) Jno. A. Richardson.
(K) E. W. Westbrook.
(K) S. L. Turner
" (L) Theo. G. Barham.

63rd Georgia Infantry Volunteers — 986.

Colonel George A. Gordon.
Lieutenant Colonel Geo. R. Black.
Major John E. Giles.
" J. V. H. Allen.
A. C. S., G. W. Lamar.
Assistant Quarterraaster C. J. White.
Adjutant J. S. Hammond.
Captain (A) J. V. H. Allen.
" (B) James T. Buckner.

Captain (C) E. J. Craven.
(D) E. H. Harrison.
(E) Thad. OUver.
fF) John H. Losser.
(G) D. N. Martin.
(H) H, H, Scranton.
(I) C. W, Howard.
(K) Wra.J. Dexra.

64*A Georgia Infantry Volunteers.

Colonel John W, Evans, Kd,
" W. H, Weems,
Lieutenant Colonel James Barrow, Kd,
W. H, AVeems,
Major AV, H, AVeems.
" C, S, Jenkins,
Assistant Quartermaster E, E, Peabody.
Adjutant J. A. Byrd.
Captaiu (A) John K. Redd.

Captain (B) T. J. Pritchett.
(C) N. W. Garrard.
(D) Geo. S. Thomas.
(E) C. S. .Jenkins.
(F) P. Robinson.
(G) D. C. Smith.
(G) C. A. C. AValler.
(H) S, A, Townsley.
(I) J, T. McClusky, Cashd.

APPENDIX A.

679

65*A Georgia Infantry Volunteers.

Colonel C. J, Smith.
" John S, Fain.
" R. H, Moore.
" W. G, Foster.
Lieutenant Colonel J, S, Fain.
E, H. Moore.
" J. W, Pearce,
Major B, F, Browne.
" R. H. Moore.
" J, AV, Percy.
" S, F. WiUiams.
A. C. S., W. A. Martin.

Adjutant T, AV. Alexander.
Captain (A) S. F, AVilliams.
" (B) Andrew H, Morris.
" (C) John H, Craven.
(DI AV, G, Foster.
(E) W. F. Thomas,
(F) A, Eudolph,
(G) John W. Holmes.
(H) F. M, Kitchens,
(I) Henry L, Smith.
(K) AV. W.Grant

Colonel J, C. Nisbet.
Lieutenant Colonel
MajorA, C, S.

66th Georgia Infantry Volunteers.
Captain (F) A. H, Reid.
" (G) G, V, HaU.
" (I) J. Thornton.

CobUs Georgia Legion — 1018.

Colonel Thos, R. E, Cobb, Kd.
" Pierce M, B. Young.
" G. I. AVright.
Lieutenant Colonel P, M, B. Young,
G. B, Knight,
Jeff. M, Lamar, Dd,
" " Luther J, Glenn,
R, S, King,
" " AVm, G. Deloney,
Major Ben. C. Yancey.
" J. M. Lamar.
" W. G. Deloney.
" L. J. Glenn.
" Z. A. Eice.
" Thos. M. Camack.
" G. I. Wright.
" W. D. Conyers.
Adjutant J. C. Eutherford.
Inf. Captain (A) W. D. Conyers.
" (B) C. A. McDaniel.

Inf. Captain (B) W. W. McDaniel.
" (C) L. J. Glenn,
" (C) M, F, LiddeU.
" (C) A, C. Grier,
" (D) Thomas Camack;
" (D) W, A, Wiun, Kd,
" (D) ,Jas, F, AVilson,
" (E) W. S, C, Morris.
" (E) T, B, Cox.
" (F) AV, F, S, PoweU.
" (G) G. B, Knight,
" (G) J, C. Barnett,
Cav. Captain (A) T. P, StovaU.
" (A) J. J, Thompson.
(B)Z, A. Eice.
(C) W, G, Deloney.
(C) T, C, WiUiams.
" (D) W, J, Lawton.
Art. "¦ (A) M, Stanley.

Phillip's Georgia Legion — 735.

Colonel Wm, PhiUips.
" John S, Norris.
Lieutenant Colonel Seaborn Jones, Jr,
E. T, Cook, Kd.
E. T, Barclay,
" " J, Hamilton,
W. W. Rich.
Major John D. WiUcoxon.
" W. P, C, Puckett.
" Joseph Hamilton.
" E, S. Barclay.
Adjutant Jas H. Lawrence.
J. W. AVofford.
F. S. Fuller,

Adjutant J. A. Matthias,
Inf. Captain (A) 0, R, Daniel,
" (B> R, T, Cook,
" (B) Thos, Hamilton.
First Lieutenant (B) J. F, B, Jackson.
Captain (C) E, S. Barclay.
(C) J, S, Norris,
(C) A, S, Erwin,
" (D) H, F. Wimberley.
" (E) Jos. Hamilton,
" (F) J.ackson Barnes,
" (G) Chas, Duliignon.
- " (H) W. W, Rich.
(H) J. F. MithoUin.

680

APPENDIX A.

Captain (I) W. B. C. Puckett.
(K) R. S. Y. Lony.
(I) J. M. Johnson.
(L) J. T. Lowry.
(M) J. F. McClesky.
(M) Saml. Y. Harris,
(N) S. S, Dunlap,
(O) T, K, SprouU,
(0) H, I, McCormick.
(P) W. W, Thomas,
Captain (A) J, H, Nichols,
(A) C, Du Bignon.
(A) A, E, Love,
(B) Wm, H, Rich,
(B) T, G, Wilkes,
(B B. B, McKenzie.

Cav.

Cav, Captain (C) E, C. Hardin.
(C) W, B. C, Puckett.
(C) G, A. Roberts.
(D) P. L, Y. Long.
" (D) H, Buchanan,
(E) A. F. Hunter.
(F) W. W. Thoraas.
Inf. Captain (A) 1). B. Sanford.
(A) F C. Fuller.
(A) 0. P. Daniel.
(A) P. B. Robinson.
(B) L D, Dodd.
(E) W. H. Barler.
(E) J. M. McDonald.
(F) P. McGovern.
Arty. H. N. EUs.

Smith's Georgia Legion of 375.

Partisan Rangers.
Colonel Suraner J. Smith.
Lieutenant Colonel .John R. Hart.
" John S. Fain.
Major B. F. Brown.
" Robert H. Moore.
Adjutant B. F. Chastain.
" Jas. M. GartreU.
Assistant Surgeon B. P. White.
John AV. Farrell.
Assistant Qaartermaster .Jas. W. Langston.
C. M. Bale.
Captain (H) A. Eudolph.
" (C) W. F. Thomas.
" (H) Jas. Harlow.

Cav. Captain ( G) John E. Hart.
(G) A. F. BaU.
(B) T. C. Fain.
(C) L. M. Stiff,
(D) S. M, Ralston.
" (Ei L, Harlow,
(E) J. T. Burns,
" (F) ,S, Anderson,
(A) G, AV, Standridge.
Inf. Captaiu (A) Jacob AV, Piercey.
" (B) Saml, F, AVilliams.
" (C) A, H. Morris.
" (D) John H. Craven.
" (E) Ben. C. Grant.
" (F) Ulm G. Foster.

Wright's Georgia Legi

Colonel Aug. R. Wright.
Lieutenant Colonel G. W. Lee,

I Major Lewis J. Parr.

Thomas Legion — 395.
Is* Georgia Reserves.

Colonel J, H, Fanuin.
Captain (A) W, B, Wood,
" (B) G, A, Hall,
" (C) E Baker.
" (D) J. 0. Thornton.
" (E) J, H, Grant,

Captain (F) G. AV, Austin.
(G) W, H, Hartnett.
" (H) J, H. PoweU,
(I) J, AVhately,
(K) J. D. Watson.

2nd Georgia Reseri

Colonel R F, Maddox,
Captain ( A ) S, Chamberlain,
(B)E, Adams,
(0) E, Holcombe,
(D) T. C, .Lackson,
(E) J, F. McCloskey.

Captaiu(F) M, Eichard.son.
" (G) E, M, Donehoe.
" (H) C, M, Jones,
" (H) N, Clay,
" (I) S, S, Fears,
" (K) J. R, Mehaffey.

APPENDIX A.

681

3rd Georgia Reserves.

Colonel E. J. Harris.
Lieutenant Colonel J. S. Moore.
Major J, B. Griffin.
Adjutant S. D. Martin,
Captain (A) J, A. MciManus.
" {B)C. D.Amos.
" (C) W. F. Scott.

Captain (D) T. P, Lloyd.
" (E) N, Miller,
" (F) 0, Cromwell.
•' (G) ^, D, Nutt,
" (H) S.E. Glass,
" (I) T, H, Hodgkiss,
" (K) G. A, Cunningham.

4*A Georgia Reserves.

Colonel E. S, Taylor,
Lieutenant Colonel A. D. Candler.
Major J, H. Bush,
Adjutant AV, T. Florence.
Captain (A) G. S. Peavv,
" (B) J. M, B, Carlton.
" (C) J. P. Hudson.

Captain (D) E. T. Bowie.
" (E) B, D, Johnson,
" (F) A, C. Allen.
" (G) J, G, Jordon,
" (H) R, C, Saxon.
'¦ (I) T, L, Anderson.
" (K) M, A. Adams.

5th Georgia Reserves.

Colonel J. B, Cumming.
Lieutenant Colonel C. D. Findley.
Major C. E. McGregor.
Adjutant 0. T. Thweatt.
Captain (A) M. E. Freeraan.
(B) B. D Lumsden.
" (C) B. Whiddon.

Captain (D) W. Paine,
" (E) AV. A, Cobb.
" (F) J, C, Jarratt.
" (G) C, E, Clarke,
" (H) AVM, Gunn.
" (I) W, P, Mobley.
" (K) W. H. Lawson.

Georgia State Guards.

Colonel J, G, Yeiser,
Lieutenant Colonel J. R, Freeman.
Major T, W, Alexander.
Captain (A) J, H, Lawrence.
" (B) J. Trout,
" - (C) S, D. Wragg,
" P) A. A. Terhune.

Captain (E) M, L, Troutman.
(F) J, Taliaferro.
" (G) H. F. Wimberly.
" (H) S. A, Bordoers,
" (I) D, B, Dean,
" K) C, 0. StiUwell.

Is* Georgia Battalion Infantry.

Lieutenant Colonel J. B. Villepigue.
" " G. A. Smith.
" " Chas. Spaulding.
Major W. S. Lovell.
Adjutant E. G. Jeffers,
Captain (A) J. W, Aderhold.
" (B) H. J. Sprayberry.
(C) G. A. Smith.

Captain (D) J. R. Rhodes.
" (E) W. H. Howard, Jr.
(F) J. P. Girardey.
(G) W. S. Lovett.
" (H) J. F. Kerr.
" (I) J. N, Edwards,
" K) G. S, Araes.

Is* Georgia Battalion Infantry Sharp- Shooters No.. 2. — 323.

Major Arthur Shaaf,
Captain (A) A. Shaaf.
" (A) H. D. Twyman.
" (B) A. L. Hartridge.

Captain (B) B, H, Hardee,
(C) Wm, H, Ross,
" (D) 6, C. Dent,
" p) C. T. Berwick.

682

APPENDIX A.

3wd Georgia Battalion Infantry.

Major Thos. Hardeman.
" Geo. AV. Ross.
Assistant Quartermaster F. S. Gross.
A, C, S,, C. S. Rogers.
Adjutant W. S. Robinson.
tSurgeon A. V. Taliaferro.
Captain (A) C, J, Moffit,

Captaiu (A) W. F, I, Ross.
(B) John F. Dupree, Dd.
" (B) W, F, Walker.
" (C) Geo W, Ross.
" (C) C, E. Redding,
" (D) Geo, S. Jones.

nd Georgia Battalion Infantry Sharp- Shooters No. 2.

Major J, J. Cox,
" R, H, Whiteley,
Assistant Quartermaster Thos, B, Gower,
Captain (A) R, H, Whiteley.
(A) C, H. George.

Captain (B) Wra. H. Brown.
(C) E. W. Ansley.
(C) M. G. Hester.
P) Sara'l. D, Oliver.
(E) O, C, Myers.

3rd Georgia Battalion Infantry.

Lieutenant Colonel J. B. StovaU,
Major A, F. Rudler,
Adjutant C. P, Roberts,
Assistant Quartermaster B, T, Jones,
" " J, A, Anderson.
R, Orme.
H, P, Richmond.
Captain (A) Jas, D, Yeiser.

Captain (B) Robert E, Meson.
" (C) k, Kendrick,
" (D) Geo, M. McDoweU.
" (E) Andrew J, AVhite.
" (F) J, J, Bradford,
" (G) A, F. Rudler,
" (G) T, D, CasweU,
" (H) AV, H. H, Phelps,

3rd Georgia Battalion Infantry Sharp- Shooters No. 2 — 320.
Captain (C) W, D, Anderson,
(C) N. N, Gober.
" (E) John F, Martin,
Adjutant R, J, Davants,
J, H. WiUiams.
" P. E. Savans.
Assistant Quartermaster J. P. PhiUips.

Lieutenant Colonel N, L, Hutchins,
Major H, H, Smith,
Captain (A) Wm, M, Crumley.
(B) Garnet McMiUan.
(B) John AV. Kiug,
(B) F, E, Ross,
(C) W. E. Simmons.

Lieutenant Colonel W.
Major Thos. J. Berry,
Assistant Quartermaster D, N, Speer,

4«/i Battalion Georgia Infantry.
H, Stiles.

A. C, S,, E, H, Cannon.
Surgeon E, N, Calhoun.
Captain (H) M. A, Leake,

4*/i Georgia Battalion Infantry Sharp- Shooters No. 2.

Ensign A. W. Collins.
Captain (A) S, M, Jaclcson,

Captain (B) W, M, Carter,
(C) B, M, Turner.

Major G, M, Gunnels,
Captain (A) W, G. Eice,
" (B) John G, WiUiams,

5th Battalion Georgia Infantry.
Captain (C) Jas, J, Shumate.
(A) G, M, Gunnells.

6th Georgia Battcdion Infantry. No Rolls.
7th Battcdion Georgia Infantry. ( Co)i.solidated icith 61st Georgia.)
I Major John H, Lamar.

Lieutenant Colonel C, A, L, Lamar,
" " John H. Lamar.

APPENDIX A.

683

8th Georgia Battalion Infantry — 390.

Lieutenant Colonel J, T. Eeid.
A, Littlefield.
Z, L, \Valters.
Major B. F. Hunt.
Assistant Quartermaster H. S, Crawford,
Adjutant J, W, Gray.
Captain (A) H, M. Lumpkin.
" (B) M, Y. Sexton, Cashd.

Captain (C) Wm, Holsonback.
" (D) Z, L, Walters,
" (D) J. A. Hardin.
" (E) John A. Hopper.
" (E) John A. Penn.
" (F) L. N. Jackson, Cashd.
" (F) J. W. Boaz.
" (G) T. J. Paxton.

10*A Georgia Battalion Infantry — 478.

Major John E. Eylander, Kd.'
" J. D. Frederic.
Ensign AVm. C. Tinsley.
Assistant Quartermaster .1. W. Whitehead,
Captain (A) Jas. D, Frederick,

Captaiu (B) Dan Henderson.
(C) B, F, BeU.
(D) AVm, L, Jones,
(E) John L, Adderton.

11*A Georgia Battalion Infantry — 693.

Lieutenant Colonel G. AV. M. WiUiams.
Captain (A) AVm, S, Phillips.
(B) Pat. Gormley.
" (C) Jas, H. Latimer,
" (D) PhiUip G, Tippins.

Captain(E) A, C. Edwards.
(F) John D, Ashton,
" (G) Isaac M, Aikin,
" (H) AVm, AV. Williams.
" (I) M. J, Doyle,

12*/i, Georgia Battalion Infantry — 543.

Lieutenant Colonel H. D. Capers.
Major H. D. Capers.
Saml. H. Crump.
" G. M. Hanvey.
Assistant Quartermaster Ker Boyce.
Adjutant F. AV. Baker, Kd.
E. F. Clayton.
Captain (B) J. W. EudisiU.

Captain (D) Geo AV, Johnson.
(C) Sam'l. H. Crump.
(C) J. H. Taliaferro.
(I) J. V. H. Alien.
(D) Geo. M. Hanvey.
(D) J W. Anderson.
" (F) Geo. M. Hood.
" (E) J. J. Newsome.

13*A Georgia Battalion Infa,ntry.

Major Geo. A. Gordon.
Adjutant L. T. MaUory.
A. C. S., W. J. NeviUe.
Surgeon J. B. Read. .

Captain (A) Geo. R. Black.
(B) Jno. R. Giles.
" C) Jas. T. Buckner.

17*/4 Georgia Battalion Infantry — 469.

Major Joseph T. Smith.
Assistant Quartermaster T. C. Burch.
Captain (A) J. G. McMuUin.
" (B) D. L, Gholson.

Captain (C) D, C. Young.
" • (D) Geo, Eberhart.
(E) S. G. Pettis.

18th Georgia Battalion Infantry.

Major John Screven.
" W. S. Ba,>^inger,
Assistant Quartermaster R. H, Footman.
Adjutant E. P. Stair.

Captain (A) W. S Basinger.
(A) Thomas T. Screven.
" (B) G. AV, Stiles.
" (C) G, C, Eice.

684,

APPENDIX A.

25th Battalion Georgia Infantry.
Lieutenant Colonel G. W. Lee.
Georgia State Guards, Stephens' Battalidn.

Captain (E) H, D. Burnau.
" (E) Linton Stephens,
" (F) Wm, H, Sworm,

Captain (F) J, A, Shivers.
" (G) 11. Walden.

Is* Battalion Georgia Reserves.

Major W, R, Symons,
Captain (A) J, M, Dye,
(A) AV. H. C, Mills,
" (B) J Cunningham,
(C) Wm. M, Davidson.

Captain (D) J, B, Hussey.
" (E) A, Morrison.
" (F) B, MUlican,
" (G) R, A. Peeples.
" (H) AV. C. Allen.

Is* Battalion Georgia Reserves — 3. Augusta Fire Brigade.

Lieutenant Colonel C. A. Platt.
Major C. B. Day.
Captain (A) C. W. Hersey.
(B) J. D. Butt.

Captain (C) 0. B. Day.
(D) J. Heiii-y.
(E) J. C. Moore.
(F) J. AV. Adams.

Atlanta Fire Battalion.

Lieutenant Colonel G. W, Lee.
Major J, H, Mecaslin,
Captain (A) J, Sladelman,
" (B) L, Richardson,
(C) J. A Taylor.

Captain (D) J, T, Banks.
(E) P. Brown,
(F) T,P, Fleming.
(G) S, B, Love.
(H) S. P. Bassett.

9th Battalion Georgia Light Guards, Macon Ordnance Guards
Battalion.

Colonel Patrick MeU.
Major H. T. Price.
Captain (A) C. W. Bond,
(B) C, Dodd,

Captain (C) A, De Laperrier.
(D) R, C. Saxon.
(E) R. H. Cannon.

Provost Battalion Georgia Volunteers.

Captain(A) M. D Lee.
" (A) Wm. McConneU,
" (B) T. J. Echols,
" (C) J, W. Lougino.

Captaiu iT>) E. Holmes.
(E) J. C. Hendrix.
(F) L L. Strozer.
(G) R. P. Eberhart.

9tA Battalion Georgia Volunteers.

Major J. T, Smith,
Captain (A) 'j, G. McMuUin.
(B) D, L, Gholston,

Captain (C) D, C, Young.
(D) G, Eberhart.
" (E) S, G, Pettus.

Miscellaneous Georgia Infantry.

Captain A. C, Davenport.
" John B, Hussey,
W. H, Banks.

Captain E, R, Wliitley.
" A, Boward.
C. S, Jenkins.

APPENDIX A.

685

Captain P, Robinson.
S. M. Ralston.
D. Crum.
D, C, Smith.
F, T, Cullens.
J, R, Hart,
" AVm, A Carswell,
" G. Lumpkin.
" J. F. Cooper.
W. S. Du Bose.

Captain J T, McClusky.
N, J, .Alacarthy.
" AV, S, Goodwin.
" E, Richards,
C, H. Way.
W, A. Adaras.
T, A, Skelton.
" J, R Cumming.
" J, Hill, Jr,
AV, C, Thornton.

CAYALRY.

Is* Georgia Cavalry Regiment.

Colonel J. J. Morrison,
" S, AA^ Davitt,
Lieutenant Colonel A, E, Harper.
Major S. W, Davitt,
Adjutant John N Perkins,
Captain (A) W. M, Hutchings,
(B) J, H, Strickland.
(C) M, H, Haynie.

Captain (D) R. TrammeU.
(E) I. M. Blalock.
(F) V. J. Reynolds,
(G) J, L, Kerr.
(H) AVm. M. Tumlin.
(I) L F. Leak.
(K) H. A. North.

2nd Georgia Cavalry Regiment.

Colonel AV. J. Lawton.
" Arthur Hood.
" C. C. Crews.
Lieutenant Colonel Arthur Hood.
J. E. Dunlop.
F. M Ison.
Major C. A. Whaley.
Adjutant R. F. Lawton.
Captaiu (A) G. C, Looney.

Captaiu (B) W.J, Lawton,
" (Cl Charles C, Crews,
(D) 0, Winningham,
(E) F, M, Ison.
(F) Thos, H, .Jordan.
(G) W. D. Grant.
(H) W. H. Chapman.
(I) ,Jas. AV. .Mayo.
(K) J. C. Dunlop,

3rd Georgia Cavalry Regiment.

Colonel Martin J, Crawford.
" E, E, Kennon.
" W, R, Thompson.
Lieutenant Colonel E, E, Kennon,
Major H. H. Johnston.
Adjutant I. P, L, Mudar.
Captain (A) W. E, Thompson.
" (B) Beverly A. I'hornton.
(B) AV. J. Underwood.

Captain (C) J. H. Persons.
(D) R. E. Ivennon.
(E) J. T. Thornton.
(F) ,Jas. A. Fowler,
(I) D, H, Collins,
(H) D, F, Booten,
(K) A, R, Hughes,
(I) John W, Hurt,

4*A Georgia Cavalry Regiment {1st) — 1015.

Colonel Isaac AV. Avery.
Lieutenant Colonel W. L Cook.
Major D. J. Owen.
" J. R. Stewart,
Adjutant B, H, Newton,
Assistant Quartermaster AVra. K. Moore.
Adjutant J. W. Rarasay.

A. C. S., Jos. M. Stones.
Captain (A) R. A. Keith, Kd.
First Lieutenant (A) G, D, Hancock,
Second Lieutenant (A) G, A, Sloan,
(A) J. HiU.
Captain (B) G, B, May,
First Lieutenant ( B) "T, S, May.

686

APPENDIX A.

Second Lieutenant (B) J. C. Mclntyre.
(B) J. AV. Ramsay.
(B) Dave May, Kd.
Captain (C) Jeff Johnson.
First Lieutenant (C) H. C. Erwin.
Second Lieutenant (C) D. A. Holland.
(C) A. R.Bates,
Captain (D) Wm, J. Eogers,
First Lieutenant (D) J, C, Hartman,
Second Lieutenant (D) J, M, Boydston.
(D) J, Eeaddick.
Captain (E) W, L, Cook,
(E) Olin WeUborn,
(E) B, C, Woddail,
First Lieutenant (E) J, Johnson.
Second Lieutenant (E) J, J. Jones,
(E) A, H, Jones,
Captain (F) C, D, McCutchen,
(F) Jos, E, Helvingstone, Ivd,
(F) F, G. Horn,
Lieutenant (F) F, G, Horn,
(F) J. E, Helvingstone,
(F) J, D, AUen,
(F) J. W, O'Neal
(F) J. E, Sloan,
Captain (G) AVm. E. Logan.

Captain (G) R. E. Kingsley.
First Lieutenant (G) R. E. Creekmore,
Second Lieutenant (G) H, J, Dean.
(G)W,M.C, Parkinson.
Captain (H) G, H, Graham.
First Lieutenant (H) J. T. Freeman.
(H) AVm. T. Arnold,
(H) W. M.Martin,
Captain (I) I. W, Avery.
(1) D, J, Owen,
(I) H, H, Burke.
First Lieutenant (I) D, J. Owen,
(I) H, H, Burke.
Second Lieutenant (I) J, Shehan.
(I) A, C. Guntz.
(I) G, W, Mitchell,
" " (I) R. Sutherland,
Captain (K) J. E, Stewart,
First Lieutenant (Iv) P, AV. Stewart.
Second Lieutenant (K) W. O. Cain.
(K) F. A. Enbanks.
Captain (L) L B. Anderson.
First Lieutenant (L) J. C. N. Foote,
Second Lieutenant (L) W, B, Chappell
(L) W, A. Nolan.
Captaiu (M) John D, Ashton.

4*/i Georgia Cavalry Regiment {2nd) — 867.

Colonel Duncan L, Clinch,
Lieutenant Colonel .John L, Harris,
Major J. C. McDonald
Captain (A) J. S. AViggins.
(B) W. M. Hazzard.
(C) N. A. Brown.
(D) Jno. Raddick.

Captain (E) R, N, King,
" (F) J. P. Turner.
(G) A. McMillan.
(H) T. S, WyUey.
(I) J, C, Nichols.
(K) D. Crum.

5th Georgia Cavalry Regiment.

Colonel Robert H. Anderson.
Lieutenant Colonel Ed Bird.
Major S,. J. Davant.
A. C S., G. S. Barthelmess.
Assistant Quartermaster T. B. Gowan,
Captain (A) 0, C, Hopkins,
(B) W. A. WUtberger.

Captain (C) E, F, Aikin.
(D) J, M, Marsh.
(E) M, N, Call,
(G) G, B, Beste.
(H) W, L, Walthour.
(I) W, Brailsford.
(K) H. I. Strother.

6th Georgia Cavalry Regiment.

Colonel John E. Hart,
Lieutenant Colonel B, F, Brown.
J, C. Fain,

Major J, C. Fain.
Assistant Quartermaster T. W Fulton.
Adjutant B. F. Chastain.

1th Georgia Cavalry Regiment.

Colonel W. P, White, Dd,
Lieutenant Colonel J. L. McAllister, Kd,
Major E. C, Anderson.
" John T. Davis.

Captain (A) W, D. RusseU.
(A) E, W. Moise.
(B) A. E. Miller.
(B) L. J. Smith.

APPENDIX A.

687

Captain (C) J. N. Davis.
(C) F. E. Burke,
(C) W, E, Cropp,
(C) E. C. Anderson.
(D) E. H, AVyllev,
(D) J. H, Sykes."
(D) P, A. L Morris.
(E) H,K, Harrison,
(E) F. Beasley.
(F) R, F.Jones,
• " (F) J. E. Johnson,

Captain (F) C, C, Bowen,
(G) F. AV. Hopkins.
(G) T, S, Hopkins.
(H) J, Hines.
(H) J, L, McAllister.
(I) J, W, Brumby,
(1) F, G, Pitt,
" (K) L, S, Quarterman.
(K) L, AV, Phillips,
(K) 1, S. McAUister.

8*A Georgia Cavalry Regiment.

Colonel R. J. Griffin.
Lieutenant Colonel J. M. MUlen.
Major J. ]\I. MiUen.
W. G. Thomas.
" S. B. Spencer.
Adjutant T. G. Pond.
M. E. WiUiams.
Captain (A) J. P. Davis.
(A) T, S, Paine,
(A) H, L, Norfleet.
(A) R, Towns.
(B) B, B. Bower.
(B) B, L, Screven,
(B) W, G, Thompson.
(B) ,L N.Nichols,
(C) W. L, A, EUis,
(C) J, G, Smith,
(D) T, R, Duvah
P) M, J, Sraith,

Captain (D) S, B, Spencer,
(D) W, H, Farrertt.
(E) W, H, Thompson.
(E) J, G, Cress,
(E) J,M, Turpin,
(E) AV, J, Deas,
(F; S, B, Jones,
(F) M, E, AViUiams.
(G) P. Gray,
(G) J, R, Harper.
(H) T, A, James,
(I) A. J, Love,
(I) J, B, Edgerton,
(l) J, A, Richardson.
(I) W. A, Lane,
(I) J, T, Kennedy.
(IC) S. L. Turner.
(K) E. AV. AVestbrook.
(L) T. G. Barham.

9th Georgia Regiment Cavalry.

Colonel G, I, Wright,
Lieutenant Colonel B, S, King.
Major M, D, Jones.
Adjutant Jas, Y, Harris.
Captain (A) T. B, Archer,
(A) Z. A, Rice,
(A) T, P, StovaU.
(A) B. C. Ring,
(A) 0, H, P, Juhan.
" (A) J, J, Thomas,
(A) B, C, Yancey,
(A) C, H, Sanders,
(A) W. L, Conyers,
(B) M, D, .Tones
(B) L, J, Glenn,
(B) Wm, W, McDaniels,
('O W. G, Deloney,
(C) T, C, William's,
( D) G, I. Wright,
(D) C. H. Camfield.

Captain (D) W, J, Lawton.
(D) J F, Wilson,
(D) W. A. Winn,
(E) W, C, Dial,
(E) B, S, King,
(E) T, B, Cox.
(E) AV, S, C, Morris,
(F) W, D, Jones
(F) Wm T. S. Powell.
(F) G. W. Moore.
(G) AVm. M. AVilliams.
(G) J. C. Barnett.
(G) G. B, Knight.
(H) J. E. Ritch.
(H)W. A. Cain,
(I) W, B. Young,
(I) Wm, Duke.
(K) F, E, Eve,
(K) J, J, Floyd,
" (L) A, M Rogers.

10*A Georgia Cavalry Regiment.

Colonel V, H, Taliaferro.
Lieutenant Colonel F. D. Claiborne,
Major Jesse H. Sikes.

Captain (A) E W. Moise,
Lieutenant (A) J, Cox,
(A) Wra, E, Crapp, Kd,

688

APPENDIX A.

Lieutenant (A) J,
Captain (B) L, J,
Lieutenant (B) J,
(B)G,(B)S.
Captain (C) J, H,
Lieutenant (C) P,
(C) L
Captain (D) F, E,
Lieutenant (D) J,
(D) P,
Captain (E) F, A.

E. Moses.
Smith, M, Buyers.
W, Austin,
T. Kiugsberry.
Sikes, A, S, Morris,
W, Ware,
Burke,
jN, Carter,
E, Baker,
Beasley.

Lieutenant (E) T. C, McLendon.
(E) Jas, Cody,
(E) C, D, Rainwater.
Captain (K) F. G. Pitt.
Lieutenant (K) Y. B. Sharpe.
(K) B. P. Jenkins.
(K) M. B. Pict.
Captain (L) J. B. Bonner.
" (L) S. T. Kingsberry.
Lieutenant (L) T, C. Sharpe,
(L) H. I, Smith.
(L) H. L Boon.

ll*/i Georgia Cavalry Regiment.

Colonel A. Young,
Lieutenant Colonel H, W, Barday.
Major Madison Bell.
Captaiu (A) M, BeU.
(B) E. P. BedeU.
(C) J. Reid
(D) D. iVI. West.

Captain (D) J, M, Crawford.
(E) J, Kelly,
(F) W. C, Price.
(G) D. M. West.
(11) W, S, Erwin,
" (I) J. N, Dor,sey.
(K) N, T. Taber.

2nd Georgia Regiment of Partisan Rangers.
Colonel A, A, Hunt, Is* Battalion Georgia Cavalry.

Jlajor Robert H, Anderson,
Adjutant R, AV.ayue,
" Robert Grant,
Assistant Quartermaster R, H, Footman,

Captain O, C, Hopkins,
Wm, Hughes, Jr,
" Abial Winn.

Is* Battalion Georgia Cavalry No. 2.

Captain (1) 0. G. Cameron.
" (2) John Shawhan.
" (3) J.as. M. Thomas.
(4) Ezekiel F. Clay.

Captain (5) .John B. HoUiday.
(6) E. G. Stoner.
(7) P. M. MUlen.

4 Battalion Georgia Cavalry.

Lieutenant Colonel Edward Bird.
Major E. J. Davant.
Captaiu (A) H. J. Strobhar.
(B) N. U. McCall.

Captain (C) G, B, Best,
(D) AV, H, AViltherger.
(E) J, JI. Marsh.
(F) R. F. Aikin.

3rd Battalion Georgia Ci.valnj.

Lieutenant Colonel Duncan L. Clinch.
Major John L. Harris.
Assistant Quartermaster H. R. Fort.
Captain (A) A. C. Strickland.
(B) I. C. McDonald.

Cantain (C) I. S. AViggins.
(Di av. M. Hazzard.
(E) N. A. Brown.
(F) John Readdick.

9*A Battalion Georgia Cavalry.

Major Wm. Phillips.
Captain (A) R AV Hamrick.
(B) G. D. Rice.

Captain (C) AV. A. Austen.
" (D) J. Loveless.
(F) T. R. Sheats.

APPENDI.X A.

689

10*A Cavalry Georgia Battalion.

Captain (A) M. A. Candler.
(B) A. C. Sloan.
(C) G, T, Rakestraw.
(D) B, M, Long.
15*A BaMalion Georgia
Lieutenant Colonel J, R, Griffin,
16*A Battalion Georgia
Lieutenant Colonel F, M, Nix.
" Sam'l J. Winn.
Major S, J. Winn.
- E. Y. Clarke.
Adjutant E. Y. Clarke.
Thos. E. Winn.
Captain (A) T. F, Joues,
(C) A, J. AValters.

Captaiu (E) A. E. WiUiams.
" (Fj E, S, Ferguson.
(G) W, S. E. Hardman.

Cavalry {Partisan Rangers).
I Assistant Quartermaster R, P, Howell,
Cavalry {Partisan Rangers).
Captain (D) David A, Camp.
(E) Wm, L, Merier.
" (F) John D, Simms,
(G) F. J, Whitehead,
(B) Wm, B, Bailey,
(H) J, F, Ray.
(I) J, A, Strange,
(K) W. S. Thomas.

19*A Georgia Battcdion Cavcdry.

Major Charles T, Goode.
Assistant Quarterraaster Jas. Goode.
Captain (A) 'Thaddeus G. Holt,

Captain (B) James L, Leath.
(C) VV, I, Vason,
( D) G, R, Coley.

20*A Georgia Battalion Cavalry {Partisan Rangers) — 293.

Lieutenant Colonel John M, Milieu,
Major S. B, Spencer,
Adjutant M. E. WiUiams
Assistant Quartermaster L. S. Varuedoe.
Captain (A) Sam'l B. Spencer.
" (A) Moses J. Smith,
(B) W. G. Thompson.

Captain (C) J. G. Cress.
(D) Wm. A. Lane.
(E) A. J. Love.
" (E) Thos. S. Paine.
(F) J. B. Peacock.
(F) M. E. Williams.

21s* Battalion Georgia Cavalry {Partisan Rangers).
Captain (B) C. C. Bowen.
(C) R. L. Miller.
(D) W. H. Banks, Cashd.
(D) H. K Harrison.
(E) R. F. Joues.

Major Wm, P. White.
Adjutant B. Green
Assistant Quarterraaster AVm, L Platt,
Wm, F, Laws,
Captain (A) W. D. RusseU,
" (B) Jerry R, Johnson,

23rd Battalion Georgia Cavalry.

Lieutenant Colonel Isaac W, Avery.
Adjntant B, H. Newton,
Assistant Quartermaster Wm, K, Moore,
A, C. S,, Joseph .Stones,
Captain (A) I, W, Avery,

Captain (A) W. L, Cook.
(B) Jeff -John-son.
(C) G. B. May.
(D) C. D. McCutchen.
(E) D. J. Owen.

24*A Georgia Battalion Cavalry.

Major Edward C. Anderson, Jr.
Adjutant A. .1. Setze.
Assistant Quartermaster B. C. Henry.
Captain (A) T. S. Hopkii s.
44

Captain (B) John N. Davis.
(C) R. H, AA^ylley,
(C) John W. Brumby,

•690

APPENDIX A.

29*A Georgia Battcdion Cavalry.

Lieutenant Colonel A, Hood.
Captain (A) A. W, Hunter,
(B) J- T, Wimberly.
(C) F, J, Browning.
(E) L, Little,

Captaiu (F) F, L. Pipper.
(G) S, C, HaU,
(H) E, W, Wade,
" (I) J. C, Lasseter.

30*A Battalion Georgia Cavcdry.

Lieutenant Colonel A. Young.
Captain (A) M. Bell.
(B) E. P. BedeU.
(C) J. Beid.
(D) D. M. West.
(D) J. M. Crawford,

Captain (E) J, KeUy,
(F) W, C, Price,
( H) W. S. Erwin.
(I) J. N. Dorsey.
(K) N. T. Taber.

Stejyhens' Battalion Georgia Cavalry.

Lieutenant Colonel Linton Stephens.
Major J. A. Shivers.
Adjutant W. H. Lawson.
Captain (A) J. Raley.

Captain (B) T. E. Brown.
(C) S. G. White.
(D) J. F. Geev.

Culberson's Battalion State Guard Cavcdry.

Colonel A. B. Culberson.
Captain (A) T. A. Sharpe.
(B) J. B. Rogers.

Captain (C) .T. M. Easterling
(D) Wm. Mahan.
" (F) j. Joues.

Stephens' Cavalry Battalion.

Major John T. Stephens.
Captain (A) B. G. Lockett.
(B) J, W. EUis,

Captain (C) J, E, Banks.
(D) C. F. Redding.

Miscellaneous Georgia Cavalry.

Captain H. A. Gartrell,
" J. F, Waring.
T, J Key,
W. C. Humphreys,

Captain L, W, Humphreys.
T, J, Watts,
" J. S, Peraberton.

General S. D. Lee's Escort.
Captain T. M. Nelson, Kd. | Captain GiU Ragland.
Georgia Mountain Dragoons.
Captain Isaac AV, Avery.

APPENDIX A.

C91

ARTILLERY.
9*A Battalion Georgia Artillery.

Major A, Leyden,
Adjutant G. A, Lofton,
A ssistant Quartermaster J, W, Brown.
Surgeon N. A, D'Alvigny.
Captain (A) Elias Holcombe,
(B) AVm. W. SenteU.

Captain (B) H, P, RandaU,
" |C) George W, Atkinson.
(C) A, M Wolihin.
(C) B, AV, York,
(D) T. M, Peeides,
" (E) B. F. Wyly,

11*A Battery Georgia Artillery.

Lieutenant Colonel Allen S, Cutts,
Major A, S, Cutts.
" John Lane,
Assistant Quartermaster Thos, II, Johnston.
Captain (A) A, S, Cutts.
(A) II, M, Ross.

Captain (B) G, M, Patterson.
(C)C C, P. Crawford,
" (C) J, Lane.
" (l) ).fas, A. Blackshear,
(E) Jolm T. Wingfield.

12*A Georgia Battery Artillery.

Lieutenant Cclonel H. D. Capers.
Major H. D. Capers.
" S H. Crump.
" G. M. Hanvey.
Adjutant F. AV. Baker, Kd,
E, F. Clayton,
Assistant Quartermaster Ker Boyce
Captaiu (A) J. W. Anderson. 14*A Georgia Battery Artillery.
Montgomery.

Captain (A) G. M. Hanvey.
(B) J. W. RudisiU.
(B) S. H. Crump.
(C) G, W. Johnson,
(D) J, N. Taliaferro.
" (E) J. .1. Newsome.
(F) G. M. Hood.

Lieutenaut Colonel J. T.
Major Joseph Palmer.
Ajjutant .J. H. Co.k.
A. C. S., C T. Swift.
Captain (A) J. Palmer.
" (B) Thos. H Dawson.

Captaiu (C) C. B. FerreU.
(D) E. R. King.
(E) Franklin Roberts.
(H) Jas. G. Gibson.
(F) S. A. Moses.

22nd Georgia Battery Siege Artillery — 666

Lieutenant Colonel Wm. R. Pritchard.
Major John B. Gallic, Kd.
" JI. J. McJIuUau.
" D. T. Bertody.
Adjutant J. J. Symons.
" H. Symons.
Assistant Quartermaster H R. Washburn.
" " E, J, Dawson,
Captain (A) T, D. Bertody.
(A) J. M. Cambeli.
(A) G. R. Niles.
(B) M. J. McMuUan

Captain (B) D. A. Smith.
" (C) John Lama.
(C) J, A, Beals,
(C) J, B, GaUie,
" (D) Richard J, Nunn,
" (D) J, Manning,
(E) C. Hussey.
" (E) L. J, Guilmartin,
" (F) A Bonaud,
(F) Geo, A, Nichols.
(G) F. T. Cullens.
" (H) R. A. Turnipseed.

28*A Georgia Battery Artillery.

Major A. Bonaud.
Captain (A) J. A Gotten.
(B) L. B. Fickling.
(C) C. P. Crawford.
(D) J. Wilcher.

Captain (E) M. T. McGregor,
(F) J. E. Blount.
(G) J. D, Godwin.
(H) T, J. Key,
(I) R. F, Bishop,

692 APPENDIX A.
Cherokee Light Artillery.
Captain M. V. D. Corput. | Captain John G, Yeiser.
White's Artillery.
Captain B. F. White. Terrell Light Artillery.
Captain E. G. Dawson. 1 Captain John W. Brooks.
Columbu,s Light Artillery.
Captain E, Croft. Campbell Siege Artillery.
Captain C. G. CampbeU. Chestatee Artillery.
Captain T, H, Bomar. Martin's Light Artillery.
Captain R. Martin. Jackson Artillery.
Captain G. A. Dure. Daniell's Light Artillery.
Captain C. Daniells. Jo. Thompson Artillery.
Captain C. E. Hanleiter. | Captain L. J. Parr.
Pritchard's Artillery.
Captain E, E. Pritchard. Maxwell Artillery.
Captain J, A, Maxwell, Macon Light Artillery.
Captain C, W, Slaton, | Captain H. N, Ells,
Scogin's Light Artillery.
Captain J. Scogin. | Captain 0, C, Gibson,
Oglethorpe Siege ArtiUery.
Captain (A) J, Lama, I Captain (B) G, F. Oliver.
(B) Richard J, Nunn, |

APPENDIX A.

69J

Clinch's Artillery.
Captain N. B, Clinch, Mercer Artillery.
Captain A. J. Macarthy, Echols Light Artillery.
Captain J. H, Tiller, Barnwell's Light Artillery.
Captain A, Smith Barnwell, Bartow Artillery. I Captain A, C, Dunn.
Massenburg Battery.
I Captain G, H, Dure,
Palmer's Artillery.
I Captain J. H, Yates,

Captain T. D, Bertody,
Captain T. L. Massenburg

Captain M. W. Harris,
" E. W, Anderson

Captain J, F. Wheaton

Nelson's Artillery.
Captain J, Milledge. Chatham Artillery.
I Captain J. S. Claghorn.
Girardey's Battery.
Capt. J. P. Girardey. Howell's Battery.
Captain Evan P. Howell.
Miscellaneous Artillery Roll.
Captain J. W. Brown.
" J, P, Girardey.
H, H, Cariton.
E, Croft.
" E. P. Lumpkin.
" A. J, White,
C, C, CampbeU.
J. S, Cleghorn,
" E, E, Pritchard,
Wm, AV, SenteU.
J, T, Culpeper.
C. Daniells.

Captain F. T. CoUins,
" M. Kendrick,
J, H, Baker,
S. P. Hamilton.
" J. K, Booton.
J. Talley.
" J. C. Fraser.
J. P. W. Read.
" J. D. Hawkins,
G. T. Barnes.
" C. Sweet.
F, Blodgett, Jr,

Independent Echol's Artillery.
Captain John H, TiUer.

SUPPLEMEI^T TO APPENDIX "A."

ADDITIONAL NAMES AND FACTS.

Major General Jeremy F. Gilmer.
" " Samuel G. French.
Brigadier General Paul .J. Quattlebaum.
" Robert H. ChUton, Dd.
C. C. Crews.
Colonel Sewall L. Fremont.
Lt. Col. 1st Ga. Regulars H. D D. Twiggs.
Adjutant " '' Robert H. Atkinson.
Major " " E. W, Hazzard,
Captain Co. (F) S, R, Lawrence,
" (Gl M, M, Potter,
" (H) 1), S, Kennedy.
" (II T. M. McGregor.
" (K) T.J Abbott.
" (G) J. C. Fain.

Captain Co. (K) F. T. Callens.
" (M) P Hamilton.
Adjutant I Oth Ga. Inf. Leroy Napier.

Capt (A) "

" Richard Hawes.

• (B) " '

' " John B. AVeems.

' (E) '¦ '

' " G. G, Crawford.

' (F) " •

" John StovaU,

' (H) " ¦
' " Wm, Ashburn.
' (I) " '
' " Wm, P, Redwine.
' (G) " '
" 0, Home,
' (D) " '
' " Thos, D'Antignac
' (D) " '
' " A, D'Antignac,
' (H) "
' " Thos. Adams.
Adj, 6th Ga, Infantry, B, RusseU,
" " " " Robert S, Connell
CHANGES OF OEGANIZATION.
3rd Bat, Ga, Inf, consolidated in 37th Ga,
Inf, Reg,
4th Bat, Ga, Inf. consolidated in 60th Ga.
Inf. Reg.
7th Bat. Ga. Inf. consolidated iu 61st Ga.
Inf. Reg.
30th Ga. Bat Cav. and 4 companies made
nth Ga. Cav. Reg
7 companies from 7th Confederate Cav. and
3 companies from 20th Ga. Bat. Cav.
made 10th Ga. Cav. Reg.
10 companies Cobb's Ga. Legion made 9th
Ga. Cay. Reg.
7 companies 62nd Ga. Eegt. and 3 compan
ies of 20th Ga. Bat. Cav. made Sth Ga.
Cav. Eeg.
1 5th Bat. Ga Partisan Rangers merged in
62ud Ga Reg.
2IstBat. Ga. Partisan Rangers and 24th
Bat. made 7th Ga. Cav. Reg.
67th Ga. Inf. Reg. reported with  Lester,
Col. But no rolls.
10th Confederate Cavalry made up of 19tli
Ga. Bat. Partisan Rangers and 5 Ala
bama companies. Col. C. T. Goode,
Lt. Col. T. G. Holt. Major W. J. Vason,
Adjutant Joe Bass.
Staff of Gen. A H. Colquitt, Captains
Geo, G, Grattara and Jemy Jackson,
A. A. G, Lts. Jas. Randall and H. H.
Colquitt, A D. C. Major R. N. Ely,
A. Q. M. J. B. Morgan, A. C. S. Lt.
H. Estill, Ordnance.
Lt. Col. E. Y. Clarke of 16th Ga. Bat. Parti
san Rangers holds commission stating
his promotion for gallantry on the field.
APPENDIX B.

Correspondence Between Jefferson Daa'is, President of the
Confederacy, and Joseph E. Brown, Governor of Georgia, on
Conscription. LETTER OF ME. DAVIS. Executive Department, )
Richmond, May 29th, 1862. )
Dear Sir : — I received your letter of the Sth inst., in due course, but the importance
of the subject embraced in it required careful consideration ; and this, together with
other pressing duties, has caused delay in my reply.
The constitutional question discussed by you in relation to the Conscription Law had
been duly weighed before I recommended to Congress the passage of such a law ; it was
fully debated in both houses; and your letter has not only been submitted to my Cabi
net, -but a written opinion has been required from the Attorney-General. The consti
tutionality of the law was sustained by very large majorities in both houses. This
decision of the Congress meets the concurrence, not only of my own judgment, but of
every member of the Cabinet ; and a copy of the opinion of tlie Attorney General, here
with enclosed, develops the reasons ou which his conclusions are based,
I propose, however, from my high respect for yourself, and for other erainent citizens
who entertain opinions similar to yours, to set forth, soraewhat at length, ray own views
on the power of the Confederate Government over its own armies and the militia, and
will endeavor not to leave without answer any of the positions maintained in your
letter, 'The main, if not the only purpose for which independent States form Unions or Con
federations, is to combine the power of the severiil raerabers in such manner as to forra
one united force in all relations with foreign powers, whether in peace or in war. Each
State araply competent to .administer and control its own domestic government, yet too
feeble successfully to resist powerful nations, seeks safety by uniting Avith other States
in like condition, and by delegating to some coramon agent the combined strength of
all, in order to secure advantageous commercial relations in peace and to carry on hos
tilities with effect in war.
Now, the powers delegated by the several States to the Confederate Government,
which is their common agent, are enumerated in the 8th section of the Constitution,
e.ach power being distinct, specific, and enumerated in paragraphs separately numbered.
The only exception is the 18th paragraph, which, by its own terms, is made dependent
on those previously enumerated, as follows :
"18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execu
tion the foregoing powers,'' etc.
Now, the war powers granted to the Congress are conferred in the following para
graphs :

696 APPENDI.X B.
No 1 gives authority to raise " revenue necessary to pay the debts, provide for the com
mon defense, and carry on the governmeut," etc.
" No. 11, (0 declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concern
ing captures on land and water."
" No. 1 2, to raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to that use shall
be for a longer term than two years."
" No. 13, toprovide and maintain a navy."
" No. 14, to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval
forces." It is impossible to imagine a more broad, ample and unqualified delegation of the
whole war power of each State than is here contained, with the solitary limitation of
the appropriations to two years. The States not only gave power to raise money for
the common defense ; to declare war ; to raise and support arraies (in the plural) ; to
provide and maintain a navy ; to govern and regulate both land and naval forces ; but
they went further, and covenanted, by the 3rd paragraph of the 10th section, not " to
engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of
delay." I know of but t\vo modes of raising armies within the Confederate States, viz.: volun
tary enlistment, and draft or conscription. I perceive, in the delegation of power to
raise armies, no restriction as to the mode of procuring troops. I see nothing wliich
confines Congress to one class ot men, nor any greater power to receive volunteers than
conscripts into its service. I see no limitation by which enlistments are to be received of
individuals only, but not of corapanies, or battalions, or squadrons, or regiments. I find
no limitation of time of service, but only of duration of appropriation, I discover noth
ing to confine Congress to waging war within the limits of the Confederacy, nor to pro
hibit offensive war. In a word, when Congress desires to r,aise an army, and passes a
law for that purpose, the solitary question is under the 18th paragraph, viz, : " Is the
law one that is necessary and proper to execute the power to raise armies," etc.'?
On this point you say : " But did the necessity exist in this case 1 " The Conscrip
tion Act cannot aid the Government in increasing the supply of arms or provisions, bnt
can only enable it to call a larger number of men into the field. The difficulty has never
been to get men. The states have already furnished the Government more than it can
arm," etc,
I would have very little difficulty in establishing to your entire sati.sfactiou that the
passage of the law was not only necessary, but that it was absolutely indispensable ; that
numerous regiments of twelve months m^^n were on the eve of being disbanded, whose
places could not be supplied by new levies in the face of superior numbers of the foe,
without entailing the most disastrous resuhs ; that the position of our armies was so
critical as to fill the bosom of every patriot with the liveliest apprehension ; and that the
provisions of this law were effective in warding off a pressing danger. But I prefer to
answer your objection on other and broader grounds,
I hold, that when a .specific power is granted by the Constitution, like that now in
question, " to raise armies," Congress is the judge whether the law passed for the pur
pose of executing that power, is " necessary and proper," It is not enough to say that
armies might be raised in other ways, and that, therefore, this particular way is not
" necessary," The same argument might be used against every raode of raising armies.
To each successive mode suggested, the objection would be that other modes were
practicable, and that, therefore, the particular mode used was not " necessary." The

appendix b. 697
true and only test is to inquire whether the law is intended aud calculated to carry ont
the object ; whether it devises and creates an instrumentality for executing the specific
power granted; and if the answer be in the affirmative, the law is constitutional. None
can doubt that the Conscription Law is calculated and intended to " raise armies.'' It
is, therefore, " necessary and proper" for the execution of that power, ami is consti
tutional, unless it coraes into conflict with some other provision of our Confederate
Compact. You express the opinion that this conflict exists, and support your argument by the
citation of those clauses which refer to the militia. There are certain provisions not
cited by you, which are not without influence on ray judgment, and to which I call your
attention. They will aid in defining what is meant by " militia," and iu determining
the respective powers of the States and the Confederacy over them.
The several States agree " not to keep troops or ships of war in time of peace," Art.
1, sec. 10, par. 3.
They further stipulate, that " a well regulated militia being necessary to the security
of a free State, the right of the people to keep aud bear arms shall not be infringed."
Sec. 9, par. 13.
That "no person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime,
unless on a presentment or indictment of a, grand jnry, except in cases arising in the
bind or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual service in tirae of war or jmblic
danger,'' etc. Sec. 9, par. 16.
AVhat then are militia 1 They can only be created by law. — The arms-bearing inhab
itants of a State are liable to become its militia, if the law so order ; but in the absence
of a law to that effect, the raen of a State capable of bearing arms are no more niiliiia
than they are seamen.
The Constitution also tells us that railitia are not troops, nor are they any part of the
land or naval forces; for militia exist in time of peace, and the Constitution forbids the
States to keep troops in time of peace, and they are expressly distinguished and placed
in a separate category from land or naval forces, in the 16th paragr.iph, above quoted ;
and the words land or naval forces are shown, by paragraphs 12, 13 and 14, to mean the
army and navy of the Confederate States,
Now, if militia are not the citizens taken singly, but a body created by law ; if they
are not troops, if they are no part of the army and navy of the Confederacy —we are led
directly to the definition quoted by the Attorney General, that militia are a " body of
soldiers in a State enrolled for discipline," In other words, the term " militia " is a col
lective term, meaning a body of men organized, and cannot be applied to the separate
individuals who compose the organization.
The Constitution divides the whole miUtary strength of the States into only t\vo
classes of organized bodies— one, the armies of the Confederacy; the other, the militia
of the States,
In the delegation of power to the Confederacy, after exhausting the subject of declar
ing war, raising and supporting armies, and providing a navy, in relation to all which
the grant of authority to Congress is exclusive, the Constitution proceeds to deal with
the other organized body, the miUtia, and instead of delegating power to Congress
alone, or reserving it to the States alone, the power is divided as follows, viz. : Congress
is to have power — „ ^ ,
" To provide for caUing forth the militia to execute the laws of the Confederate States,
suppress insurrections, and re/jc? invasions." Sec, 8. Par. 15.

698

appendix b.

" To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing
such part of them as may be employed in the service of the Confederate states ; reserv
ing io tlie States respectively the appointment of officers and the authority of training the
militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress," Par, 16.
Congress, then, has the power to provide for o-ganizing the arras-bearing people of the
States iuto militia. Each Slate has the power to officer and train them when organized.
Congress may call forth the militia to execute Confederate laws. The State has not
surrendered the power to call thera forth to execute State laws.
Congress may call them forth to repel invasion ; so may the State, for it has expressly
reserved tbis right.
Congress may call them forth to suppress insurrection ; and so may the State, for the
power is impliedly reserved of governing all the militia except the part iu actual ser
vice of the Confederacy.
I confess myself at a loss to perceive in what raatter these careful and well defined
provisions of the Constitution regulating t.ic organization and government of the militia,
can be understood as applying in the remotest degree to the armies of the Confederacy ;
nor can I conceive how the grant of exclusive power to declare and carry on war by
armies raised and supported by the Confederacy, is to be restricted or diminished by the
clauses which grant a divided power over the militia. On the contrary, the delegation
of authority over the militia, so far as granted, it appears to me to be plainly an addi
tional enumerated power, intended to strengthen the hands of the Confederate Govern
ment in the discharge of its paramount duty, the common defense of tliu .States.
You state, after quoting the 12th, 15th and 16th grants of power to Congress, that,
"These grants of power all relate to the same subject matter, and are all contained in
the same section of the Constitution, and by a well known rule of construction, must be
taken as a whole, and construed together."
This argument appears to me unsound. — AU tho powers of Congress are enumerated
in one section; aud the three paragraphs quote! can no more control each other by
reason of their location in the same section, than they can control auy of the other parar
graphs preceding, intervening, or succeeding. So far as the subject matter is concerned,
I have already endeavored to show that the armies raentioned iu the 12th paragraphs
¦are a subject matter as distinct from the militia mentioned in the 15th aud 16th, as they
are from the navy mentioned in the 13th. Nothing can so mislead as to construe to-
gcitiier and as a whole, the carefully separated clauses which define the different powers
to be exercised over distinct subjects hythe Congress. But, you add, that, "by the
grant of power to Congress to raise and support armies, without qualification, the
framers of the Constitution intended the regular armies of the Confederacy, aud not
armies composed of the whole militia of all the States."
I must confess myself somewhat at a loss to understand this position If I am right,
that the militia is a body of enroUed State soldiers, it is not possible, in the nature of
things, that armies raised by the Confederacy can " be composed of the whole militia of
.lU the States." The militia may be called forth, in whole or in part, into the Confeder
ate service, but do not thereby become part of the " armies raised " bv Congress.
They remain militia, and go home when the emergency which provoked their caU has
ceased. Armies raised by Congress are of course r.aised out of the same population as
the militia organized by the States ; and to deny to Congress the power to draft a citi
zen into the array, or to receive his voluntary offer of services because he is a member of
the State militia, is to deny the power to raise an army at all ; for, practically, all men

APPENDIX B. 699
fit for service in the array may be embraced in the militia organiziitions of the several
States. You seem, however, to suggest, rather than directly to assert, that the Conscript
law raay be unconstitutional, becau.se it comprehends aU arms-bearing men between 18
and 35 years : at least this is an inference which I draw from your expression, " arraies
composed of the whole militia of all the States." But it ia obvious, that if Congress
have power to draft iuto the armies raised by it auy citizens at all (without regard to the
fact whether they are or not members of militia organizations), the power must be co
extensive with the exigencies of the occasion, or it becomes illusory ; and the extent of
the exigency raust be iletermined by Congress ; for the Constitution has left the power
without any other check or restriction than the Executive veto. Under ordinary cir
cumstances, the power thus delegated to Congress is scarcely felt by the States. At the
present moment, when our very existence is threatened, by armies vastly superior in
numbers to ours, the necessity for defence has induced a call, not " for the whole militia
of all the States," not for any railitia, but for men to compose armies for the Confeder
ate States.
Surely, there is no mystery on this subject. During our whole past history, as well as
during our recent one year's e.xperience as a new Confederacy, the militia " have been
called forth to repel invasion " in numerous instances ; and they never came otlierwisc
than of bodies organized by the States, with their company, field, and general officers ;
and when the emergency had passed, they went home again.
I cannot perceive how any one can interpret the Conscription Law as taking away
from the States the power to appoint officers to their militia. You observe on this point
iu your letter, that unless your construction is adopted, "the very object of the States
in reserving the power of appointing the officers, is defeated, and that porlion of tho
Constitution is not only a nullity, bnt the whole military power of the States, and the
entire control of the militia, with the appointment of the officers, is vested in the Con
federate Government, whenever it chooses to call its own action ' raising an army,' and
not caUing forth the militia.''
I can only say, iu reply to this, that the power of Congress depends on the real nature
of the act it proposes to perform, not on the name given to it ; and I have endeavored
to show that its action is merely that of " raiding an army," and bears no semblance to
" calling forth the militia." I think I may safely venture the assertion, that there is not
one man out of a thousand of those who wiU do service under the Conscription Act that
would describe hiraself, while in the Confederate service, as being a railitia man ; and
if I am right in this assumption, the popular understanding concurs entirely with my
own deductions from the Constitution as to the meaning of the word " militia."
Mv answer has grown to such a length that I mnst confine myself to one more quota
tion 'from your letter. You proceed: "Congress shaU have power to raise armies.
How shall "it be done 1 The answer is clear. In conformity to the provisions of tbe
Constitution, which expressly provides that when the militia of the States are called
forth to repel invasion, and employed in the service of the Confederate States, which is
now the case, the State shall appoint the officers."
I beg you to observe that the answer which you say is clear, is not an answer to the
question put. The question is : How are armies to be raised 1 The answer given is,
that when railitia are called forth to repel invasion, the State shaU appoint the officers.
There seems to me to be a conclusive test on this whole subject. By onr Constitution
Congress raay declare war, offensive as weU as defensive. It may acquire territory.— Now,
suppose that for good cause, and to right unprovoked injuries. Congress should declare

700 APPENDIX B.
war against Mexico, and invade Sonora, The militia could not be called forth in such a
case, the right to call it being limited to " repel invasions," Is it not plain that the law
now under discussion if passed under such circumstances, could by no possibility be
aught else than a law to " raise au army "! " Can oue aud the same law be construed
into a " caUing forth the militia," if the war be defensive, aud a " raising of arraies,"
if the war be offensive 1
At some future day, after our independence shall have been established, it is no
improbable supposition that our present enemy raay be tempted to abuse his naval
power, by depredation on our commerce, and that we may be corapelled to assert our
rights by offensive war. How is it to be carried ou ? Of what is the army to be com
posed ? If this Government cannot call on its arms-bearing population otherwise than
&s railitia, and if the railitia can only be called forth to repel invasion, we should be
utterly helpless to vindicate our honor or protect our rights. War has been well styled
" the terrible litigation of nations," Have we so formed our Governraent, that in this
litigation we must never be plaintiff ? Surely this cannot have been the intention of the
framers of our compact.
In no aspect in which I can view this law, can I find just reason to distrust the pro
priety of my action in approving and signing it ; o,ud the question presented involves
consequences, both immediate and remote, too momentous to perrait me to leave your
objections unanswered.
In conclusion, I take great pleasure in recognizing that the history of the past year
affords the amplest justification for your assertion, that if the question had been, whether
the Conscription Law was necessary in order to raise men in Georgia, the answer must
have been in the negative. Your noble State has promptly responded to every call that
it has been ray duty to make on her ; and to you, personally, as her Executive, I
acknowledge ray indebtedness for the prompt, cordial, and effective co-operation you
have afforded me in the effort to defend our common country against the common
enemy. I ara, very respectfully. Your obedient servant,
„ „ T T, -r. JEFFERSON DAVIS.
His Excellency Jos. E. Brown,
Governor of Georgia, Milledgeville.

REPLY OF GOV. BEOWN. Atlanta, June 21st, 1862.
His Excellency Jeffekson Davis, Peesident, etc.
Dear Sir .-—I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 29th
ult., in reply to mine of the 8th of the same month, which reached my office, at MiUedge
viUe, on the Sth inst., together with a copy of the written opinion of the Attorney Gen
eral, and has since been forwarded to me at Canton, where I was detained by family
affliction. _ Your reply, prepared after mature deliberation and consultation with a Cabinet of dis
tinguished ability, who concur in your view of the constitutionality of the Conscription
Act, doubtless presents the very strongest argument in defense of the Act, of which the
case is susceptible.
Entertaining, as I do, the highest respect for your opinions and those of each individ-

APPENDIX B. 701
ual member of your Cabinet, it is with great diffidence that I express the conviction,
which I still entertain, after a careful perusal of your letter, that your argument fails to
sustain the constitutionality of the Act ; and that the conclusion at which you have
arrived is maintained by neither the contemporaneous construction put upon the Con
stitution by those who made it, nor by tbe practice of the United States Government,
uuder it, during the eariier and better days of the Eepublic, nor by the language of the
iustrument itelf, taking the whole context, and applying to it the well established rules
by which all coustitutions and laws are to be construed.
Looking to the raagnitude of the rights involved, and the disastrous consequences
which, I fear, must follow what I cousider a bold and dangerous usurpation by Congress
of the reserved rights of the States, and a rapid stride towards military despotism, I
very much regret that I have not, in the preparation of this reply, the advice and assist
ance of a number equal to your Cabinet, of the many " eminent citizens " who, you
admit, entertain with me, the opinion that the Conscription Act is a palpable violation
of the Constitution of the Confederacy. Without this assistance, however, I must pro
ceed individually to express to you some views, in addition to those contained in my for
mer letters, and to reply to such points made by you in the argument, as seem to my
mind to have the most plausibility in sustaining your conclusion,
'The sovereignty and independence of each one of the thirteen States at the time of
the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, wiU not, I presume, be denied by
any, nor will it be denied that each of these States acted in its separate capacity, as au
independent sovereign, in the adoption of the Constitution. The Constitution is, there
fore, a league between sovereigns. In order to place upon it a just construction, we
must apply to it the rules, which, by common consent, govern in the construction of all
written constitutions and laws. One of the first of these rules is, to inquire what was
the intention of those who made the Constitution.
To enable us to learn this intention, it is important to inquire what they did, and
what they said they meant, when they were making it. In other words, to inquire for
the contemporaneous construction put upon the instrument by those who made it, and
the explanations of its meaning by those who proposed each part in the Convention,
which induced the Convention to adopt each part,
I incorporated into my last letter a number of quotations from the debates of prominent
members of the Convention upon the very point in question, showing that it was not the
intention of the Convention to give to Congress the unlimited control of all the raen able
to bear arms in the States, but that it was their intention to reserve to the States the
control over those who composed their militia, by retaining to the States the appoint
ment of the officers to command them, even while "employed in the service of the Con
federate States," I might add many other quotations containing strong proofs of this
position, from the debates of the Federal Convention, and the action of the State Con
ventions which adopted the Constitution ; but I deem it unnecessary, as you made no
aUusion to the contemporaneous construction in your reply, and I presume you do not
insist that the explanations of its meaning given by those who made it sustain your con
clusion, I feel that I am fully justified by the debates and the action of the Federal and State
Conventions, in saying that it was the intention of the thirteen sovereigns, to constitute
a common agent with certain specific and limited powers, to be exercised for the good
of all the principals, but that it was not the intention to give the agent the power to
destroy the principals. The agent was expected to be rather the servant of several mas-

702 APPENDIX B.
ters, than the raaster of several servants, I apprehend it was never imagined that the
time would come when the agent of the sovereigns would claim the power to take from
each sovereign every man belonging to each, able to bear arms, and leave them with no
power to e.xecute their own la\ys, suppress insurrections in their raidst, or repel invasions.
In reference to the practice of the United States Government under the Constitution,
I need only remark, that I do not presume it will be contended that Congress claimed
or exercised the right to compel persons constituting the railitia of the States, by conscrip
tion or compulsion, to enter the service of the General Governraent, without the consent
of their State Government, at any time while the Government was administered, or its
councils controlled, by any of the fathers of the Eepublic who aided in the forraation of
the Constitution.
If, then, the constitutionality of the Conscription Act cannot be established by the
contemporaneous construction of the Constitution, nor by the earlier practice of the Gov
ernraent while administered by those who made the Constitution, the remaining inquiry
is, can it be established by the language of the instrument itself, taking the whole con
text, and applying to it the usual rules of construction, which were generally received
and admitted to be authoritative at the time it was made.
'The Constitution, in express lauguage, gives Congress the power to "raise and sup
port armies," You rest the case here, and say you know of but two modes of " raising
armies," to wit : " by voluntary enlistment, and by draft or conscription,'' and you con
clude that the Constitution authorizes Congress to raise them by either or both these
modes. To enable us to arrive at an intelligent conclusion as to the meaning intended to be
conveyed by those who used this language, it is necessary to inquire what signification
was attached to the terms used, at the time they were used ; and it is fair to infer that
those who used them intended to convey to the minds of others the idea which was at
that time usually conveyed by the language adopted by them. Apply this rule, and what
did the Convention mean by the term " to raise armies ? " I prefer that the Attor
ney General should answer. He says in his written opinion :
" Inasmuch as the words ' railitia,' ' armies,' ' regular troops,' and ' volunteers,' had
acquired a definite meaning in Great Britain before the Eevolutionary war, and as we
have derived raost of our ideas ou this subject from that source, we raay safely couclude
that the term ' militia,' in our Constitution, was used in the sense attached to it in that
country," Upon this statement of the Attorney General rests his definition of the term " militia,"
which is an English definition ; and upon that definition rests all that part of your argu
ment, which draws a distinction, however unsubstantial, between calling forth the militia
by authority of Congress, and caUing forth all men in the State who compose the militia
by the same authority. In the one case, you term it calling forth the militia, and admit
that the State has the right to appoint the officers : in the other case, while every man
called forth may be the same, you term it raising an army, and deny to the State the
appointment of the officers. As this is necessary to sustain the constitutionality of the
Conscription Act, you cannot disapprove the statement of the Attorney General above
quoted. If, then, the Attorney General is right, that the terms " railitia," " armies,"
" regular troops," and "volunteers" had acquired a definite meaning in Great Britain
before the Eevolutionary war, and we have derived most of our ideas on this subject
from that source, and if we may safely conclude that the term " militia" in our Consti
tution was used in the sense attached to it in that country, is it not equally safe to con-

APPENDIX B. 703
elude that the terms " armies," and to " raise armies," liaviiig acquired a definite mean
ing in Great Britain before the Rovolntiouary war, were used iu our Constitution in the
same sense attached to them iu that country ?
At that period, the Government of Great Britain had no Conscription Act, and did
not " raise arraies " by conscription, therefore the Convention which made our Consti
tution, " having derived most of their ideas on this subject frora that source," it is " safe
to conclude" that they used the term to " raise armies iu the sense attached to it in that
country." It necessarily foUows, the Attoruey Geueral being the judge, that your
conclusion is erroneous, aud that Congress has no power to " raise arraies," not even her
" regular armies," by conscription.
But, as those who framed the Constitution foresaw that Congress might not be able
by voluntary enlistment, to raise regular or standing armies sufficiently large to meet
all emergencies, or that the people might refuse to vote supplies to raaintain in the field
armies so large and dangerous, they wisely provided, in connection with this grant of
power, another relating to the same subject-matter, aud gave Congress the additional
power to call forth the militia to execute the laws of the Confederate States, suppress
insurrections, and repel invasions.
In this connection, I am reminded by your letter, that Congress has power " to
declare war," which you say embraces the right to declare offensive as well as defensive
war ; and you argue, as I understand, that tbe militia cau only be called forth to repel
iuvasions, and not to invade a foreign power, and that Congress would be powerless to
redress our wrongs, or vindicate our honor, if it could not "raise armies" by conscrip
tion, to invade foreign powers. If this were even so, it might be an objection to the
Constitutional Government, for want of sufficient strength, which is an objection often
made by those who favor more absolute power in the Geueral Government, and who
attempt, by a latitudinarian construction of the Constitution, to supply powers which
were never intended to be given to it. But does the practical difficulty which you sug
gest, in fact exist 1 I maintain that it does not. Aud I raay here reraark, that those
who established the Governraent of our fathers, did not look to it, as a, great railitary
power whose people were to live by plundering other nations in foreign aggressive war,
but a peaceful Governraent, advised by the Father of his Country, to avoid " entangling
alliances " with foreign powers.
But you suppose, after our independence is established, that our present enemy raay
be tempted to abuse his naval power, by depredation on our coraraerce, aud that we may
be corapelled to assert our rights by offensive war, and you ask, " How is it to be car
ried on ¦? " " Of what is the army to be composed '>. " The answer is a very simple
one. If the aggression is such as to justify us in the declaration of offensive war, our
people will have the intelligence to know it, and the patriotism an<l valor to prompt
them to respond by voluntary enlistment, and to offer themselves under officers of their
own choice, through their State authorities, to the Confederacy, just as they did in the
offensive war against Mexico, when many more were offered than were needed, w-ithout
conscription or coercion ; and just as they have done in our present defensive war, when
almost every State has responded to every call, by sending larger numbers than were
called for, and larger than the Government can arm and make effective. There is no
dano-er that the honor of the intelligent freeborn citizens of this Confederacy will ever
suffer because the Government has not the power to compel thera to vindicate it. They
will hold the Governraent responsible if it" refuses to permit them to do it. To doubt

704 APPENDIX B.
this, would seem to be, to doubt the intelligence and patriotism of the people, aud their
competency for self-government.
It would be very dangerous, indeed, to give the General Government the power to
engage iu an offensive foreign war the justice of which was condemned by the Govern
ments of the States, and the intelligence of the people, and to compel them to prosecute
it for two years, the terms for which appropriations cau be made aud continued by the
Congress declaring it. Hence the wisdom of our ancestors in Uniiting the power of
Congress over the militia, or great body of our people, so as to prohibit the prosecution,
by conscription or coercion, of an offensive foreign war, which raay be condemned by an
intelligent public opinion,
France has a conscription act, which Great Britain has not. Both are warlike powers,
often engaged iu foreign offensive wars. AVhat advantage has the conscription law
given to France over Great Britain ? Has not the latter been as able as the former to
" raise armies " sufficient to vindicate her honor and maintain her rights ? When
France had no conscription law at oue period of her history, she was a Renublic, Soon
alter she had a conscription law, she became au Empire, and her ruler an Emperor,
leaving her people witliout the constitutional safeguard which protects the people of
Great Britain.
But you ask, " Shall we never be plaintiff in this 'terrible litigation of nations 1 '"
If the litigation commends itself to the intelligence of the people as just, they will not
hesitate to put themselves at the comraand of the Government to assume the plaintiff's
])Osition, 'The eagerness with which the people of the Confederacy now desire that we
assume the plaintiff's position, and become the attacking and invading party, instead of
acting constantly upon the defensive, is evidence to sustain my conclusion on this point,
I'hat those who framed the Constitution looked to a state of war as tending to pon-
centrate the power in the Executive, and as unfavorable to constitutional liberty, and
did not intend to encourage it, unless in cases of absolute necessity, and did not, there
fore, form the Government with a view to its becoming a power often engaged in offen
sive war, raay be inferred frora the language of Mr. Madison. He says :
" War, is, in fact, the true nurse of Executive aggrandizement. In war a physical
force is to be created, and it is the Executive will which is to direct it. In war the pub
lic treasures are to be unlocked, and it is the Executive hand which is to dispense them.
In war, the honors and emoluments of office are tobe multiplied, and it is the Executive
patronage under which they are to be enjoyed. It is in war, finally, that laurels are
to be gathered, and it is the Executive brow they are to encircle. The strongest passions
and most dangerous weaknesses of the human breast — ambition, avarice, vanity, the
honorable or venial love of fame, are all in conspiracy against the desire and duty of
peace.'' See Federalist, page 452.
In connection with this remark of Mr. Madison, it may not be amiss to add one from
Mr. Calhoun. That great and good man who may justly be styled the champion of
State Rights and Constitutional Liberty, in the first volurae of his works, page 361, while
speaking of the war which was forced upon Mr. Madison while President, by Great
Britain, says :
" It did raore ; for the war, however just and necessary, gave a strong impulse adverse
to the Federal and favorable to the national line of policy. This is, indeed, one of the
unavoidable consequences of war, aud can be counteracted only by bringing iuto full
action the negatives necessary to the protection of the reserved powers. These would, of
themselves, have the effect of preventing wars, so long as they could be honorably and

APPENDIX B. 705
safely avoided ; and when necessary, of arresting, to a great extent, the tendency of the
Govemment to transcend the limits ofthe Constitution during its prosecution, and of correct
ing all departures after its termination. It was by force of the tribunitial power that
the plebeians retaiued for so long a period their liberty in the raidst of so many wars,"
I beg to call special attention to the portions of the above quotation which I have
italicized. Having rested the constitutionality of the Conscription Act upon the power given to.
Congress to " raise armies," you enunciate a doctrine which I raust be pardoned for
saying, struck me with surprise ; not that the doctrine was new, for it was first pro-
clairaed, I believe, almost as strongly, by Mr. Hamilton in the Federalist, but because
it found au advocate in you, whom I had for raany years regarded as one of the ablest
and boldest defenders of the doctrines of the State Eights school, in the old governraent.
Your language is :
"I hold that Avhen a specific power is granted by the Constitution, like that now in
question, to ' raise armies,' Congress is the judge whether the law passed for the pur
pose of executing that power, is necessary and proper."
Again you say :
" The true and only test is, to inquire whether the law is intended and calculated to
carry out the object, whether it devises and creates an instrumentality for executing the
specific power granted, and if the answer be in the affirmative the law is constitutional."
From this yon argue that tlie Conscription Act is calculated and intended to " raise
armies," and, therefore, constitutional.
I am not aware that the proposition was ever stated more broadly iu favor of unre
strained Congressional power, by Webster, Story, or any other statesman or jurist of the
Federal school.
This is certainly not the doctrine of the republican party of 1798, as set forth in the
Virginia and Kentucky Eesolutions. The Virginia Eesolutions use the following lan
guage, that, " It (the General Assembly of Virginia) views the powers of the Federal
Government as resulting from the compact to which the States are parties, as limited by
the plain sense and intention of the instrument constituting that compact, as no further
valid than they are authorized hy the grants enumerated in that compact ; and that in
the case of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous exercise of other powers not granted hy
said compact, the States who are parties thereto, have the right and are in duty bound to
interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective
limits the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to them. That the General Assem
bly doth also express its deep regret, that a spirit has in sundry instances been mani
fested by the Federal Government, to enlarge its powers by a forced construction of the
Constitutional charter which defines them ; and that indications have appeared of a design
to e's.^owaCi certain general phrases — (which having been copied from the very limited
grant of powers in the former articles of Confederation were t.he less liable to he mis
construed) — so as to destroy the meaning and effect of the particular enumeration, which
necessarily explains and limits the general phrases, so as to consolidate the States by degrees
into one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and inevitable result of which would be to
transform the present Eepublican system of the United States, into an absolute or at least
a mixed monarchy."
The following quotations are from the Kentucky Resolutions drawn up by Mr, Jeffer
son himself (the italics, as in the last quotation, are my own), " That the several
States composing the United States of Araerica are not united on the principle of
45

706 APPENDIX B.
unlimited submission to the General Governraent ; but that, by a corapact under the style
and title of a Constitution of the United States, and of amendments thereto, they con
stituted a General Governmeut for special purposes — delegated to that Government cer
tain definite powers; reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own
self-Government ; that whensoever the General Government assumes undelegated powers
its acts are unauthoritative, void and of no force; that to this compact each State acceded
as a State, aud is an integral party — its co-States forming as to itself the other party ;
that the Government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final Judge of
the extent of ihe powers delegated to it — since that would have made its discretion and
not the Constitution the measure of its powers ; but that as in all other cases of compact
among parties having no common Judge, each has au equal right to Judge for itself as
well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress."
And again ;
" Tltat the construction applied by the General Government (as evinced by sundry of their
proceedings) to those parts of the Constitution of the United States which delegate to
Congress a power to lay aud coUect taxes, duties, imposts and excises; to pay the debts
and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States ; and to
make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested by the
¦Constitution in the Government of the United States, or any department thereof, jocs to
.the destruction of all the limits prescribed to their power by the Constitution. That words
meant by that instrument to be subsidiary only to the execution ofthe limited powers ought
not to he so construed, as themselves to give unlimited poivei s, nor a part so to be iahen as to
¦ destroy the wliole residue of ihe instrument."
But let us examine your doctrine a little further and see whether it can be reconciled
:to the construction lately put upon the Constitution by the States composing the Con-
.federacy, over which you preside, and the action lately taken by them.
The Constitution ofthe United States gives Congress the power to provide for call
ing forth tlie militia to " suppress insurrection." Carry out your doctrine, and Con
gress must of course be the .Judge of what constitutes an insurrection, as well as
of the means " necessary and proper" to be used in executing the specific power given
to Congress to suppress it. Georgia, claiming that the Congress of the United States
h.id abused the specific powers granted to it, and passed laws which were not " necessary
and proper " in executing these specific powers, which were injurious to her people, and
claiming to be herself the .Judge, seceded from the Union. Congress denied her power
or right to do so, and acting upon the doctrine laid down by you. Congress claiming to
be the Judge, proceeded to adjudicate the case, and determined that the action of Geor
gia amounted to an insurrection, and passed laws for its suppression. Among others,
they have passed a law, if we raay credit the newspapers, which authorizes the President
to arm our negroes agaiust us. Congress will, no doubt, justify this act, under the
specific power given to it by the Constitution, to " raise armies," as the armies, as well
as the militia may be used to suppress insuiTection, and to execute the laws. Apply
the test laid down by you, and inquire, is this law " calculated and intended " to carry
out the object (the suppression of the insurrection, and the execution of the laws of the
United States in Georgia)'? and does it " devise and create an instrumentality for exe
cuting the specific poiver granted 1 " Congress, the .Judge, answers the question in the
affirmative. Therefore the law is constitutional.
Again, suppose you are right, and Congress has the constitutional power to " raife
armies " by Conscription, an 1 without the consent of the States, to compel every man iu

APPENDI.X B. 707
the Confederacy, between 18 and 35 years old, able to bear anus, to enter these armies,
you mnst admit that Congress has the same power to extend the law, aud compel
every man between 16 and 60 to enter, Aud, you raust admit that the grant of power i.<
iis broad iu times of peace as iu tinies of war, as there is in the grant no language to
limit it to times of war. It follo\\s that Congress has the absolute control of every
man iu the State, whenever it chooses to execute to the f nil extent the power given it by
the Constitution to " raise arraies," How ea.sy a matter it would have been, therefore,
had the Congress of the United States understood the full extent of its powers to have
prevented iu a manner perfectly constitutional, the secession of Georgia aud Mississippi
frora the Union, It was only necessary to pass a Conscription Law declaring every man
in both States, able to bear arms, to be in the military service of the United States, and
that each should be treated as a deserter if he refused to serve ; and that Congress, the
.Judge, then decide that this law was " necessary aud proper," and that it created an
instrumentality for the execution of one of the specific powers granted to Congress to
provide for the execution of the laws of the Union in the two States, or to )u-ovide for
" raising armies,'' This would have left the States without a single man at their com
mand, without the power to organize or use railitary force, aud without free raen to con
stitute even a Convention to pass au ordinance of secession.
If it is said, the people of the States would have refusied to obey this law of Congress,
and would have goue out in defiance of it ; it may be replied that this would liave been
revolution and not peaceful secession, the right for which we have all contended — though
our enemies have not permitted us to part with them in peace— the right for which ne
are now fighting.
Your doctrine carried out not only makes Congress supreme over the States, at any
time when it chooses to exercise the full raeasure of its power to " raise arraies," but it
places the very existence of the State Governments subject to the will of Congress, The
Conscription Act makes no exception in favor of the officers necessary to the existence
of the State Government, but in substance declares that they shall all enter the service
of the Confederacy, at the call of the President, uuder officers which are in future to be
appointed by the President.
As already remarked. Congress has as much power to e.xtend the act to embrace all
between 1 6 and 60, as it had to take all between 1 8 and 35. If the act is constitutional ,
it follows that Congress has the power to compel the Governor of every State in tho
Confederacy, every meraber ot every Legislature of every State, every Judge of every
('ourt in every State, every officer of the Militia in every State, and all other State
officers to enter the military service as privates in the arraies of the Confederacy, under
officers appointed by the President, at any time when it so decides. In other words, Con
gress may disband the State (Jovernments any day when it, as the judge, decides that hy
so doing it " creates an instrumentality for executing the specific power " " to rai.<e
armies." If Congress has the right to discriminate, and take only those between 1 8 .and 35, it has
the right to make auy other discriraination it may judge " necessary and proper " in the
" execution of the power," and it may pass a law in time of peace or war, if it should
conclude the State Governments are an evil, that all State officers. Executive, Legisla
tive, Judicial and Military, shall enter the armies of the Confederacy as privates under
officers appointed hy the President, and that the army shall from time to tirae bo
recruited from other State officers as they may be appointed by the States.
To state the case in different forra. Congress has the power under the 12th paragrapli

708 APPENDIX B.
of the Sth section of the 1st Article of the Constitution to disband the State Govern
ments, and leave the people of the States with no other Government than such military
despotisra, as Congress iu the exercise of the specific power to " raise armies " (which I
understand you to hold is a distinct power to be construed separately) raay, after an
application of your test, judge to be best for the people.
For, as all the State officers which I mention might make effective privates in the
armies of the Confederacy, and as the law passed to compel them to enter the service
might " create an instrumentality for executing the specific power to "raise armies,"
Congress, the judge, need only so decide and the act would be constitutional,'
I may be reminded, however, that Congress passed an Exemption Act after the passage
of the Conscription Act, which exempts the Governors of the States, the members of
the State Legislatures, the Judges of the State Courts, etc., frora the obligation to enter
the railitary service of the Confederacy as privates under Confederate officers. It must
be borne in mind, however, that this very act of exeraption by Congress is au assertion
of the right vested iu Congress to compel them to go, when Congress shall so direct, as
Congress has the same power to repeal which it had to pass the Exemption Act. All
the State officers, therefore, are exempt from Conscription by the grace and special
favor of Congress and not by right, as the Governments of the independent States whose
agent, and not master. Congress has been erroneously supposed to be. If this doctrine
be correct, of what value are State rights and State sovereignty ?
In my former letter I insisted, uuder the general rule, that the 12th, 15th and 16th
]iaragraphs of the section under consideration, aU relating to the same subject matter,
should be construed together. While your language on this point is not so clear as in
other parts of your letter, I understand you to take issue with me here. You say :
" Nothing can so mislead as to construe together and as one whole, the carefully sepa
rated clauses, which define the different powers to be exercised over distinct subjects by
Cougress."
¦ These are not carefuUy separated clauses which relate to different powers, to be exer
cised over distinct subjects. They all relate to the same subject matter, the authority
given to Congress over the question of war and peace. They all relate to the use ot
arraed force by authority of Congress. If, therefore. Coke, Blackstone an-l Mansfield of
England, and Marshall, Kent and Story of this country, with all other intelligent
writers on the rules of construction, are to be respected as authority, there can, it would
seem, be no doubt of the correctness of the position that these three paragraphs, together
ivith all others in the Constitution which relate to the same subject matter, are to be con
strued together "as one whole."
Construe them together, and the general language iu oue paragraph, is so qualified
hy another paragraph, upon the same subject matter, that all can stand together, and the
whole when taken together, establishes to ray raind the unsoundness of your argument
and the fallacy of your conclusion.
But I must not omit to notice your definition of the terra " militia," and the deduc
tions which you draw frora it.
You adopt the definition of the Attorney General, that " the militia are a body of
soldiers in a State enrolled for discipline." Admit, for the purposes of the argument,
the correctness of the definition. AU persons, therefore, who are enrolled for discipline
nnder the laws of Georgia constitute her militia. AVhen the persons thus enroUed (the
militia) are employed in the service ot the Confederate States, the Constitution expressly
reserves to Georgia the appointment of the officers. The Conscription Act gives the

APPENDI.X B. 709
President the power by corapulsion to employ every one of those persons, between 18
and 35, iu the service of the Confederate States ; and denies to the State the appoint
ment of a single officer to comraand them, w bile thus " eraployed." Suppose Congress
at its next session should extend the act so as to erabrace all between 18 and 45 what is
the resulf? " The body of soldiers in the State enrolled for discipline " are every man
"employed in the service of the Confederacy," and the right is denied to the State to
appoint a single officer, when the Constitution says she shaU appoint them all. Is it fair
to conclude, when the State expressly and carefuUy reserved the control of their own
militia, by reserving the appointraent of the officers to command them, that they intended
uuder the general grant of power to " raise arraies," to authorize Congress to defeat the
reservation and control the militia, with their officers, by calling the very same men into
the field, individually and not collectively, organizing thera according to its own will and
terming its action " raising an array " and not calling forth the militia ? Surely the great
meu of the revolution when they denied to the General Government the appointment
even of the General Officers, to coramand the militia when employed in the service of
the Confederacy, did not imagine that the tirae would corae so soon when that Govern
ment, under the power to " raise armies," would claira and exercise the authority to
call into the field the whole militia of the States, individually, and deny to the States
the appointment of the lowest lieutenant, and justify the act on the ground that Con
gress did not choose to call them into service in their coUective capacity, and deny that
they were miUtia if called into service in any other way.
If Congress has the power to call forth the whole enrolled force or militia of tlie
States in the manner provided by the Conscription Act, there is certainly no obligation
upon Congress ever to call them forth in any other raanner, and it rests in the discretion
of Congress whether or not the State shall ever be permitted to exercise their reserved
right ; as Congress has the power in every case to defeat the exercise of the right by
caUing forth the militia under a conscription act, and not by requisitions made upon the
States. It cannot be just to charge the States with the folly of making this important
reservation, subject to any such power in Congress to render it nugatory at its
pleasure. Again, you say "Congress may caU forth the militia to execute Confederate laws;
the State has not surrendered the power to call thera forth to execute State laws."
" Congress may call thera forth to repel invasion ; so may the State, for it has
expressly reserved this right."
" Congress may call them forth to suppress insurrection and so may the State."
If the conscription law is to control, and Congress may, without the consent of the
State Governraent, order every man composing the militia of the State, out of the State,
into the Confederate service, how is the State to call forth her own militia, as you admit
she has reserved the right to do, to execute her own laws, suppress an insurrection in
her midst, or repel an invasion of her own territory?
Could it have been the intention of the States to delegate to Congress the power to
take frora them without their consent the means of self-preservation, by depriving them
of all the strength upon which their very existence depends?
After laying down the position that the citizens of a State are not her militia, and
^.ffirming that the mUitia are " a body organized by law," you deny that the militia con
stitute any part of the land or naval forces, and say they are distinguished frora the land
and naval forces, and you further say they have always been called forth as " bodies
organized by the States," with their officers ; that they " do not become part of the

710 APPENDIX B.
armies raised by Congress," but remain militia, and that when they had been called
forth, and the exigencies which provoked the call had passed, " they went horae again."
'The militia when called forth are taken frora the body of the people, to meet an emer
gency, or to repel invasion. If they go in as " bodies organized by the States," you
hold that they go in militia, remain militia, and when the exigency is passed they go
horae militia, but if you call forth the same raen by the Conscription Act for the same
purpose, and they remain for the sarae length of time, and do the same service, they
are not mt'teia but the armies of the Confederacy, part of the land or naval force. In
connection with this part of the subject you use the following language :
" At the present moment when our very existence is threatened hy arraies vastly
superior in numbers to ours, the necessity for defense has induced a call, not for the
whole militia of all the States, not for any militia, but for men to compose armies for the
Confederate States.''
In the midst of such pressing danger, why was it that there was no necessity for any
railitia ; in other words, no necessity for any " bodies of men organized by the States,"
as were many of the raost gallant regiments now in the Confederate service, who have
won on the battle-field a name in history, and laurels that can never fade?
Were no more such bodies " organized by the States " needed, because the material
remaining within the States of which they raust be composed was not reliable? The
Conscription Act gives you the very same material. Was it because the officers
appointed by the States to comraand the gaUant State regiments and other " organized
bodies " sent by the States were less brave or less skillful than the officers appointed by
the President to comraand similar " organized bodies? " The officers appointed hy the
States who now coramand regiments in the service, will not fear to have impartial his
tory answer this question. AVas it because you wished select raen for the armies of the
Confederacy? The Conscription Act embraces all, without distinction, between 18 and
and 35 able to do railitary duty and not legally exempt. You do not take the militia.
AVhat do you take? You take every raan between certain ages, of whom the railitia is
coraposed. What is the difference between taking the militia and taking aU the men
who compose the militia? Siraply this : In the one case you take thera with their officers
appointed by Ihe States, as the Constitution requires, and call them by their proper name,
"militia," "employed in the service ot the Confederate States." In the other case yon
take them all as individuals — get rid of the State officers — appoint officers of your own
choice, and call them the " armies of the Confederacy." And yet these armies, Uke you
say the militia do, wUl " go horae " when the exigency has passed, as it is hoped they
are not expected to be permanent like the regular armies of the Confederacy; or in
other words, like the land and naval forces provided for in the Constitution, from which
you distinguish the militia. Indeed, the siraUarity between these " armies of the Con
federacy," called forth in an emergency, to repel an invasion, to be disbanded when the
emergency is passed ; and the railitia or bodies of troops organized and officered by the
States, called forth for the same purpose, to be composed of the same material and dis
banded at the same time, is most remarkable in everything, except the name and the
appointraent of the officers.
Excuse me for calling your attention to another point in this connection.
As you adrait the militia have atVvays been called forth as " bodies organized by the
States," and when thus called forth that the States have always appointed the officers, I
presume you will not deny that when the President, by authority of Congress has made
a call upon a State for " organized bodies of soldiers," and they have been furnished

APPENDIX B. 72]^
by the State from the body ot her people, they have entered the service as part of the
militia of the State "employed in the service of the Confederate States" under the
15th and 16th paragraphs of the Sth Section of the 1st Article of the Constitution.
Your message to Congress recomraending its passage shows that there was no neces
sity for the act, to enable you to get troops, as you admit that the Executives of the
State had enabled you to keep in the field adequate forces, and also that the spirit of
resistauce among the people was such that it needed to be regulated and not stimulated.
You say :
" I am happy to assure you of the entire harraony of purpose and cordiaUty of feeling
which have continued to exist between rayself and the Executives of the several States
and it is to this cause that our success iu keeping adequate forces in the field is to be
attributed." Again you say :
" The vast preparations raade by the enemy for corabined assault at numerous points
on our frontier and sea coast, have produced the result that might have been expected.
They have animated the people with a spirit of resistance so general, so resolute and so
self-sacrificing, that it requires rather to be regulated than to be stimulated "
If then the Executives of the States by their cordial co-operation had enabled you to
keep in the field "adequate forces," and the spirit of resistance was as high as yon
state, there was no need of a Conscription Act to enable you to " raise armies,''
Since the invasion of the Confederacy by our present enemy, you have made frequent
caUs upon me as Governor of this State for " organized bodies " of troops. I have
responded to every call and sent thera as required, " organized " according to the laws
of the State, and coraraanded by officers appointed by the State, and iu most instances,
fully armed, accoutred and equipped. These bodies were called forth to meet an emer
gency, and assist in repelling an invasion. The emergency is not yet passed, the inva
sion is not yet repelled, aud they have not yet returned home. If your position be
correct they constitute no part of the land or naval forces as they were not organized
nor their officers appointed by the President, as is the case with the armies of the Con
federacy, but they were called forth as bodies " organized and their officers appointed by
the States." Hence they are part of the militia of Georgia employed in the service of
the Confederate States as provided by the two paragraphs of the Constitution above
quoted, and by paragraph 16 of Section 9 of the 1st Article which terms them " militia
in actual service in time of war or public danger." They entered the service with only
the training common to the citizens of the State. They are now well trained troops.
But having gone in as " bodies organized by the State," or as militia, you say they
remain militia, and go home railitia. In this case we seem to agree that the State,
under the express reservation in the Constitution, has the right to appoint the officers.
I have the written opinion of Mr. Benjamin, then Secretary of AVar, about the time of
the last call for twelve regiments, concurring in this view, and recognizing this right ot
the State. And it is proper that I should remark that the State has, in each case, been
permitted to exercise this right, when the troops entered the service in corapliance with
a requisition upon the State for " organized bodies of troops." The right does not
stop here, however. The Constitution does not say the State shall appoint the officei-s
while the organizations may be forming to enter the service of the Confederacy, but
while they " may be employed in the service of the Confederate States." Many thou
sands are now so employed. Vacancies in the different offices are frequently occurring
by death, resignation, etc. The laws of this State provide how these vacancies are to be
filled and it is not to be done by promotion of the officer next in rank, except in a single

712 APPENDIX B.
instance, but by election of tlie regiment, and commission by the Governor. The right
of the State to appoint these officers seems to be admitted, and is, indeed, too clear to
be questioned.
The Conscription Act, if it is to be construed according to its language, and the prac
tice which your Generals are establishing under it, denies to the State the exercise of
this right, and prescribes a rule for selecting all officers in future, unknown to the laws
of Georgia, and confers upon the President the power to commission them. Can this
usurpation (I think no milder term expresses it faithfully) be justified under the clause
in the Constitution which gives Congress power to " raise armies ?" and is this part of
the Act constitutional ? It not, you have failed to establish the constitutionality of the
Conscription Act.
The 14th paragraph of the 9th Section of the 1st Article of the Constitution of the
Confederate States declares that —
" A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of
the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed." This was no part of the
original Constitution as reported by the Convention and adopted by the States. But
" The Convention of a number of the States having at the time of their adopting the
Constitution expressed a desire in order to prevent misconstruction or abuse of its
powers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be added. Congress at the
session begun and held at the city of New York, on Wednesday the 4th of March, 1789,
proposed to the Legislatures of the several States twelve amendments, ten of which
only were adopted."
The second amendment was the one above quoted, which shows very clearly that the
States were jealous of the control which Congress might claim over their miUtia, and
required on this point a further " restrictive clause " than was contained in the original
Constitution. The 16th paragraph of the preceding Section expressly reserves to the States " the
authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress." In
connection with this, you admit that the States reserved the right to caU forth their own
militia to execute their own laws, suppress insurrections or repel invasions. This
authority to call them forth would have been of no value without the authority to appoint
officers to command them ; and the further authority to train them ; as they cannot with
out officers and training be the well regulated militia which the Constitution says is " neces
sary to the security of a free State,"
The conclusion would seem naturally to follow, that the States did not intend by any
general words used in the grant of power, to give Congress the right to take from them,
as often as appointed, the officers selected by them to train and regulate their railitia and
prepare thera for efficiency, when they raay be called forth to support the very existence
ot the State,
The Conscription Act embraces so large a proportion of the railitia officers of this
State, as to disband the militia in the event they should be compeUed to leave their
commands. This would leave me without the power to reorganize them, as a vacancy
can ouly he created in one of these offices by resignation of the incumbent, or hy the
voluntary performance of some act which amounts to an abandonraent of his command,
or by a sentence ot a Court Martial dismissing him frora office. The officer who is
dragged frora his command by Conscription, or compulsion, and placed in the ranks, is
ill neither category; and his office is no more vacated than the office of a judge ivould
be, if he were ordered into military service without his consent. And unless there be a

APPENDI.X B. 71:}
vacancy 1 have no right to fill the place, either by ordering an election, or by a brevet
appoiutment. I have no right in either case to commission a successor so long as there
is a legal incumbent.
Viewing the Conscription Act in this particular as not only unconstitutional, but as
striking a blow at the very existence of the State, by disbanding the portion of her
militia left within her limits, when rauch the larger part of her " arms-bejiring people "
are absent in otlier States in the military service of the Confederacy, leaving their
farailies and other helpless women and children, subject to raassacre by negro insurrec
tion for want of an orgauized force to suppress it, I felt it an imperative duty which I
owed the people of this State, to inform you iu a former letter that I could not permit
the disorganization to take place, nor the State officers to be corapelled to leave their
respective coramands and enter the Confederate service as Conscripts, — Were it not a
fact well known to the country that you now have in service tens of thousands of men
without arms aud with no immediate prospect of getting arms, who must remain for
months consumers of our scanty supplies of provisions, without ability to render service,
while their labor would be most valuable in their farms and workshops, there might be
the semblance of a plea of necessity for forcing the State officers to leave their com
mands, with the homes ot their people unprotected, and go iuto caraps of instruction,
under Confederate officers, often rauch raore ignorant than themselves of military
science or training, I must, therefore, adhere to my position and maintain the integ
rity of the State Government in its Executive, Legislative, Judicial and Military De
partraents, as long as I can command sufficient force to prevent it frora being disbanded,
and its people reduced to a state of provincial dependence upon the Central power.
If I have used strong language in any part of this letter, I beg you to attribute it only
to my zeal in the advocacy of principles and a cause which I consider no less than the
cause of constitutional liberty, imperiled by the erroneous views and practice of those
placed upon the watch-tower as its constant guardians.
In conclusion, I beg to assure you that I fully appreciate your expressions of personal
kindness, and reciprocate them in my feelings towards you to the fuUest extent.
I know the vast responsibilities resting upon you, and would never willingly add
unnecessarily to their weight, or in any way embarrass you in the discharge of your im
portant duties, — While I cannot agree with you in opinion upon the grave question
under discussion, I beg you to comraand me at all times when I can do you a personal
service, or when I can, without a violation of the constitutional obligations resting upon
me, do any service to the great cause in w-hich we are all so vitally interested.
Hoping that a kind Providence raay give you wisdom so to conduct the affairs of our
young Confederacy as may re,sult in the early achievement of our Independence, and
redound to the ultimate prosperity and happiness of onr whole people,
I have the honor to be, very respectfully.
Your obedient servant,
JOSEPH E, BEOWN.
p. 5._Since the above letter was written I see, somewhat to my surprise, that you
have thought proper to publish part of our unfinished correspondence.
In reply to ray first letter you siraply stated on the point in question that the consti
tutionality of the Act was derivable from that paragraph in the Constitution which gives
Congress the power to raise and support armies, I replied to that letter with no portion
of vour argument but the simple statement of your position before me. You then, with
the" aid of vour Cabinet, repUed to my second letter, giving the argument by Avbicli you

714 APPENDIX B.
attempt to sustain your position, and without allowing time for your letter to reach nip,
and a reply to be sent, you publish my second letter aud your reply, which is your first
argument of the question. I find these two letters not only in the newsjiapers but also
iu pamphlet form, I presume by your order for geueral circulation.
While I cannot suppose that your sense of duty and propriety would permit you to
publish part of an unfinished correspondence for the purpose of foresialling public opin
ion, I must conclude that your course is not the usual one in such cases. As the cor
respondence was an official one upon a grave constitutional question, I had supposed it
would be given to the country through Congress and the Legislature of the State.
But as you have commenced the publication in this hasty and as I think informal
mauuer, you will admit that I'have no other alternative but to continue it. I must,
therefore, request as an act of justice that all newspapers which have published part of
the correspondence, insert this reply. J. E. B.

APPENDIX C.

Original Communication op Mrs. Mary Williams, to the Colum
bus (Ga.) Times, Suggesting the Decoration Day Custom.
Columbus, Ga., March 12, 1866.
Messrs. Editors: — The ladies are now and have been for several days engaged in the
sad but pleasant duty of ornamenting ahd improving that portion of the city ceraetery
sacred to the memory ot our gallant Confederate dead, but we feel it is an unfinished
work unless a day be set apart annually for its especial attention. We cannot raise
monumental shafts and inscribe thereon their many deeds of heroism, but we can keep
alive the memory of the debt we owe them, by dedico,ting at least one day in each year
to erabellishing their hurable graves with flowers. Therefore we beg the assistance of
the press and the ladies throughout the South to aid us in the effort to set apart a cer
tain day to be observed, frora the Potomac to the Eio Grande, and be handed down
through time as a religious custom of the South, to wreath the graves of our martyred
dead with flowers ; and we propose the 26th day of April as the day. Let every city,
town and village join in the pleasant duty. Let all alike be remembered, from the
heroes of Manassas to those who expired amid the death throes of our hallowed cause.
AVe'U crown alike the honored resting places of the immortal Jackson in Virginia,
Johnston at Shiloh, Cleburne in 'Tennessee, aud the host of gallant privates wlio
adorned our ranks. AU did their duty, and to all we owe our gratitude. Let the
soldiers' graves, for that day at least, be the Southern Mecca to whose shrine her sorrowing
women Hke pilgrims, may annually bring their grateful hearts and floral offerings. And
when -we remember the thousands who were buried " with their martial cloaks around
them," without christian ceremony of interment, we would invoke the aid of the most
thriUing eloquence throughout the land to inaugurate this custom, by delivering on the
appointed day this year, a eulogy on the unburied dead of our glorious Southern army.
They died for their country. Whether their country had or had not the right to demand
the sacrifice is no longer a question for discussion. AVe leave that for nations to decide
in the future. That it was demanded— that they fought nobly, and fell holy sacrifices
upon their country's altar, and are entitled to their country's gratitude, none wiU deny.
The proud banner under which they rallied in defense of the holiest and noblest cause
for which heroes fought, or trusting woman prayed, has been furled forever. The
country for which they suffered and died, has now no narae or place among the nations
of the earth. Legislative enactraents may not be made to do honor to their memories,
but the veriest radical that ever traced his genealogy back to the deck of the May
Flower, could not refuse us the siraple privilege of paying honor to those who died
defending the Ufe, honor and happiness of the Southern woraen.

INDEX.

AbbevUle, S. C, 324.
Abbott, B. F., 650.
Abolitionists, 122, 134, 196, 243, 357.
Abraham, Capt., 328.
Abrahams, A. D., 574, 600.
Acworth, 244, 27T, 306,
Adair, Geo. W., 260, 348, 593.
Adalrsyille, 183, 244.
Adams of Massachusetts, 327.
Adams, Ala., Cav. Brigade, 283.
Adams, A. P., 524, 542, 643, 546, 547, 574, B76,
585, 588, 593.
Adams, B. F., 600.
Adams, G. W., 383.
Adderhold, Capt., 194.
Address to Congress, Bullock, 408.
Address to People, 4.55, 367, 375, Gov. Jenkins,
Address to the People, 226, 210, 121, 166, 1860,
1861.
Adjournment, Bullock's Legislature, 441.
Adjuster, ship, 173, 176, 177.
Adjutant General, 1860, 131, 175, Office created,
243.
Adjutant Gen,, C, S., 241, 294.
Adkins, J., 375, 396, 410, 411.
Admission of Foster Blodgett, 428.
Advance and Retreat, Hood's, 493.
Advertiser, Boston, 560.
African Slave Trade, 115.
Age, Philadelphia, 435.
Aggression and Resistance, 152.
Agricultural College, 395, 503, Dahlonega.
Agricultural Department, 504, 546, 550, 642-3.
Agricultural Resources of Ga., 642-3, 654.
Agricultural State Society, 131, 416, 516, 596.
Aid, State, 70, 361, 412, 444, 447, 459, 529, 540.
Air Line Railroad, 632.
Akerman, A. T., 3T5, 376, 406, 426, 439, 440, 502,
605, 506.
Akin, T. W., 574, 580, 685.
Akin, AVarren, 95, Noniinated for Governor ;
128, 212, 219, 220, 262, 375, 383, 398,415, 426, 501,
503.
Alford, 43.
Aired, L. J., 27, 89, 110, 319, 465, 467.
Alabama, 271, 72, 74, 103, 115, 122, 123, 14T.

Alahama, 148, 157, 152, 171, 181,182, 206, 252, 267,
272, 292, 306, 323, 361.
Alabama Spirit of the South, 148.
Alabama St., Atlanta, 307.
Alabama, Adams, Cav. Brig., 283.
Alabama & Chat. R. R., 495.
Albany Circuit Created, 444.
Albany, Ga., 184.
Albany ^ews and Advertiser, 616,
Albany, N. X., 172, 462.
Albany, Patriot, 79.
Albion, N. Y., 462.
Alexander, Gen. E. P., 637.
Alexander, Felix R., 326. ¦
Alexander, J., 183.
Alexander, J. D., 616, 623.
Alexander, Dr. James P., 364, 391.
Alexander, J. R., 406, 568.
Alexander, P. W., 612, 73, 74, 94, 95, 150, 290,
358, 373, 374, 383, 466, 467, 468, 493, 674, 579, 684,
587, 588, 609.
Alexander, T. -W., 97.
Alexander, "W. F., 329.
Allapaha Circuit Created, 444.
AUatoona Pass, 276.
Allegiance, Oath of, 340.
AUen, A. A., Judge, 76.
AUen, J. V. H., 574.
Alston, R. A., 373, 453, 632, 533, 589.
Altercations, Brown's, 201.
Amendment, Bingham', 434, 435.
Amendraents, Constitutional, 139, 362, 386, 390,
402, 454.
American Empire Extension, 81-83; H. R.,
Jackson.
American Atlanta, 93.
American newspaper, 391.
American Party, 40, 43, 93.
American State Convention, 89.
Americus Recorder, 622.
Amnesty, Proclamation, 304, 340, 341, 345, 346,
349.
Anaesthesia, 652.
Anders, H. C, 324.
Anderson, Clifford, 97, 262 ; legislature of 1859,
119, 453, 468, 518, 574, 677, 579, 581, 684, 686, 601.
Anderson, Col. C. D., 284.
Anderson, G. T., 215.

718

Anderson, E. C, 43 217, 347.
Anderson, Col. E. C. Jr., 263.
Anderson, Geo. AV., 72, 267, 313.
Anderson, Jeff., 257.
Anderson, J, H,, 621.
Anderson, John W,, 130.
Anderson, L, F,, 642,
Anderson, Major, 196,
Anderson, Robt. H,, 183, 263.
Anderson, Capt, R, S , 298.
Anderson, Capt. AVhit, 291,
Anderson, AV, D,, 395, 411, 465, 496.
Anderson, 'W. J,, 430, 43.
> Anderson, AV. M,, 574.
AndersonyiUe Prison, 269.
Andrews, Bishop, 137.
Andrews, Garnett, 26, 131, 406, 625.
Andrews, L, F. AV,, 119,
Andrews, Capt, M. H,, 299.
Andrews, Spy, 243, 244, 245.
Anecdotes, 29, 36, 45, 52, 55, 71, 243,
Angier, N. L., 375, 376, 378, 400, 412,413,414, 417,
4 IS, 422, 436, 448, 4oH, 459, 499, 608, 532, 549,
Annual Sessions Legislature, 70.
Anti-Secession, 320.
Appeal, Memphis, 270.
Appendix B., 238.
Appendix C, 242.
Appling Co., on Bro\rn, 89,
Appointment} of Brown, 599.
Appomattox Court House, 323.
Appropriation, 214, 216, 221,
Archer, M, ];., 610.
Argus, Bainbridge, 79,
Arkansas, 116, 123, 162, 165, 267.
.Arlington Advance, 622.
Armistice, 324.
Armory, State, 248.
Arms, 235, 248, 281.
Arms for State, 129, 217, 235.
Armstrong, 78, 116.
Army Colportage, 260.
Army of Tennessee, 241.
Army of Virginia, 323.
Army Vote on Brown, 261,
Arnold, C, AV,, 519,
Arnold, Dr. R, D,, 321, 390.
Arnold, Reuben, 554.
Arnow, J, M,, 496.
Arp, Bill, 19, 623, 624.
Arrests, 327, 345, 346, 386.
Arsenal, Augusta, 161, 162.
Arthur T, S,, 625,
Artificial Limbs, .366.
ArtiUery, Chatliam, 146, 230.
ArtiUery, AVashington, 164.
Ashburn, G. AV,, 376, 386, 387, 388, 551.
¦ -T4.shton, J. D., 110, 111, 593.

Association, Ladies' Memorial, 361, 503, 50i.
Athens, 372, 503.
Athens Banner, 79, 611, 612.
Athens, Watchman, 79, 93, 619.
Atkins, Janies, 468.
Atkinson, A. S., 98, 108, 110, 111.
Atkinson, E. S., 630.
Atkinson, H. M., 435.
Atkinson, R. H., 460.
Atkinson, Col. W. H., 247.
Atlanta, 128, 129, 144, 152, 183, 184, 245, 260, 266,
269, 279, 300, 505, 201, 206, 281, 262, 283, 284, 286,
286, 287, 289, 291, 292, 305, 306, 307, 314, 326, 337,
347, 366, 386, 387, 398, 414, 412, 413, Proposition
for Capitol; 414, 445, 452, 457, 461, 494, 504, 516,
617, 630, 632, 664, 562, 572, 590.
Atlanta Banks, 132.
Atlanta City Bonds, 445,
Atlanta Commonwealth, 243.
Atlanta Confederacy, 125, 271.
.Atlanta Gate City Guards, 194.
AtRiuta 'Gaze«e, 242, 200.
Atlanta Intelligencer, 53, 79, 155, 209, 214, 217,
243, 270, 314, 395.
Atlanta Mass Meeting, 1856, 43.
Atlanta Post Office, 401.
Atlanta EoUiiig Jlill, 541.
Atlanta & -West Point R. E,, 436, 633.
Atlantic Ocean, 306.
Atlantic & Great AA'^estern Canal, 458.
Atlantic & Gulf E. E,, 655,
Attorney General C, S,, 235,
Attorney Generals, 97, 262, 424, 492, 510, 530, 538.
Auditor, Second, C, S,, 267.
Augusta, 209, 259, 292, 312, 325, 326, 337, 346, 372,
590, 644.
Augusta Arsenal, 161, 162.
Augusta Banks, 132, 168.
Augusta Battalion, 162.
Augusta Chronicle, 40, 66, 78, 220, 271, 272, 415,
422, 431, 453, 496, 516, 520, 590.
Augusta Circuit Created, 444.
Augusta Constitutionalist, 79, 110, 126, 164, 179,
228, 259, 453, 569.
Augusta Democrat, 148.
Augusta Despatch, 142.
Augusta Light Infantry, 194.
Augusta JVeuis, 521, 569, 614.
Aunt Celia, 310, 311.
AusteU, Alfred, 33, 206, 477, 482, 490.
Avery, I. M'., 215, Captain Dragoons; 246, Col.
Ith Ga. Cav.; 276, Tanners Ferry Fight; 277,
AVounded Now Hope Church; 375, 374, 314,
366, 373, Dem. Convention; 497, 402, 421, Ed.
Constilntion ; 425, Circular Letter; 601, 503,
,531, 601, 614, 615.
Awtry, A. F., .342.
lAwtry, Mrs.S. A., 184.

INDEX.

719

B.
B., Appendix, 238.
Back Pay, 691.
Bacon, A. O., 390, 391, 463, 495, 496, 606, 592, 523,
524, 641, 642, 5G8, 579, 591.
Bacon, Maj. E. A., 555.
Bailey, David J., 17, 45, 46, 72, 150, 215.
Bainbridge, Argus, 79.
Bainbridge, Cuthbert & Columbus R. E., 447,
495, 496, 497.
Bainbridge Democrat, 620.
Bainbridge, Southern Georgian, 79, 93.
Bainbridge Volunteers, 194, 195.
Baird, Col. John B., 601.
Baker, Co., 80.
Baker, Fire Eaters, 205.
Baker, Hep., 506.
Balance to a quarter of a cent, 66.
Baldwin, Co., 96, 149, 165.
Baldwin, Gov,, 140.
Ball, James M., 291.
Ballenger, M,, 395, 463.
Baltimore Convention, 1860, 114, 116, 117, 118,
119, 120, 121, 122, 501, 502,
Baltimore & Ohio R. E., 638.
Bank, Columbus Cases, 356.
Banks County, Created, 80.
Bank Convention, 206.
Bank, Fourth National, 448.
Bank, Fulton of Brooklyn, 448.
Bank, Georgia National, 446.
Bank Suit, 77.
Bank Suspension 1857, 49, 78, 131, 132, 169, 214,
221.
Bank Eeforms, 79, 169.
Banks in 1860, 1861, 168, 198, 227, 267, 315, 330.
Banks, Battle of, 50, 58, 60, 78, 132, 141.
Banks, Gen, N. P., 503.
Banner, Athens, 79, 611, 612.
Banner, Newnan, 79.
Banner Sunday, 602-3.
Baptists on State Road, 81, 266.
Bard, Samuel, 400, 401, 417.
Barber, Jas. "W,, 386.
Barber, S. L,, 251,
" Bargain," 658-9, 560-1.
Barrett, Thomas, 73.
Barrick, J. R,, 627.
Barkaloo, Col, AV. K„ 248.
Barnes, George T., 33, 129, 212, 251, 361,463, 568,
579.
Barnes, V. M,, 619.
Barnes & Moore, 617.
Barnesville Gazette, 620.
Barnett, Col. N. C, 381, 353, 507, 527, 550, 586,
601.
Barnett, Sam,, 355, 653, 554, 555, 609, 639.

Barnett, Town, 327,
Barrow, D, C, 108, 111, 115.
Barrow, Pope, 529, 606,
Bartlett, C, 600.
Bartlett, Geo. T., 98.
Bartow Co., 184, 372, 531.
Bartow, Francis S,, 41, Know Nothing Leader ;
45, 46, for Congress ; 72, 127, Speech in Savan
nah ; 128, 130, 131, 144, 146, 150, 152, 154, 164,
184, 198, 199 ; 200, 204, 206, KiUed at Manassas,
254, 653.
Basinger, AV. S., 532, 606.
Bass, N., 206, 121, 126.
Battalion, Augusta, 162.
Battery, Girardey's, Ga., 247.
Battle of the Banks, 50, 58, 60, 78, 132, 141.
Battle between BiUlock and Angier, 418, 448.
Battle Flags, 263, 274.
Battle Order, Cassville, 276.
Battles, 282, Buckhead road.
Battles, 282, Atlanta ; 283, Resaca ; 283, Ken
nesaw Int.; 283, Atlanta ; 325, 'Wilderness.
Baugh, Robert, 632.
Baxter, Eli H,, 18, 40, 131.
Baxter, Hon, John, 245.
Bayard Senator, U, S., 422, 566.
Bayonet Eule, 335, 343, 345, 131, 144, 146, 150.
Beal, J. AV., 184.
BeaU, Miss P,, 206.
Beall vs. Robinson, 77.
Beauregard, Gen,, 244, 247, 256, 292, 312.
Beech & Root, 284.
Beck, of Ky,, 423, 436.
Beck, E, AV., 33, 34, 511.
BedeU, C. C, 386.
BedeU, AV, A., 387.
Belgian, Am. Company, 216.
BeU, B. F., 619.
BeU, H, P,, 127, 150, 165, 166, 212, 262, 390, 502,
613, 533.
BeU, Hon. John, 127, 120, 125, for President, 128
129, 136.
BeU, Madison, 375, 376, 400, 468.
Bell, Rep., 436.
Beef Selling IneligibUity, 431.
Bellton, Georgian, 622.
Bennett, A, T., 431.
Bennett, L, S., 340.
Benning, Henry L,, 76, 77, 101, 108, 115, 116, 122,
125, 131, 160, 154, 164, 215, 224, 265, 341, 356, 387,
467, 497, 498, 501, 502, 503.
Bentley, M. H., 376.
Berrien, J. McP., 41.
Bethune, J. N., 35, 72, 79, 80, 96, 222.
Bethune, Gen. M., 348, 405, 436.
Betts Arrested, 345, 346.
Berrien Co, News, 621.
Bibb, County, 66.

730

INDEX.

Biennial Session Legislature, 70, 530.
Big, Shanty, 244, 306.
Bigby, Mrs. M. C, 628.
Bigby, J. S,, 376, 379, 406, 464, 468, 602.
Bigham, B. H., 62, 70, 119, 213, 262.
Bigler, U. S. Senate, 139.
BiU Arp, 19, 623, 624.
BiUups, John, 73, 212.
Billups, J, A,, 41, 62, 53, 513, 579.
Binding AVheat, 37, Brown when Nominated.
Bingham in Congress, 410, 434, 43.5.
Black Code, 353.
Black Craze, 344,
Black Enfranchisement, 340, 376.
Black, George E., 348, 349.
Black, Geo, S., 251.
Black, Hon. Jerry, 328, 366.
Black, J. C. C, 524, 679, 585, 593.
Black, John, 69.
Black Problem, 355-361.
Black, Gen, R., 606,
Black Republican Party, 99, 103, 112, 118, 120.
123, 127, 129, 130, 131, 139, 140.
Blackburn, Dr. J, C, C, 79, 80, 86, 90.
Blackshear, E. J., 72.
Blackshear News, 622.
Blade, Atlanta, 623.
Blaine, Senator, U. S., 565,
Blance, J, A., 348, 372, 496.
Blanford, M. H., 262, 467, 679, 693.
Blankets, 282.
Bleckley, Logan E., 22, 85, 89; opinion of Loch-
ran, 353, 399, 400, 488, 522, Supreme Court, 523.
Blockade Cotton, 360,
Blockade running, 217, 263,
Blodgett, Foster, 93, 372, 373, 376, 383, 398, 412,
414, 416, 420, 428, 432, 433, 448, 449, 450, 451, 468,
467, 468, 476, 494.
Bloody Shirt, 465, 566.
Blount, J, H,, 348, 373, 420, 502, 511, 520, 579, 681,
606.
Blount, Miss A. R., 628.
Blue Ridge Circuit, 27.
Board, Military, Terry, 430, 431, 434.
Boats for Georgia, 190.
Boggess, A. J., 73.
Bombardment of Atlanta, 284.
Bond Compromise, 496-9.
Bonds of Atlanta, 461.
Bonds, Confederate, 206.
Bonds, RaUroad, 447, 495, 496, 540, 694.
Bonds, State, 226, 227, 348, 360, 445, 446, 447, 448,
467, 494, 475, 496 9, 510, 311, 525, 529, 634, 591.
BonneU, J. M,, 629.
Bonnet Secession, 149.
Boston Advertiser, 560.
Boston, John, 147, 176, 181.
Boston Post, 461.

Boughton, S. M,, 73, 79, 80.
Boutwell, U. S, Sen., 330, 499.
Bower, E. C , 541, 549.
Boyce, Rev. Dr., 266.
Boyd, AV,, 529, 73, 212, 248, 348.
Boyd, AV. 'W., 213.
Boynton, J, S., 453, 503, 585, 606.
Bozeman, Dr. Jas. F., 509.
Bozeman, C. M., 574, 600.
Bradley, A. A., 376, 382,396, 400, 417.
Bragg, Gen,, 246, 265, 269, 295, 324.
Branch, T. P., 497, 498.
Branham, Dr, J., 120.
Branson, J, C, 607.
Brantley, Rep,, 506,
Brantley, Rev. Dr. AVm. T,, 399.
BrasweU, S. D., 585.
Bray, AV. M., 593.
Brazil, 362.
Bread, 252.
Breckenridge, J, C, Gen., 123, 125, 126, 127, 129,
131, 135, 324, 325, 326, 328, 330.
Brent, Robert J., 366.
Brewster, C. AV,, 569.
Bribery, 133,
Bribery, BuUock, Committee, 436.
Brigade, Doles, 263,
Brigade, Toombs, 265.
Brigade, Thomas, 299.
Brigham, K., 340
Brinson, J, A., 431.
Briscoe, L. H., 52, 70, 98, 108, 110, 111, 115, 120,
212.
British Consul, 265.
British Province, 294.
British Subjects, 177, 265.
Broadus, Dr,, 266.
Brooklyn, 536.
Brooks County Created, 89.
BrooKS, Lt, A, G,, 299.
Brown, Col. John T., 550.
Brown & Derby, 627.
Brown and McDonald, 621.
Brown, B. Gratz, 503.
Brown, Col. Jack, 248.
Brown, Dr. B. B., 66.
Brown, D. P., 87.
Brown, Gov, John C, 505.
Brown, Jas, R., 464, 465, 621, 529, 607.
Brown, Joseph E,, 5, as a Leader ; 7, Compared
with Toombs ; 7 to 16, Early Life ; 16, Runs
for Senate ; 21, as Senator ; 26, Anti Know-
Nothing ; 28, 29, 30, as a Judge ; 35, 38 ; 39,
¦Who is Joe Brown ; 41, Speech at Canton ;
42, Calico Bed Quilt ; 44, 45, Discussion with
HiU ; 46, Elected Governor ; 47, Lesson of
Brown's Election ; 48, Brown and Jolmson ;
48, 49, Brown's Appearance ; 64, Opinion of

INDEX.

731

Toombs, 1849 ; 58, Brown and Toombs ; 60, in
the Bank Fight ; 61, Veto .Message on Banks ;
62, Era of Change ; 71, J, A^^ Lewis, State Rd.
Supt.; 72, AA'aste Iron State Road; 78, Ap
points H, G. Dana, Judge ; 78, Bank Reforms ;
80, State Road ; 81, Executive Proclamation ;
83, Impression on State ; 87, MiUedgeviUe
Tribute; 91, 92, Speech of Acceptance; 96,
Re-elected Gov.; 98, His First Administra
tion ; 99, Second Inaugural ; 101, Veto Power ;
116, 118, Letter on Charleston ; 123, His Ad
ministration ; 125, Stand to Arras ; 129, Mes
sage ; 134, 131, 132, Banks ; 142, 134, Views on
the Crisis ; 147, 143, 145, 146, Seizure Fort
Pulaski ; 148, 151, Compliment to him ; 164,
161, 163, Augusta Arsenal ; 168, 170, Fine Ad
ministration ; 171, 172, 173, Reprisal on New
York ; 177, 178, 179, 186, 187', 189 ; 192, Liberal
ity ; 192, 193, 194, For 3rd. term Gov.; 193,
Review and Speech ; 197, 198, 199, 200 ; 201 , 202,
Salt Famine ; 204, 206, 207, 208 ; 210, Address
to People ; 213, 214, 216, 218, 221, 222 ; 225,
Brown's Fight on Confederate Legislation,
was it Eight ? ; 226, 231 ; 233, Tender Cabinet
Place ; 234, 335, 238, Brown and Davis ; 239,
248, 250, FareweU Order ; 252, 263, Beautiful
Incident ; 2o5, Brown, HiU and Davis ; 256,
CaUs out MiUtia Officers ; 2,37, 259; 261, 262,
Foreign Press Comment ; 263, 265, 266, 270,
272, 273, 281, 282, 286 ; 287-9, Brown and Sed
don ; 289, Grady's Tribute ; 289, 290, 291,
DeFontaine's Letter ; 292, A'"isit from Beaure
gard ; 301, 302, 303, 305, 307, 309, 310, 313 ; 317,
318, Message in 1865 ; 319, 320, 322,- 332 ; arrest,
336, 337, 338, in Reconstruction ; 339, not Al
lowed as Governor ; 339, Resignation as Goverr
nor ; 335, 340, 342, 346, 347, Position after the
¦War ; 360, 351, State Cotton ; 358, 359, 360,
361, 363 ; 366, 364, 365, Famous Reconstruc
tion letter ; 367, 368, Brown and Jenkins ; 371,
369, 370, Brown and HUl ; 375, 377,382, 384, 386,
386,387, 388, 390,392; 397,398, Defeat for Senate ;
399, 400, the Martin Slander ; 401,402, 403, 406;
406, Appointed Chief Justice ; 413, 417, 424,
Letter against Bullock ; 425, 439, 440, 441 ;
4,54, Eulogy on Cobb ; 455, 456, as a Judge ;
456, President Lease Co,; 457, 464; 468, 473,
at Gov. Smith's Inaugural ; 476, State Road
Lease Triumph ; 476-492, Duel with Gen.
Toombs ; 497, 498, Opinion on Bond Question ;
602 ; 320, His Influence ; ,'>21, 622, in Florida ;
626, 539, 541, 551, 553 ; 699, 670, 558, 568, Ap
pointed U, S. Senator ; 561, 663, before Peo
ple for Senator ; 664-7, Service in the Senate ;
672, 592, 599, 600, 602 ; 603-5, Senatorial Ca
reer ; 6,37, 646.
Brown, Joseph, 8,
Brown, Julius L , 312,
46

Brown, Lt. Col. John M,, 283.
Brown, Macon Infantry, 194.
Brown, Mackey, 8.
Brown, Mrs. Joe, 192.
Brown, Old John, 106,
Brown, W. M., Gen,, 72, 154, 373, 426, 453, 609
626.
Brown, Walter R,, 574, 577, 383, 587.
Broyles, C. N., 84, 108.
Brunswick, 190.
Brunswick Advertiser, 621.
Brunswick & Albany R. E., 447, 456, 467, 459,
495, 496, 497, 499, 634.
Brunswick Harbor, 564.
Bryan, Capt. H., 205.
Bryan, Goode, 150.
Bryan, G. AV., 465.
Bryan, Mrs. M. E., 610, 617, 629.
Brumby, A. V,, 215,
Bryant, J, B,, 375, 376, 396, 398, 406, 427, 429, 432,
433.
Buchanan, Hugh, 33, 36, 62, 53,-73, 126, 351, 468,
529, 631, 606
Buchanan, President, 38, 41, 42, 43, 45, 90, 38, 91,
104, 106, 107, 108, 109, 119, 143, 182, 554, 557.
Buckhead Road, 282.
Bufflord, Col. A. S., 632, 636.
BuU, O. A., Judge, 76.
BuU, Miss A., 205.
BuU, Miss S., 205.
Bullet'in, Rome, 616.
BuUion Gold, 326, 329.
BuUook, Rufus B., 375, 376,383, 384, 396, 397, In
augurated ; 399, makes Brown Chief Justice ;
400, 402, 404, 406, 408, 410, 411, 412, 414, 416, 417,
418 ; 419, Now and Then ; 422, 420, 421, A Fugi
tive ; 422, 423, Prodigality; 424, 425, 427, 430, 431,
432, 635, 436, 437, 438, 439, 440, 445, 447, 448 ;
450, Indicted ; 451, 451, 454; 457, 459, -His Ad
ministration Tottering ; 460, Resignation and
Flight ; 461, 462, About Resignation ; 462,
463, Arrest and Acquittal, His Administra
tion, 464, 466, 468, 472, 475, 480, 488, 494, 530, 531,
632, 498, 608, 510, 526.
Bunn, M. H., 465
Bureau of Immigration, 415, 416.
Burke County, 306, 671.
Burke, J. B., 431.
Burke, John AV,, 353, 613, 617.
Burnett, G. P., 376,
Burney, J. "W., 73, 111, 115, 184.
Burney, S, W., 107, 121.
Burning of Atlanta, 307.
Burns, J, A., 459.
Burns, John T., 379, 395, 468, 381, 353.
Burnside, Gen., 226, 246.
Burr, Augustus P., 386.
Burton, Gov. of Delaware, 165,

733

Bush, Arbor Meeting, 391, 392.
Bussey, Cyrus, 650.
Bussey, H., 600.
Butler, Ben., 409, 410, 415, 436.
Butler, David E., 337, 335, 373, 374, 416, 579, 593
Butler, Ga., 591.
Butler Herald, 621.
Butler, J., 626.
Butt, Mrs. R. F., 184.
Butt, AV. M.,393, 550.
Butt, Wm. B., 606.
Butts County on Brown, 88.
Byrd, P. M,, 156.
Byrd, S. M. H., 606,

C, Appendix, 242.
Ca Ira, 520
Cabaniss, E. G,, 250, 41, 76, 78, 212, 219, 220, 251,
260, 348, 351, 383.
Cabaniss, G, A,, 574.
Cabaniss, H. A,-, 619.
Cabaniss, T. B,, 351, 641, 642, 549.
Cabbnge, 310, 311.
Cabinet of Mr. Dayis. 233, 235.
Cabinet, Lincoln's, 304.
Cadets, 311.
Cain, ,L G., 110, 244, 496.
Cake Incident, 147.
CaldweU, J, H., 427, 433.
Calhoun, 244, 275,
Calhoun Times, 620.
Calhoun, A. P,, 74.
Calhoun Academy, 10, 11.
Calhoun Georgia Platform, 79.
Calhoun, J. M,, 93, 260, 291.
Calhoun, John A., 43.
Calhoun, John C, 236.
Calhoun, AV. F., 496.
CaUaway, S. P., 621.
CaldweU, D, E,, 616.
Calico Bed Quilt, 42, and Brown.
California, 1860, 114, 123.
Callender, W. H. D,, 175,
Camden County, 249, 251, 254.
Camilla Despatch, 622.
Camilla Riot, 404, 405.
Camp, Capt., 194,
Camp McDonald, 206.
Camp Oglethorpe, 195.
Camp Wesley, 67.
Campaign, Georgia, 274, 313.
CampbeU, Capt. Given, 324,
Campbell County, 28, 67, 88, 650.
CampbeU, D, C, 87, 91, 107, 108, 165.
Campbell, J. Buleau, 219, 400.
Campbell, Judge, 303, 323.
CampbeU, Tunis, 376, 396, 428.

CampbeU, Wm., 246.
Campbellite Baptists, 81.
Canal Atlantic & Gt, Western, 458, 505.
Candler, A. D,, 467, 524, 528, 641, 542, 546, 547.
Candler, Milton A,, 89, 212, 213, 261, 310, 347,
349,373,394,401, 412, 481, 511, 520, 579, 588,
593.
Candler, S. C , 111, 115, 121.
C'annon, 281.
Cannon, H. H., 209.
Cannon, R, A., 546.
Canton, 11, 14, 37, 41.
Canton Advance, 622.
Capers, F. W. Gen., 216, 227.
Capitol BuUding, 412, 413, 530, 607.
Cards, Cotton, 251, 282,
Carlton, Dr. H. H., 611, 593, 496, 524, 526, 574,
577, 578, 583, 584, 486, 587, 588.
Carlton, L. D., 251.
Carmichael, J., 88.
Carnesville Register, 621.
Carolinas, 74, 151.
Carpenter, Senator U. S , 434, 435.
Carpenter, W. H,, 626.
Carpet Bagger, 365, 366.
Carroll County, 66.
Carroll County Times, 620.
Carroll Prison, 338.
Carson, A. A., 574.
Carswell, N. A., 150.
Carter, AV. C, 607.
Carter AVm,, 231.
CarsweU, R. W,, 262, 284, 607.
Cartersville, 183, 184.
Cartersville Express, 79, 619.
Cartersville Free Pvfss, 622.
CartersviUe & Van Wert R. R., 447, 495, 496, 497.
Casey, H. R., 600, 544, 111, 150, 285, 351, 602, 603,
529, 541.
Casey, J. R., 574.
Casey, Judge, Jos., 330.
Cass Co., on Brown, 89, 96, 149, 184.
Cassville, 276.
Cassville Standard, 79.
Castlen, Mrs, E. B , 628.
Catechism Circuit, 597.
CathoUcs on State Road, 81.
Catoosa Courier 620.
Catoosa Springs, 245.
Cats, MiUer Wild, 205.
Cattle in Georgia, 644,
Caucus, 468, 572, 576, 582.
Cavalry, 191, 199, 246, 263, 282, 283, 284, 285, 311,
324.
Cavalry, First Ga., 246
Cedartown Advertiser, 622.
Celia, Aunt, 310,311.
Census 1870, 4S9, 566.

INDEX.

733

Central Bank, 78.
Central Confederacy, 165.
Central RaUroad Co., 149, 311, 360, 456, 632, 633.
Chambers, F., 519.
Chamberlin, E. P., 660.
Chambers Rep., 550.
ChancellorsviUe Battle, 264.
Chantilly Battle, 294.
Chapman, 386.
Change, Era of, 47.
ChappeU, A. H., 72, 73, 120, 121, 125, 127, 250,
348, 358, 375, 383. 625.
Charlton, W. G., 593.
Charleston, 144, 221, 288, 289, 292, 322.
Charleston Convention 1860, 114, 115, 110, He,
120, 123.
Charleston Courier, 174.
Charleston Mercury, 270.
Charlotte, N. C, 276.
Chastain, E. W., 33, 36, 89, 90, 154, 183, 206, 220,
221, 228.
Chatauqua, 636.
Chatham ArtiUery, 146, 230.
Chatham Co., 89, 149, 165, 315, 381, 403, 581.
Chattahoochee Co., 674.
Chattahoochee river, 278, 282, 286.
Chattanooga, 183, 244, 269.
Cheap Coal, 416.
Cherokee Circuit, 81, 126.
Cherokee County, 11, 16, 28, 42, 67, 88, 315, 96,
253, 347.
Cherokee Cow Driver, 88.
Cherokee E. R., 447, 495, 496, 497.
Chicago Convention, 385.
Chicago Platform, 425.
Chicago Times, 344, 435, 560.
Chicago Tribune, 4,36, 560.
Chichester, T. AV., 360.
Chickamauga, 258, 264, 296, 504.
Chief Justice, 523, 457, 399, 406, 456, 547.
Chief of State Ordinance, 228.
Children, Indigent, 252.
Chilton, R. H., 416,
China, Mr,, Ward, Minister, 51, 80.
Chipley, W. D., 386.
Chisholm, W.S., 555.
Chittenden, N. Y., 510.
Christy, John H., 347, 351, 358, 503.
Christian, H. H., 377.
Christian Index, 610, 617, 627.
Christianburg, Ohio, 246.
Christmas Gift to Lincoln, 321.
Chronicle, Augusta, 40, 66, 79, 119, 220, 271, 272,
416, 422, 431, 453, 496, 516, 520, 624, 591,
Chronicle and Constitutionalist, Augusta, 524,
569, 590, 599, 610.
Choice Pardon Case, 141.
Cincinnati, 370.

Cincinnati Platform 1866, 90, 114, 116, 118, 120,
502.
Cincinnati Southern R. K,, 634, 635.
Citizenship, 357.
Citizen -American, 82.
Citizens' Bank, 541.
City Columbus Light Guard, 197.
City Council of Atlanta, 414, 445.
City Property in 1860, 168, 169.
Civil Rights Measure, 358.
Claghorn, Capt., 146, 286.
Claims Collected, 533.
Claims, Georgia, 391.
Clark, Capt. and Lt Col., 194, 195.
Clark, Dr. P. Y., 340.
Clark, Gov., 282.
Clark, Gov. of Texas, 435.
Clarke, Judge John T., 381, 390, 453, 467, 541, 642,
549.
Clark, R. H., 21, 33, 36, 38, 72, 84, 150, 336, 426,
431.
Clark, AV. L., 450.
Clark, W. W., 222, C. S. Congress.
Clark and Troup Campaign, 533.
Clarke, E. Y.,-497, 614, 626.
Clarke, Judge James M., 88, 110, 115; Lively
Speech, 406, 531.
Clayton, PhUip, 224.
Clayton, W. W., 19.
Clayton, Wm. AV., 449.
Cleburne, Gen. Pat., 298.
Cleraent, J, C, 496, 513, 541, 542, 606.
Clerk Legislative System, 100.
Cleveland Advertiser, 622
Cleveland, Hemy, 110, 111, 115, 163, 228, 229,
626.
Clews, Henry, 448, 457, 510.
Clift, J. AV., 362, 414.
Clift, AV, L,, 376,
Clinch Co., 67, 574.
Clinch, Maj. D., L 247.
Clipper, AVarrenton, 417.
Clisby, Jos., 79, 80, 256. 610, 613.
Clothing for Soldiers, 207, 281, 251, 263, 295.
Clower, G. H., 402
Club, Georgia Union, 340.
Coal, Cheap, 416.
Coal for State, 534.
Coast Defense, 321, 218, 206,. 216, 217, 227, 231,
248.
Cobb County, 16, 28, 88, 149, 206.
Cobb, HoweU, 24, Elected Governor; 26,35,39,
58, Description ; 78, 108, 109, 110, 111, 116, 118,
119, 120, 121, 128, 129, 137. 138, 143, 144, 161,
162, 164, 181, 206, 215, 224, 225, 226, 241, 249,
250, 267, 263, 272, 283, 284, 306, 307, 314, 318,
337, 391, 392, 454, 657, 653.
Cobb, J, A., 395.

734

INDEX.

Cobb, John A,, 574.
Cobb, Thos, E, R., 206, 150, 84, 131 ; Character,
151, 154, 164, 181, 213, 224, 225, 226, 249, 250,
254, 466, 625, 653
Cochran, A. E., Judge, 76, 121, 212, 219, 250, 261.
Cochran Enterprise, 622.
Cochran, Dr. R. J., 66.
Cochrane, Hon. John, 175.
Code Duel, 476, 492.
Code of Georgia, 84, 355, 607.
Coffee Co. Gazette, 621.
Coffin Regiment, 205.
Cohen, P. L , 574, 588.
Cohen, Solomon, 110, 115, 120, 206, 347, 351.
Cold Harbor Battle, 274.
Cole, C. B,, 406,
Cole, Col. E. AV., 634, 636, 637.
Cole, H. G,, 376.
Cole, Judge C. B., 347.
Coleworts, 310.
Colfax, Senator U. S., 409.
Colley, F. H., 524, 542, 546, 574.
CoUamer, U. S. Senate, 139.
Collier, J. J., 430. 431, ..
CoUier, .John, 529, 481, 459, 364, 431, 453.
CoUins, J. T., 619.
CoUins, Robert, 116,
Colonial Flag Raised, 154.
Color Free Persons ot, 168.
Columbus, 590, 561, 389, 386, 361, 345, 341, 327,
297, 242, 45, 197.
Columbus Bank Cases, 356.
Columbus City Light Guards, 197.
Columbus Corner Stone, 79.
Colurabus Enquirer, 79, 93, 569.
Columbus Guards, 201.
Columbus Prisoners, 386, 543.
Columbia, So, Ca , 322,
Columbus South Guards, 194.
Columbus Sun, 270.
Columbus Times, 242, 33, 73, 79, 86, 109, 384.
Colportage Army, 266,
Colquitt, Alfred H., 17 ; Legislature 1849, 20 ;
Opinion of Brown, 25 ; Elected to Congress,
32, 35 ; For Governor, 36 ; Close hit for Gov
ernor, 72, 80, 126, 128, 131, 150, 154, 199, 205,
215, 224, 260, 313, 383, 386, 390, 462, 453, 468,
493, 501, 504, 510, 515, 516, For Governor ; 517,
518, His Character; 519, Elected Governor;
623, 521, 625, 526, Financial Message; 535, 533,
530, 532, Financial Administration; 536, 537,
638, 539, 540, 541, 543, 544, 551, 552, A Hard
Ordeal; 558, 664, 555, Campaign of 1880; 561,
662, 503; 664, 567, As a political Manager; 571,
569, 570, Campaign Organized; 675, 576, 577,
686, 587; 687, 688, 589, Accepts Recommenda
tion; 590, 591, Sti-ong Letter to Norwood; 593-
699, 600, 601, Elected; 602, 635, 647.

Colquitt Campaign of 1880, 386, 400.
Colquitt, Cooper, and Black, 73, 655.
Colquitt County, 205.
Colquitt, Miss M. E., 205.
Colquitt, Mrs. Mel R., 629.
Colquitt, Peyton H,, 264, 33, 34, 79, 110, 126, 197,
247.
Colquitt, Walter, 564, 539, 205, 515, 516.
Commercial Advertiser, N. Y., 435.
CommiBsary, Gen. State, 216, 307.
Commission, Railroad, 653, 554, 555.
Commissioner of Agriculture, 504.
Commissioners, Secession, 164.
Commissioner to Europe, 216, 246.
Commissioner, State School, 444.
Commissioners to AVashington, 181.
Committee, Minority, 587,
Coramittee of Public Safety, 231.
Committee, Reconstruction, 358.
Commonwealth, Atlanta, 243.
Compromise of 1850, 117, 139.
Compromise, Bonds, 496, 499.
CoraptroUer General, 71, 214, 227.
Concordia HaU, 572.
Cone,F. H., 41, 72, 73.
Cone, Peter, 52, 53, 72, 97, 107, 108, 126.
Confederacy, Atlanta, 125, 271, 219.
Confederacy, Southern, 140, 132, 167, 178, 183,
189, 196, 202, 205, 216, 218, 222, 236,246,268,
274, 281, 300, 301, 330, 457, 269, 272, 323,237,
240, 266, 269,
Confederate Constitution, 83, 206, 235.
Confederate Currency, 257, 266, 316.
Confederate Congress, 198, 199 206, 222, 223,
232, 235, 248, 251, 255, 261, 265, 271, 273, 312.
Confederate Government, 324, 178, 179, 180, 329,
193, 209, 216, 224,
Confederate Legislation, 213, 232.
Confederate State Senators, 222, 224, 242, 243.
Confederate AA^ar Debt, 252.
Confederate War Tax, 226, 227, 248.
Confederate Qt. Mr. Dept,, 294, 295, 296, 297.
Conference, Hampton Road, 305, 322
Congress Cpnf., 282.
Congress Provisional Conf., 178, 206.
Congress on Slavery, 114, 175.
Congress, U. S., 258, 427, 415, ,367, 359, 269, 409,
410. 433, 436, 438, 439, 440, 457, 458, 475, 476.
Congress, Weekly, 622.
Congressional Campaign Districts, 96, 166.
Congressional Districts, 499,
Congressmen, U, S., 338, 341, 348, 362, 454, 611,
520, 606.
Conkling, Senator tJ. S,, 409, 434, 659, 565,
605.
Conley, Benjamin, 466, 467; As Governor; 468,
Message; 502; 603, 510, 375, 376, 395, 396, 397,
411, 414, 420, 428, 429, 433, 458, 460, 464.

735

Connecticut, 288.
Connor, G. C, 312.
Conscription, 225, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 238, 251,
253, 288, 248, 249, 250, 261, 255, 259, 263, 264, 271,
301, 318, 319, 456.
Conservative Men SUent, 150.
Constitution, Atlanta, 7, Grady's Sketch ; 10,
BiU Arp; 37, Incident of Brown ; 39, Grady's
Sketch; 110, E. P. HoweU, Editor; 402, I,
W. Avery, Editor, 415, 418,' 420, 421, 425, 435,
441, 448, 452, 458, 462, 470, 478, 479, 497, 601, 502,
606, 569, 671, 590, 610, 613, 615, 627.
Constitution of Georgia, 1866, 85 ; 1877, 101, 185,
207, 348, 377, 382, 383, 384, 395, 397, 401, 528.
Constitution and Slavery, 57, 117.
Constitution, U. S., 155, 185, 225, 235, 236.
Constitutional Government, 270.
Constitutional Liberty, 272.
Constitutional, New Guarantee, 139.
Constitutional Union Party, 119.
Constitutionalist, Augvista, 79, 228, 110, 125, 164,
179, 110, 125, 164, 179, 259.
Contingent Fund, 418, 467.
Controversies, 551, 608, 226, 511, Brown and
Davis.
Convention, 378, 349, 347, 348, 1st. Reconstruc
tion; 365, 606; 1866, 358, 372; National
Union, 412, 383; 1867, 372, 375, 376; 2d. Re
construction, 382, 385, 373, 374, 375, Demo
cratic; 385, Chicago; Dem. 1868, 389; Col
ored, 1868, 405, 412, Macon; Republican,
1869, 414; Negro Labor, 416, Maoon; South
ern Commercial, 416, LouisviUe; Demo
cratic, 1870, 452, 453; 1871, 467; 1872, 601; Bal
timore, 1872, 601; State Dem., 1872, 602;
Straight, 502; Republican, 502; of Gover
nors, 1873, 505; of Governors, 1876, 517; Dem
ocratic, 1876, 518; Republican, 519; Constitu
tional, 1877, 628, 529, 530, 653, 655, 606; Demo
cratic, 1880, 568, 672, 686; National Dem.,
668, 572; Bank, 206; Political, 208; Baptist,
1863, 266; Peace, 321, 318, 286, 290, 314, 341,
347.
Conyention, Nashville 20 ; Democratic, 1857,
33 ; American, 1857, 41 ; Southern, 43, 44, 72,
74 ; Cotton Planters', 78, 131, 206 ; Demo
cratic, 89, 1858 ; Opposition, 93, 94, 95, 1858 ;
National Dem., 107; Legislative, 107; To
Send Delegates Nat. Con. Deraocratic, 110,
107, 108, 109, March 1860; 110, 107, 108, 109,
Dec. 1869; The Charleston, 1860, 114, 115,
116, 118, 119, 120, 123 ; Georgia, 1860, 116 ;
Richmond, 1860, 116, 122; Baltimore, 1860,
116, 120, 122 ; Constitutional Union, 119, 1860;
119, 120, National ; Democratic, 1860, 120 ;
National Democratic State, 121, 1860; Na
tion State Rights, 123 ;_Deraocratio State, 126 ,
Aug. 1860 ; Johnson & Douglas, 126, Aug.

1860 ; Military, 130, 1860 ; Secession, 131, 146,
147, 149, 150, 156, 164, 166, 184, 189 ; Southern
at Montgomery, 164, 181.
Convention, Cong., 681.
Convention, Republican, 595.
Convict Catechism, 597.
Convicts, 308, 309.
Cook, Phil., 262, 348, 351, 374, 502, 511, 620, 606.
Cooper, Gen. Samuel, 241, C. S. Adj. Gen.
Cooper J. H,, 72.
Cooper, Mark A., 244, 72, 73, 74.
Cooper, J. M,, 568.
Corinth, 312,
Corker, S. A.. 453.
Corn DistUlation, 230, 320, 338, 360.
Corner Stone Speech, 195, 653, Alex. Stephens.
Correspondence, 265, 259, 349, 234, 264; Davis
and Brown, 282, 287, 292, 301, 370, 588, 389,
653.
Corry, M. C, 370.
Costin, J. T., 414.
Cothran, W. S., 206,
Cotton, 221, 731, 248, 251, 252, 282, 301, 319, 311,
350, 361, 416, 643, 644, 647, 652, 654.
Cotton Cards, 251, 282.
Cotton Gin Invented, 652,
Cotton Manufacture in Georgia, 644.
Cotton Planters' Conyention, 78, 131, 206.
Cotting, D, G,, 375, 376, 400, 460.
Consul, British, 265.
Counties, New, 100.
County Courts, 361.
County Meetings, 1860, 130, 135, 231.
Courier, Charleston, 174.
Courier, Rome 616, 628.
Court Martial, 245,
Covington, 283, 690, 591.
Covington Enterprise, 19.
Covington Star, 621.
Cowan, Edgar, 366,
Cowart, Col. J. R., 398.
Cowart, Mr., 511.
Cowart, E. AV., 73.
Cox, A. H., 524, 642, 643, 544, 649.
Cox, Albert H., 372.
Cox, S. S., About Bullock, 423.
Cox, W. B., 644.
Crane, B. E., 650.
Crawford, Geo. W., 72, 73, 82, 160, 155, 185.
Crawford, Joel, 72.
Crawford, AVra. H., 41.
Crawford, M. J., 45; Anecdote, 45, 96, For Con
gress, 131, 138, 164, 180, 182, 201, 226, 246, 386.
453, 653, 607, 523, 531 ; Supreme Ct., 679.
Crawford, Reese, 542, 649, 607.
Crawfordsville Democrat, 621.
Crew, Jas, R , 291, 292.
Crisp, C. F., 467, 468, 531, 607.

736

INDEX.

Crittenden, Hon. J. J., 139.
Crook, L. AV., 125, 245.
CromweU & Co., 175.
Crosby, Clews Agent, 457.
Crowders, Monroe, 206.
Croxton, Gen., 337.
Crusader, Temperance, 79.
Culberson & Dougherty, 426.
CuUoden, 66, 67.
Cumbie, 80.
Cumming, Alfred, 183.
Cumming, Col. of Macon, 494.
Cumming, J. B., 390, 391, 461, 462, 465, 467, 468,
607, 518, 541, 542, 545, 549, 579.
Cumming, Julian, 33, 34, 120, 121, 126, 162, 391.
Cumming, Maj, M., 247.
Cummings, J. F., 630.
Cunningham, Jolin, 146.
Cunningham, Judge, 643.
Currency Bonds, 446, 447, 448, 495, 497.
Cushing, Hon. Caleb, 123.
Cusseta, Ala., 184.
Cuyler, Eichard R,, 149, 206.
D.
Dabney, W. H,, 33, 120, 126, 150, 512, 513, 679.
Dade Co, Gazette, 622,
Dahlonega Volunteers, 194.
Dahlonega, 186, 188, 468.
Dahlonega CoUege, 395.
Dahlonega Signal, 618.
Dallas, 276.
Dallas, Texas, 519.
Dalton. 183, 244, 269, 269, 274, 306, 366.
Dalton Argus, 622.
Dalton Times, 79.
Danbury, Va., 139.
Daniel Wilberforce, 674.
DanieU, Dr. AV. C, 165, 166.
DanieU, W. C, 73.
Danielsville Yeoman, 622.
DanviUe, Va., 323.
Darien Bank, 78.
Darnell, Rep., 436.
Davis, B. M., 516.
Davis, C. AV., 406.
Dayis, Invincibles, 205.
Davis, J., 94.
Davis, Jefferson, 181, 183, 184, 188,193, 194, 197,198,
201, 209,223, 224, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238,
240, 248, 249, 253; Brown, HiU, and Davis, 660,
263, 264, 265, 272, 273, 279, 282, 287, 289, 293, 291,
292, visits Georgia; 293, Macon Speech; 293,
Sketch of Dayis; 294, makes Lawton Q. M.
Gen., 301, 302, 303, 304, 317, 318, 320, 323, 324,
325, 329, 330, 331, 493, 653.
Davis, Mrs. Jeff., 324.
Davis, P. D., 646.

Davis, Senator U. S,, 139, 410, 665.
Davison, John, 129.
Dawson County Created, 70.
Dawson, Town, 310, 314,
Day, Jos , 35.
Darden, Dr, W, G., 417. i'
Darien Timber Gazette, 621.
Dark Horses, 677.
Darr, Rev, J A,,. 622.
Dawson Journal, 619.
Dawsonville Chronicle, 622.
Day, Decoration, 242.
Deaf and Dumb Asylum, 534.
Death, River of, 258. '
Debate, Grand, 153, 250, 272.
Debrell's Brigade, 324, 325.
Debt, Conf. War, 252, 359, 386.
Debt, Imprisonment for, 102.
Debt, Public, 99, 124, 129, 267, 322, 381, 348, 360,
403, 495, 529, 534.
Decatur, 282.
Declaration of Independence, 273.
Decoration Day, 242.
Defenders of the South, 205.
Defense, State, 219.
DeFontaine, P. G., 289, 290, 291.
DeGratt'enreid, AV. K., 73, 74, 285.
DeKalb Co., 149, 213, against Secession.
DeKalb. News, 621.
Delanoy, AV. G., 84, 108.
Delannoy, J. D., 123.
Delaware, 74, 115, 123. 151, 165.
Delegates to Baltimore, 121.
DeU, J. C, 465, 468, 496, 574, 687.
Deniocrat, Augusta, 148.
Democratic Committee, Cincinnati, 370.
Deraocratic Convention, ltf60, 121, National, 18,
58, 89, 126, ,389.
Democratic Executive Committee, 426, 383, 453,
468, 503, 674,
Deraocnatic Legislatures, 444.
Deraocratic Nat. Ex. Com., 129.
Democratic Party, 1840, 73, 99, 113, 118, 119, 122,
123, 222, 338, 637.
Democrats Expelled, 431.
Dendy, Mr., 585.
Denmark, E. P. S., 607.
Department of -Agriculture, 504.
Department of Georgia, 228.
Deposits, State, 549.
Deserters, 257, 320.
Despatch, Augusta, 142.
Despatch, President to Gov. Johnson, 3,52, 354.
Despatch, Iticbmoud, 1:4,
Despatch. Sherman to Lincoln, 301, 303,312, 321.
Destruction, Dick Taylor's Book, 313.
Detailed for Duty as Gov. 379.
DeWolf, Editor, 610, 615.

INDEX.

737

Diamond, James J,, 107, 108, 111, 115.
Digest of Georgia Law, 84.
Direct l-rade Co , 131, 216, 416,
Disabilities, 386, 425, 426, 431, 475, 476,
Discord, 122.
Discussion, 490, Colquitt and Norwood; 18,57, 44,
Brown and HiU; 45, Browu and HiU; 1861,
152; 1863, 272; 1863, 374.
Disfranchisements in Georgia, 340, 358, 359, 363.
Disrauke, F. D., 619.
Distillation forbidden, 230, 211, 248.
District Courts, 444, 467.
District of Columbia, 139.
Districts, Congressional, 499.
Disunion, 103, 105, 107, 122, 135, 149,161, 183, 243,
155.
Divorce, 101, 274, 361.
Dixie Doodle, 205.
Dixon of Muscogee, 132, 133.
Dixey Boys, 205.
Dobbin, U. S. Rev. Cutter, 147.
Documents, State, 309.
Dodge, L. A., 340.
Doggerel on the Banks, 64.
Doles, George, 216, 263, 314.
Donaldson, B. A,, 431.
Doodle, Yankee, 206.
Doolittle, U. S. Senate, 139.
Dorsey, J. N., 202, 603, 606, 519.
Dougherty, Miss Burney, 184.
Dougherty, Charles, 20, 21.
Dougherty County, 136.
Dougherty, Wm., 72, 74, 77, 125, 250, 251, 356,
426, 481, 488.
Douglass, M., 96, 127, for Congress.
Douglas, Stephen A., 103, 106, 114, 115, 116, 119,
123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 135, 139, 143.
Douglassville Star, 622.
Doyal, Capt., 197.
Doyal, L. T., 127, 248.
Dragoons, Independent Ga., 215, 247.
Drake, J. C, 431.
Dred Scott case, 103, 118, 127.
Driver out, 88.
DuBignon, F. G., 674, 607.
Dublin, 331.
Dublin Gazette, 621.
Dublin Post, 622.
DuBose, A. M., 646, 651.
DuBose, C. S., 496.
DuBose, C. W., 212, 220, 351, 541.
DuBose, Gen. D. M., 390, 391, 454, 519,569.
Duel, 319, 383, 476, 492.
Duer, John M., 384.
Duggan, Maj. J. B., 299.
Duggan, Capt. J. F., 299.
Duggan, Martin, 321, 340.
Duggar, B. C, 606.

Duke, Gen., 325.
Duke, AV, A., 386.
Duncan, C, C, 373, 395, 402, 669, 580.
Duncan, John W., 33, 73, 110, 121.
Dunn, Gen., 387.
Dunn, John N., 534.
Dunning, J. L,, 375, 406.
DuPont, Okefeenokean, 622.
DuPree, E. F., 607.
Dupree, J, E,, 127.
Dupree, J. M., 619, 607.
Dwinell, M., 262, 272, 373, 615, 616, 628.
Dyer, Elisha, 73.
Dyer, John, 644. E.
Eagle, Gainesville, 619.
Early Co. News, 619.
Early, Gen. Jubal, 285.
East Tennessee, 189, 554.
East Tennessee, A'a. & Ga. E. R., 634.
Eastman Times, 620.
Eaters, Baker Fire, 205.
Eatonton Messenger, 619.
Echols Co, Created, 80.
Echols, H., 262.
Ector, AV., 213, 242.
Edge, John M., 16.
Edmondson, Jas., 52, 53.
Edmunds, Senator U. S,, 407, 422, 434, 435, 559.
Education in Georgia, 654.
Edwards, John, 639.
Effigy, 180, 181.
Eggleston, Col. B, B., 337.
Eighteenth Ga. Vols., 215.
Eighth Cong. District, 500, 507.
Eighth Ga Cavalry, 263.
Eighth Ga. Inf., 199, 202, 204, 216.
Elberton Gazette, 619.
Elberton News, 622.
Election, 207, 211, 232, 259, 261 349, 351, 373, 383,
384, 432, 439, 440, 441, 43.3, 434, 466, 502, 505,
506, 513, 619, 607, 606, 600-1, 530, 531, 526, 628,
629.
Election of Officers (Mil,,) 194, 232, 264, 265.
Electors, 126, 127, 129, 223, 389, 406, 409, 402, 518,
519, 520, 557, 585.
Eleventh Ga., Inf., 204, 213.
Eligibility of Democrats, 430, 453.
Eligibility of Negroes, 397, 410, 415.
Elkhorn Battle, 246,
Ellijay Courier, 621.
Ellington of Gilmer, 359, 502.
EUiott, Bishop E. W , 647.
EUiott, Bishop Stephen, 647.
EUis, Captain, 101.
EUis, J, T., 431.
EUis, W. D., 569.

738

Eloquence, Georgia, 170.
Ely, Robert N., OT, 108, Legislature of 1859; 110,
136, 453, 502, 503, 330, 534, 585, 394.
Elzey, Arnold, 101, 102, 103, 104.
Emancipation Proclamation, 258, 304, 343, 353,
356.
Emigration, 362.
Eraory CoUege, 646.
Empire, American Extension, 81, H. R. Jack
son.
Empire State of the South, 167.
Empire State, Griffin, 79.
Endorsements, Bonds, 458.
Enfield Rifles, 217.
Enfranchisement of Blacks, 340, 363.
Enfranchisement of Citizens, 349.
England, 328, 457.
Enlistments, 191, 197, 230, 274, 298, 299, 317.
Enquirer, Columbus, 79, 93, 669, 590, 610, 611.
Enrollment of Conscripts, 234, 218.
Episcopalians on Slate Road, 81.
Epps, H. Van, 388, 593.
Era of Change, 47.
Erskine, Judge John, 346, 360, 396, 399.
Erwin, Alex. S., 531.
Erwin, W. S,, 464.
Erlanger, Baron, 635.
Erlanger Syndicate, 635.
Estes, J. B., 606.
Estes, M. v., 464.
EstUl, Col. J. H,, 590, 568, 612,
Etowah, 244,
Etowah Guards, 194.
Eufaula, 231.
Eulogy on Linton Stephens, 602.
Europe, Commission to, 216, 217, 226, 246, 301,
350, 370, 416, 494, 499, 635, 650.
Evans, Captain, 104.
Evans, Augusta J,, 629.
Evans, B. D,, 33, 88, 120, 600.
Evans, Clement A., 98, 119, 247.
Evans, J. W., 108, 111, 263.
Evarts, Wm. M., 532.
Eye, W. F., 600.
Everett, Edward, 120, 125, 127, 129.
EweU, Gen., 294, 493,
Exchange of Prisoners, 269.
Executive Coramittee Constitutional Union
Party, 119.
Executive Committee, Dem,, 107, 111, 116, 383,
426, 453, 468, 503, 574.
Executive Department, 202, 460, 473, 493,
Executive Nat, Dem, Com., 129.
Executive Proclamations, 81.
Exemptions, Conscript, 234, 236, 266.
Express, Cartersville, 79.
Express Co., 384.
Express, Petersburg, 'J70.

Express, Savannah, 109.
Extension, American Empire, 81-2, Speech H.
R, Jackson.
Extortioners, 257.
Exciting Scene in Congress, 409, Georgia's
Electoral -Vote.
Executive Committee, Minority, 588.
Executive Mansion, 309, 311, 337, 446, 448, 632.
Exile of Atlanta People, 291, 292, 305, 310, 314.
Expelled Democrats, 431, 432.
Exposition, International Cotton, 647-652, 634.
Expulsion of Democrats, 431, 432.
Expulsion of Negroes, 401, 402, 403, 405, 407,
409, 410, 411, 415, 432, 434, 444.
Extra Pay to Officers, 412.
Ezzard, Capt,, 194. F.
Factories, Cotton, 644-5.
Factories seized, 248, 297.
Facts, Unpalatable, 226.
Fain, Col,, John S., 263.
Fain, J. C, 607, 394, 393, 465, 467, 529, 632, 541,
542, 669,
Fain, J. G,, 73, 108, IU.
Fair, John, 249.
Fair, State, 416.
Fairs of Atlanta, 554.
Fairburn, 184.
FaU of Atlanta, 28"', 286.
Fall, Rise and, of Confederacy, 238.
Fambro, A. G., 52,
Family Visitor, Madison, 79.
Famine, Salt, 201.
Fannin County, 28, 189, 192, 369.
Fannin, I. L., 62, 64, 97, 209.
Farewell Order, Gen. Jackson, 239.
Farms in Ga.. 645.
Farrow, Henry P., 382, 383, 406, 414, 420, 424,
425, 431, 433, 434, 439, 492, 121, 417, 468.
Fast Candidate, 45.
Fasting, Humiliation and Prayer, 230.
Fate and the Confederacy, 278.
Father O'Reilly, 307.
Feasting, BuUock, 423, over Georgia's Injury.
Featherston, L. H., 73, 108, 111, 390, 529, 674.
Federal Court, 360.
Federal Governraent, 258.
Federal Gunboats, 229,
Federal Officers, 343,
F-?deral Relations, 129.
Federal Spies, 243,
Federal Troops, 144, 161, 226, 229, 243, 249, 267,
269, 274, 275, 278, 282, 283, 285, 28fi, 298, 306, 311,
312, 817, 322, 338.
Fees, Lawyers, 446.
Felton, Dr. W. H., 97, 212, 611, 513, 614, 520, 688.
Felton, L. M., 72, 569.

INDEX.

739

Female Colleges, 646.
Ferrill, B. B., 60.
Ferry, Senator, U. S., 433.
Field, Miss L. A., 629.
Field, S. E., 376, 465, 575.
Fields, Lawson, 42, 111.
Fielder, H., 33, 34, 89, 373, 468, 497, 498, 499, 503,
505, 606, 626.
Fifth Ga. Cay., 263.
Fifth Ga. Volunteers, 215.
Fifteenth Amendment, 410, 411, 412, 415, 422,
423, 424, 426, 426, 433, 434.
Fifteenth Ga. A^olunteers, 215.
Fifteenth U. S. Corps, 322.
Fiftieth Ga. Inf., 248, 274.
Fifty-first Ga. Inf., 248, 264.
Fifty-second Ga. Inf., 248.
Fifty-third Ga. Inf., 248.
Fifty-fourth Ga. Inf., 248.
Fifty-fifth Ga. Inf., 248.
Fifty-sixth Ga, Inf., 248.
Fifty-seventh Ga. Inf,, 248.
Fifty-ninth " " 248.
Fighters in Georgia, 183.
Fillmore, Millard, 416.
Finances of State, 315, 525, 632.
Financial Crisis of 1840, 62.
Financial Trouble, 131.
Finch, N. P. T., 610, 614.
Fire, Charleston, 221.
Fire Eaters, Baker, 205.
First Ga, Cavalry, 246.
First Ga. Company tendered, 184.
First Ga. Regulars, 183, 194, 214.
First Ga. Volunteers, 214, 242.
First Kentucky Inf., 204.
Fisher, G. S., 602.
Fitch, F. S., 417.
Fitch, Henry S., 360, 383.
Fite, A. W., 574.
Fitten, John A,, 650.
Fitzgerald, Capt, E,, 148.
Fitzpatrick, Gov. of Ala., 123.
Fitzpatrick, Rep., 432.
Fitzsimmons, 0. P., 462.
Flag, Colonial, raised, 154.
Flag, Confederate, 184, 319.
Flag, United States, 161, 163, 179, 187, 188, 319.
Flag, White, Incident, 619, 137, 164, 181, 230,
263, 274.
Flash, Harry, 319, 626, 627.
Fleming, W. B., 607, 416, 76, 150, 358.
Fleming, Wm. O., 607, 391, 390, 77, 272, 468.
Flewellen, E. A., 526.
Floating Debt, 534.
Florida, 74, 115, 123, 147, 148, 152, 181, 204, 206,
241, 262, 267, 313, 331, 521.
Flournoy, E. W., 395, 417.

Floyd Co., 149, 191.
Floyd, Col. Henry, 249.
Floyd, J. J., 348, 390.
Floyd, Maoon Rifles, 197.
Flynn, John H., 375.
Fool Parties, 193.
Foreacre, J. G., 632.
Foreign Com. of Immigration, 415.
Forester, Georgia, 193.
Forney's Paper, 434, 435.
Forrest, Gen., 225, 267, 282, 305.
Forsyth, C. D., 502.
Forsyth County, 28, 166, 205.
Forsyth, John, 182.
Forsyth, Quitman Guards, 194.
Fort, AUen, 496, 512, 644, 649, 553.
Fort Gaines, Tribune, 622.
Fort McAllister, 267, 313.
Fort Morris, 148.
Fort Moultrie, 144, 146.
Fort, Pickens, 186.
Fort Pulaski, 145, 146, 147, 152, 180, 198, 204, 217,
229, 230, 240, 294, 387, 653.
Fort Sumter, 144, 145, 146, 148, 189, 196.
Fort VaUey Advertiser, 622.
Fort VaUey Mirror, 620.
Forty Acres and a Mule, 371.
Fortieth Ga. Inf., 247.
Forty-first Ga. Inf., 247.
Forty-second Ga. Inf., 247.
Forty-third Ga. Inf., 247.
Forty-fourth Ga. Inf., 247, 264.
Forty-fifth Ga. Inf., 247.
Forty-sixth Ga. Inf., 247, 264.
Forty-seventh Ga. Inf., 247.
Forty-eighth Ga, Inf. 247, 264.
Forty-ninth Ga. Inf., 248, 298.
Foster, A. G., 375.
Foster, C. S., 88.
Foster, F. C, 607.
Foster, Ira R,, 10, 216, 260, 307, 309, 310, 338,
364.
Foster, N, G., 41.
Fouche, R, T,, 467, 606.
Fouche, S. 73,
Fourth Ga. Cavalry, 199, 200, 247, 275; I. W.
Avery, 277.
Fourth Ga. Cavalry (second) 263, D. S. Clinch.
Fourth Ga. Volunteers, 215, 263.
Fourth National Bank, 448.
Fourteenth Amendment, 362, 357, 368, 359, 388,
396, 397, 422, 423, 433.
Fourteenth Ga. Vols., 215, 263.
Fowler, A. S., 413.
Franklin Co., 149, against Secession.
Franklin CoUege, 181.
Franklin News, 621.
Franklin Printing House, 628.

730

INDEX.

Franklin, Tenn., 313.
Fraternization, National, 536.
Frauds, State Road, 460, 461.
Freedman's Bureau, 339, 342, 346, 361.
Freedmen, 343, 352, 365.
Freedmen's Code, 356.
Freeman, Alvin, 593.
Freeman, J. C, 502.
Freeraan, S. H., 119.
Free Persons of Color; 1860, 168, 318, 343.
Free Schools, 645.
Frost, F. A., 355.
Fruit in Georgia, 643.
Fugitive Slave Law, 119, 130, 139, 152.
FuUarton, A., 265.
FuUer, W. A., 244.
Fulton, 108.
Fulton Bank of Brooklyn, 448.
Fulton Co., 89, 165, 358.
Fulton Col. M, C, 163.
Fulton M, C, 600.
Funoh & Meincke, 176,
Fund, Contingent, 467.
Fund, Military, 129, ISO, 216, 221, 251, 263.
Fund, Sohool, 99, 444,
Furlow, T. H,, 120, 150, 212, 260, 261, 373, 374,
503, 529.
Furman, F. C, 574.
Furniture, ex-Mansion, 309, 311,
6.
Gaddistown, 9, 28, 169, 192.
Gainesville Eagle, 619.
GaUagher, Dr. M. J., 124, 125, Inventor of gin.
GaUie, Major, J. B., 267.
Gait, Judge, 245.
Gait, Mayor, 257, 263.
Ganahl, J. H., 593.
•Gardner, James, 26, 31, 34, 477, 479, 486, 497, 498,
35; his letter to Clanton, 43, 72, 79, 80, 120, 121,
122, 126, 179, 259, 609, 610.
Gardner, Wm. M., 183, 199, 216, 224.
GarUngton, Gen. A. C, 532.
Garrard, Gen., 283.
Garrard, L.F,, 467, 526, 642, 543, 650, 551, 693, 606.
Garrard, Wm,, 688.
Garrett, Mr,, 638,
Garsed, Richard, 650.
GartreU, Henry Clay, 204.
GartreU, J. O,, 73.
Gartrell, L. J., 17, Legislature, 1849; 19, Demo
cratic Resolution, 43, 45, 95, 96, 138, 180, 204,
215, 222, 260, 366, 658, 387, 462, 516, 529, 556,
557, 569, 571, 577, 680, 585.
Garvin, I. P,, 209.
Gas for State, 534.
GaskiU, Varney A,, 128, 384, 416, 446.
Gate City Guards, Atlanta, 194,

Gaulden, W, B,, 46, 110, 115, 121,
Gaulding, A. A,, 79.
Gazette, Atlanta, 242, 260, 617.
Geological Department, 101, 496, 639.
Geological riches of Georgia, 639-642.
Geologist, State, 504, 639.
Germany, 499.
General Assembly, 17, 59, 69, 77, 79, 81, 199, 212,
217, 220, 249, 254, 267, 271, 273, 307, 314, 317, 319,
361, 394, 403, 414, 427, 499, 531, 533.
General Comptroller, 71.
Geneva, Talbot Co., 180.
George, A. M,, 431.
Georgia, 3-7, 74, 113, 116, 123, 152, 163, 161, 156,
164, 166, 167, 168, 170, 175, 178, 181, 184, 199, 204,
206, 216, 224, 226, 236, 238, 241, 246, 267, 268, 269,
270, 272, 274, 280, 287, 292, 294, 300, 301, 305, 313,
322, 323, 331, 353, 360, 369, 386, 396, 400, 408, 409,
410, 422, 434, 474.
Georgia Banks, 50.
Georgia Bill, 434, 436, 437.
Georgia Code, 84.
Georgia Conspirators, 435.
Georgia Department, 228.
Georgia Forester, 193.
Georgia Independent Dragoons, 215, 247.
Georgia Jeans, 214.
Georgia Military Institute, 309.
Georgia National Bank, 446.
Georgia Pacific RaUroad, 635, 636.
Georgia Platform, 143.
Georgia Platform, Calhoun, 79.
Georgia Railroad, 283, 326, 327, 456, 633.
Georgia Reconstructed, 437.
Georgia Regulars, 1st, 183, 194.
Georgia Sectional Prejudice, 51.
Georgia Union Club, 340.
Georgia Western Railroad, 416, 561, 635.
Georgian Savannah, 74, 79.
Gettysburg, 258,
Gibbs, Jas, S., 206.
Gibbs the Briber, 435.
Gibbs of AValton, 94.
Gibson, O, C, UO, 113, 126, 209.
Gibson, Wm., 52, 53,73, 97, 137, 212, 247,264, 351,
406, 433.
Giddens, W. W., 574.
GignUliatt, W. R,, 529, 574.
Gilbert, Thoraas, 625.
Gilmer, County, 28, 257, 315, 359.
Gilmer, Gen., 279.
Gilmer, George R., 72, 73.
Gilmore, J. N., 88, 574.
Girardey's Georgia Battery, 247.
Girl on Slavery, 66.
Gladding, W, H., 124.
Glasscock County, Created, 70.
Glenn, Jesse A., 205, 247, 366, 361.

INDEX.

731-

Glenn, John T., 685,
Glenn, John W,, 574.
Glenn, L. J., 165, 166, 314, 374, 585.
Glover, Dr. T. C, 88.
" Go It Niggers," 397.
Gold, 257, 266, 316, 325, 328, 329.
Gold Bonds, 446, 447, 448, 495, 697.
Golden Lead, Ship, 173.
Golden Murray, Ship, 173.
Goldsmith, W. L., 507, 527, 546, 547, 648.
Goode, C. T., 348, 349, 373, 390, 501.
Goodfellow, Major H., 430.
Goodnow, Wm., 541.
Gordon Co., 553, 149, 315, Against Secession.
Gordon, E. C, 635. ^ . , ,
Gordon, Gen. John B., 226, 264, 313, 3^3, 358,
383, 384, For Governor; 390, 398, 416, 459, 501,
505, 506; 558-9, Resigns U. S. Senator, 560, 561,
562, 563, 664, 568, 571, 593, 694, 595, 600, 603, 635.
Gordon, George A., 33, 34, 35, 36, 62, 70, UO, 173,
212, 260, 263.
Gordon, Town, 311.
Gordon, AValter, 635.
Gordon, W. W., 632.
Gorham, 604.
Gorraan, J. B., 620.
Gorman, O. D., 620.
Gorman, W. R., 529.
Gospel Messenger, 617.
Gould, Jay, 638.
Goulding, E. R., 216.
Goulding, R. F., 628.
Gove, Sam'l,, 376.
Government, 69, Division of Powers; Immate
rialized 82, 226, 258, 270,
Governor, 192, 207, 209, 219, 220, 227, 256, 259, 262,
270, 292, 310, 314, 321, 340, 383, 386, 388, 400, 436,
441, 347, 351, 379, 464, 468, 602, 519, 531, 560.
Governor's Conyention, 505.
Governor's Horse Guards, 191.
Governor, Provisional, 341.
Governor's Race 1880, 37,
Governor's Race in 1857, 31.
Governor's Salary Increased, 70.
Gow & Weigle, 615.
Grady, Henry W., 7, 39, 289, 485, 569, 390, 610,
614, 615, 616.
Graham, E. D., 394, 431, 465, 600, 502, 503.
Graham, J., 374.
Grain DistUlation, 230, 248.
Grand Jury, Bartow Co., 531.
Grant, L. P., 633, 653.
Grand Jury on BuUock, 458.
Grant, J. A., 540.
Grant John, T., 510.
Grant, Ulysses S., Gen., 258, 306, 381, 367, 371,
376, 386, 386, 401, 410, 422, 423, 431, 440, 502, 521,
562, 563.

Grantland, S., 641.
GrantvUle, 184.
Gray, A. H,, 524, 642, 543, 644, 569, 606.
Great Seal of State, 381, 473, 507, 650.
Great Western Canal, 505.
Greeley, Horace, 501, 502, 503, 621.
Greenbrier Battle, 216.
Green, Hon, James A., 633.
Green Island, 229.
Green, John, 639.
Green, Miss Mary A., 361, 503.
Greene, County, 136, 458.
Greene, Gen,, 662,
Greene, Judge, J. W., 406.
Greensboro Herald, 619.
Greensboro Home Journal, 621.
Greenville Vindicator, 620.
Gresham, Elizabeth, 14.
Gresham, John J., 116, 383.
Grice, W, L., 631.
Grier, E, C, 529.
Grieve, F. G., 87.
Grieve, Miller, Sr., 73.
Griffin, Col. J. R., 263, 502.
Griffin Empire State, 79.
Griffin Independent South, 79.
Griffin, Iverson's Speech, 104, 197, 243, 266, 504,
591.
Griffin News, 476-477.
Griffin News, 616.
Griffin Sun, 622.
Grimes, Thos. W,, 373, 403, 541, 642, 669, 593.
Grimes, U. S, Senate, 139.
GriswoldviUe, 306, 311.
Groff, David, 431.
Grosvener, Gen, C. H,, U. S., 346.
Grubb, R,W,, 621,
Guarantees, New Constitutional, 139.
Guards, Atlanta Gate City, 194.
Guards, Columbus, 201,
Guards, Columbus City Light, 197.
Guards, Columbus South 194.
Guards, Etowah, 194,
Guards, Forsyth Quitman, 194.
Guards, Home, 263.
Guards, Newnan, 194.
Guards, Perry Southern Rights, 194.
Guards, Sav. Vol., 146.
Guerard, John M., UO, 629.
Guerillas, 320.
Guerry, DuPont, 607.
Guerry, J, H., 465,
Guerry, T. L., 33, 52, 53, 80, 98, 120, 262, 317, 375,
529, 574,
Guilmartin, Capt,, 230,
Gunboats, Federal, 229.
Gun Powder, 204.
Guns, Rape of the, 171, 199, 201, 204, 207, 321.

733

Gim, the GaUagher, 124.
Gwinnett Co., 149, 315, against Secession.
Gwinnett Herald, 620. H.
Habeas Corpus, 271, 272, 273, 358, 456.
Habersham County, 69.
Hackett, A. T., 98, 606.
Haines, Gen. T. J., 430.
Haines, H. S,, 639.
Hale, J. N,, 622.
HaU, John I,, 465, 468, 494, 542, 544, 579, 585.
Hall, Sarauel, 34, 89, 110, 120, 165, 674, 688.
HaU, W. H.F,, 413.
Halleck, Gen. H. W., 322.
Hara, H. W. J., 619.
Hambleton, J. P., 121, 374.
Hamilton, Miss M. J. R., 629.
Hamilton, Senator, U. S., 435.
HamUton & WiUinghara, 622.
Hamlin, Hannibal, 120, 129, 130, 135.
Haramock, C. C, 459,
Hammond, A. D,, 468.
Hararaond, Dennis F., Judge, 76, 208, 364.
Hammond, H. C, M,, 138.
Hammond, N, J., 606, 85,348, 492,493, 510,529,
562, 579, 594, 649.
Hammond, Mrs,, 629.
Hammond, AV. M., 624, 642, 543, 544, 645, 546, 547,
579, 683, 506.
Harapton Roads Conference, 305, 322.
Hancock, 89.
Hancock, C. W., 373, 467, 619.
Hancock, Gen., 586, 583, 581, 380, 569.
Hanks, J. A. R,, 81, 90, 642, 646.
Hanleiter, C. R,, 119, 622.
HanseU, A. H,,72, 150, 529.
HanseU, C. P., 619,
HanseU, Gen. A. J,, 85, 212, 347.
Hanvey, Capt., 194.
Haralson, Frank L., 601.
Haralson, Hugh, 205.
Haralson, WiU, 601.
Hardaway, R. H., 644.
Hardee, Wm. J., Gen., 183, 224, 225, 247, 269,
275, 276, 278, 279, 286, 292, 312, 313.
Harderaan, J. L,, 574.
Harderaan, Robt. U,, 601, 644.
Harderaan, R. V., Judge, 76.
Hardeman, Thos,, 41, 62, 70, 96, 180, 262, 197, 215,
247, 272, 341, 351, 358, 373, 374, 425, 453, 501, 502,
503, 516; 517, Retires from Governor's Race;
618; 568,556, Candidate for Gov.; 669, 671,572,
677, 580, 584, 586, 660.
Harden, E. J., 35, 415, 625.
Harden, E. E., 110, 116, 183, 574, 600.
Hardin, Mark, 395,
Hargrove, Z. B., 212, 251, 519.

Harkie, C, B., 248.
Harlem, Columbian, 622.
Harpers' Magazine, 623.
HarreU, D. B., 587, 33, 34, 406, 529, 674, 677, 583.
Harris, A. L., 375, 427, 429, 430, 434, 457, 458.
Harris, B. T., 390.
Harris, Capt. of Dahlonega, 188, 194.
Harris, Charles J., 147, 533. ¦
Harris, Col, Skid, 247.
Harris County, 165.
Harris, Dr. R, B,, 607.
Harris, Gen., 162, 163, 164.
Harris, Gov. of Tennessee, 166, 362.
Harris, Henry R,, 150, 602, 600, 511, 620.
Harris, Hon. Wm. L., 140.
Harris, J. L., 531, 503, 97, 150, 209.
Harris, Joel Chandler, 610, 614, 623, 624.
Harris, Judge Iverson L., 84, 87, 249, 347, 356, -
372.
Harris, Judge S. W., 629, 607,
Harris, J. W., 126.
Harris, Lt. Col. W. T., 264.
Harris, Lt. C. T. W. H., 608.
Harris, W. A., 600, 685, 62, 54, 73, 98, 108, 138,
139, 348 496, 674.
Harrison, Burton N,, 324,
Harrison, Geo. P,, Jr., 183, 247.
Harrison, G, P., Gen., 72, 110,216, 228, 351, 600.
Harrison, Jas. P., 605, 617, 619, 628.
Harrison, Rep., 432.
Harrison, Wm., 541,549.
Harper's Ferry, 106, 108, 294.
Harper, F. M., 395.
Harper, R. G., 96.
Hart, Col, John R,, 263.
Hartford, State Bank of, 175.
Hartness, Private, 324.
Hartridge, A. S,, 321.
Hartridge, JuUan, 89, 97, 106, 108, UO, 111, 116,
120, 222, 261, 383, 463, 468, 601, 602, 503, 511,
520,
Harts, Nancy, 205.
HartweU Sun, 621.
Harvard Law School, 294.
Hasty Legislation, 100.
Hathaway, Lt., 324,
Hawes, A, L., 674, 600, 607.
Hawkins, S,, 629, 544,
Hawkins, S. W,, 541,
Hawkins, W. A., 33, 34, 37, 72, 90, 120, 150, 463,
610, 623; Supreme Court, 674, 681, 688.
Hawkinsville Despatch, 619.
Hayden, J. A., 364.
Hayes, J. D., 510.
Hayes, R, B,, 532.
Haygood, Atticus G,, 610, 628.
Hayne, Paul H., 626, 649.
Hazen, Gen., 313,

INDEX.

733

Hazlehurst, Col. Geo. H., 497, 498, 633.
Head, State Senator, 548, 577.
Healey, T. G., 650.
Heard, Mrs P. B,, 205.
Heath, Private, 324.
Heath, Gen, H., 299.
Heidt, Emanuel, 466.
HemphUI, R, A., 614.
HemphiU, W, A., 613, 614.
Henderson, Col,, John T., 504, 505, ,601, 642, 650.
Henderson, Col. E., 247.
Henderson, Wm. B., 601.
Hendricks, Gov. T. A., 505.
Henry Co, Weekly, 621.
Henry, Wm., 439.
Herald, Atlanta, 522.
Herald, New York, 174, 175, 176, 179, 261, 435, 560.
Herbert, Major Sidney, 277.
Herbert, Rev. M., 625.
Hero of Olustee, 313.
Herring, W. F., 284.
Herring, Wm., 364.
Hester, Robert, 73, 212, 262.
Hicks, Gov. of Maryland, 165.
Higbee, E. H., 406.
HUl, A. Franklin, 111, 115.
HiU, Barnard, 356, 467, 531.
HiU, Benjamin H,, 39, Know Nothing Leader;
41, His Character; 42, Notice of Nomination;
43; 44, Discussion "with Brown; 46, Defeated
for Governor; 72, 294, 127, 128, 131, 138, 139,
141, 160, 152, 154, 155, 164, 181; 222, C. S, Senator;
249, 255, Davis Supporter; 292, 293, Visits Ga.
-with Davis; 312, 318, 337, 370, 371, 373, 374, 375,
383, 391, 392, 455, 488, 497, 498, 501, 605, 606, 510,
611, 520, 526, 527, 541, 544, 557, 604, 653.
HiU, Capt,, 385.
HiU, Col. John M., 284.
HiU, D. P., 73, 150, 154, 165, 272, 302.
HiU, E. Y., 73.
HUl, Geo., 231.
HiU, Joshua, 45, 46, Elected to Congress; 95,
96, 119, 180, 260, 261, 301, 303, 304, 348, 356, 398,
,399, 407, 428, 433, 434, 458, 529.
HiU, Miss A., 205.
HiU of Harris, 63.
HiU, Rhode, 641. '
HUl, T, W. J,, 364.
HiU, Walter B,, 85, 595, 600, 607.
HUliard, H. W., 43, 416, 609, 629.
HUlyer, Geo., 33, 43, 52, 90, 108, UO, 115, 120, 464,
624, 631, 579, 607.
HiUyer, Henry, 524, 607.
HUlyer, Junius, 415.
Hindman, Gen., 362.
Hines, J. K., 574.
Hinesville Gazette, 620.
Hinton, B. B., 394, 4.30, 464, 467.

Histories of Ga., 624.
History, Secret, 260.
Hobbs, R., 574.
Hodgkins .¦<: Sons, 171.
Hoffman, Gov., 461, 462.
Hoge, E. F., 453, 465, 468, 496.
Hoge, James, HI, Uo.
Hoke, A. Y., 636.
Holcombe, A. W., 376, 394, 430, 529, 641.
Holden, Senator, 395.
Hollis, H. T., 533, 674, 587.
Holmes, Dr. Duel, 119.
Holt, Hines, 348, 42, 72, 84, 98, 119, 222.
Holt, Judge T. G., 347, 349, 373, 374, 467.
Holt, Pulaski S., 206.
Holt, Thad, G,, 257, 600.
Holt, T., U. S. Sec. of War, 145, 162.
Holt, W. S,, 463, 262, 272, 373.
Holt, W. W., 35, 76.
Holtzclaw, 519.
Horae Corar, of Immigration, 416.
Home Defense, 252.
Home Guards, 263.
Homes, Soldiers Giving Up, 276.
Homestead Laws, 356, 382, 529, 530.
Homes, Wayside, 242.
Honey HUl Battle, 313.
Hood, Arthur, 416, 108, 111, 120, 150, 209, 220.
Hood, Gen., 241, 276, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 28.3,
284, 283, 286, 287, 291, 293, 301, 305, 306, 313,
493.
Hood, Mrs. F., 629.
Hook, James S., 88, 120, 121, 126, 213, 220, 348.
Hooper, J. J., 181,
Hopkins, C. H., 94, 119, 376, 398.
Hopkins, H, W., 547, 600.
Hopkins, Judge John L., 426, 481, 647, 548, 654,
644, 650.
Home, Gen, O, C, 593, 600.
Horse Guards, Governor's, 191.
Hospital and Relief Asso., 221, 251, 262.
Hotchkiss, N. P., 376, 451.
House Journals. 1860. 135,
House of Reps., 1857, 60, Vote on Banks; 1857,
70, Vote on Pardon Veto; 1861, 219, 221, 242,
250, 262; 1863, 272, 359, 395, 414, 423, 427, 428, 429,
441, 458, 466, 633, 551.
Hotiser, Capt., 194.
Houston Co., 571.
Howard, Gen,, U. S, A,, 339.
Howard, Gen, W. P,, 242,
Howard,- J. H,, 35, 131, 242.
Howard, Thos. C, 17, 20, In Legislation, 1849;
25, 120, 128, 601.
HoweU, C, 416. 496.
Howell, Evan P., 88, In Washington Co,; UO,
In Convention, 1860; 5, 24, 541, 542, 648, 568,
569, 610, 614, 650.

''^¦^4. (0-t

INDEX.

Howell, Midshipman, 324,
HoweU, Miss, 324.
HoweU, Wm. H., 601.
Hoyle, L, C, 464, 574.
Hoyt, Judge, 481.
Hubbard, N, Y-, 610.
Hubuer, C, W., 626, 627.
Hudson, C, B., 465,
Hudson, J, M,, 541.
Hudson, R., 386. '
Hudson, W, J., 431,502, 503.
Hughes, D,G,, 3T4.
Huglies, James, 434.
Hulburt, E,, 364, 373, 384, 385, 400, 416, 420, 449,
451, 488,
HuU, Asbury, 73, 138, 351.
HuU, Wm. H., 33, 36, 42, 108, 111, 113, 355, 497,
498.
Hulsey, W. H., 542, 543.
Humber, E. C, 533, 544, 545,- 551, 129.
Plumiliation, Fasting and prayer, 230.
Humphries, Dr, Wm, C, 138.
Hunnicutt, C, W,, 291.
Hunter, Geo. R,, 73,
Hunter, Gen. David, 229.
Hunter, J, H., 390, 468, 496, 503.
Hunter, R, M. T.; 206, 305, 322.
Hunter, U, S. Senate, 139,
Hunt, J, J,, 607.
Hunt, AVm, H,, 399.
Jiutcheson, T,, 215.
Hutchins, N. L,, 76, 108, 222, 524, 542, 549, 606.
Hussey, Lt. C, 230.

Idaho, 401,
lUinois, 381.
Illustrate Georgia, 199.
Imboden, Col, T. M,, 580, 681, 587.
Immigration, Bureau, 415, 416.
Impeacliment, 461, 460, 363, 420, 546, 617, 550,
Importation of Arms, 217,
Impressment, 262, 318.
Imprisonment for debt, 102.
Inaugural, 262, 214, 99, 60, 60, Brown ; 352, 353,
388, 397, 468, 539.
Incendiary Speech, 389.
Incident, Brown and Kenan, 233, 253, 377, 397,
410.
Income Tax, 267.
Independence, 236.
Independence, Declaration of, 273.
Independent Georgia Dragoons, 215, 247.
Independentism, 512, 513, 514, 588,
Independent Maoon Volunteers, 194.
Independent South, Griffin, 79.
Indian Claim, 633.
Indigents, 251, 252, 263, 315.

Ineligibility, Kegfo, 402. ¦.' i
Infamy RoU of, 439.
Infantry, 246, 263.
Infantry, Oglethorpe, 164.
Infantry, Macon Brown, 194.
Infantry, Wrightsville, 205.
Ingalls, Senator U. S., 565.
Ingram, Porter, 111, 110, 91, 46, 89, 529, Anec
dote of Brown.
Ingram, W. N., 323,
Inman, John H., 650,
Inman, S. M., 630, 631, 654, 569.
Inman, W. H., 206,
Institute, Ga. MUitary, 309.
Intelligencer, Atlanta, 63, 79, 155, 209, 214, 217,
243, 271, 314, 396, 397.
Intelligencer, Natiovul, 423.
International Cotton Exposition, 647, 652, 654.
International Sunday School, 535.
Intervention, 117, 122.
Intimidation of Democrats, 424, 428,
Invective, 392.
Investigating Committees. 436, 446, 448, 450, 451,
461, 476, 494, 508, 540, 544, 645, 646, 550, 531.
Invincibles, Davis, 205.
Invincibles, Union, 205, 38, Endorsed as Sena^
tor ; 104, 105, Griffin Disunion Speech ; 138,
222, 242, 243, 250.
Iron, 416.
Iron Waste, State road, 72.
Irwin, David, 27, 84, 85, 209, 347, 375, 383, 497,
499.
Irwin, Jared, 207.
Irwin, J. T., 36, 38, 73, 97, 108, Ul, 115, 120, 129.
Ii-wiu, Rep,, 432,
Irwin, Robert, 321.
Irwin's Cross Roads, 331.
Irwinton, Southerner, 621.
Irwinville town, 331.
Irvine, W, T., 646..
Iverson, Alfred Jr., 183, 263. 283.
Iverson, Alfred, Sr., 18, Judge Supreme Court ;
Ivy, Rep,, 550.

Jackson, Davenport, 607.
Jackson, Harry, 465, 547, 549.
Jackson, Henry R., 18, 19, Judge Suprerae
Court ; 35 ; 82, Speech in 1858 ; 89, 90, Conven
tion of 1858 ; 91, 92, 108, U5, 120, 121, 126, 128,
161, 162, 163, 165, 172, 173, 174,176, 177, 178, 186,
216, 224, 227, 228, 229, 238, 240, 241, 242, 263, 294,
465, 493, 532, 627, 549, 679, 596, 597, 598, 607, 609
612, 626, 627.
Jackson, James, 18, 19, Judge Supreme Court;
45, for Congress ; 89, 96, 131, 138, 180, 222, 250,
251, 383, 522, Supreme Court, 679.
Jackson, James, Gov., 140.

INDEX.

735

Jackson, John K,, 215, 224, 275.
Jackson, Stonewall, 225, 246, 258, 268, 294, 493.
James, Dr. Thoraas P., 504, 550, 644.
James, John H., 448, 497, 498, 516, 518.
Jarratt, Dr. W. A., 87.
Jasper, 187,
Jeans, Georgia Made, 214 Governor Brown
Inaugurated.
Jeffers, Asa O,, 249.
Jefferson Forest News, 621.
Jenuson, S. H., 574, 577, 585, 588, ,593.
Jenkins, C. J., 17, Legislature 1849 ; 20, Union
Leader ; 24, Beaten for Governor ; 26, for
Vice-President ; 26, 72, 85, 131 ; 142, Judge
Supreme Court ; 221, Judge Supreme Court ;
249, 260. 381, 348 ; 351, for Governor ; 354, 352,
353, Elected Governor ; 355, 360, First Mes
sage ; 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 378, 379, 508, 507,
381, 397, 448, 449, 472, 473 503 ; 625, 529, Presi
dent Congress, 1877.
Jervis, J. N., 577.
Jesup, George R., 73.
Jesup Sentinel, 619,
Jewell, Marshall, 595.
Joe Brown's Boys, 192.
Joe Brown's Pets., 286.
John Brown's Soul, etc., 307.
Johnson, Colonel Abda, 247.
Johnson County Created, 80.
Johnson, Coloenl J. A. W., 247, 351, 383, 467,
574, 576, 696.
Johnson, D., 431.
Johnson, Ed., 215.
Johnson, H. V., 18, Judge Supr. Ct.; 24, 26,
Elected Governor ; 35, 36, 38, 70 ; 48, Johnson
and Brown ; 49, Message on Banks ; 72, 73,
Delegate to Sou. Convention ; 84, 113, 116, 117,
118,119,120; 121, Speech in 1860; 122; 123,125,
lor Vice President ; 126, 127, 128, 129, 131 ;
137, Opposing Secession ; 143, 150, 151, 152, 153,
154, 155, 183, 208, 222, 249, 250, 251, 286 ; 347,
President Reconstruction Convention ; 356,
358, 361, 362, 370, 371, 375, 508, 516 ; 518, 526,
527, 631, 662, 609, 618.
Johnson, H. V. Mrs., 19.
Johnson, James, 348, 347, 346, 342, 25, 341 , 349, 352,
353, 365, 356, 468, 502, Beaten for Congress ;
95, 41, Know Nothing Leader.
Jolmson, Lindsay, 73.
Johnson, Mark, 115.
Johnson, President, Andrew, 330, 338, 340, 341,
346, 348, 349, 352, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 362, 363,
386.
Johnson, Reverdy, 362.
Johnson, S. C, 406.
Johnson, W. J., 110, 115.
Johnson, W. P., 465, 574.
Johnson, Wm. Preston, 324.

Johnston, General A. S., 247, 265.
Johnston, General Jos. E., 204, 269, 274, 275
276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 282, 283, 284, 285, 322, 324^
325, 326, 350 ; 286, Compliment to Georgia Mi
litia ; 292, 313.
Johnston, J. Boorman, & Co,, 448.
Johnston, Malcolm, 596.
Johnston, Mark, 601.
Johnston, E. M., 42, 623, 624, 626, 629.
Jonesboro, 285.
Jones, Captain, 194, 195.
Jones, Colonel C. C, Jr., 230, 625,
Jones, Col. J. F,, 601.
" Jones," E., 376.
Jones, E. L., 400.
Jones, George S,, 326.
Joues, H. C, 607.
Jones, H. H,, 610, 613.
Jones, J, A., 72, 73, 90, UO, 113, 138, 139.
Jones, J. C, (Lt,) U, S, A,, 162.
Jones, Jenks, 96, 97, 138, 180, 262, 331, 496, .503,
595, 600.
Jones, John, 124, 353, 378, 379, 403, 507, 508, 510.
Jones, J. W., 42.
.lones, Lt. Col. L. C, 608.
Jones, Lt , J, P., 216.
.Jones, R., 464, 588.
..Tones, Robert, 215.
.Tones, Seaborn, 77.
Jones, Thos. F., 107, 108.,
Jones, W. B., 602.
Jonesboro News, 621.
Jordan, Chas. S., Sr., 350.
Jordan, Col. J. T., 299, 593.
Jordan, George W., 98, 574, 600.
Jordan, J. T., 524.
Jordan, Lt., S. J., 299, 607.
Joseph, Mr., 580.
Journal and Messenger, Macon, 93, 386.
Journal of Progress, 623.
Journalism of Georgia, 401, 609, 623.
Journals, Legislature, 408.
Judge Advocate Dunn, 387.
Judges Salaries Increased, 70.
Judah, General, 320, 338.
.Judiciary Committee of Congress, 433.
Judiciary in 1858, 76, 221.
Julia, Ship, 173, 177.
Judges, appointed by Generals, 346.
Judges, appointed by Governor, 349, 406, 529,
631, 538, 607. K.
Kansas BUl, 38, 41, 42, 43, 45, 75, 93, 104, 106.-
Keeper of Penitentiary, 538.
KeUy, Judge of Pa., 339.
KeUy, Sheriff of N. Y., 175.
KeUogg, H. C, 431.

736

INDEX.

Kenan, A. H., 17, 52, 70, 119, 150, 154, 350, 164,
181, 192, 222, 233, 272, 347.
Kenan, Miss Henrietta, 192.
Kendrick, Captain B, E., 205.
Kennard, Lt , J., 216,
Kennedy of N, Y., 175, 176.
Kennesaw, -Mountain, 277, 283.
Kennon, R, E., 519, 685.
Kentucky, 416, 331, 324, 269, 123, 139, 152, 165,
166, 226, 246, 519.
Kentucky, 1st. Infantry, 204.
Key, D. M., 532
Key, Miss E,, 205.
Kibbee, C. C, 373, 464, 467, 468.
Kiddoo, David J., 76.
Kiddoo, W. K,, 373.
KirabaU, E,N., 413, 450,
KirabaU, H. I., 412, 418, Advance from Bullock ;
650, 647, 447, 448, 457, 459, 477, 479.
KimbaU House, 437, 672, 584.
KimbaU, Opera House, 414, 418, 444, 445, 446,
448, 461,
Kimsey, J. J., 607.
King, Dr. W,, 601,
King, Hans, 615.
King John, 474, 610, 611.
King, John P., 222, 348, 351, 633. .
Kingston, 244.
King, Thos. B , 22, 98, 108, UO, 120, 216.
King, WUliam, 301, 302.
Kirby, Ship, 173.
Kirkland, W. W., 183.
Kirkscey, E. J,, 386,
Kirkwood, Senator U. S,, 565, 566.
Kiser, M. C, 630.
Kittrell, John, 88,
Klux, Klan Ku, 382, 383,
Knight, Judge, N, B., 406.
Know Nothingism, 26, 27, 39, 40, 43, 44, 43, 94, 46,
93, Buried,
Knowles, Rev, Joshua, 613, 621.
Knox, Samuel, 73.
Knoxville, 184, 245.
Ku Klux Klan, 382, 435, 468, 469.

Lachlison, Alderman, 321.
Ijady Davis, Ship, 216.
Ladies Memorial Association, 361.
Lagrange, 184, 205.
Lagrange, Reporter, 618.
Lamb, T. W., 607.
Lamar, A. R., 72, 73, 79, 80, 151, 215, 372, 453,
467, 468, 501, 609, 612.
Lamar, C. A. L,, 41.
Lamar, Capt, L, M,, 148, 607.
Lamar, Col. John H,, 263, 314.
Lamar, G, B., 172, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 206.

Laraar, George W., 121.
Lamar, Henry G,, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 78.
Lamar, Jeff'erson, Ul,
Lamar, J. M., 36, 108, 115.
Lamar, L., 127.
Lamar, L. Q. C, 272, 605.
Lamar, Lucius M,, 199,
Lamar, M. B., 609, 611.
Lanier, Clifford, A,, 629.
Lanier, Sidney, 626, 627
Land in Georgia in 1860, 168, 169.
Land Scrip Fund, 603.
Lane, Col. A. J., 248.
Lane, Joseph, 123, 125, 126, 127, 129.
Langford, L. B., 451.
Langston, J. C, 628.
Larey, Capt., 194
Last Order Confederate Govt., 323, 324, 326, 329,
653.
Latham, John, 230, Gallantry.
Latimer, F, H., 156.
Laughridge, Col. B,, 241.
Lavender, Dr. J. S., 644.
Law of Nations, 174.
Lawrenceville News, 86.
Lawson, A. J,, 73.
Lawson, Capt. E. P., 205, 574, 577, 600.
Lawson, Thos. G., 262, 272, 351, 503, 529, 531,
579, 581, 682.
Law Stay, 214.
Law Suit, 366.
Lawton, Alexander R., 98, 108, Legislature,
1859 ; no, 138, 146, 146, 147, 172, 201, 204, 224,
493, 228, 239, 254, 279, 453, 415, 330, 326, 324, 294,
295, 296, 297, Quarter Master General ; 518, 519,
Elector ; 529, 532, 641, 568, 569, 679, 592, 599, 602,
603, 633.
Lawton, Col. W. J,, 243, 246.
Lawton, Dr, J. S., 387.
Lawyer's Fees, 446, 450.
Law, WiUiam, 20, 21, 127, 222, 360.
Leak, S, W., 643.
Lease State Road, 80, 456, 444, 476, 520.
Leaguers of the South, 103.
League Union, 382, 383.
LeConte, John, 628.
LeConte, Joseph, 628.
Ledbetter, Gen,, 2^5.
Lee, Capt,, G, W,, 184, 247, 291.
Lee, Gen. Robert E., 217, 227, 228, 229, 246, 254,
264, 265, 285, 294, 296, 298, 299, 313, 317, 323, 325,
862.
Lee, J. A. L,, 506, 261, 374, 436.
Lee, J, C, S,, 119.
Lee's A'olunteers, 184.
Legion Georgia Cobb, 215.
Legion, Phillips, 215.
Legislative Lay on the Banks, 64.

INDEX.

737

legislative Obituary, 441, 442, 443, 444.
legislative Sessions, 70, made Annual.
Legislative AVrongs, 100.
legislature of 1849, 1850, 17, 70 ; 1857, 1858, 50, 69,
77, 80, 81 ; 18j;i, 9f, 106, 141 ; 1860, 129, 131, 138,
140 ; of North Caroliua, 165 ; New York, 175 ;
Georgia, 1880, 199 ; of 1861,2, 212, 213, 216, 217,
218, 220, 221, 240, 246, 248, 249, 261,252,255, 257 ;
1863, 262, 265, 270, 272, 273, 303, 304, 307, 309,
312 ; 1864, 314, 316, 318, 337, 338 ; 1865, 349, 350,
351, 363, 356, 356, 359 ; 1866, 361 ; 1868, 386, 388,
394,401,404,405,409, 410, 412, 413, 415, 423;
1870, 424, 426, 4'27, 430, 431,432, 433, 436, 438, 441,
442,443,444,457, 461; 1871,464, 466, 467, 476,
477, 494, 496, 503, 607, 508 ; 1877, 524, 528, 541 ;
1878, 541, 646 ; 1880, 602, 606.
lester, George N,, 607, 416, 415, 84, 97, 209, 212,
220, 262, 431, 512, 513, 531, 574.
Lester, Rufus E,, 400, 453, 464, 623, 524, 533, 541,
549 ; 656, 557, Candidate for Gov.; 9569, 571
672, 677, 580, 581, 584, 685, 593.
letters, 234. Brown to Davis, 1st,; 234, Davis to
Brown, 1st.; 234, 236, Bro-Bn to Davis, 2nd.;
235, 236, Davis to Brown, 2nd.; 236, 237, Brown
to Davis. 3rd.; 237, Davis to Brown, 3rd.; 237,
Brown to Davis ; 254, Lee about'Tom Cobb ;
259, Brown's Letter, Re-election ; 265, 266,
Brown and FuUarton ; 271, 272, Toombs to
Brown ; 287, About State Troops ; 287, Seddon
to Gov. Brown ; 287, Gov. Brown to Seddon ;
288, Mr. Seddon to Gov. Brown ; 288, 289, Gov.
Bro-wn and Mr. Seddon ; 289, Seddon to Gov.
Brown ; 289, 290, DeFontaine on Brown ; 292,
Gen. Hood to Gen. Sherraan ; 292, Gen. Sher
man to Gen. Hood ; 292, Hood to Sherraan ;
415, Circular about Negro Eligibility ; 423,
Angier about Bullock ; 425, 424, Gov. Brown
on Eligibility ; 425, About Reconstruction
Act ; 439, H. P. Farrow ; 463, Linton Steph
ens ; 461, Bullock's about Resignation ; 468,
H. P. Farrow ; 473, Gov. Jenkins Restoring
Great Seal ; 475, Gov, Bro-wn against Radical
Trickery ; 507, Gov, Jenkins about Seal ; 310,
Gen. I. R. Foster ; 314, Gov. Brown and Gen.
A K. Wright ; 322, Sherman and HaUeck : 338,
Brown and Andrew Johnson ; 351, Brown and
Jenkins ; 352, James Jenkins and Jenkins ;
364, to Gov. Brown ; 364, Gov, Brown for
Reconstruction ; 370, Gen. Pope to Gov.
Jenkins ; 370, Gov, Johnson against Recon
struction ; 371, Gen. Pope to Gen, Grant ;
378, 379, Gov, Jenkins to Gen. Meade ; 588,
T. M. Norwood's Acceptance ; 689, Gov. Col
quitt's Acceptance; 596, B. C, Yancey.
levee, 68, Abolished.
levees, Mississippi, 416.
leverett, Wesley, U.
levy, S. Yates, 628,
47

Lewis, D. W., 52, 70, 73, 94, 97, 107, 119, 222.
Lewis, Gen, J. R,, 444.
Lewis, Gleason, F,, 503.
Levvis, Jolm W., 12, Brown's early Friend ; 13,
33, 250 ; 71, Supt, of State Koad, 224.
Lewis, M, W., 53, 84, 97, 119, 629.
Lewis, Sidney, 622.
Lewis, W, A., 73, 86.
Leyden, Maj. A., 387,
Libel Suit, BuUock's, 452,
Liberal Republicans, 501, 502.
Liberty, Sons of, 205.
Library, State, 308, 538.
Library, Young Mens, 199, Atlanta,
Light Guard, Columbus City, 197.
Light Infantry, Oglethorpe, 198, Savannah.
Lincoln, Abe, 322, 321, 318, 305, 120, 127, 129, 130,
134, 304, 303, 302, 258, 135, 144, 151, 182. 196, 232,
273, 286, 300, 301.
Lion of Liberty, 115.
Little, Ada, Ship, 282.
Little, Dr, George, 504, 639.
Littlefield, A,, 215, 247.
Lippman, Alderman, 321,
Literature of Georgia, 623-630.
Livingstone, L. F,, 574, 680, 584, 600.
Lloyd, at Atlanta, 307.
Lloyd, Thomas E,, 209, 262, 347, 415.
Lobby, Legislative, 272.
Local Legislation, 530,
Lochrane, O. A., 22, Adraitted to Bar ; 33, 73,
108, 110, 144, 221, 319, 360, 426 ; 466, 457, Made
Chief Justice ; 460, 477, 478, 481, 493, 499.
Locke, Major, 324.
Locke, R. D,, 619.
Lofton, W. A,, 89, 126. 526.
Logan, Dr. J. P., 150, 151, in Secession Conven
tion.
Logan, T. M., 636.
Lomax, Tenant, 33, 72.
London Times, 313.
Long, Dr. Crawford, W., 652.
Long, Jeff., 416, 420, 519.
Longley, F. M., 496, 588, 574, 6(n.
Longstreet, A. B., 623.
Longstreet, Gen. J. B., 264, 298.
Longstreet, J. C , 81.
Loring, Gen., 278.
Losses by War, 331, 332.
Lost Mountain, 277.
Louisiana, 74, 115, 122, 123, 147, 152, 165, 166, 181,
182, 267, 330, 331, 663.
LouisviUe Courier, 622.
Louisville News and Farmer, 620.
LouisviUe & NashviUe R. R., 501, 634, 636, 637,
638.
Lovejoy's Station, 306.
LoveU, Gen. Mansfield, 279.

738

INDE.X.

Love, Peter E., 76, 96, U6, 117, 180, 212, 220, 261.
Lovett, R. O., 574.
Lowry, R. J,, 650.
Lowry, W. M., 554, 574.
Lubbock, Gov., 324,
Lutt'raan, Wm,, 62, 348, 574,
Lumpkin County, 28, 149, 186, 189,
Lumpkin Independent, 620,
Lumpkin, J. H,, 18, Judge Supreme Court ; 31,
32, 34, for Governor ; 35, 36, 73, 108, 115, 120,
22 ; 54, Description ; 76, 131,
Lumpkin Law School, 84.
Lumpkin Palladium, 79, 86.
Lumpkin, S. W,, 541, 548.
Lumpkin, Wilson, 72, 73, 138, 351, 626.
Lunatic Asylum, 308, 634,
Lutherans on State Road, 81.
Lyon, R. F., 101, 358, Supreme Court Judge ;
131, 356, 574, 585, 587.
Lytle, 96, for Congress. M.
Mabry, G. W., 674, 595, 600.
Macon, 78, 94, 125, 129, 147, 148.
Macon Bro-wn Infantry, 194.
Maoon Floyd Rifles, 197.
Macon Independent Volunteers, 194.
Macon Journal and Messenger, 93, 385.
Maoon, Speech of Davis, 289, 293, 303.
Macon State Press, 79, 165, 171, 188, 194, 197,206,
257, 276, 283, 301, 306, 308, 311, 314, 323, 337, 338,
341, 342, 345, 373, 405, 412, 416, 519, 590, 591.
Macon Telegraph, 18, 78, 79, 86, 256, 319,374, 569.
Macon Volunteers, 197.
Macon & Augusta R. R., 384.
Macon & Brunswick R. R., 70, 361, 456, 495, 525,
526, 634, 633, 634, 635.
Macon & W. Railroad, 285, 456, 487, 488-492, 632,
Madden, J. F., 614.
-Maddox, R. F,, 650.
Madison, Ga., 302, 390.
Madison Family Visitor, 79,
Madison, James, 236.
Madisonian, 80, 620.
Maffit, Lt. J. N., 216.
Magruder, Gen., 362.
Magruder, Lt. Col., 608.
Mahone of A'^a,, 193, 604.
Maimed Soldiers, 336.
Main Trunk K. R., 70.
Maine, 120.
Major Jones' Courtship, 80.
Majority Rule, 672, 673.
Malvern HUl Battle, 294.
Man For the Times, 46, 193 .
Manassas Battle, Ist, 198, 199, 202, 204, 294.
Mann, W. L., 608,
Manning, Col. W. R., 248.

Mansion, Executive, 309, 311, 337, 445, 448.
Manufactories in 1860, 168, 198,
Manufacture of Cotton, 416, 644, 654.
March to the Sea, Sherman's, 167, 293, 306, 312,
313, 633.
Marietta, 129, 183, 229, 244, 277, 286, 309, 322, 503,
597.
Marietta Journal, 619.
Marietta & North Ga. R. R., 526, 638.
Marion Co. Argus, 621.
Markham House, 572, 584.
Markham, Wm., 382, 461.
Marsh and Moore, 554.
Martha J. Ward, Ship, 177.
Martin, B. Y., 121, 125, 126.
Martin, Edwin, 607.
Martin, Mrs. Fannie, 399.
Martin, John H., 79, 80, 607, 010.
Martin, Col. L. H. O., 285.
Maryland, 123, 151, 165.
Mass Meeting, 1836, 43.
Mass Meeting in 1868, 391.
Massachusetts, 120, 123, 130, 288, 327.
Massey, Robt. A., 622.
Mathews, A. B., 108.
Matthews, J. D., 272, 348, 331, 468.
Mattox, H. W., 496, 506.
Maund, J. C, 120, 542, 543, 546.
MaxweU, Rep., 436.
May, Robert H., 259, 574.
Mayor of Atlanta, 291, 445.
Mayors, 408.
Mays, S. AV., 607.
McAUister Fort, 267, 313.
McAllister, Col. J. L,, 263.
McAllister, M, H., 20, 21.
McArthur, J. J,, 396, 432.
McBain, N,, 36.
MoCall's History of Ga., 624.
McCalla, A., 569.
McCamy, S, R., 554.
McCay, H. K., 120, 284, 375, 376, 406, 440, 510, 622.
McCleUan, Gen., 246, 294.
McCleUan, Rep., 506.
McCorab, M. D., 87.
McConneU, Eli, 124.
McConneU, Col. J. J., 247.
McCook, Gen., 283.
McCuUoch, U. S. Sec, 330.
McCutchen, B. R., 439.
McCutchen, C. D., 262, 390, 468, 631.
McDaniel, Col. C. A., 247, 254,
McDaniel, Henry D., 348, 496, 641, 645, 547, 549,
579, 606
McDonald, C. J., 20, 24, Beaten for Governor;
26, 76, 101, Suprerae Ct. Judge; 108, UO, 126,
131.
McDonald, Camp, 206.

INDEX.

739

McDonald, D., 77.
McDonald, U. S. Senator, 606.
McDoweU, G. M,, 588.
McDuffie Journal, 620.
McGehagan, Jno,, 43, killed,
McGehee, E. J,, 107, 108, UO, 115, 209.
McGowan, James J., 381,
Mclntire, A. T., 348, 349, 454, 579.
Mcintosh, H, JI., 610.
Mcintosh, Lachlan, 181, 228, 229.
Mcintosh, W. M., 126.
Mclntyre, J., 96, For Cougress.
McKibben, Thomas, 88,
McKinley, AVm,, 36, 128.
McLaws, L, B,, 183, 215, 224.
McLendon, S. G., 574, 582.
McLester, W. W., 374.
McMahon, Capt,, 230.
McMUlan, G., 390, 465, 468, 494, BU.
McMUlan, Robt., 73, 121, 213, 284. 358.
McPherson, Gen., 275, 276, 278, 282.
McRae, Thos. M., 156.
McVille Georgian, 622.
McWhorter, R. L., 62, 53, 97, 119, 351, 396, 396,
432, 458, 466, 542, 646, 606.
Meade, Gen., 381, 378, 379, 383, 387, 388, 396, 397,
472, 507, 508.
Meadows, J. W., 431.
Means, Alex, 152.
Meldrim, P. W., 607.
Mell, Rev. Dr., 266.
Mell, Dr. H. P., 628.
Memoirs of the War, 300, Sherman's.
Memorial Association, Ladle's, 361, 503.
Memorial Convention, 349.
Memorial Day, 242, 361.
Memrainger, C. G., 282.
Memphis Appeal, 270.
Memphis Branch R. R., 525, 526, 594.
Meraphis & Charleston R. R., 634.
Mercer, Geo. A., 373, 374, 496, 541.
Mercer, H. W., Gen., 214, 224, 228, 248, 282.
Mercer, J. T., 215.
Merchandise in 1860, 168, 169.
Mercury, Charleston, 270.
Merrill, W. W., 66, 602.
Merriwether Co., 89, 571, 574.
Mershon, Judge M. L, , 629, 574.
Message Veto on Banks, 61, 78, by Brown; on
Pardon, 70, by Brown; 2nd Annual, 100, by
Brown; 3d Annual, 129, by Brown; about
Banks, 133, 141, by Brown; to Secession Con
vention, 154, by Brown; 213, 216, 218, Gov.
Brown; 220, 228, 248, 252, 262, 270; 271, 272,
Great War Document; 273, 314, 317, 318; 348,
352, Gov. James Johnson; 3,33, Gov, C, J,
Jenkins; 359, Against 14th Amendment; 397,
Gov. BuUock, 1868; 402, 410, BuUock on negro

expulsion; 410, BuUock on 15th Amendment;
41:i, 414, 432, 438, 468, 510, 625, Gov, Colquitt;
544, Gov. Colquitt, N, E. Bond.
Methodist Advocate, 610, 617.
Methodists on State Road, 80, 137.
Mexican AVar, 163, 227, 240, 241, 242, 565.
Mexico, 362.
Michigan, 331.
Middle Ga. Argus, 621.
Mileage, 444.
Military Board, 434, 430, 431, Terrys.
Military Convention, 130.
IVlUitary Court, 386, Columbus Prison.
MUitary Fund, 129, 130, 216, 221, 248, 251, 263.
MUitary Governor, 340, 407, 409.
Military Institute, Ga., 309.
Military Rule, 341, 342, 439.
MUitia, 207, 230. 235, 242, 240, 250, 265, 2,'50, 263,
281, 283, 284, 286, 287, 288, 303, 306, 313, 314, 322,
425, 436,
MiUedge, John, Sr,, 40, 52, 54, 70, 73, 94, 95, 119.
MiUedgevUle, 64, 78, 87, 94, 116, 119, 126, 148, 155,
191, 192, 197, 617, 309, 208, 233, 283, 292, 307, 308,
310, 312, 317, 322, 337, 341, 343, 412, 417, 530,
MUledgeviUe t^jiiora, 42, 60, 79, 81,209, 219, 271,
346,
MUlen, Col, John H,, 314.
Miller, Andrew J,, 17, Legislative, 1849; 20, and
Brown; 21, Woman's BiU; 23, Opinion of
Brown; 41.
MiUer, A. L., 524, 542, 543, 606
Miller, Dr. H, V. M., 40, 43, Know Nothing
Leader; 73, 94, 119, 127, 128, 199, 260, 375, 382,
384, 398, 407, 433, 434, 579, 692, 609, 650.
MUler, John, 119.
MiUer, Stephen F,, 626.
Miller, T. W,, 46, Beaten for Congress.
MiUer WUd Cats, 206.
MHlionaires in Ga., 315, 316.
MUls, Capt., 388.
MiUs, J. G W., 321, 340, 427.
MUner, Jas., 41, 358,
MUner, T, W,, 542, 549, 606,
MUton County Created, 70, 136.
Minerals of Georgia, 639, 642, 654.
Minerals, State, 504.
Minie Rifle, 126.
Minority, 587.
Minors, 101.
Mint, U. S,, 186, 187.
Minute men, 129, 147, 162.
Missionary Baptists, 81.
Missionary Mass Meeting, 266,
Missionary Ridge Battle, 258, 269, 274,
Mississippi, 74, 115, 123, 140, 147, 148, 152, 181, 237,
252, 267, 269, 272, 292, 331, 369.
IMississippi Levees, 416.
Mississippian paper, 270.

740

Missouri, 123, 152, 166, 166, 246, 269, 331.
Missouri Corapromise, 104, 139.
Mistake, Amusing, 243.
Mitchell, Gen,, 245,
Mitchell County Created, 70, 404.
MitcheU Heirs, 476-492,
MitcheU, Wm, L., 73, 208.
Mobile, 281.
Mobile Register 261.
Mobley, J. M., UO.
Mock Legislature; 312.
Moderation of U. S. Soldiers, 380.
Moffatt, Emma L., 629.
MoUneaux, Gen., 327.
Money in 1860, 1863, 168, 169, 257, 266, 316.
Monitors, Federal, 267.
Monroe Advertiser, 619.
Monroe County, 66.
Mo»roe Crowders, 205.
Monstrosity of Election, 441.
Montezuma, 311.
Montezuma WeeJcly, 621,
Montgomery, Ala,, 72, 164, 181, 183, 184, 206,327.
Montgomery of Pa,, 115, In Charleston Con.
Montgomery Guards, 230,
Montgomery, W. W., 120, 121, 222, 493, 522.
Monticello, Ship, 172, 175,
Monument to Gen. IMcPherson, 282.
Moody, Dr. W., 644.
Moore, A. R., 73.
Moore, C. R., 431.
Moore, Gov. of Ala., 147,
Moore, H. M., U(i, 138, 139.
Moore, J, N,, 617, 618.
Moore, Romulus, 402.
Moore, T. H., 88.
Moore, W. A., 650.
Moore, W. H., 610, 615.
Moore, Wra. K., 90, 529.
Moore & Marsh, 654.
Morgan, Gov. of New York, 172, 173, 174, 175,
176, 177,
Morgan, Gen, John, 282.
Morgan, Gen John T,, 276.
Morgan, Mrs. Nannie, 205.
Morgan, R. J., 42.
Morgan. U. S. Rep., 436.
Morris Fort, 148.
Morris, Thomas, 33, 34, 108.
Morrison, Col. J. J., 246,
Biortou, Senator U. S,, 422, 431, 436, 659.
Moses, R. J,, 43, 264, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329,
3,32,359, 361, 387, 388, 390, 381, 624, 595.
Mott, R. L., 468.
Moultrie, Port, 144, 145.
Mounger, Lt. Col. J. C, 264.
Mountain, Kennesaw, 277.
Mountain, Lost, 277.

Mountain, Pine, 277.
Mountain Signal, Dahlonega, 618.
Mullaly, Capt. W, T., 299.
Munn & Parsons, 175.
Munnerlyn, C. J , 222, 383.
Murder of Ashburn, 386.
Murphy, Anthony, 244.
Murphy of Bartow, 681.
Murpliy, C, 111.
Murphy, John, 404, 406.
Murphy, J. W., 466, 541, 544, 545, 546.
Murphy, It. A., 601,
Murray Co,, 12, 149, 241.
.Muscogee Circuit, 372.
Muscogee Co., 77, 89, 132, 164, 186.
My Maryland, 453.
Myers, Major O. C, 228.
Mynatt, P, L., 364, 529, 542, 543, 654.
N.
Nancy, Harts, 205.
Narrative, Johnston's, 282.
NashviUe, Tenn., 241, 313.
Nashville & Chattanooga R. R,, 456, 634.
Nassau, 350.
National Con. Union Conyention, 119, 120.
National Dem. Convention, 107, 383, 385.
National Dem, Ex, com,, 351.
National Dem. State Convention, 121.
National Fraternization, 536.
National Intelligencer, 423;
National State Rights Convention, 123.
National Union Convention, 3,18, 1866.
Naval, Federal Expedition, 216.
Netf, W. C, 650,
Negro Arguments against IneligibiUty, 402, 403,
407.
Negro Code, 355.
Negro Delegation, 434.
Negro Enfranchisement, 340.
Negro Equality, 358, 359, 385,
Negro Expulsion, 409, 410, 415, 434.
Negro Insurrection, 237, 249, 404.
Negro Legislators and Eligibility, 415, 396, 401,
406.
Negro Property, 645.
Negro Soldiers, 298, 299, 312, 317, 318.
Negro Suffrage, 369, 362, 389, 411, 412, 425, 455.
Negro Testimony, 352.
Negroes in Georgia in 1860, 168,
Negroes, Holding Office, 152, 367,376, 416.
Nelms, John W., 5,50, 551, 601,
Nelms, L. A.', 108, Ul, Uo, 119, 121.
Nelson, G. E W., 224.
Netherland, G. M., 476.
Nevin, Capt. M. A., 383.
Newcomb, Victor, 561, 634.
Newman, J. S,, 601.

INDEX.

741

Ne-wman, Adj. M., 299.
Newman, Wm. T., 510, 554, 569, 574, 577.
Newnan, 44, 184,
Newnan Banner, 79.
Newnan Guards, 194.
Newnan Herald, 619.
Newnan Leader, 622.
News, Augusta, 521, 569, 590, 610, 615.
Neu-s, Griffin, 477.
Neios, Lawrenceville, 86.
News, Savannah, 79, 243, 277, 669, 590, 608, 610,
612, 644.
Newsom, A. F., 231.
Newton, County, 43, 197, Banner Dem. Co.
New Constitutional guarantees, 139.
New Counties, 101.
New Era paper, 417, 451.
New Hope Church, 274, 276, 277, 504.
New Jersey, 165.
New Orleans, 184.
New South, 603.
New York, 123, 165, 163, 165, 171, 173, 175, 179,
381, 360, 454, 461, 494, 510.
New York Commercial Advertiser, 4.36.
New York Herald, 174, 175, 176, 179, 261, 435,
660.
New York Legislature, 175.
New York Post, 560.
New York Times, 421, 659.
New York Tribune, 176, 560.
New York World, 422, 433, 461, 469, 560.
Next Highest Candidates, 432, 434.
Nichols, J. C, 120, 347, 390, 464, 467, 478, 479, 483,
483, 484, 485, 503, 674.
Nichols, J. H., 674.
Nichols, Wm,, 36.
NUes, C, A., 616.
Nineteenth Ga. Vols., 215.
Ninth Cong, Dist., 512.
Ninth Ga. Cavalry, 263,
Ninth Ga, Inf., 204, 215, 264.
Ninth Ky, Cav., 324.
Nisbet, Eugenius A., 41, Know Nothing Leader;
72, 116, 117, 125, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 164,
166, 181, 209, 211, 222, 351, 383.
Nisbet James A., 33, 121.
Nisbet, J. C, 373, 395.
Nisbet, Jas. T., 73, 121.
Nisbet Legislature, 212.
Nisbet, R. A., 462, 649.
Nisbet, R. B., 585.
Nixon, E. S., 451.
No-Axe, 600,
Nolan, Geo. M., 674, 580, 588.
Nominations, 572.
Non-Action, 373, 374, 375.
Non-Combatants, 261.
Non-intervention, 116, 117, 118, 121.

654,

390,386,690,

Norcross Jonathan, 619, 695, 632.
Norfolk, Va,, 197.
North, 218, 232, 242, 273, 285, 304, 313, 357,
362.
North Ga. Agricultural CoUege, 458.
North Ga. Citizen, 618.
North Georgia, 261, 278, 320, 321, 338, 339,
373, 374, 409.
North and Slavery, 57.
North & South R. R., 525, 526, 594.
Northern Democracy, 104, U6, 118, 314, 338,
Northern Factories, 130.
Northern Fighters, 183.
Northern Merchants, 132.
Northern States, 189, 196, 198.
Northern War Spirit, 204.
Northern, W. J., 373, 524, 642, 644, 574, 606.
North Carolina, 123, 152, 165, 226, 267, 272,
292, 324, 331, 361, 386.
North-Eastern Circuit, 608.
North-Eastern R. R. Bonds, 540, 643, 646,
556, 694, 632, 638, 639.
North-Western Life Ins. Co., 445.
Norton, Senator U. S,,435.
Norwood, Capt. J. A,, 205,
Norwood, Thos, M., 212, 213, 220, 250, ,365,
494, 497, 418, 501, 526, 627, 574, 366, :)66, 370,
463, 636, 577, 679, 581, 682, 686, 587, 6>i8, 689,
591, 593, 595, 599, 600, 601,
Notaries, Public, 424.
Notes on the Situation, 370.
Nottingham, W. D,, 600
Novelists of Georgia, 629.
Nunan, Capt., U. S. A,, 343.
Nunn, J. H., 431.
NunnaUy, A. D., 394, 416, 476, 481.
Nutting, C. A., 373, 496, 510.
o.
Oath of AUegiance, 340,
Oath of Amnesty, 341, 345, 346, 347.
Oath Test, 360, 407, 416, 423.
Oath, 460.
Oats, 643. ,
Obedience to Organic Law, 372.
Obituary of Legislature, 1870, 441, 442, 443, 444.
Obituary of Radicalisra, 470, 471, 472.
Obloquy upon BuUock, 408.
O'Byrne, Alderman, 321.
Ocean, Atlantic, 306.
Ockington, J. G,, 669.
Ocmulgee Circuit, 372.
Oconee River, 314,
O'Connor, Charles, 366, 369, 502.
O'Connor, Capt. Thomas, 383.
Odium upon Gov. Brown, 398.
Office, 152, 538, 539.
Officers appointed by President, 213,

743

Officers appointed by BuUock, 406.
Oglethorpe, Sir James, 102, Monument to.
Oglethorpe Light Infantry, 140, 1D8.
Oglethorpe Infantry of Augusta, 164, 194.
Oglethorpe Camp, 195.
Oglethorpe Echo, 621.
Ogeechee River, 267.
Ogeechee Riot, 417.
Ohio, 165, 245, 425.
Ohio Regiment, 2nd., 245.
Ohio Regiment, 21st., 245.
Ohio 3d Cavalry, 343.
Oliver, 108.
Olmstead, Col, C. H., 229, 230.
Olustee, Hero of, 313.
Old South, 603.
Old Si., 610.
O'Neal, J. W., 411, 414, 428.
Oostanaula River, 275.
Opelika, 283.
Opposition Convention, 1858, 93, 94.
Opera House KimbaU, 413, 444, 445, 446, 448, 461.
Orators in 1860 in Ga., 128, 170.
Order of Battle, Cassville, 276.
Order, Ending Reconstructiou, 400, 1868.
Order, Expelling Democrats, 431.
Order, Forbidding Legislature, 338,
Order, Last of Conf, Gov,, 323, 324, 326, 329.
Ordinaries, 346, 408.
Order to MUitia, 256.
Order, Removing Gov, Jenkins, 379.
Ordinance, Ratifying U. S. Constitution, 155.
Ordinance of Secession, 155, 156, 312,
Ordnance Stores at Augusta, 163.
Ordnance, 228.
Oregon, 1860, 114, 123, 661.
O'Reilley, Father, 307.
Orme, A. J,, 451.
Orrae, R, M., Sr,, 73, 79, 80, 119.
Orphans, Indigent, 252.
Orr, J, G,, Prof,, 473, 650, 601, 645.
Orr, Hon, Jaraes L,, 151,
Osgood, C, K , 340, 429, 433,
Our Brother in Black, 628.
Outlawry of Atlanta Men, 291.
Outrages as Political Capital, 404, 458.
Overby, B. H., 26, 73, 206.
Overby, Mrs., 203.
Owen, A. F., 73.
Owens, Geo. S., 351.

Pace, J. M., 602, 603, 510, 629.
Pacific, Southern, 416.
Padelford, E., 340.
Paine, W. W., 62, 53, 84, 98, 624.
Palladium, Lurapkin, 79, 86.
Pardon Power, 69, 124, 141, 346, 360, 412, 446, 467.

Parker, Capt. T. M., 148.
Park, Wm., 618.
Parks, J. G., 607.
Parks, Rep., 432, 436.
Parole, 337, 338.
Parrotts of Atlanta, 654.
Parrott, J. R., 127, 347, 373, 376, 396, 406, 468.
Partings, 197.
Pataula Circuit, 381.
Pate, J, H,, 262.
Patriot, Albany, 79.
Pa(rio(, Washington, 460.
Patterson, Capt. Sara., 205.
Patterson, W, H., 550, 607.
Patterson, R, W., 574, 582, 584, 595.
Paulding County, 28, 315.
Payne, B. F,, 607.
Payne, W, H,, 465, 496.
Peabody, Rep., 506.
Peace, 221, 285, 286, 290, 300, 303, 304, 305, 322, 323,
339, 357, 408, 410, 474, 653.
Peace, Georgia, in, 170.
Peace. Last Year of, 124.
Peace Resolutions, 1863, 273.
Pease, P., 364.
Peck, Wra. H., 629, 630.
Peck, J. C, 650.
Peck, Major John B., 632.
Peeples, C, 41, 73, 74, 95, 208, 356, 433, 631, 609.
Peeples, T. M., 467, 669, 574, 620.
Pemberton, Gen., 229.
Penitentiary, 317, 308, 70, 248. Rerribval in 1858;
436, 638, 546, 596, 607.
Pennington, Hon. Wm., 180.
Penland, J. H., 431.
Pensacola, 188, 194.
Pensacola & Mobile R. R., 637.
Pennsylvania, 123, 165, 381.
People on the Banks, 60, 535,
Per Diem, Legislative, 467.
Perkins, E, A,, 606.
Perkins, Geo. W., 636.
Perry, Southern Rights Guards, 194.
Perry, Henry, 574.
Perry Home Journal, 620.
Person, Free of Color, 168, 1860.
Personne, 290.
Peter the Hermit, 157, T. R. R. Cobb.
Peters, R., Jr., 644.
Peters, Col. Richard, 644, 650.
Petersburg Express, 270,
Petersburg, Va,, 298, 323.
Pets, Joe Brown's, 286.
Phcenix Rifleraen, 173.
Philadelphia, 358.
Philadelphia Age, 435.
PhiUips, C, D., 546, 551.
PhiUips, Gen. P. J., 284.

743

Phillips, Geo. N., 42.
PhiUips, R. W., 395, 414, 436, 465.
PhiUips, Wm., 32, 36, 42, 89, UO, 111, 162, 163,
186, 206, 215, 216, 387, 624.
Pickens County, 27, 28, 67, 187, 319.
Pickett, Joseph, 73.
Pickens, Fort, 188.
Pierce County Created, 70.
Pierce, Dr. Lovick, 137.
Pierce, Geo. F., 373, 465, 467, 468, 476, 496, 502,
518, 629, 641.
Pierce, President, 554.
Pierce, Wm. R., 404.
Pike County, 192.
Pike County Neivs, 623.
Pike, W. J., 546.
Pilcher, W. H,, 574, 600.
Pinckard, Capt,, 194, 195.
Pine Mountain, 277.
Pistols in the Legislature, 429.
Pittman, .Judge, 488.
Pittsburgh, Pa., 186.
Planters, 361.
Planters Asked for Slaves, 248.
Planters' Cotton Conyention, 78, 131, 206.
Platforra, Georgia, 79, 143.
Platform Nat. Dem. Con., 1878, 385.
Pledger, W. A., 595, 623.
P. M. L,, 229.
Poe, Washington, 41, 73, 160, 351, 502, 603.
Poets of Georgia, 626, 627, 628.
PolhiU, J. H., 524, 542, 543, 546, 606.
Policy, Andrew Johnson's, 367.
Political Policy, State Road, 467.
Polk County, 27.
Polk, Gen., 276, 278.
Polk, President, 237.
Poll Tax, 467.
PoUs, 266, 267, 315.
Poore, M. J., 404.
Pope, A., 636.
Pope, Gen., 246, 367, 370, 371, 372, 373, 378, 379, 390.
Pope, Judge, 488.
Pope, Judge J. D., 399, 406.
PopiUar Sentiment, 535.
Population of Ga., 168.
Port Royal, 216.
Porter, Lewis, 434.
Porter, Mrs. Jennie, 628.
Post, Boston, 461.
Post, New York, 560.
Post, W. A., 607.
Postage of State, 534.
Post-Appeal, Atlanta, 669, 671, 590, 616.
Pottle, E. H., 33, 34, 36, 73, 90, 262, 284, 352, 373,
374, 531, 607.
Pou, J. F., 465.
Pounds, E. T. & J. T,, 623.

PoweU, U. S, Senate, 139.
Powers, A. P., Judge, 76, 78.
Powers, J, H., 640.
Prayer, Humiliation and Pasting, 230.
Presbyterians on State Road, 81.
Press, Northern, 331, 409, 435, 495.
Press of State, 209, 321, 370, 458, 609-623,
Prescott, W. A, , 532.
President Confederate States, 179, 183, 193, 209,
213, 218, 295,
Presidential Contest, 1860, 99, 113.
President, Senate, 262, 351, 395, 400, 428, 464, 465,
466, 406.
President United States, 300, 369, 404, 410, 422,
423, 502, 503, 532.
Preston, J. W., 674, 373, 541, 642, 544, 548, 649,
577, 581, 584, 600.
Price, Gen., 362.
Price, H. F., 209.
Price, W. P., 669, 607, 524, 454, 436, 395, 410, 432-
606, 618,
Prices in 1864, 316.
Primitive Baptists, 81.
Prince, C. H., 362, 376.
Printing, Public, 546.
Printing, Public C. S,, 224.
Printup, D. S,, 89, 84, 98, 33, 108, UO, 111.
Prison, Carroll, 338.
Pritchard, Lieut, Col., 331.
Proclamation calling Conyention, James John
son, 341.
Proclaraation Amnesty, 304,
Proclamation Convening Legislature, 252.
Proclamation, Emancipation, 258, 304.
Proclamations, Executive, 82, 198, 207, 230, 248,
341.
Proclaraation for Electors, 1860, 130.
Proclamation of Peace, 357.
ProdigaUty of BuUock, 422.
Prolongation, 433, 434, 438, 439, 440, 467.
Property, State, 266, 315, 331, 534.
Proscription, 455,
Protest against Convention, 1869, 108,
Protest against Majority Report, 1860, 121.
Protest against Secession Ordinance, 156.
Protest in Legislature, 1863, 272,
Providence in Slavery, 56, 76, 105, 153, 154, 170,
446, 4,52, 459, 185, 186, 196, 392, 404, 412, 420,
423, 467, 634.
Provision to Plant, 221, 231,
Provisional Conf. Gov't, 178, 223, 226.
Provisional Governor, 341, 354, 378, 424, 439, 472.
Provisional President, 181.
Pryor, Hon. Roger A,, 206.
Public BuUding, 534.
Public Debt, 99, 124, 129, 267, 332, 381, 348, 360,
403, 495, 529. .
Public Sohool System, 444, 493, 646, 645.

744

INDEX.

PubUc Printing, 546.
Public Printing, C. S., 224.
Pulaski County on Brown, 88.
Pulaski, Fort, 145, 146, 147, 152, 180, 198, 204, 229,
217, 230, 240, 387, 294.
PuUen, Miss L., 205,
Putney, F. F,, 404.
Purdom, A. B., 574.
Purging Legislature by Court Martial, 430,
Purse, Thos., 22, Q-
¦Quartermaster Dept,, Confederate States, 297.
Quartermaster-General, State, 216, 279, 307, 310.
¦Quitman County Created, 80.
Quitman, Forsyth Guards, 194.
¦Quitman Free Press, 622.
Quitraan Reporter, 621. R.
Rabun County, 257.
Radicalism, 359, 362.
Radish, Rep., 432.
Ragsdale, 108, Legislature of 1859.
Raid, Streight, 267.
Railroad Bonds, 447, 457, 594.
Railroad, Brunswick & Albany, 447.
Railroad, Central, 311, 632.
Railroad Clairas, 533.
RaUroad Commission, 563, 654, 355, 607, 639.
RaUroad, Georgia, 283, 326, 327, 632.
Railroad Losses, 332, 529.
Railroad, West Point, 283, 285,
Railroads of Georgia, 631, 639, 664.
Railroads Superintendents, 639.
Rains, Dr. T. A,, 283.
Ramsey, J A., 36, 386.
Ramsey, Jaraes N., Col., 195, 214, 224.
Randall, J. R., 463, 610, 611, 626.
RandaU & Randall, 622.
Handi)lphCo.,231. Randolph, Hon. G, W., 238.
Rankin, W. R., 542, 563, 574, 606.
Rape, 312.
Rape of the Guns, 171, 199, 201.
Rapidan, 296.
Rate of Taxation, 168.
Ratification of Constitution, 207.
Rawls, Morgan, 262, 347, 395, 432, 465, 467, 502.
Rawson, E. E., 364.
Ray, John, 209.
Ray, L. R., 585.
Reagan, A. R., 364,
Reagan, John H., 324, 330,
Rebel Authorities and Tyranny, 338, 339.
Rebel Democratic Rowdies, 414,
Rebel Woraen, 322.
Reconstruction Committee, 407, 418, 436.

Reconstruction, 394, 393, 392, 255, 259, 260, 312,
333, 405, 406, 407, 408, 415, 417, 420,422, 424, 425,
433, 436, 437, 438, 439, 440, 469, Reconstruction
Ended; 470, 473, 476, 528, 562, 634, 653, 336, 340,
346, 347, 381, 354, 355, 357, 358, 359, 360, 362, 303,
806, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 377, 379, 380, 382,
383, 384, 385, 388, 400.
Reconstructionists, 374,
Recorder, Savannah, 590, 616.
Recorder, Southern, 79, 80, 86, 94, 260.
Redding, Wm. C, 351.
Redding, J, R , 601,
Redemption, 472.
Redwine, Dr., 469.
Redwine, J. E., 524, 549.
Reed, James S,, 108.
Reed, WaUace, 616.
Reese, A, AV., 373, 383, 463, 610, 613.
Reese, D. A., 94, Chairman Opposition Conven
tion.
Reese, Judge Augustus, 73, 150, 152, 154, 372,
383, 389, 603, 529, 579.
Reese, M. P,, 606.
Reese, Seaborn, 585.
Reese, W. J., 251.
Reese, W. M., 348, 353, 464, 467, 476, 529,
Reformation of Union, 152,
Refusal to treat with So, Comrs,, 182,
Refugees, 310.
Regenerated Georgia, 474.
Regiments, 213, 214, 216, 221, 24=;, 246, 262, 261.
Register, MobUe, 261.
Registration, 363, 373, 384, 400.
Regulars, Ga. Ist, 183, 194, 206, 214, 242.
Reid, J. A., 524.
Reid, John S., 607.
Reid, S., 73.
Reid, Wm. A,, 62, 674, 581, 582, 584.
Relief, 382, 395, 397, 431, 433.
Relief and Hospital Assoc, 221, 251, 262.
Removal of Capital, 412.
Removal of Gov. Jenkins and others, 379.
Renfroe, J, W., 465, 609, 527, 530, 549, 560.
Render, J. A., 115,
Reply of Gov. Brown, 134, to Legislature.
Report against 14th Araendraent, 359.
Report Committee on Opera House, 446.
Reporter, Selma, 270.
Reporter, Lagrange, 93.
Reporter, Wiregrass, 79, 89.
Reports of Southern Commissioners, 166.
Representatives in Congress, 180.
Reprisal upon New York, 171, 177, 179, 184.
Eepublican Convention, 1869, 414,
Republican Ex. Com., 420, 426, 695.
Republican Party, 120, 125, 1,18, 139, 140, 166, 175,
357, 358, 384, 386, 408, 411,519,
Republican, Savannah, 66, 74, 79, 94, 174, 209.

INDEX.

745

Jt^mblican, Springfield, 560.
Republican, Sumter, 89, 93.
Republicans, Liberal, 601, 502.
Repudiation, 495.
Requisitions for Troops, 188, 191, 197, 226, 232,
263, 264, 287.
Resaca, 183, 244, 276, 283, 361, 504,
Resignation, Judge AVarner, 589.
Resistance and Aggression, 152.
Resolute, Ship, 216.
Resolutions, Southern, 20, Legislature, 1849; For
Buchanan, 38, Conyention, 1857; For H. V.
Johnson, 38, Conyention, 1857; Benning &
McDonald, 77, Legislature, 1858; about Code,
84, Legislature, 1872; at MiUedgevUle, 87,
about Brown; in Wasliington Co., 88, about
Brown; about Brown, 90, Convention of 1858;
on John Brown Raid, 106, Legislature of
1869; on Southern Rights, 108, Dem. Con.
Dec, 1859; Appointing Ex, Com., Ill, Dem.
Con. March, 1860; Mr, Toombs, 126, Aug. Con
vention, 1860; of County Meetings, 130, 135,
(1860) 136; Committee, 131, To call Secession
Con.; Dixon of Muscogee, 132, 133,- against
Gov. Brown; about Secession, 138; Gov.
Brown, 147, Fort Pulaski; For Secession, 151,
154, Fort Pulaski; Nesbit, 156, Secession Con
vention; Capitol site, 186; Secession Conyen
tion; Legislature 1861-2, 220, against Brown;
Legislature 1861-2, 221, For War; Virginia,
236; Legislature 1861, 260, 252, Camden Co.;
Legislature, 1863, 263; Baptist Conyention,
266; Peace in 1863, 273; 318, of War; 321, of
Unionism; 330, of Congress; 339, of Congress;
340, of Unionism; 356, To President Johnson;
373-374, Denouncing Reconstructionists; 375,
Whitfield Co. Meeting; 402, Rebuking Bul
lock; 409, U. S. Congress; 410, 415, Negro Eli
gibUity to Courts; 414, about O'Neal; 414,
Republican Conyention; 441, That Passed
Election Monstrosity; 444, To buy KimbaU
Opera House; 445, To buy James Mansion;
453, Dem. Conyention, 1870; 507, about Gov.
Jenkins; 640, Repealing State Aid; 645, N, E.
Bond; 646, Impeachment of Goldsmith; 351,
Humber about Colquitt; 580, 583, In Colquitt
Conyention; 583, 584, Recommending Gov,
Colquitt; 587, For Minority Candidate; 596,
Republicans not to Nominate; 608, Military
Conyention.
Resources of Georgia, 646.
Respess, J. R., 593, 617.
Retaliatory Legislation, 129.
Retreat, Jolinston's, 274.
Revels, Negro Senator, 434.
Revenue Reform, 560.
Review at Macon, 195, 231, Gov. Brown.
EevUle, W. T. 574.

Revolution, 75, 103, 113, 123, 170, 224.
Rewards, BuUock's Large, 421, 446, 459.
Reynolds, P., 17, Legislative 1849; 52, 63, Legis
lative, 1857; 73, 119, 150, 348.
Rhett of South Carolina, 76.
Rice, Frank P., 607.
Eice, Geo. D., Judge, 76, 88, 108, 154, 222.
Rice, John, 433.
Rice, SaUy, 9. *
Rice, U. S. Senate, 139, 435.
Richardson, B. H., 610, 613.
Richardson, C. B., 374.
Richardson, J. M,, 66.
Richardson, F, H., 614.
Richmond Conyention, 1860, 116, 117, 118, 120,
122.
Richmond County, 137, 165, 570.
Richmond Despatch, 174.
Richmond, Va., 186, 199, 206, 264, 267, 270, 294,
295, 297, 312, 323, 324.
Richmond & Atlanta R. R., 561.
Richmond & DanyiUe R. R., 636, 636.
RiddeU, E, S., 340. '
Riddleberger, 604.
Ridgely, E., 588.
Ridley, Dr. R. A. T , 119, 351, 365, 359.
Rifles Bought and Captured, 131, 163, 217.
Rifle, GaUagher, 124.
Riflemen, Phcenix, 173.
Rifles, Macon Floyd, 197,
Rifles, Washington, Sandersville, 194.
Rigid Economy of Hotchkiss, 451.
Rights, Southern, 104, 108.
Ringgold, 183, 244, 274.
RUey, H, W,, 186, 465; 17, 98, Leg. 1849, 1859.
Ringgold Volunteers, 194.
Riot at CamUla, 404, 405, 417,
Rise and Fall of Confederacy, 238, 493, Davis
Book.
River of Death, 268, 296,
Road Commissioners, 424,
Roaring.Lion of Liberty, 115.
Roberts, D. M., 569.
Roberts, Dr., 309.
Roberts, H., 206.
Roberts, J. E., 36. *
Robinson, Judge, P. B., 406.
Robinson, S,, Spy, 246.
Robson, W. G., 88.
Rockafellow, A. D.,458,
RockweU, C. F., 381, 379.
Rockwell, Col. W. S., 321, 629.
Rocky Face Mountain, 276.
Rogers, A. M,, 518.
Rogers, Wm,, 639.
Roll of Infamy, 439.
Rolling MUl, Atlanta, 541, 544.
Roman, A. B., 182.

746

Rorae, 244, 263, 267, 276, 276, 383.
Rome Bulletin, 616, 620.
Rome, Cavalry, 191.
Rome Courier, 616.
Rome Southerner, 125, 260,
Rome Tribune,621.
Roney, H.C., 642,607.
Roofs, 243. •
Root, Sidney, 650.
Roper, A. C, 386.
Ross, B. L., 577.
Ross, Lt., Wm. H.,148.
Ross, M. A., Spy, 245.
Ross of Houston, 580.
Rough and Ready, 285, 291.
Rousseau, Gen., 283.
Rouse, J. M., 431.
Royal, Port, 216.
Rucker, T. N., 674, 589.
Rudler, Col. A. F., 247.
Ruger, Gen. Thomas H., 381, 379, 403, 430, 473.
Rule of Brigadier Generals, 372.
RusseU, B. E , 629, 569, 620.
RusseU, D. A., 541, 546, 547.
Russell, Isaac, 466.
Russell, J. M., 574, 262, 351, 361.
RusseU, PhUip M., 33, 262, 331, 524, 600.
RusseU, AVaring, 529.
Russian Subjects, 177.
Rutherford, B. H., 79.
Eutherford, W., 67.
Rutledge, Lt. J,, 216.
Ryan, Father, 628,
Ryckman, J. W., 650. S.
Safety, Coramittee of Public, 231.
Saffold, Thomas P., 43, 89, 107, UO, 120, 121, 126,
160, 348, 350, 375, 502.
Sage, I. Y., 639.
Sage, Russell, 448, 497.
Salaries Increased, 70, 217, 629, 637.
Salmons, L, S., 364.
Salt Famine, 201, 230, 231, 241, 242, 248, 251, 263,
319, 322. ,
Sampson, Ship, 216.
Sanford, Gen., 327.
Sanford, J. W. A., 140, 93, 19, 131, 165.
Sanderson, Capt. G. K,, 379.
Sandersville, 306.
Sandersville Herald and Georgian, 618.
Sandersville, Washington Rifles, 194.
Sapp, H. M., 606.
Saussy, J. R., 403, 406.
Savannah, 163, 145, 127, 43, 125, Know-Nothing
Contest; 168, 172, 176, 181, 198, 199, 204, 205, 228,
229, 248, 263, 265, 307, 346, 360, 557, 294, 212, 217,
239, 266, 267, 309, 312, 313, 321, 340, 417, 590.

Savannah, Albany & Gulf Railroad, 637.
Savannah Banks, 132.
Savannah Express, 109.
Savannah, Florida & W. E. R., 655, 565, 637.
Savannah Georgian, 74, 79.
Savannah, Griffin & N. Ala, R.E., 620.
Savannah Ladies, 147.
Savannah News, 669, 79, 243, 277, 590, 608, 610,
612, 644.
Savannah Republican, 66, 74, 79, 94, 174, 209.
Savannah River, 229, 325, 565.
Savannah Steamer, 216.
Savannah Vol. Guards, 146.
Sa-wyer, B. F., 616.
Schley, 220.
Schley County Created, 70.
Schley, George, 259.
Schley, John, 356.
Schley, Wm., 42, 72, 73, 406.
Schofield's Army, 275, 278, 284,
School Commissioner, State, 650.
School Fund, 1859, 99, 129, 444.
Seliools, Public, 444.
Schurz, Carl, 436.
Scott, Dunlap, 396, 396, 410, 429, 444, 453, 465,
482.
Scott, General, 181.
Scott, John, Spy, 246.
Scott, Isaac, 206.
Scott, U. S. Rep., 459.
Screven, Dr, J. P., 43, 72, 637.
Screven, John, 97, 146, 497, 498, 629, 637.
Scribner's Magazine, 623.
Sea Board, Georgia, 216.
Sea, Sherraan's March to, 167.
Seago, A. K., 476, 242, 364.
Seal of State, Great, 381, 473, 607, 550.
Seals' Bros., 617.
Sealy, J. R., 340.
Secession, 134, 136, 137, 138, 143, 144, 146, 147,
149, 152, 153, 154, 156, 157, 164, 180, 208, 261, 312,
320, 339, 348, 370
Secession Conyention, 131, 147, 149, 160, 153, 154,
164, 166, 184, 189.
Secession Ordinance, 155, 166, 166, 312.
Second Auditor, C. S., 267.
Second Ga. Cavalry, 246.
Second Ga. Regulars, 214.
Second Ga. Volunteers, 216, 216, 264.
Second Ohio Regiment, 245.
Secret History, 260.
Secretary of C. S. Treasury, 224. 281, assistant.
Secretary of State, 460, 507, 527, 546, 560.
Secretary of State Confederacy, 181, 224.
Secretary U. S. Treasury, 175, 330.
Secretary of War, Conf., 216, 233, 238, 250, 264.
295.
Seddon, Hon. James A., 261, 265, 287, 288, 289.

INDEX.

747

Seeley, Isaac, 376, 475.
Selma (Alabama) Reporter, 270.
Selma, Rome & Dalton RaUroad, 634.
Semmes, Paul J., 186, 215,216, 224.
Senate, 4-28, 394, 359, 319, 317, 262, 60, 227, 441,
Senate of 1859, 97, 221, 250.
Senate, C. S., 222, 250.
Senate, State, of 1860, 133, 166, Gov. Brown's

Senate, State, of 1863, 262, 272.
Senate,^ U. S., 397, 386, 362, 357, 193, 112, 139,
Toombs* Disunion Speech.
Senatorial Representation, 50.
Seney, George I,, 634, 646.
Separate State Action, 136, 303, 304.
Seven Days Fight, 294,
Seventh Cong. District, 500, 512,
Seventh Georgia Cavalry, 263.
Seventh Ga, Infantry, 202, 204, 215.
Seventh Ga, Volunteers, 215.
Seward, James L,, 45, 46, 90, 98, 108, UO, 529, U6,
120, 121, 125, 126, 212, 260, 348, 453.
Seward, Wm, H., 117, 182, 305, 322, 348, 354.
Seymour & Blair, 385, 389, 390.
Shackelford, 96, for Congress,
Shadrack, P. G., 245.
Sharkey, Governor, 369.
Shanks, U. S. Congress, 422.
Sharpe, Edwin R., 620.
Sliarpe, Rifle, 125.
Sharp and Quick, 384, 416.
-Sharpsburg battle, 294.
Sheibley, P. M., 414.
ShelbyviUe, Tenn., 245.
SheUman, W. F., 639.
•Shepherd, Private, 327.
Sherman, BUl, 370, 369, 367, 362, 363, 366, 366,
Sherman, Gen. Wm, T., 274, 276, 276, 277, 278,
282, 283, 286, 286, 291, 292, 293. 310, 300, 301, 302,
303, 304, 306, 306, 307, 309, 312, 313, 317, 321, 322,
324, 326, 337, 359, 431, 653.
Sherman, J,, 376.
Sherraan's March to the Sea, 167.
Sherman, Senator, U. S., 428, 434.
.Shewmake, J. T,, 212, 262.
Shiloh Battle, 246, 247.
¦Shtne, W, F,, 502.
Ships, 216, 281, 282.
Shivers, .John A., 619.
Shorter, Hon, John G,, 151.
Shropshire, W., 36.
Shumate, I. E., 395, 397, 405, 436, 467, 574, 676,
581, 595.
Sibley, G. R,, 546.
Silliman, Prof,, 13.
Simmons, Jaraes P., 73, 121, 126. 156, 628.
¦Simmons, W. E., 120, 465, 467, 468, 586.
^Simmons, James, 156,

Simmons, T. J., 464, 494, 629, 531, 541.
Simms, J, M,, 412,414.
Sinclair, C. B,, 628.
Singleton, J. M., 606.
Sisson, V, P., 432.
Six Months' Troops, 190,
Sixteenth Ga. Volunteers, 215.
Sixth Congressional District, 581.
Sixth Ga. Cavalry, 263.
Sixth Ga. Infantry, 199, 216.
Sixtieth Ga. Volunteers, 263,
Sixty-first Ga. Volunteers, 263.
Sixty-second Ga, Volunteers, 263.
Sixty-third Ga, Volunteers, 263.
Sixty-fourth Ga, Volunteers, 263.
Sixty-fifth Ga. A'^olunteers, 263.
Skidaway Island, 229.
Slander Campaign, 540, 543, 555-6, 570, 571, 696.
Slander MiU, 421, 404, 416, 420, 436.
Slappey, Robt. R., 73.
Slaughter, Wra. M., 264, UO, U6, 126, 248.
Slave Trade, 74, 116, 164.
Slavens, Samuel, Spy, 245.
Slavery, 56, 75, 84, 100, 103, 104, 106, 108, 112, U5,
117, 120, 122, 127, 134, 135, 138, 139, 143, 152, 153,
164, 167, 169, 185, 188, 195, 196, 243, 246, 304, 317,
318, 332, 340, 341, 342, 343. 344, 348, 362, 357,
369, 363, 386, 396, 432, 433, 653.
Slaves to Work on Defenses, 248.
SUdell, John, 635,
Slow, Governor, 45.
SmaU, S. W., 688, 593.
SmaU, S. W., (Old Si), 588, 593, 610.
Smalley, Judge, 176.
Sraith, 70,
Sraith of Brooks, 220.
Sraith of Talbot, 1859, 108.
Smith, Captain, 194, 197.
Smith, Miss A., 205,
Smith, C. C, 585.
Smith, Charles H,, 10, 623.
Sraith, Captaiu E,, 148.
Smith, Gen. Gustavus W., 263, 281, 285, 286,
287, 313, 321, 337.
Sraith, J. E,, 431, 432.
Smith, J. Henly, 319.
Smith, James H,, 324.
Sraith, James M , Governor, 77, 125, 262, 386,
444, 452, 461, 462, 466, 466, 468, 493; 468, Elected
Governor; 472, 468, 469, Inaugural; 475, 502,
603, 504, 506, 507, 508, 509, 510, 511, 615, 616, 621,
622, 525, 526, 527, 531, 532, 533, 440, 553, 654,
562, 672, 579, 592, 593.
Sraith, Jaraes M., of Oglethorpe Co., 524, 542,
543, 674, 606.
Smith, Miss L,, 184,
Sraith, L. B,, 108, UO, 215, 247.
Smith, W. D,, 215.

748

INDEX.

Smith, W. E., 261, 611, 620.
Smith, O. L., 251.
Smith, Capt. R. A,, 148, 247, 264. '
Sraith, Suraner J., 32, 33, 36, 73, 91, 97, 108, 111,
383, 390.
Sraith, T. J,, 600.
Smith, T. M., 406.
Smith, Gov. Wra., 292.
Smythe, Wm,, 80, 108.
Smythe, Wra. M., 387.
Smithsonian Institute, 557.
Snake Creek Gap, 276.
Snead, Claiborne, UO, 362, 361, 465, 531.
Snead, Thos, L., 496-9.
Sneed Jas. E,, 79, 80, 383.
Snyder, D. D., 468.
Soldiers, 251, 282, 298, 299, 331, 380, 409, 422, 473.
Soldiers giving up homes, 276.
Sons of Liberty, 205.
Sorrell, Gen,, Moxley, 296.
South, 116, 118,153, 183, 196, 204,218,226,242,267,
258, 270, 271, 286, 304, 313, 341, 357, 359, 362, 372,
385, 393, 501.
South Carolina, 74, 123, 144, 148, 151, 206, 267,
266, 152, 179, 181, 216, 221, 252, 287, 292, 312, 313,
321, 322, 331, 361.
South Carolinian, Charleston, 289.
South, Defenders of, 205.
South Ga. & Fla. R. R., 495.
South Guards, Columbus, 194,
South, Leaguers of, 103.
South, Old and New, 603.
South, and Slavery, 56, 57.
South, Spirit of the South, Ala., 148.
Southern Coast, 256.
Southern Coramercial Conyention, 72, 1858 ; 74,
75, Agency to Disunion, 416.
Southern Confederacy, 86, 104, 131, 152, 165, 167,
178, 270, 294.
Southern Convention, 164, 181, at Montgoraery.
Southern Conventions, 43, 44, 136.
Southern, Georgian, Bainbridge, 79, 93.
Southern Heroism, 270.
Southern Independence, 226.
Southern Merchants, 132.
Southern Outrage, 458.
Southern Pacific, 416.
Southern Recorder, 79.
Southern Republic, 103.
Southern Rights, 24, 68, 104, 108, 119, 134, 135, 557.
Southern Rights Guards, Perry, 194.
Southern Secession Comraissioners, 164, 182.
Southerner, Rorae, 126, 260.
Southwest News, 79.
South- Western Georgia, 269, 309, 310, 326.
South- Western R. R., 456, 633.
Sovereignty Squatter, 114.
Sovereignty, State, 226, 235, 249, 264, 206, 367.

Spalding, Lt. Col. C, 247.
Spalding, Chas., 72.
Spalding, R. D., 650.
Sparks, 0. G., 412, 413.
Sparks, Wm. H,, 625.
Sparta, 212.
Sparta, Ishmaelite, 622.
Sparta Times and Planter, 619.
Spaulding, R., 36, 62, 53, 63, 89, 98, 138, 139.
Spavined Rogue, 461.
Speaker of House, 262, 351, 391, 395, 432, 466,
468, 496, 523.
Spear, E, P., 674.
Specie Train, 325.
Speculation, 257, 322.
Speech, 137, 144, 163, 154, 180, 184, 185, 243, 272,
289, 292, 293, 318, 341, 356, 368, 370, 372, 389, 391,
392, 399, 401, 423, 428, 429, 435, 455, 458, 495,
518, 549, 562, 665, 666, 671, 678, 579, 684, 687, 588,
593, 594, 596-99, 602, 647.
Speer, Alex. M,, 96, 262, 523, Supreme ct., 531.
Speer, D, N., 90, UO, 585, 601.
Speer, Eraory, 513, 514, 606.
Speer J. A,, 541, 547.
Speer, T. J., 376, 396, 454, 511.
Speer, W. J., 601.
Spencer, S. B., 127, 150, 593.
Spies, Federal, 243.
Spinner, U. S. Treasurer, 330.
Spirit of the South, 1868, 393.
Spirit of tlie South, Alabama, 148.
Spratt, 74.
Sprayberry, H. J,, 62, 194.
Spring place, 12.
Spring Plaee Times, 622.
Springfield Republican, 560.
Squatter Sovereignty, 103, 104, 114.
Starnes, E., 18, 35, 366, 383.
Stanberry, Mr,, 369.
Standard, Cassville, 79.
Stanford, L, L., 607.
Stansel, W. H., 66.
Stansell, A, H., 18.
Stanton, Edwin M., 339, 367.
Stapleton, 41,
Star of tlie West, 148.
Stark, J. H., 18,
Stark, Col, Wm. H,, 340.
State, the, 82, H. R. .Jackson's Speech.
State Agricultural Society, 131, 4."2, Appropria
tion, 696, 606.
State Aid, 70, 361, 412, 444, 447, 529, 540, 641.
State Arraory, 248,
State Bonds, 226, 227, 360, 418, 435, 226, 227, 348,
360, 445, 446, 447, 448, 610, 511, 525, 557, 683, 688,
606, 609, 626, 632, 663,
State Commissary Gen., 216,
State Conventions, 107, 118, 376.

INDEX.

749

state Debt, 1860, 168, 315, 360.
State Defense, 219.
State Democratic Convention, 389.
State Dem. Ex. Coramittee, 374, 383.
State Deposits, 549.
State Disorder, 353.
State Geologist, 504.
State, Great Seal of, 607, 381, 473.
State House Officers, 403, 507.
State Press, Macon, 79.
State Property, 266, 315, 331.
State, Qr. Mr. Gen., 216.
State of the Republic Committee, 405.
State Road, 71, 81, 89, 98, 124, 129, 168, 243, 267,
275, 285, 306, 348, 356, 360, 400, 416, 418, 422, 427,
436, 444, 448, 449, 450, 451, 456, 459, 467, 476, 486,
520, 532, 559, 661, 632, 637.
State Rights, 236, 337.
State Rights Nat, Conyention, 123.
State School Commissioner, 444, 546.
State, Secretary of, 71, 400.
State Senate, 50, 166, 359, 394, 395.
State Sovereignty, 226, 236.
State Treasurer, 417, 71,400, 382, 403.
State Troops, 166, 186, 213, 221, 224, 227, 230, 231,
239, 240, 248, 262, 263, 286, 294, 303, 337.
State University of Athens, 503.
State University, Military, 229, 372.
Statesmanship, Georgia, 170.
Stationery for State, 534.
Statistics of 1860, 167, 169.
Staton, J. AV., 587.
Stay Law, 214, 356, 361.
Steadman, Gen., U. S., 346.
Steadman, E., 464.
Steamers for State, 205, 216, 263.
Steele, J. H., 400, 79, 80, 90, 91.
Stephens, Alex. H., 19, Supporting Jas. Jack
son; 25, 26, 39, 43, 45; 46, Elected to Congress;
59, Description; 73, 103, 104; 105, and Iverson;
109,for President; UO, 113, 116, 125, 126, 128,131,
137, 143, 150, 151, 132, 154, 155, 164, 181, 195, 209,
223, 231, 249, 272, 286, 300, 301, 302, 303, 305, 322,
337, 356, 358, 370, 386, 387, 398, 399, 416, 600, 501,
502, 605, 506, 507, 611, 620, 633, 579,
Stephens, J. A., 541.
Stephens, Linton, 17, Legislature, 1849; 33, His
Character; 36, 44, 45; 46, Beaten for Congress;
72; 101, Supreme Ct. .Judge; 128, 131, 142, 150,
155, 231 249, 250, 251, 272, 273, 285, 358, 391, 426,
453, 601, 502, 626,
Stevens, History of Georgia, 624.
Stevens, Thaddeus, 357, 358,407,
Stewart, Gen., 279.
Stewart, Mrs. Gen. A. P., 321.
Stewart. J. A., 374.
Stewart, J. D., 362, 355, 574, 677, 607, 524, 569, 596.
Stewart, J. R., 262.

Stewart, Co, on Brown, 88.
Stewart Senator, U. S., 435,
Strong, Judge C. H,, 284,
St, John, Gen. J. M,, 324, 326, 330.
St. Louis and Iron Mt. R, R., 456.
St. Mary's River, 665.
StUes, Wm. H., 31, 32, 34, 33, 72, 80, 86, 108, 109,
UO, 120, 215, 263, 318, 625.
Stone, A. W., 502.
Stone, Corner, Speech, 195.
Stone, Wm. A., 340.
Stoneraan, Gen., 283.
Story, Col. R. L., 263.
Stoval, Major, 215.
Stovall, Pleasant, 610.
Straight Democracy, 502.
Streight Raid, 267.
Stress of War, 263.
Strickland H., 126, 222.
Strickland, L., 546.
Strohecker, E. L., 108, UO, 115,
Styles, C. W., 110, 120, 150, 215, 284, 398, 468.
Stafford, Col. S. S,, 284.
State Action, Separate, 136, 302, 303.
State Finances, 448, 315, 403, 412.
Sun, Atlanta, 479, 501.
Survey, State, 504,
Suspension of Banks, 62, 214, 221,
Supreme Court Judges, 142, 96, 70, 76, Salaries
Increased; 221, 249, 250, 251, 255, 349, 356, 388,
399, 415, 466, 457, 493, 508, 640.
Superior Court Judges, 70, 76, 349, Salaries In
creased.
Sumter Republican, 89, 93, 619.
Supreme Ct. U. S., 103, 118, 360, .369, 370, 473.
Sun, Colurabus, 271, 384.
Sumter County, 136.
Sumter Fort, 144, 145, 148, 179, 196.
Substitute for Secession Ordinance, 155.
Surplus Forage Crop, 253, Bro-wn.
Substitute Law, 262.
Surrency, E. C, 431.
Surrenders, 323, 326, 337, 359, 361.
Suffrage, Negro, 369.
SummerUn, Dr. C. W., 607.
Sumner, Charles, 407, 433.
Sunday-School, International, 635. ^
Suspicion, Fever of, 552.
Sunday Banner, 602, 603.
Sunny South, 610, 617,
Sumraeryille Gazette, 621.
Superintendents of Ga. E. Rds., 639.
Swell-Head Governors, 193.
Swinton's Book, 278.
Sweat Boxes, 387.
Sweat, J. L,, 574, 607.
Swainsboro Herald, 621.
Sylvania Telephone, 622.

750

INDEX.

T.
Talbot Co. Democracy, 87, About Brown,
Talbot Co,, 180, 585.
Talbotton, 591.
Talbotton Register and ,Standard, 620.
Talcott, T. M. R., 636.
Taliaferro, A., 88.
TaUaferro, Col. J,, 263.
'Taliaferro Co,, 149, 500, against Secession.
Taliaferro, E. M,, 431,
Tallapoosa Circuit, 372, 379.
Tanner's Ferry Fight, 275.
Tanneries Seized, 248.
Tarver, Rep., 550.
Tattnall, Commodore, 190, 204, 216, 226, 229.
Tattnall Co., 149.
Tatum, Rep., 550.
Tax on Cotton, 248.
Tax, Confederate War, 226, 227, 248.
Tax Income, 267, 534.
Tax, Poll, 467, 475, 565.
Tax, RaiU-oad, 534.
Tax, U, S,, 360,
Taxation Reduced, 98, by Gov. Brown.
Taxation, Rate of, 98, 168,
Taylor, OoI, AV. H., 298, 299.
Taylor, Dr., 13.
Taylor, Gen, Dick., 313.
Taylor, R. S., 138.
Telegraph, Macon, 18, 79, 80, 86, 256, 319, 374,
509, 371, 590, 591, 600, 610, 013.
Temperance, 16, 69.
Temperance Crusader, 79.
Temple, John, 602-3.
'Temple, E., 636.
Tennessee, 74, 123, 162, 165, 166, 226, 241, 246, 258,
267, 269, 293, 305, 331.
Tennessee Car Company, 450.
Tennessee, East, 189.
Tenth Ga. Volunteers, 213, 274.
Term, Third, 207, 210, 211.
Territories, Slavery in, 103, 106, 108, 114, 118,
119, 120, 152, 166.
Terrell Co., 314.
Terry, Gen. Alfred, 417, 421, 424, 427, 429, 431.
Test Oath, 360, 407, 415, 423.
Texas, 327, 74, 115, 123, 152, 165, 267, 324, 435, 436,
319, 627.
Textile Record, 630.
Thayer, Senator U. S., 423.
Third Ga. Cav., 247,
Third Ga, Vols,, 215.
Tliird Ohio Cavalry, 383.
Third Term, 207, 210, 211,
Thirteenth Amendment, 352,
Tliirteenth Ga, Vols,, 215, 242.
Thirtieth Ga, Inf,, 247,

Thirty-flrst Ga, Inf,, 247.
Thirty-second Ga. Inf., 217.
Thirty-third Ga. Inf., 247.
Tliirty-fourtli Ga. Inf., 247.
Thirty-flfth Ga. Inf., 247.
Thirty-sixth Ga. Inf., 247.
Thirty-seventh Ga. Inf., 247.
Thirty-eighth Ga. Inf., 247.
Thirty-ninth Ga, Inf,, 247.
Thomas' Army, 275, 278, 338.
Thomas County, 205, 349,
Thomas, E. L., 215, 247, 299.
Thomas, G. E., 119, 222, 595, 600.
Thomas, H. P., Ul, 115.
Thomas, James, Judge, 70, 11,5, 121.
Thomas, J, P., 574.
Thoraas, Rev. C. AV., 399.
Thoraas, Thomas W., 26, 33, 34, 35, 72, 215, 249.
ThoraasviUe Enterprise, 619.
ThoraasviUe Times, 621.
Thomaston Times, 622.
ThomasvUle Post, 622.
Thorapson, G. H., 195.
Thompson, J. M., 628.
Thomson, W. S., 547.
Thorapson, Wm. T., 590, T9, 80, 373, 374, 529, 610,
612, 623, 624.
Thomson, Jos,, 364.
Thornton, B. A., 359.
Thrasher, J. J,, 364.
Thrasher, John J., 260.
Thurraan, Senator U. S., 422, 458, 665.
Thurmond, T, H., 36.
Thweatt, Peterson, 71, 167, Comptroller-Gen.;
227., 260, 453.
Ticknor, F. O,, 626, 627.
Tift, Nelson, 120, 373, 383, 408, 410, 415, 426, 453,
454, 503, 529, 593.
Tilden and Hendricks, 518, 519, 520, 521.
Times of Columbus, 33, 73, 79, 86, 109, 242, 384,
493, 590, 610, 615.
Times, Chicago, 344, 435, 560.
Times, Dalton, 79.
Times, Man for the, 193.
Times, London, 313.
Times, New York, 421, 559.
Timmonsville, N. C, 350.
Tipton, Senator U. S., 435.
Tison, J, P., 544,
Toast at Augusta Arsenal, 163, 164.
Tobacco Blockade, 350.
Toombs, Mrs. Gen,, 328, 346.
Toombs, Robert, 25, 26, 38, Endorsed as U, S, S,;
39, 43; 54, Description; 54, Browu's Opinion,
1819; 58, Brown aud Toombs; 103, 106, 112, 113,
Disunion Speecli; 116, 117, Letter on Cliarles-
ton Conyention; 125, 126. 128, 131, 138, 139,
140, 143, 145, 150; 152, 153, The Leader of Se-

INDEX.

751

cession; 154, His Fiery Speecli; 135; 104, Del
egate to Montgomery; 160, Address Secession
Con, ; 175, 181, 206, 222; 223, Declines C, S, Senar
toi-ship; 2'24, 225, 226,2,31, 2-12,219,250, 251,264,
260, 264, 265; 'J71, Tribute to BrOAVn; 281, 285,
318, 324, 325, 326, 328, 3U0, 370, 391, 459, 4lil,462,
468,476-4112, Duel with Gov. Brown; 501, 602,
606, 510, 529, 530, 5;J1, 634, 641, 533, 557, 593, 599,
663.
Tompkins, H. B., 531.
Tory Sentiment, 257.
Towers, J. R,, 574.
Towns, Geo. AV,, 18.
Tracy, E. D., 42.
Tracy, Phil., Ill, UO, 97, 108, Legislatiu-e, 1859;
115, 120, 138, 139,
Ti-ade, Direct Co,, 131, 416.
Train, Specie, 325.
TrammeU, L. N., 15, 32,33, 36, UO, 212, 262, 375,
3,S2, 453, 464, 466, 496, 512, 519, 541, 568 574, 639,
TramraeU, Wm. D,, 520, 629.
Transfer of Georgia Troops, 217, 218, 221, 230.
Treason, 319.
Treasurer, State, 71, 378, 379, 382, 436, 505, 609,
527, 529, 533.
Treasury, State, 549, 546, 71, 449, 508.
Treasury Notes, Confederate, 206. -
Treasury Notes, State, 185.
Treasury, U. S., 138, 175.
Tredegar Iron Woi-lis, 186.
Troutman, J. R., 544.
Trial of Ashburn, 386.
Trials, Impeachment, 647-660.
Tribune, Chicago, 435, 660.
Tribune, New York, 176, 560.
Trice, Thomas C, 192, 193, 194, 208.
Troops, 131, 166, 184, 186, 188, 189, 190, 192, 198,
204, 206, 213, 217, 218, 221, 224, 226, 227, 230, 239,
240, 248, 262, 263, 286, 294, 303, 313, 337, 653.
Tronp, Gov., 140, 184,
Troup and Clarke Campaign, 556.
Triplett, J, L., 554, 621.
Trippe, J. B., 71, State Treasurer.
Trippe, Robert P., 40, 43, 46, 76, 94, 98, 119, 138,
139, 222, 610, 522, 579.
Trippe, T. H., 154.
TrurabuU, Senator U. S., 422, 434, 436.
Troup, County, 136, 205,
Tucker, Dr. H. H., 610, 617.
Tucker, J. A., 36, 72, 82.
Tucker, Mrs. M, E,, 629.
Tuggle, W. O,, 390, 391, 519, 629, 533;
Tumlin, Le-wis, 126.
Tmnlin, N. J., 574.
Tumlin, W. M,, 395, 401, 405, 432.
Tunnel HiU, 244.
TurnbuU, J. J., 496.
Turner, H. M., 376, 396, 405, 412, 414, 416.

Turner, H. G., 502, 503, 542, 546, 547, 548, 661,
579, 606.
Turner, J. P,, 647.
Turner, W. A,, 549,
Turpentine to defeat Federals, 229.
Tweedy, Ephraim, 396, 411, 432, 433, 436, 458.
Twelfth Ga, Battalion, 263.
Twelfth Ga. Vols,, 215.
Twelve Months Troops, 198.
Twentieth Ga, Vols., 215, 263.
Twenty-first Ga, A'ols., 215.
Twenty-first Ohio Reg,, 245,
Twenty-second Ga, A'ols,, 215.
Twenty-third Ga, Vols., 215.
Twenty-foiu-th Ga, -^'ols., 215,
Twenty-fifth Ga, A'ols,, 215,
Twenty-sixth Ga, Inf,, 2-17, 263.
Twenty-seventh Ga, Inf,, 247.
Twenty-eighth Ga, Inf., 247.
Twenty-ninth Ga. Inf., 247.
Twiggs Co., 455.
Twiggs, Gen. David E., 224.
Twiggs, H. D. I>., 518, 606.
Two Governors, 314.
Two Thirds Rule, 36, 572, 573, 576, 585.
Tybee Island, 229. U.
Uncle Remus, 614, 62.3^.
Underwood, J. W. H., 33, 36, 51, 62, 96, 180, 372,
415, 631, 585.
Underwood, Wm. J., 66, 70, 138.
Umphrey of Fannin, 359.
Union Club, Georgia, ,340.
Union County, 28, 205, 257.
Union Convention, National, 358, 1866.
Union Invincibles, 205.
Union League, 382.
Union, MiUedgeviUe, 417, 346, 42, 66, 79, 80, 82,
209, 219, 271.
Union, The, 355, 358, 359, 366, 473,
Unionism, 58, 104, 109, 113, 116, 117, 129, 135, 151,
152, 153, 153, 185, 186, 187, 189, 196, 197, 223, 257,
260, 261, 269, 291, 302, 312, 320, 321, 340, 344, 404.
United States Atty. Gen,, 369, 440,
United States ArtUlery, 294.
United States Constitution, 355, 357, 455.
United States Congressmen, 262, 357, 362, 408.
United States Courts, 132, 346, 360, 555,
United States District Attorney, 360.
United States Flag, 161.
United States Hotel, 398.
United States Government, 181, 238, 258, 265,
266, 355,
United States Mint, 186, 187, 458.
United States Marslial, 462.
United States Senate, 139, 153, 193, 356, 357, 407,
410, 434, 436.

753

United, States Supreme Court, 369, 370.
United States Senator, 380, 397, 308, 407, 428, 433,
458, 494, 505, 506, 515, 526, 558, 564, 599, 602-6.
University, State, 372, 503,
Unpiilatable Facts, 226.
Upton, Gen., 337. Y.
A'aldosta Times, 620.
Valkyria, 628.
A'alley of Virginia, 285, 294.
A'an Valkenburg, Col,, 314,
A'.ince, Gov,, 282, 565, 647, 648.
Vanderbilt, W, H , 638.
A'arner, E., 88.
Vason, D, A,, 212, 250, 574, 576, 577.
Vason, W. J,, 120, 165, 1G6,
Vattles, Law of Nations, 174.
Veal, Lt, L. E,, 299.
Venable, W. R., 364.
A''ermont, 123, 381.
Veto, 64, 69, 101, 132, 217, 356, 358, 362, 363, 410,
415, 466, 467.
Vice President, Confederacy, 181, 195, 196, 209,
224, 300, 301.
A'icksbui-g, 2.38, 266, 269.
Vicksburg & Meridian R. R., 635.
Vicksburg & Slireveport R. R., 635.
A'iUalonga, Alderman, 321.
VUlepigue, I. B., Gen,, 215, 224.
Virginia, 74, 123, 152, 164, 197, 198, 313, 436, 199,
206, 207, 236, 242, 246, 248, 267, 269, 285, 288, 292,
294, 296, 325, 330, 331.
Visitor, Family, Madison, 79.
Volunteers, Bainbridge, 194.
Volunteers, Dahlonega, 194.
Volunteers, Lee's, 184.
Volunteers, Macon, Independent, 194.
Volunteers, Macon, 197.
Volunteers, Ringgold, 194.
Volunteers, State, 213, 354,
Volunteers, Spirit of, 265.
Vote on 15th Araendment, 411.
Vote in 1868, 406, 409.
A'ote in 1863, 261.
Vote on the Banks, 64, 77.
A^ote on Constitution, 1,«C1, 207.
Vote on Convention, 1877, 529.
^^o'te on Gov. Colquitt, 1878, 551, 601.
A'ote in Convention, 1880, 571, 577, 580, 585.
Vote on Secession Convention, 149.
Voters in Georgia in 1860, 108, 183, 331, 476.
Vote for President, 1860, 129.
Vote, Power to, 341, 665.
Vote for Gov, Sraith, 468.
Vote for U. S. Senator, 602.
Voorhies, U. S. Senator D. W., 648, 649.

WaddeU, J. D., 327, 375, 382, 390, 391, 466, 626.
Wade, E. C, 619.
Wade, J. B,, 644.
Wade of Screven, 688.
Wade, U. P., 587.
Wade, U. S. Senate, 139, 409.
Wadleigb, Mr., 340.
Wadley, Wm. M., 360, 497, 498, 633, 636.
Walbert, J. T., 324.
Walden, Lt. C. R., 299.
Walker, Mr., 369.
Walker, A, C, 121.
Walker, A. T,, 36i
Walker Co,, Messenger, 622.
Walker Co., 149, against Secession.
Walker, Lt. Col., C. V,, 163,
Walker, Dawson A., 77, 125, 356, 338, 363, 366, 602,
519, 521, 526,
Walker, E, B,, 284, 400.
Walker, John B,. 90, Lively Speech.
Walker, Gov. of Kansas, 38, 41, 42, 43, 45.
Walker Light Int., Aug., 194.
Walker, Wm, H. T,, 163, 183, 186, 216, 224, 227,
275, 282.
Walker, Gen. W. S., 299.
WaUace, A. M. Col., 284, 291.
WaUace, Major CampbeU, 360, 387, 449, 497, 498,
553, 554.
Wallace, Mrs. Charles, 184.
WaUace, Charles, 417, 540.
WaUace, W. A., 98,
WaUs, Cut, 229.
Walters, Jesse, 550.
Walton Co., 149, against Secession.
Walton Co., Viaette, 621,
Walton Neivs, 623.
Walton Spring, 245.'
Walsh, Patrick, 496, 524, 569, 572, 573, 574, 575,
577, 578, 580, 583, 584, 610.
War, 170, 191, 217, 221, 232, 253, 268, 313, 218, 323,
331, 332, 341, 344, 348, 474.
War Between the States, 625, 305, 322.
War Dept. Confederate, 252, 348, 357, 359, 386.
War Department, Richmond, 199.
War Indigents, 252.
War Measures, 213.
War Secretary Conf., 216. 233, 238.
War Tax, Confederate, 226, 227, 248.
War Troops, 198, 213.
Ward, B. F., 36, 88.
Ward, John E., 35, 36, 37, 79, 497, 499; 51, Pres
ident Senate; 63, 66, Bank Speech; 80, 82, 183.
Ware, Dr. A. C, 205.
Warner, Hiram, 18, Judge Supreme Ct. ; 26, 31,
34. 35, 36, 43 ; 72, Delegate Sou, Con. ; UO, 115,
116, 1 20, 12 1 , 125, 126, 160, 155, 366, 358 ; 372, Ao-

753

cepts Reconstruction; 406, BuUook Appoints
Judge; 415, 493, 523, 547, 548, 556, 557, 569, 571,
577, 578, 592, 590, 589, 585, 580.
Warren, Rev. Mr., 629.
AVarren, B. H,, 259.
Warren, Gen, EU, 348, 358, 373, 629, 593.
Warren, J. L., 348, 518, 529, 574, 577, 580, 681, 587,
588.
AVarren, Jas. AV., 601, 79, 80, 493.
AVarrenton, Clipper. 417, 619.
Warrenton Our Country, 622.
Wai-saw, Island, 229.
Warthen, R, L., 120, 629.
Warthen, T.C, 644.
Warthen, Gen, T. J., 88, 90, 215, 247.
Washburn, Gen. U. S., 348.
Washington, Artillery, 164, 326.
Washington county on Brown, 88, 331, 574.
Washington, D. C, 123, 162, 175, 181, 266, 270,302,
304, 329, 330, 338, 340, 381, 354, 363, 366, 381, 391,
412, 414, 420, 433, 435, 436, 458, 473.
Washington, Ga,, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 330.
Washington, Gazette, 619.
Washington, J, H. R., 93, 206, 251, 338.
Washington st,, Atlanta, 307.
Washington Rifles, Sandersville, 194.
Washington Volunteers, 230.
Waste Iron State Road, 72.
Watchman, Athens, 78, 93, 619.
Water Power of Ga., 644.
Waterraan, J. T., 611, 612, 618.
Waters, H. H., 400.
Watkins, E. P., 364, 71, 248, Sec. of State.
Watkins, J D., 73.
Watkins, Wm., 242.
Watkinsville Advance, 622.
Watson, Thos. E., 574, 577, 579, 583.
Watson, A, R,, 627.
Watt, Rep., 606.
Watts, Gov., 282.
Watts, L. B,, 88,
Way, Lt. Col, C. H., 228, 248.
Wayne, Henry C, 146, 175, 243, 260, 309, 312.
Waynesboro, Herald and Expositor, 619.
Wayside Homes, 242.
Wealth ot Georgia in 1860, 167, 169, 315.
Wealth, Georgians, 331.
Weed, H. B., 340.
Weed, W. D., 321.
WeU, Col., 37.
WeU, Col. S., 518.
WeU, Samuel, 415, 416.
Welch, F. O., 396.
Welchell, Rep., 432.
WeUborn, C. B., 66, 73.
WeUborn, C. J., 90, UO, 394, 430, 467, 529, 541,
574, 608.
Wells, L. C, 364.
48

Wesleyan, Fem, College, 652.
West, The, 370.
AVest, F. H., 33, 89, 98, 108, 574.
AVestbrook, A, C, 546, 606.
Western Georgia E. R., 416.
Western Railroad, 633.
Western & Atlantii; RaUroad, 18, 41, 45, 71, 72,
80, 98, 134, 129, 168, 243, 244, 267, 276, 285,' 306!
348, 356, 360, 400, 416, 427, 444, Road Leased;
448, 449, 460, 451, 456, 467, 476, 486, 520, 532, 559,
561, 632, 637.
Westmoreland, Maria J., 629.
Westmoreland, Dr. W. F., 184.
West Point, 163, 294.
West Point Press, 621.
W'est Point Railroad, 283, 285.
West Virginia, 216, 227.
Wheat Binding, 37, Brown when Nominated.
Wheaton, Capt. C, 381, 379.
Wheeler, Joseph, Gen., 183, 226, 282, 285, 306.
Whelchel, Davis, 156.
Whig Party, 26, 26, 222, 223.
Whisky Distillation, 241.
Whitaker, J. I., 62, 53, 184, 383, 207, 216, 348, 349,
399.
White County Created, 70.
White Flag Incident, 137.
White, Rev. Geo., 624.
White, Maj. E. C, 325.
White, R. W., 415.
White, Dr. W. H., 611.
White, W. J., 595.
Whitehead, M. H., 406.
Whiteley Detective, 387.
Whitely, R. H., 121, 376, 376, 433, 434, 454, 502.
Whitfield Co., 66, 247, 374, 375.
Whiting, Gen. W. H. C, 224.
Whitman, J. T., 618.
Whitner, John C, 387.
Whitney, Eli, 652.
Whiton, A. L,, 448,
Whittle, L. N., 110, 212, 219, 220, 250, 251, 373,
374, 383, 591.
Whittle, P, B., 606.
Who is Brown, 66.
Wicker, Thomas O., 88, 90, 352.
Widows, Indigent, 252.
Wiggins, J. S., 386.
Wilcox Co., on Brown, 89.
Wilcox Co., Created, 70.
Wild Cats, Miller, 205.
Wild, Land Troubles, 546, 547.
Wilde, Richard Henry, 626, 627.
Wilde, Gen. U. S„ 346.
Wilderness Battle, 325.
WUkes Co., 324,
WUkins, Capt., 194.
Wilkins, F, G., 674, 587.

754

INDEX.

Wilkins, W. A., 568.
Wilkinson Co., 66, 574.
Wilkinson Co, on Brown, 88.
Wilkinson, U. B,, 574, 607.
WiUard, C. D., 532.
Williams, Brigade, 283.
Williams, Charles H., 242, 588, 617.
WUliams, C. J„ 33, 34, 36, 42, £4, 97, 108, 129, 162,
163, 183, 206, 214, 242,
WiUiaras, Col, G. W. M., 247.
WiUiams, H,, 431.
Williams, H. J. G,, 400.
WUliams, J, J., 554.
Williams Capt. L. L,, 299.
WUliams, Maj. M, H,, 337, 503.
Williams, Mrs. Mary A,, 242, 361.
Williams, Wiley, 89.
Williamson, Jas,, 164.
Willifoi-d, Maj, W. J„ 285.
WiUiiigliara, C. H. C, 119, 373, 516, 616, 622.
AVillingham, Dr. AV., 73.
Willis, Dr., 321.
Willis, Col. Ed., 314.
Willis, J. R., 34.
WUlis, Judge J. T., 629, 674, 583, 584, 585, 607.
WiUingham, W. M., 606.
Wilmington, N. C, 350.
Wilmot Proviso, 19, 104.
AVilson, Gen U. S, A., 323, 337, 338, 339, 341.
Wilson, Mrs, Augusta J., 629.
WUson, C, C, 215.
Wilson, Geo. D,, spy, 245.
Wilson, J, M,, 606.
Wilson, John S., 628.
Wilson, Mrs. W. T,, 184.
Wimberley, J. L., 209,348, 358, 529.
Wimberly, F. B,, 574.
Wimberly, Dr. H.,390.
Winningham, O., 245.
Wingfield, Junius, 73, 74, UO, 115, 120.
Wingfield, W. B., 607.
Winn, Dr. R. D., 94.
Winn, S. J,, 496,
AVinn, W. J,, 607.
Winn, W, T., 394, 410, 430, 431.
Winslow, W. C, 607.
Winters, J, R., 644.
Wiregrass Reporter, 79, 89,
Wisconsin, 381.
Wise, Henry A., 106, 107, Gov. of Va.
Witt, Mrs. H. H., 184.
Wives, 243,

Wofford, John W., 496.
Wofford, W. T., 17, In Legislature, 1849; 73, 108,
Ul, 150, 155, 215, 320, 321, 338, 339, 351, 390, 465,
468, 602, 503, 518, 529, 588, 693, 596, 699.
Wolfe, Fred, 635.
Women, Married, 70.
Wood, Fernando, 175, 436.
Wood, R. A., 386.
Wood, Maj, R. R,, 329.
Woodbridge, W., 310.
Woodson, Gov. Silas, 506.
Woodward, U. S, Rep., 436.
Wool Hats, 169.
Wootten, C. B., 394.
AVootten, J. C 603.
World, New York, 422, 433, 461. 469, 660.
WorreU, E. H., Judge, 76, 222, 358, 503.
Wrench, H. A., 622.
Wright, Arabrose R., 40, His Character; 374,383,
416, 453, 500, 501, 502, 511, His Death; 96, 119,
121, 125, 128, 165, 215, 609, 224, 254, 262, 592, 314,
368.
Wright, Aug. R., 33, 35, 36, 45, 73, 126, 128, 164,
181, 205, 216, 222, 250, 301, 302, 304, 373, 374, 529,
607.
Wright, H. Gregg, 516, 518, 520, 542, 543, 511.
Wright, H. P., 546.
Wright, Seaborn, 607,
Wright, W. A., 43, 95, 96, 262, 373, 585, 601.
Wright, W, P., 127, 347, 373.
Wrightsville Infantry, 205.
Wylie, Jas. R., 650.
Wynn, Major, 257.
Wynne, DeWolf & Co., 615.

Yale College, 13.
Yancey, B. C, 43, 120, 416, 596.
Yancey, Wm. L., 75, 103, 115, 116, 138, 246.
Yankee, 183, 229.
Yankee Doodle, 205.
Toung, 63.
Toung, Ed., 621.
Young Men's Library.Asso., 199, Atlanta.
Young, P. M. B., Gen., 183, 415, 454, 453, 502,668,
574, 576, 581, 684.
Young, W. J., Col., 247.
Youngblood, J. T., 607.

z.

Zachry, C. T,, 606.
Zimmerman, R. P., 364.

3 9002 00660 3980

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