it? W^ ,i V ' « Heed, Huth. The jre-^ro ^Vomen of Saiuesville, Georgia. Georgia, 1921. "SJAV ' 'IW'""'~ Fr#, ^'II^;^f^^f^'•^:^,WglF'- 170 "I^ivethtfe Mmki \far the fai^dmg if tt Cetles^ OS, jlSlftAliaAy" ' Y^LIE«¥]MII¥IEI^SKT¥- Acquired by Exchange JtA2- ^tKHtWWH.WB. pemA TALE UNIVERSITY JUL 28 1922 DECEMBER, 1921 i. | BR Afi Y Bulletin of the Onlversity of Georgia Volume XXII /?f^ »V Number 1 Phelps-Stokes Fellowship Studies, No. 6 The Negro Women of Gainesville, Ga. RUTH REED. A thesis presented to the Faculty of the University of Georgia in, iKtrtial fulfllhnent of the requirements ' '•' ' for the degree of Master of Arts, Entered at -the ?ost Office at Athens, Ga., as Second Class Matter, August 31, 1905. ¦under Act of Congress of Julj' 16th, 1904. Issued Monthly by the University. Serial No. 321 The Negro Women OF Gainesville, Georgia By RUTH REED. A thesis presented to thc Faculty of the University of Georgia in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. THE NEGRO WOMEN OF GAINESVILLE, GEORGIA TABLE OF CONTENTS. Page Preface 6 ¦CHAPTER I. Population and Property 7 ¦CHAPTER II. Location and Surroundings 12 CHAPTER ill. Condition and Size of the Negro Homes 16 CHAPTER IV. Employment of Negro "Women 22 CHAPTER V. Income and Expenditures of Negro Families 30 CHAPTER VI. Health and Morality 34 CHAPTER VII. Education 40 CHAPTER VIII. Lodges and Insurance 46 CHAPTER IX. Churches 51 Chancellor's Foreword The Phelps^S¦tokes Fellowship was established for the purpose stated in the following resolutions: "Whereas, Miss Caroline iPhelps iStokes in establishing the Phelps- Stokes Fund was especially .solicitous to assist hi improving the condition of the negro, and "Whereas, It is the conviction of the Trustees that one of the best methods of forwarding this purpose is to provide means to enable southern youth of broad .sympathies to make a .scientrfic study of the negro and of Ms adjustment to American civilization, "Resolved, That twelve thousand five hundred dollars ($12,500) be given to the University of Georgia for ths permanent endowment of a research fellowship, on the following conditions: "1. The University shall appoint annually a Fellow in Sociology, for the study of the Negro. iHe shall pursue advanoed studies under the direction of the departments of Sociology, Economics, Education or History, as may be determined in each case by the Chancellor. The Fellowship shall yield $500, and shall, after four years, be restricted to graduate students. "2. Each Fellow ishall prepare a paper or thesis embodying the result of his investigations which shall be published by the University with assistance from the income of the fund, any surplus remaining being applicable to other objects incident to the main purpose of the Fellowship. A copy of these resolutions shall be incorporated in every publication issued under this foundation. "3. The right to make all necessary regulations, not ¦inconsistent with the spirit and letter of these resolutions, is given to the Chan cellor and Faculty, but no changes in the conditions of the foundation can be amde without the mutual consent both of the Trustees of the University and of the Phelps-Stokes Fund." This study by Miss Reed, under the direction of Prof. C. J. Heatwole, is the first of the Phelps-Stokes studies made by a woman. It is sane, graphic and, in my opinion, valuable. DAVID C. BARROW, Chancellor. PREFACE In previous Phelps-Stokes studies, surveys have been made of conditions affecting the race as a whole but it was felt that any program looking toward the better adjustment of relations be tween the races would be incomplete wihout some Investigations of the problems peculiar to the relationship of the women of the two races. In the present sudy an attempt has been made to deal with those conditions of the negro home, community, institutional, and industrial life which affect most vitally the position of the negro women among her own race and her attitude toward the white women for ivhom she works. A house to house canvas was made in the negro settlements and in each case an attempt waa made to interview the women of the house, the investigator asking a series of questions which are published in the appendix* 256 negro homes were visited in all, and in addition to this, 65 of the white women of the town who keep servants, were interview&d as to their experience in dealing with the negro women as employees in the home. Several days were spent in visiting in the negro schools, and reports were also obtained from responsible persons, as to the relation of negro women to the lodge and the church and the extent of their interest in Insurance. Two weeks were spent :n going over the county and city records, to gather data as to tha amount of property owned by negroes, and their cases in the courts RUTH REED. Athens, Ga., May, 1920. •.See Appendix A. CHAPTER I. Population and Property. I. Location and History of Gainesville, Georgia. With the increasing tendency of our Southern population to be come urban, it appears to be clear that any study of race relation ships must take account of the fact that new problems are arising out of the changing conditions; and that if any satisfactory basis of adjustment of affairs between the two races is to be worked out, intensive study must be made of the problems peculiar to the negro in the town. From a glance at the composition of our urban population it will be seen that the problem of the negro in this town is largely a problem of the negro women, not only because it is she who comes into most intimate contact with the whites in their homes, 'but be cause of the greater number of women living in urban communities. The United States census report for 1910 shows that as a whole there is a deficiency of males in the Southern population and an excess of females. In the South Atlantic division there were only 975 males to every 1,000 females, although the proportion of males increased slightly since 1900. The following table will show the relative number of the two sexes in the negro population of Geor gia. TABLE I. Composition of Negro Population of Georgia. Georgia _ _ _ _ Rural communi ties _ _ _ _ _ Urban communi ties _ _ _ Gainesville _ _ _ Male 580,263 477,032 103,231 536 Female 596,724 475,129 121,595 650 No. Males to 1,000 Females 972 1,004 849 824 From this it will be seen that while there is a preponderance of males in the rural population, in the urban communities the women greatly outnumber the men. Gainesville furnishes a favorable field for the study of the problem from this point of view, not only because (as is seen from the table) the disparity in numlbers between the two is greater for urban com munities than in the state at large, .but because there is furnished an opportunity for studying race relationships in a community where the whites are in a position of numerical superiority. .Stone In his Studies of the American Race Problem* has pointed out that * A. H. 'Stone, Studies In American Eace Problem, page 343 7 where the greatest amount of friction between the two races had developed has been in regions where 'the two races were in a posi tion of numerical equality, and that there is least friction when either race is greatly outnumbered by the other. Located at the foot of the iBlue Ridge mountains in the region north of the Black Belt, Gainesville is situated on a high plateau at an altitude of 1,253 feet above sea level, and is surrounded by hills and valleys on all sides except to the ¦=outh and southwest where the land is somewhat more level. -, . Incorporation as a town had taken place more than forty years 'before the Civil War, but at that time there was little more than a few stores, a blacksmith shop, and several dwelling houses, ex tending out Greene Street, the way by which the people came in from the mountains to find a market for their produce. Hall county was not a region of large plantations; very few of the people owned slaves and in 1860 there were only 1,251 slaves in the entire county. Cotton growing was not known to be profitable, and the county was divided up into a number of small farms which were cultivated by their owners, sometimes with the aid of a few slaves, but more often by the family labor. There were a few large planta tions but the number of slaves owned by most of the slave holders was small and the United States census returns show that the num ber of slaves was actually on the decrease, there being 1,336 slaves in the county in 1850, and only 1,2 61 in 1860. The sentiment con cerning slavery is shown by the fact that the delegates who were sent to the 'State Convention to consider whether Georgia should secede from the Union were instructed to vote against secession. In 1860 the population of 'Gainesville was 34 4 of which 19 percent were in slavery, most of thess were house and body servants, al though some of them were field hands living in quarters provided for them by their masters in the town. II. GROAVTH OF NEGRO POPULATION IN GAINESVILLE. The increase in the negro population of the town and the ratio of Whites to Blacks can be seen from Table II. TABLE II. Population of Gainesville Since 1860. Year White Negro %'Whit6 % Negro 1860 344 82 86.7 19.2 1870 407 65 86.2 13.8 1880* 1890 _ _ 2,493 709 77.8 22.2 1900 3,196 1,186 72.9 27.1 1910 4,296 1,629 72.7 27.3 •Not given in- 1S80 census. These figures show a decrease in the proportion of the negro population in the decade immediately following the Civil War with a steady rise in proportion after that date. The drop during the period after the war was probably due to the unsettled conditions following — when many negroes formerly kept as house servants by their masters were no longer retained and those of the field laborers who had been kept in town by their masters moved out Lo be nearer to the land which they cultivated. III. SOURCES AND CAUSE OF GROWTH OP POPULATION. The sources of this growth of population may be seen from the following table which was formed from the report of home makers as to their birth place. TABLE in. Birthplace of Heads of Negro Families. Number born in Gainesville 29 Number born in White Counties 104 Number born in Black Counties 80 Number born in other States 43 Total 256 From this it is seen that the increase in population is largely due to immigration from the white counties. Of late years there has been a disposition for the counties north and west of Hall to discourage the settlement of negroes there and from two counties* ihe negroes have bean driven out. Immigration from other sec tions has been encouraged by the increasing demand for negroes for domestic service with the growth of the wealth of the town and increased opportunities in other lines of industrial life. The growth of negro population from all sources has caused the ratio of negroes to the total population to be slightly increased. The tendency of the population to stabilize itself can be seen from Table IV. The report of the length of residence in Gainesville of the heads of families. TABLE IV. Length of Residence in Gainesville of Heads of Negro Families. Number living in Gainesville less than 1 year 30 Number living in Gainesville 1 to 5 years 43 Number living in Gainesville 5 to 10 years 45 Number living in Gainesville 10 to 20 years 69 Number living in Gainesville over 20 years 69 Total 256 * Dawson and Forsyth Counties. While it is shown from Table III that only 11.3 percent of the home makers were born in Gainesville which prove that there must have been much of restlessness in the period immediately follow ing the Civil War; the rapid growth in the following period seems to have given rise to a relatively stable population. This means much for the growth of good feeling between the races for when the negroes remain for many years in one place they tend to accumu late property, establish churches and social organizations of their own and become peaceful, law abiding, and industrious citizens, and an asset to the community in which they live; whereas, if the popu lation is a roving one, family ties are broken and when the restraints of a settled life are withdrawn, there is much of agitation, arousing of race antagonism and increase of crime. IV. PROPERTY. The fact that the negroes of Gainesville are tending to acquire property in increasing amounts is shown by the steady rise in the per capita wealth as shown by the tax books. TABLE V. Grovrth of Wealth of Gainesville Negroes Compared With Whites. Whites Negroes Year Total Value $2,106,788 Per capita wealth S Increase over Preceding Period Votal value Votal value Per capita wealth Per ccnl increase over preceding peri. 1900 190519111919 3,558,933 4,856,587 5,822,597 $ 659.60 1,113.34 1,130.49 1,355.35 68% 15% 11% $ 16,257 23,25044,876 116,113 $13.70 19.60 27.5471.27 43% 40% 199% From the above it will be seen that while the per capita wealth for whites increased at a much more rapid rate during the period from 1900 to 19 05, that of the negroes began to gain in the follow ing periods, until in the period from 1911 to 1919 the value of negro property in 'Gainesville almost doubled. This phenomenal in crease in the value of property was probably due to the increase in wages due to war time conditions, and to the tendency wide spread among both whites and blacks to invest in real estate. It hardly represents such an increase in savings by the negroes, for many of them have merely bought property which they had not sufiicient funds to pay for, and the transfer of title for property to them has caused the tax books to register a marked increase in wealth. The books show that this gain has mainly been one in property values of small amounts, holdings of from $300.00 to $500.00 which shows the increased tendency on the part of negroes to buy their homes. The table given below will show the value of different holdings for both men and women. It will be noticed that there are in all only 254 negroes owning property, 163 men and 61 women. This 10 means that 30 percent of the men and 10 percent of the women own property on which they pay taxes. TABLE VI. Value of Holdings of Negro Property. Holdings Less than $2.00 value _ $200 to $300 value . $300 to $500 value __ . $500 to $1,000 value $1,000 to $1,500 value $1,500 to $2,000 value $2,000 to $2,500 value . $2,500 to $3,000 value , $3,000 to $4,000 valte . Grand total . Male I Female 48 17 41 37 10 5 1 3 1 163 13 2215 1 61 Total. 5630 63 5211 71 31 224 11 CHAPTER II. Location and Surroundings of Negro Homes. I. Negro Communities. The affairs of the most vital importance to the negro woman are those which affect the condition and surroundings of the home. During the last fifty years changes have taken place in Gainesville which have caused an entirely new type of negro community life to grow up, resulting in reactions upon the home life which have had both good and evil effects. During the early years of the history of the town there was very much less of segregation of the two races than at present. Whites and blacks often occupied the same blocks, the whites on the front streets and the blacks on the back streets, and alleys. Almost every street had its settlement of negroes near it, the negroes who were engaged in domestic service seeming to prefer being near to their work. Then, too, it was quite a common affair for servants to oc cupy houses to the rear of tne homes at the people for whom they worked. The white and negro children often played together, and the negro children helped with the work around the white home and aided in the cultivation of the garden. During the years after the Civil 'War, there grew a feeling of estrangement between the races after the old relationship of master and servant was broken up, and the negroes were shut out from some parts of the life of the whites in -which they had previously shared. A strong feeling of race conscioU'Sness developed among the negroes, and a desire to obtain for themselves and their race all the privileges of life which they had not enjoyed under the regime of slavery. They began to organize their own churches and schools, and these could best be maintained when all members of the race were in a compact community. The Southeast side of town was gradually given over to the negro settlements, and Athens Street which runs north and south through that section of the town became the center of the business and social life of the ne groes. College Avenue, Summit, High, and Myrtle Streets which run east and west across Athens Street, were occupied by the ne groes on those parts of the streets which lay east of Athens Street some sections of those' streets west of Athens Street which were formerly occupied by the whites. Atlanta Street, a new street run ning from South Bradford to Athens 'Street, was soon taken up with negro houses, the whites occupying only a few houses at the western extremity of the street. The southern end of Race and Pryor Streets running north and south were populated in the same way and there was developed a compact settlement known to the whites as "Negro Town." Here they have their own theatre, barber shop, restaurants, boarding house, grocery stores, and garage. A new brick office 12 building contains the offices of the negro dentist. Insurance agents, hair dresser, and physician. The public school -building is located almost at the center of this section and their churches are all on this same side of town, with the single exception of the First Bap tist church which still remains on West High Street where there was in the earlier days quite a settlement of negroes. They have developed their own leaders, they maintain two negro physicians fnd a dentist; they have their own insurance agents who give their entire time to the selling of insurance to the negroes, and three of their churches maintain resident pastors who give most of their time to work among their people. But with all these advantages there are some disadvantages to the negro from this process of segregation. A community with a life apart from the remainder of the town has grown up, and with little contact from the whites, except that in the industrial world. The old friendly feeling between the races is giving way to one of suspicion as each race withdraws more and more to itself. The negro women who are engaged in domestic service are often forced to go from one extremity of the town to the other in order to get to their work. It is commonly known that police regulations are not as strictly enforced in "Negro Town" as in other sections and there is much more of fighting, shooting, and general disorder than in any of the white districts. Serious moral and social crimes are ignored and sanitary conditions are permitted to exist which men ace the lives of the negroes of the whole community, and through those engaged in domestic service, the welfare of many white families. The section occupied by the negroes is not less healthful, or in ferior in location to any other part of town. It takes up the whole southeast side and occupies about the same proportion of hill and level stretch as the north or west side. Several of the streets are merely continuations of those occupied iby the whites and are in no worse condition than in the white section. However some of the narrow streets and alleys, which run off the main streets, some of which are nearest to the white section, have the houses so closely crowded together that there is no possibility of healthful living. Generally it seems to be true that the broader streets are occupied by the more prosperous and intelligent negroes, while the alleys near the white sections are occupied by the more thriftless and ig norant members of the race. II. Small Groups and Isolated Houses. Small groups and isolated houses of the negroes in the white section are becoming less common every year. At present there is a small settlement on the Gainesville Midland Railroad at the ex treme southern end of the town and a smaller settlement of only a few houses on East Grove Street at the back of the Main Street Public School. There are a few isolated houses but a strong feel- 13 ing seems to exist among both whites and blacks that the good feeling between the rates is better preserved by having the blacks in a section of their own. In at least one instance there was such a strong feeling of objection to the presence of a settlement of negroes on Johnson Street in the southwest district of the town, that the negroes felt themselves obliged to move over into "Negro Town." The objection to the presence of the negroes was based upon the fact that the negroes were very much given to visiting among themselves in the evenings after work; and that conversa tion, dancing, and singing was often prolonged until late at night ending in fighting and shooting, much to the disturbance of the One of the Poorer Type of Negro Homes in Gainesville. peace of the whites living near. Some of the whites, however, de plore this segregation of the blacks, seeing that it is a source of great inconvenience to the housekeeper, since many of the cooks live so far away that they cannot arrive in time to get breakfast; and, in the case of washerwomen the clothes often have to be car ried and gone far.* With all these difficulties the negro women are less inclined to enter domestic service. III. Surroundings of Negro Homes. The surroundings of some of the negro homes are deplorable, especially those in the narrow streets and alleys. The lots here * Tlie street car lines do not approach near enougn to the negro section of town to be of any great service. 14 are small and with all the accumulation of boxes, old chicken coops, fire wood, and rubbish of various kinds there is not left much to complete the scene of disorder. There is often a "wash house" with its accompaniment of clothes lines, with the well near by; and since the wash tubs are emptied into the yard without reference to the drainage, the menace to the health of the inmates is incalcula ble. In only 39 of the homes visited was there reported any connection with the city water supply, and in one case it was found that as many as five families were using from one well. On one street where tke condition of the homes was especially bad it seemed to be the rule for four families to use the same well. In such cases there was seen to be very little regard shown for the condition of the surroundings of the well, the bucket was often leaky and several efforts would have to be made before a supply of water could be secured, that which leaked out in the meantime adding to the already decayed condition of the well curb. Waste food and water are generally thrown into the back yard; and a pig or cow often kept under conditions that seemed to furnish fit cases for the visit of a sanitary inspector. One housekeeper ex hibited a brood of chickens that she had raised in the house and many reported that chickens were kept under the house. In almost every case they seemed to be free to entsr the house and a very frequent admonition to one of the younger children, during the time that the round of inspection was being made was to "Run shoo the chickens out of the house," if their presence was noticed at all. In not every case however, did insanitary conditions prevail where a pig or chicken were kept. In a good many cases the owners belonged to the thriftier class, those who were anxious to better their condition; and the sur roundings were often clean and perfectly sanitary. Contrasting with the carelessness exhibited about the premises of many homes of poor condition were the homes of the more well-to-do and industrious negroes with their well kept premises, graveled walks, and trim hedges or fences. There were often in the same immediate community where conditions were vilest, but more often the members of this class formed little groups to themselves on the different streets. Investigation showed that all of the negro homes visited have outside privies that are the greatest drawbacks to sanitary condi tions. Especially were those in the narrower streets dangerous, for they were often as near to the home as the city regulation would permit, and, as in the case of wells, were generally used by more than one family. In many of the better class of homes the privies were well kept and one of the families expressed regret that there was no provision made for their people to have sewerage connec tion. 15 CHAPTER III. Condition and Size of the Negio Home. I. Condition of Negro Homes. Conditions within the home were not always an improvement upon conditions without. In some cases a condition of indescribable filth prevailed. Washing was not infrequently done within the houses or on the porches during the time that the homes were being visited, and the dampness of the floor, the presence of soiled clothes; 'and in rainy weather, the damp clothes hung across one corner of the room to dry, added to the unpleasantness of the at mosphere. Broken window panes were mended by tacking a strip of paper across them or by stuffing old garments into the opening. In one instance where only one fire was maintained, washing, cook- mg, and ironing were all going on in the same room under atmos pheric conditions of which the owners of the clothes that were be ing laundered must certainly have been ignorant. The most poorly kept homes were those of the women who worked away from home all day. Some of these were engaged in domestic service that required their entire time; others were en gaged as scrub-women at the mills, depots, or other places, and worked from eight to nine hours a day. Not all of these homes were poorly kept for there was some times an older daughter or a grand mother who kept the home in fair condition, but the general condi tion of this class of homes was bad. At one place there were found three small children, all under six years of age, at home by them selves. They reported that their mother worked at New Holland Cotton Mill, and that the older children were all in school. When asked of their father, the older one reported, "He don't work none. He's a Preacher." The condition of this home was pitiable. Pieces of wood and chips were scattered over the floor and the one window which the room afforded, was so covered by the pieces of curtain stuffed into the broken panes, that the room was very dark. Here the children were left to themselves for the greater part of the day. The homes of the women who "cook out" presented a much bet ter appearance than those who work away from home during the entire day or than of those who take in washing, very few of them cook more than two -meals a day and are therefore free to spend the time from 3 o'clock or thereabout in their own homes. This not only gives them an opportunity to keep their homes in fairly good condition but permits them to be at home during the time that the children are out of school. Very few white people realize that there are in "Negro Town" many homes maintained by honest, industrious, peaceful negroes, whose women never go out to service, but give their entire time to the care of their homes and the rearing of their children. These 16 homes are clean, orderly, and often well furnished, and the children are respectful ^nd obedient; there is evidenced among this class a disposition to speak politely to the whites with whom they come in contact and from them there is least of what is known as "Ne gro impudence." The following table will show the condition of the homes classi fied with reference to the occupation of the housekeeper. TABLE AIL Condition of Negro Homes -with Refei-ence to the Occupation of the Housekeeper. No work except in own home Remaining home part of day Away from home all day Taking work in the home _ . Good 1 % |Fair % Bad % 39 50 21 52 10% 29% 26 35 10 29 35%T5% 37% 40% 12 6 17 22 13%15%73%31% From this it will be seen that of those women who devote their entire time to the care of their homes 5 2 per cent keep good homes, and only 13 percent keep bad homes, while of those who are away all day, there was not one whose home could be classed as good, while 73 percent of them were in bad condition. From this it will be seen that if the negro children of Gainesville are to have homes, in which ideas of cleanliness and order are to be developed an in- erasing number of the negro women must remain in the home. This would be to the advantage of whites as well as negroes, for if good ideals of home life and efficiency in house-keeping were taught in the negro home the task of the white housekeeper in training those who come to her as servants would be much less arduous than at present. But it will be seen from the table that 15 percent of the women who give their entire time to their homes, have homes that are properly classed as bad. Indeed some of the most poorly kept homes belonged to women who reported that they "don't do no work." Frequently these women would not be found in their own homes, but, especially in the afternoons, would be visiting with a neighbor. They often have the idea that work is degrading to them, and they seem to have lost all sense of responsibility for performing any sort of useful labor after the necessity for earning their own living was removed at the time of their marriage. It is such ones as these who are guilty of the grossest impudence to white women who come into the community to employ servants. One woman upon inquiring as to where she might find some one to cook, was told to "go home and look in the mirrow." To the same inquiry another negro wom'an replied that she knew of no one who wished employment as a cook, but that if the ivhlte woman found such a one, she would appreciate having the opportunity to see her, as she herself desired to employ some one for the kitchen. From this it 17 will be seen that something more than the opportunity to remain in the home fs necessary. Some training in what constitutes goo home life, morality, and decency of conduct must be taught before the remaining of such a class of women in the house can be any thing but harmful. Some of this the negroes themselves could un dertake through their lodges and their organizations, m the churc , and the public school should reach a greater number with its train ing in domestic science and art. . The practice of the negro women to ask to do all of their wor In the mornings and return to their homes in the afternoon seem to be a step in the right direction, if these women devote, their time to the care of their homes after their return. If the work m the average white home were well organized and the help efficient, it could be done in four or ffve hours of the forenoon, and the serv ants dismissed for the remainder of the day. The figures given in Table VII show that 85 percent of the women who spend a part of the day at home keep their homes in good or fair condition. Serv ants coming from homes such as these, are likely to be more effi cient and less frequently carriers of diseases which are bred in filth. Of those taking in work, 31 percent keep homes that are in bad condition while only 29 percent are in good condition. It is from this source that there appears to come the greatest meniace to the health of the white people, for their clothes are often carried into homes where people are sick with contagious diseases, and with the ignorance of the average negro woman as to the simplest rules of precaution against infection, there seems little doubt that much cf the spreading of diseases is due to this source alone. At one place where the home was in fairly good condition, and the mother was heating irons before an open fire, one of the girls of the family sat shivering in the same room and reported that she was sick with the "flues." When remonstrance was made that she was likely to en danger the health of others by sitting near the clothes she protested that she did not believe the disease was "catchhin." Such a, condi tion could be partly remedied by instruction in the elementary rules of hygiene, and sanitation, but there would probably still be a large number who would be too careless to take the necessary precaution to safeguard the health of those for whom they worked. Since it would be impossible to inspect the homes of those doing laundry work, it would seem to be the wisest plan to prohibit the taking of laundry work to do in the negro homes and to provide public wash houses where the negro women could go to do their work for a nominal fee, and where adequate sanitary inspection could be made. Besides safeguarding the health of the whites, this would relieve the negro woman of having to do her work in a home that is al ready over crowded and under circumstances that make it impossi ble to maintain her home in decency or to do properly the work that is given her to do. 18 II. Size of Negro Homes. There seems to be a direct relation between the crowded condi tion of the negro home and manner in which they are kept. Aside from the carelessness and ignorance upon the part of the negro housekeeper, it is not easy to regulate the affairs of a household of four or five in three rooms in such a manner as to have the house present an attractive appearance at the same time that washing taken in, must be done in the house or on the porch as is the case in bad weather. A study of the homes show that as a rule those with the greatest number of rooms are better kept than those where con ditions are more crowded. TABLE Vin. Relation Between Size and Condition of Homes. Good % Pair % Bad % Av. No. Persons Per Room 1 room house - 1 33H 2 66y, 1.5 2 room house _ _ 9 20 28 60 8 25 1.33 3 room house _ _ 14 24 22 31 21 45 1.24 4 room house _ _ 14 18 39 52 22 30 1.02 5 room house _ - 9 52 6 30 2 13 .86 6 room house _ _ 4 50 2 25 2 25 .61 7 room house _ 2 40 3 60 .57 8 room house _ _ 1 100 .45 9 room house _ _ 1 100 .28 Prom this it will be seen that there is very little over-crowding among the Gainesville negroes, so far as the average number to the room is concerned. By far the most common type of home is the four room cottage, which type is occupied by more than 75 percent of the negro people. It will be noticed that of the four room cottages 70 per cent are classified as good or fair, while of the three room houses only 55 percent are classed as good or fair. However the families occupying only two rooms show 80 percent classed as good or fair, but this is probably due to the type of a large number of these families, which consist of husband and wife, both of whom work out; or of husband and wife and one child with the wife giving all her time to the home. Of the cottages with five rooms 87 per cent were classified as good or fair, but these were generally owned by the people living in them and this had its bearing upon the manner in which they were kept. Table IX will show the relation between the ownership of homes and the condition in which they are kept. TABLE IX. Relation Between Ownership of Home and Condition. Good % |Pair 3169 %3947 |Bad 2230 % Occupied by owners _ _ _ _ _ Occupied by renters 3134 3923 1641 19 III. Rent. As has -been pointed out 'before, there is a marked tendency on the part of the negroes to purchase their own homes. This is due largely to the desire for ownership and prolbably also to the high price of rent. Investigation showed that the average rent for the three room cottage was $6.45 and for the four room cottage $7,29 per month. As the tax books show that these houses are valued at from $300 to $500, this represents a return of about 30 percent on the investment. Evidently negro rental property is a profitable investment for in most instances there seems to be very little spent for improvement or repairs. In many cases leaks in the roof ex:isted and the houses presented a general delapidated -—- — . s. Home of Well-to-do Gainesville Negro. appearance. In some cases the negroes improve the property which comes into their possession, as is shown from the fact, that of the 120 painted houses, 52 percent were those occupied by the owners. Of the 65 houses found to have screens, 5 3 percent were those oc cupied by the owners. In some cases houses renting for the same amount as the less attractive ones were in much better condition than the average. These were of course secured by the more en terprising negroes, while the others seemed content to take such as rem.ained to them. The cause of high rent could be partly explained when the con dition of some of the rented houses was thoroughly investigated. In one case a new house, screened and freshly painted occupied by 20 renters was found to be in such a condition of filth within, that it was easily seen that if the house was occupied for any length of time by that class of occupants there would be a great deterioration in value. Owners of negro rental property complain that pieces of dwellings are often torn off to be used as fuel and that fences are invariably knocked down, and that if fruit trees or shade trees exist on the premises, they are so badly used that they soon out Uve their period of usefulness. Under such circumstances they are forced to charge a high rent in order to save any return at all on their investment. 21 CHAPTER IV. Employment of Negro AVomen. I. Classification of Occupations. The United States census reports for 1910 show that there are 650 negro families in Gainesville and reckoning that 60 percent of these are above 15 years of age there are about 390 adult negro women in the town. Investigation showed that of these 183 or 46 percent are engaged in gainful occupation. While this indicates that a large persent of the negro women are still at least partly self supporting, it represents an immense change since the period of the Civil War. At that time there was probably not one negro woman in the entire town or county who gave her time wholly to the care of her home and children for those who were not used as field hands were engaged in domestic service in the homes of their masters.* While the entry of which women into fields of occu pation outside the home represents a new departure since the ante bellum days, the withdrawal of the negro women from occupations outside the home to_ become housewives represents a movement just as novel and destined to produce just as great changes upon the social and economic life of the town. The following table will show the distribution of the negro women in the different fields of occupation. TABLE X. Occupations of Negro Women. Professional and Business. Teachers 10 Trained nurses 6 Hair dressers 8 Music teachers 2 iSeamstreesss 2 Insurance 4 Storekeepers 4 Restaurants 4 Total ^ 38 — 19% grand total Hotel and Domestic. Cooks 42 Maids 28 Nurses 15 Waitresses 12 Washerwomen 47 Scrubwomen 12 Total 156 — 81% grand total * T. J. Woofter, Negroes of Athens, Georgia, 1912. 22 11. (Standing of Professional and Business AA'omen in Community.) The place of the negro women in community as teachers and as insurance agents will be discussed in the Chapters on Education, Lodges'" aild Insurance. There were 6 reported as trained nurses, although only two of these were graduate nurses from institutions recognized as creditable by the members of their race. The others had more or less training under those who were more skilled. All were greatly respected in their communities and their services in time of sickness highly regarded. They are often employed by the lodges to care for their members during their illness, as well as by the better class of negroes to care for their families when such care is needed. The average compensation is $12.00 per week, including board. One might assume that regard for personal appearance is the ruling passion of the negro woman's life when 8 percent of their number in the small community reported themselves as "hair dressers" by profession. Be it said, by way of explanation how ever, that only three of these devote their entire time to the duties of their "profession," the others having additional work which oc cupies a considerable portion of their time. One was found to combine the duties of seamstress and hair dresser; another per formed this work as a diversion from her duties as out of town school teacher; three others gave most of their time to the care ot their homes. The three who devote their entire time to the work flnd steady employment in Gainesville. One of these occupies two rooms in the Travis building, a neat brick building which was erect ed by one of the enterprising negro men, to serve as an office build ing. She conducts her affairs in a business-like manner and reports an income of about $8 per week over and above expenses. The in come of the others varies from $2 to $6, according to the amount of time they devote to the work. Some of these do little more than sell hair preparations for well established companies but others lay claim to performing all the duties appertainihg to their professions, including the now popular one among Ihe negroes of making the hair straight. The music teachers are women who have no other employment except the care of their homes and who give a ;portion of their time to teaching music as a means of supplementing the family income. They are highly respected in the community and are often ot great service in preparation of church and school entertainments. The seamstresses flnd ample employment in sewing for the people of their communities, and from the demand made upon them it would seem to be a profitable line of work for others of the negro women to enter. There were found to be 4 storekeepers and 2 restaurant keepers, of those who keep -store two are proprietors and two were engaged •Chapters VII and VIII. 23 as clerks in small grocery stores. One of the proprietors had been in business for about 33 years, and seemed to have made quite a success of her business, having become owner of three dwelling- houses, in addition to her store. The others seemed to be fairly prosperous, although the stores run by the negroes were not pat ronized to the same extent as the white stores in the community. partly because the negroes do not keep so good nor so extensive a line of goods, and partly because of the suspicion on the part of the negroes of the members of their own race. The restaurants ara dirty and unattractive in appearance and often have around them an un desirable class of negroes. Type of Restaurant Kept by Gainesville Negro Women. Domestic Service. From Table X, it will be seen that 81 percent of the negro women engaged in the gainful occupations are those in domestic service. This has always been and continues to be the chief form of employ ment open to negro women. While there was no professional class among the women at the end of the war there was a considerable group of well trained, highly skilled domestics that have probably never been surpassed. As has been pointed out in another study made of the negroes of Athens,* domestic service in the days before the war was considered a privilege by the slaves and only the more intelligent were selected for house servants. These were given * T. J. Woofter. Negroes of Athens, Georgia, page 43. 24 thorough training under the supervision of the mistress of the home and a life time of service in the same capacity resulted in most efficient performance of duty. After the war a number of these well trained servants were retained in the families of their former owners but training and service were now voluntary; and after the supply of servants trained in ante-bellum days began to be exhausted the quality of domestic service declined. This was due to the lack of training on the part of the younger negro women as well as to the fact that many of the better class ceased to go out to service and gave themselves to the care of their own homes. One of the most frequent causes of complaint against servants is the shortness of the time of service in each place. Housekeepers com plain that negro girls and women wishing employment come to them utterly ignorant of the duties they are expected to perform and yet demanding the wages usually given to experienced servants. Forced to take them on their own terms they remain hardly long enough to become familiar with their duties and then pass into some other form of service or quit work altogether and another raw recruit has to be trained in. In fact so short has become the term of service in Gainesville and so unsatisfactory its character that many house wives have despaired of getting anything approaching efflicient service and prefer to do their own work. Reports of the number of changes during 1919 may be seen from the following table. TABLE XI. Length of Time Employed of Gainesville Servants. Number employed less than 3 months 26 Number employed 3 months to 6 months 11 Number employed 6 months to 1 year 9 Number employed 1 year to 2 years 5 Number employed 2 years to 5 years 9 Number employed 5 years to 10 years 3 Number employed over 10 years 6 This shows that 39 per cent of the negro women employed during 1919 served less than 3 months in one place. In fact the term of service is much shorter in many cases, the servants remaining only a week or two and then leaving without offering an excuse. This is partly explained by the fact that many negro women enter the service with no expectation of working longer than a few weeks, with the desire to earn a few dollars for the purchase of some article of clothing which the husband or father cannot afford to give them. They enter domestic service until the desired sum is se cured and then return again to their homes. Others come in from the country to work during the time that they are not needed in the crops, but return again as soon as the busy season begins. Still others give no reason for their frequent changing of positions ex cept that they get tired, "just want a change," etc. That the amount of wages has some effect upon the length of the 2 5 period of service will be seen from the following which seems to in dicate that a higher wage will hold servants for longer periods. TABLE xn. Relation Between Wage and Length of Service of Negro Servants. Wage. Average term of service. Those earning $3 to $4 3.1 months Those earning $4 to $5 12 months Those earning $5 or more* 4 years Another cause of the short term of service and the general un satisfactory condition of the servant situation is the habit which the white women have of bidding against each other to secure the best servants. Once a servant establishes a reputation for effi ciency, the women in the community become anxious to secure her and not infrequently will take her from another woman's kitchen by the promise of a slightly increased wage. This makes the servant independent in attitude for good places are always open to those who are efficient workers. In a classification of causes given by housekeepers and negro servants as to the cause of servants leaving positions, the desire for higher wages occurred most frequently as will be seen from the following ta'ble. TABLE Xin. Classification of Causes of Servants Withdrawal. A. Given by Housekeepers."* I. Discharged. (1) "Toting", 4. (2) Irregularity, 3. (3) Inefficiency, 3. (4) Wastefulness, 4. II. Voluntary withdrawal. (1) Better wages,, 8. (2) To remain at home, 3. (3) Without excuse, 6. (4) Desire to change, 4. B. Given by -Negro Servants. (1) Better wages, 8. (2) Violation of contract, 5. (3) Overwork, 6. (4) -Unkindness, 4. (5) Tired of work, 3. (6) To remain at home, 4. (7) "Just for change", 4. The desire to remain at home due to the developing home life of the negroes has already been discussed and the question of "toting" will be taken up in a later section. Irregularity is much complained of by the housekeepers who say that the servants stay away for trivial causes, or for no cause at all; often leaving them without * These figures obtained under ths World War conditions. ¦• See Appendix 2. 26 help at a time when they need it most, e. g. when there are guests in the house. Complaint is also made that servants have no sense of responsibility and will use unlimited amounts of fuel and supplies unless carefully supervised. Under the head of violation of contract are included those causes for withdrawal given by negro women because of having been forced to do more work than was bargained for at the time the wage was agreed upon. Here they state that when employed as cooks they are asked to perform the duties of chambermaid, nurse, etc. They say that at the beginning of their term of service the housekeeper requires only those duties stipulated in the agreement, but that gradually other duties are added until a servant finds herself per forming the work for a whole household for the same wage for which she agreed to cook.* This shows the growing tendency for the servants to wish to perform only one kind of service and so far as it leads to an agreement between housekeeper and servant as to the work to be performed it is perfectly justifiable, for if the house keeper desires the wage to be fixed as a definite sum of money and to do away with the old wasteful system of compensation by giving food and clothes, she should be willing to define explicitly the duties to be required of her servant for this fixed wage and to demand no additional duties without further compensation. Another cause for withdrawal given by servants, is that of over work. They state that the housekeeper gives them no encourage ment to finish their work early in the day, for if they are industrious and finish the usual tasks, she will find them something else to do, not satisfied unless they are thoroughly busy during the entire num ber of hours that they have agreed to remain. Added to this, they state that the housekeeper is often fastidious about her work, speak ing sharply to them about any little omission of duty. Of course this is often made a ground of complaint against the most efficient and economical housekeepers who are merely careful in directing their household affairs. Generally the servants wage includes meals and they complained in at least three instances that these were not sufficient for their needs and that they were forced to cook again upon returning to their homes. They state that they are often forced to walk a mile or two across town to the home at which they work before preparing breakfast and that the light meal which is con sidered sufficient for the members of the white family is not suffi cient for them and that they are not allowed to prepare anything more substantial for themselves. In other cases they state that an insufficient amount of food was measured out for them to cook and that after the family had eaten there was not enough left for them. * In one ease a negro woman said that she had been asked to do scrubbing which was humiliating to her. 27 (IV. Service Basket.) The effect of the service basket or of "toting" on the situation has been discussed at great length by all who have made any study or the servant problem. Dating back to slavery days when the cook carried to her children in the cabin a supply of food from the kitchen ot her mistress, the negro servants here have always felt more or less free to carry to their homes such of the supplies of the white family as they or their children needed. This practice has dimin ished with time, but is still carried on with more or less freedom according to the amount of supervision the white women give to their household affairs. During the early days, it was understood that the wage paid the servant was not sufficient to maintain her and her family, and more or less of "toting" was expected; but ot late years, there has been a desire on the part of the white people to commit the wage of servants to a definite sum of money and put a stop to the uneconomical practice of compensation by allowing food to be carried home. This has resulted in an increase of wages for the negro women and an increasingly insistent demand upon the part of the white housekeepers that no food be carried off from the kitchen. The greater the increase in wage the more effective has this demand become and the more inclined have the negroes been to obey it, but when a low scale of wage prevails the negro woman still persists in carrying home with her food sufficient to feed her children. The relation between the scale of wages and the practice of "toting" can be seen from the following table made up from the reports of eleven white housekeepers. TABLE IX.* Relation Between Wage of Negro Servants and Service Baskets. Wage. No. Carrying Service Baskets. $3.00 to $4.00 per week 6 $4.00 to $5.00 per week 4 $5.00 or over 1 From this it will be seen that of those carrying service baskets over 54 percent earn less than $4.00 per week. (V. Washerwomen.) By far the largest number of those engaged in domestic service are washerwomen. This is the preferred form of work with the negro women, because they can do the work in their own home, without supervision, and can if necessary interrupt their work to attend to their household affairs. This kind of work is most fre quently undertaken by women who are not forced to earn their living entirely, but who find it necessary to supplement the family Income by some work of their own. Some, however, earn their * Obtained from s-tatements given by white housekeepers. 28 living in this way, and do a tremendous amount of work, some of them who do laundry for the college students, reporting that they often work far into the night. This brings them considerably more income than those who go into the white homes receive, but this is partly offset by the high cost of fuel as will be shown in the chapter on Expenditures. The income of washerwomen can be seen from the following table, made up from the reports of those washer women who were interviewed. TABLE X. Income of AV^asherwomen.* Number earning less than $2.00 4 Number earning $2.00 to $4.00 21 Number earning $3.00 to $5.00 4 Number earning $5.00 to $7.00 6 Number earning $7.00 to $10.00 3 Number earning over $10.00 3 Total 41 Fvum staten;e-jts given by washerwomen themselves. 29 CHAPTER V. Income and Expenditures of Negro Families. It was not possible in most cases to ascertain with any degree of accuracy the income of negro families for the negro women state that their incomes vary so much from week to week that it is diffi cult to determine the average. Especially is this true of the washer women who sometimes find their entire income cut off for several weeks during the worst part of the winter when their expenses are heaviest. Again most of the cooks receive, their meals in addition to their wage and the value of this is difficult to estimate. And the men of the family are often engaged in occupations which do not furnish steady employment and their contribution to the sup port of the family is in many cases irregular. Besides this, there are often sources of income which are not reported, for example, the railroad men re,ceive their wood in addition to their wages, and this was not always mentioned as a part of the family income. Therefore any estimate of the income of negro families is neces sarily inaccurate. As far as could be estimated from the reports of 12 6 families it was found that the average income of the negro families of Gainesville is between $500 and $600 per year. This is often made up of the wages of several different members of the family, the father, the mother, and several of the children. It was found that of the 126 families making any report of income and expenditures 35 were supported by the father alone, 20 were supported by the mother alone, and 71 were living on a composite income of wages of several members of the family. The expenditures of negro families were far more difficult to estimate than their income. Generally no idea was entertained as to the amount expended for food, clothing, or fuel. Little discrimi nation or foresight is exercised in buying, the custom in the ma jority of the families seeming to be to send to the store and buy their supplies in small quantities day by day as they are needed, no account of the sum paid for any one article during a month being kept. In most eases they do not ask the price of the food bought, but merely go into the store and state that they wish to buy 25c or 50c worth of the article desired. Except in cases where a stand ard quantity is sold at once e.g. 2 5 or 5 0 pounds of flour, there is no opportunity for taking advantage of differences in prices. In most cases the quality of the article is not even investigated before buying, although the obtaining of goods of an inferior character causes the negroes to change their place of buying. In cases where the mother works away fromi home the income is most unwisely spent. -Here the buying is often delegated to a younger member of tfie family and food of an inferior quality and poor nutritive value is bought in small quantities. Those of the 30 women who remain in their homes and who give their entire time to its management exercise more foresight and buy far more pru dently than any other group. In many cases, however, all the sup plies are bought by the man of the family, and when this is the case they are bought in larger quantities. The following table will show the manner in which the income is spent by the different classes of homes with respect to the buying of food. TABLE XA'I. Food Buying of Negro Families. JBuying by day|Week|Month Families supported by fathers _ _ _ _| 8 I 23 | 4 Families supported by mother _ _ _ _| 14 (61 Families supported by composite income] 46 I 25 | From this it will be seen that the largest per cent of those buying their supplies by the day are among those supported by the mother and their enjoying a composite income. While those buying more prudently, are those families supported by the father. The small number of those who buy by the month is most likely due to the fact that negroes rarely ever get sufficient funds on hand at once to buy a whole months supplies. A great many families are allowed little or no credit at the stores, and since all supplies must be paid for in cash they are forced to buy in small amounts. This failure of the negro to enjoy the confidence of the whites in (business relations causes him to have to pay his rent by the week instead of by the month, and causes his home to be fairly beseiged on Monday morn ing by those who come to collect the rent, the insurance premiums, the payment on the furniture, etc. However, these collectors report that they lose very little from the negroes and that in most cases the negroes are generally ready with the money. The income and expenditures of a fairly typical negro family is given below. The family consists of father and mother and three children and is supported by the savings of both parents, the fathei being a team driver and the mother a washerwoman. Income. Father's income per month $52.00 Mother's income per month 24.00 Total 76.00 Expenditures. Amount spent for food $12.00 Amount spent for rent 8.00 Amount spent for fuel 12.00 Amount. spent for insurance 16.00 Miscellaneous 28.00 Total ^•- 76.00 From this it will be seen that the expenditure for food is only 31 10 percent of the total expenditures of the family. As has been pointed out in a former study of the negroes of Athens, Georgia,* this compares unfavorably with the laboring classes of other nations where their higher standards of living cause them to spend the bulk of their income for food. The question of rent has been taken up in another section. As much is spent for fuel as is spent for food especially in the home where laundry is done. Wood is the fuel most commonly used, and the average washerwoman buys her fuel by the week, having an ar rangement with some farmer in the country near by to bring her wood at $2.50 or $3.00 per load. It is needless to say that the size of the loads varies considerably without any corresponding variation in price and that much money is wasted by the negro family by not buying their wood by the cord and having a considerable supply put in at once. It will be seen that the amount paid for insurance is more than the amount paid for food. This would seem to be indicative of re- . markable foresight and concern for the future upon the part of the negroes but investigation shows that it is merely due to his habit of "joining" and that many of them have been paying heavy premiums for several years without receiving any benefit and merely continue the paying from force of habit. It was impossible to secure an estimate of the amount spent for clothing with anything like approximate accuracy but in most cases it formed a 'high per cent of that total expenditure of the family. It was not uncommon to find that washerwomen and cooks spend aa much as $15 for a pair of shoes and are owners of furs and Jewelry of considerable value. Added to the amount that she pays to the hair dresser and to the "canvassing lady" who sells various toilet articles and cosmetics, the amount spent by the average negro woman for personal adornment is considerable. The habit of buying second hand clothes seems to be diminishing with the increased earnings of the negro families, and with the decreasing willingness on the part of the whites to clothe their servants with gifts, the cost of cloth ing is advancing. Much of the waste and unwise expenditure of the negroes could be eliminated by giving the negro women some education along the line of home economics. Very often the food bought is expensive, and has little nutritive value. In one case it was found that the family spent $1.00 per day for fresh meats and when further inquiry was made into the family bill of fare, it was found that it included few vegetables or fruits but that the chief article of diet was bread and meat. The negro, too must be made to realize the importance to himself of acquiring property and education, and .supporting those agencies in his community which make for the uplifting of his race. What is possible for the race may be represented by the budget ' T. .T. Woofter, Negroes of Athens, Georgia. 32 -•1 another family which is typical ot the best class of negro families. Th s family consists of father, mother, and two children. The family is supported by the father; the mother doing no work outside of the home. They had bought the house in which they were living, and reported that everything over and above running expenses were saved to pay on the home. Per month. Income $72.00 Expenditures. Food 30.00 Fuel 9.00 Insurance 2.00 Miscellaneous 10.00 Savings 21.00 Total $72.00 In most cases the income of the family was found to be sufficient for its needs, but some of the more Ignorant of the washerwomen who were not considered skilled enough to do ironing, but who did only the washing of the clothes reported that they spent for no other items than food, rent, and clothing, and that their income was hardly sufficient to maintain them. One reported that she was un able to live upon what she earned and would suffer actual want were it not for the help of her "neighbor." CHAPTER VI. Health and Morality. I. Comparative Death Rates. From the healthful location of Gainesville one might suppose that the death rate there would be much lower among both races than in the average Southern city, because of the fact that vital statis tics have not been kept in Georgia. It was found to be impossible to make comparisons with other cities where social an deconomic conditions among the negroes are similar to those in Gainesville; but flgures given for some of the -Southern cities Included within the registration area will give an idea of the conditions prevaling among the masses of the negro race in the South. TABLE XVII. Number Deaths Per 1,000 of Population. Cities 1 1910 | 1900 1 Negro White 1 Negro "15.5" ~27.3" White Atlanta 1 25.4 18.6 Charleston 1 39.3 18.9 44.4 22.9 Jacksonville 1 24. 16.8 1 32.8 26.6 Savannah 1 34.1 19.4 1 38.1 23.4 1 23.8 19.3 1 It is found to be true in Gainesville as elsewhere that the death rate among negroes is much higher than among the whites. And the figures for the other cities show that the decrease in the num ber of deaths in the period from 1900-1910 is not as great for ne groes as for whites. Whether this is due wholly to social and eco nomic conditaions or to the greater susceptibility of the negro to disease is not known; but as long as the two races live in such widely different environments one may assume that the bettering of conditions under which the negro lives will lower his death rate. In the negro population as a whole it is found that the average num ber of years lived in the period from 20 to 60 years, which is the productive period of life is 18 for males and 19.9 for females. In the white population the corresponding averages are 27.1 for males and 28.6 for females. Add to this the fact that 261.9 negro children per 1,0 00 die before one year of age as compared to 12 9.7 for the white race one may easily see that this shortening of the productive period and the great loss of life by the abnormally high death rate represents an immense economic loss to both whites and blacks. * The flgures for Gainesville were not given in the census but were obtained from the advance figures for 1019 from the newly begun Bureau of Vit-il Statistics and the United States Census reports from 1910. 34 II. Causes of Deaths. The reports for the Southern cities which are included within the registration area show that more deaths occur from tuberculosis than from any other single cause, there being 176 deaths per 1,000 among the negroes, and 9 8 among the whites from this cause alone. Such reports as could be obtained as to the cause of deaths in Gaines ville show pneumonia to be the greatest single cause of death there; ¦but there were 5 deaths from tuberculosis to 1 among the whites. TABLE XATH. Causes of Deaths Among the Population of Gainesville in 1919. Cause I Negro | White I Male I Female | ilale | Female 3 I 6 I 7~ Pneumonia __ _- __ | 6 Tuberculosis __ __ __ | 1 Influenza __ __ __ __ | 4 ' I 1 114 12 Accident lit ] 4 | 3 Dysentery 2 | 1 ' 2 Heart Disease ______! 2 | 1 I 6 ] 5 Dropsy ill ! 1 | 1 Paralysis f 1 ! 2 1 6 Miscellaneous | 8 j 8 ; 12 | 1^ Total Negroes 39 Whites 83 The usually high death rate from pneumonia is due to the epidemic of influenza which visited the town during the winter of 1919. It is interesting to note that the deaths from diseases of heart are less for the negroes than for the whites. These figures agree with the flgures for the country as a whole and the matter is explained by those who have studied the question by the fact that the negro is less subject to conditions of stress and strain in modern life than is the white man and consequently less given to worry. The insanitary conditions of the surroundings and the poorly kept homes, discussed in a previous section undoubtedly increase the causes for sickness among the negroes, and this has its effect upon the whole community. In one case there was found a negro woman who declared that she was suffering from "lung trouble," and who was apparently dying with tuberculosis; but who had earned as much as 12 per week for laundry as long as she had been able to work. One thing characteristic of the household arrangements of all negro women who work is the irregularity of their meals. Washer women report that they often begin work and continue until late in the morning before having breakfast and then the work is not stopped until mid-afternoon to cook again. These hours vary from day to day, and the disposition to have some quickly prepared food BO as to take the least amount of time from other work results in a low state of health and consequent liability to disease. Negro women who work out often leave home in the morning before pre- 35 paring breakfast and this meal is supplied by food left over from the day before, or by some poorly cooked food prepared by a younger niember of the family. In few cases is the meal properly prepared and very seldom does the whole family sit down to the table together. 64 or about 30 percent of the homes visited report that only two meals per day are served. The United States census reports show that for the South as a whole the death rate is highest among the negroes during January, and next 'highest in July. More deaths probably occur in the winter because living conditions are then harder and fuel more difficult to obtain. Physicians who have practice among iDOth whites and blacks say that negroes are more inclined to follow without question the doctors directions concerning medicine and food, but that con ditions under which they live often make their cases more difficult to manage. Negroes state that their people are frequently not al lowed credit at the drug stores, and the obtaining of medicine dur ing times of illness is sometimes difficult. III. Superstition About Sickness. Cases of superstition as to the cause of diseases as frequently met with occasionally suffering is ascribed to some occult power as in the case of the old woman who declared that the "ole Black Scratch am sho' after me wid all dat misery in my arm." Absurd remedies are also proposed as when another woman suggested that a wasps' nest ground to powder with the young in it and made into a poultice would form an unfailing cure for ear ache. Still another believed that sleeping with a pan of salt water under the bed was a cure for rheumatism -and there seemed to be a pretty general belief that sweeping under the bed would result in the death of the patient. Signs of the approaching death of a relative are seen in flying of a bird through the house, while the coming of a strange cat to stay around the house is'taken to mean the return of health to the sick one, especially if the cat be of several colors. There seems to be in every community some woman with a stock of home made remedies and she is generally called in prior to the summons of a doctor and her remedies applied along with his. Sickness is often ascribed to Divine Providence. And there exists a wide spread belief that neglect of the sick during their illness will cause a like disaster to overtake the one who is guilty of the neglect. Illness of a violent nature always attracts a crowd and the sick in such cases are less likely to be neglected than in cases of lingering illness. IV. MoraUty. Good home life is fundamental to good morals among all races, and as we have seen in previous sections this is just beginning tq develop among the negroes. The fact that a great many women still go out to service and leave their homes for the greater part 36 of the day makes impossible a settled family life in which character can be developed by regularity and good discipline. The absence of true home life is seen in the fact that members of the family seldom take their meals together, and that often those who are at home together at meal time do not sit down to the table, but take their food to sit in the door or before the fire. The looseness of the family ties are seen too in the fact that mothers of large families often do not knowa the whereabouts of their children as in the case ot a mother of eleven who was living with a married daughter but who declared that she knew of the whereabouts of only one other child. "All married and gone. Don't know whar dey are — n'other state I reckon." An effort was made to flnd out whether or not the size of the negro family in Gainesville was increasing and the question was asked of every negro mother Interviewed as to the number of children her mother had. Out of the 222 who were thus questioned, 40 declared that they did not know the number of children in their mother's family. , From the reports which were obtained it was found that the negro mother in Gainesville has on an average 3.9 children, while the mother's of these same women had on an average 8.2 children;- This decrease in the size of the negro family accords with the conditions obtaining in the South at large as will be seen from the table. TABLE XIX. Children Under 5 per 1,000 AA'omen 15 to 44 Years of Age. Negro I White I 1910 [ 1900 I 1910 I 1900 Virginia 545 | 594 | 577 I 591 North Carolina _______ South Carolina __ . Florida — — — — . Georgia 661 I 674 I 675 | 677 654 ! 712 I 647 | 630 486 I 599 I 600 | 639 592 I 663 I 647 | 642 ' Inquiry also showed that the age at which these mothers in Gainesville was 18.9 as compared with 16.2 av. (age at time of marriage of their mothers.) Here again 143 women out of 219 declared that they did not know how old their mothers were when they were married. The decreasing size of the negro family and the tendency of the negro women to wait until later in life to marry should result in higher standards of living and make possible a higher type of home life by keeping the women in the home. - Of present conditions a report of the conjugal condition of the negro mother in Gainesville is as follows: Widows 34 Separated 11 Single 14 Married and living with husbands 178 37 This shows that only 178 or 7 5.1 percent of the women with children have aid in rearing their families. This, of course, means neglected homes and neglected children and presents one of the darkest aspects of negro family life. V. Divorce. Of those separated very few reported themselves as divorced. The court records of the country showed that during 1919 of the 52 suits for divorce only 4 were brought by negroes. This does not argue any greater stability of family life among the negroes but merely indicates that they do not resort to the courts for the settle ment of their family difficulties. Of the four suits brought three were for infldelity and one for cruelty. Many negroes seem un conscious of the fact that a divorce is necessary before entering into marriage again after a separation. And such marriages are en tered Into freely without fear of interference from the -white man's court. VI. Crime. The court records show that in Gainesville during last year (1919) there were arrested 7 8 women of whom 47 were negroes and 29 were white women. The ways in which women most commonly offend against the law may be seen from the table below. TABLE XX. Offenses Against the Law of the Negro Women of Gainesville. Fighting , 14 Disorderly conduct on streets 16 Selling whiskey 3 Late -hours 1 Unlawful assembly 10 Drunk on streets 3 This record shows that disorderly conduct on the streets and fighting are the crimes for which the negro women are most com monly arrested. It is significant to note from the dates of the arrests on the charge of fighting that there are usually made three or four at the same time showing that the fight must have been a com munity affair. These occasions for strife often occur when a num ber of women are visiting at the same house -during an afternoon, and disputes among the children reach such a pitch that the mothers also become involved. Jealousy and gossip form the motive force of others. As shown from the above and from the complaints made about servants, discipline is the great need of negro life, to an extent iiot being given by the home and the school. Servants need to de velop some feeling of responsibility as to the quality of service they render and the importance of regularity and faithfulness to duty. The -disorder and fighting of negro children on the streets and their boisterous ways in their games show that school and home need to 38 be supplemented by some other agency with a disciplinary effect. This could probably be furnished by organizations analogous to the Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts in which ideals of politeness, good work manship, and service to others could be developed. These organi zations could be conducted by the leaders among the negroes, their teachers and college-bred people with the friendly co-operation of the white organizations of the same type. 39 CHAPTER VII. Education. I. Location and History of Negio Schools in Gainesville. At the end of the Civil War, Gainesville had not sufficient popula tion to have a school established by the Freedman's Bureau, but there grew up schools maintained by private agencies which at tracted a great number of the negroes of both sexes. These were at first taught in private homes, but when the negroes began to build churches of their own the schools were moved there and maintained until the beginning of the city public schools in 1892. At that time there were two teachers in the schools which were taught in the First Baptist church and St. Paul's Methodist church. -Soon after the city system was inaugurated, a frame building was erected for the negroes near the Southern depot, and this continued in use until 19 03, when it was destroyed by the cyclone which swept over the town. Again the negro schools were taught in the churches until a new building could be erected. This time it was located on Fair street where it is intersected by Hunter in the center of the negro district. The new four room frame building and the favorable location caused the attendance to increase rapidly until in 1912 two other rooms were added, and the teaching forces increased to six. No work of High School grade is attempted, the eighth grade being used chiefiy for review and more intensive study of the elementary ¦branches. Especially good work is done in analysis of those prob lems in arithmetic which are likely to be met with by the students after leaving school. Besides the publi-c school with its eight grades, there exists in Gainesville, the Northwestern -Normal and Industrial School owned and maintained by the Northwestern Baptist Association of negroes. This school is located on East Myrtle street and consists of two frame buildings, one of which is used for a girl's dormitory and the -other for class room v/ork. The latter is a two-story construction with six large rooms, but only the ground floor is used. The small number of students together with the great amount of room forms quite a striking contrast to the crowded conditions in the public schools. The teaching force consists of the principal and two negro women and while there are only 36 pupils enrolled, the work ex tends over 9 grades. 2 3 of the pupils, 5 boys, and 18 girls are en rolled in the grades from the fifth up to the ninth, with only two girls in the graduating class for this year. Some attempt is made to teach the boys practical agriculture on the 6 acres of land owned by the school and the authorities hope to utilize the unused space of their building to introduce manual train ing at some future time. There are 6 -girls boarding at the girl's dormitory, and they are taught domestic science by the doing of the 40 house work and cooking under the supervision of one of the teachers. Music is taught in the school. The value of the school to the ne groes of the town seems to be in the fact that it furnishes a year or two of additional training to the graduates of the public school and affords a refuge to those who are unwilling to send their children to a free school. For the most part the work is only a duplication of that which is better done in the public school. U. Enrollment and Attendance of the Public Schools. The following table will show the growth in the number of pupils enrolled in the schools 1903-1918. TABLE XXI. Enrollment and Attendance of Public Schools of Gainesville. 1903-1918. Year 1 Enrollment | Average 1 1 Attendance Pupils- per Teacher 1 White 1 Negro | | jMale[Female|Male Female] White|Xegro White j Negro 1903 _ 1908 _ 1913 _ _ 1918 1 402| 389 168 213 520 _| 420| 454 125 187 710 _| 582| 665 1 226 251 | 936 1 640| 678 j 191 254 | 678 137285270 301 495151*8 127 5268 ~ 64 From the above it will be seen that the enrollment of the negroes has increased much less rapidly than for the whites. The former showing an increase of only 16 percent from 1903 to 1918 while the latter enrollment has increased 65 percent. This smaller in crease in enrollment of the negroes is mostly offset 'by the fact that their attendance for 1918 shows an increase of 119 percent over that for 19 03, while that of the whites shows an increase of 307 percent. The failure of the negroes to increase their enrollment must be due largely to the crowded condition of the school as well as to the fact that the school has failed to provide the kind of training which the place of the negro in industry demands. The falling off in the en rollment of the boys is especially marked, there being an actual de crease in the number enrolled in 1908 from the enrollment of 190 3 and another falling off in numbers in 1918. In each case this took place in one of the flve year periods where the conditions in the school were especially congested and just before an addition was made to the teaching force. The figures for 1918 show an average of 64 pupils per teacher, but this does not adequately represent the crowded condition for at the beginning of the term in 1919 the seven teachers enrolled respectively 26, 54, 78, 54, 68, 60, and 100 pupils. In the primary grades where conditions are worst the seat ing capacity is- sufficient for little more than half of the pupils and, the children are crowded together three or four in a seat intended only for two and the desks placed so closely together as to leave almost no aisle between them. Under such circumstances the teacher 41 can do little more than keep order and it is not surprising that the attendance is irregular. The falling off in the enrollment of boys is greater than for that of the girls, because there are not so many offers of positions to girls of school age, and also because many of the parents of the school children appear to believe that there are more openings in life for the educated negro girls than for the boy."* It was observed during the days that the investigator visited the schools that a very large percent of the pupils came late to school especially the girls of the upper grades. This was explained in part 'by the fact that some of the girls go out to service in the mornings before school and in the afternoons, and that often they are delayed in getting to school. Still more likely than this how ever is the disorganized state of the average negro howse where some members of the family leave early in the morning for their work, and others going out later cause the meals to be prepared at irregular hours and the children left to go to school at their pleasure TABLE XXII. Average Age of the Gainesville School Children in the Grades. », Negro White 1 Diff. in Avr. Male] Pern. Avr. Male Pem. | Avr. First Grade _ _ 7.9 7.8 7.8 7.3 7.1 7.2 .6 Second Grade _ 9.5 9.1 9.3 ' 8.4 8.1 8.2 1.1 hird 'Grade _ _ 10.4 9.2 9.8 8.8 8.4 8.6 1.2 Fourth Grade _ 11.8 11.4 11.6 10.2 9.6 9.8 1.8 Fifth Grade 12.4 11.6 112. 11.1 10.5 10.8 1.2 Sixth 'Grade _ _ 13.9 12.6 |13.2 1 1'3.1 13.1 13.1 1.1 Seventh Grade | 16.9 1 13.2 |15.1 13.1 13.1 13.1 2. It will be seen at once that the average age for the negro child is in every case higher than that of the white child, beginning with a slight difference in the flrst grade and in reaching the highest point of difference in the seventh grade. It will also be seen that the average age of the girl is in both races less than that of the boy and that the greatest difference -between the ages of the white boy and the negro girl is less. Whether to account for the difference in age between the school children of the two races by racial dif ferences or by differences in school conditions it is impossible to say; but as long as the school facilities of the two races are not the same, one may assume that a part at least of the retarded develop ment of the negro child is due to lack of equal opportunity in the schools and different social conditions. Observation showed also that the ages of the girls In the different grades not only varied less from the normal age than did the boys and that the difference in age between the youngest and oldest girl ? Principal W. H. Harper thinks this accounts for the withdrawal of manv of the negro boys. 42 was less than that of the corresponding ages for boys. A study of the ages ot the children of two first grades will illustrate this. TABLE XXni. Comparison of Ages of Boys and Girls of First Grade. |6 yrs.|7 yrs.;8 y |M.;F.[M.|P.|M. _ _ 23|23|16|13 24 . - _ 12|27| 71 2 4 rs. 9 yrs.|10 yrs.jll yrs.|12 yrs.|lo yrs. P. M.jP.jM. 1 P. |M. j F. ]M. 1 P.|M.] |P. Negro _ _ White _ . 12 6| 4| 4 3 1| 2; 1 11 1 1 1| 1 1 Thus in the first grade of the negro school the age of the boy varies from 6 to 15, while the majority of the girls are 6 years of age and not one is over 10. The fact is even more evident. In the white school where 27 out of 34 girls are 6 years of age while only 127 out of 28 of the boys are 6, while the oldest is 10. This greater variation in the ages of the boys is seen in all the grades. IV. Expenditures. There are at present nine teachers in the negro school, the princi pal and 8 women teachers. All of these teachers have had some training beyond High School, there being three graduates of Clarke University, one of -Payne College, and the others graduates of various negro academies in the State. All, except two of these, are Gaines ville negro women who received their earlier training in the school In which they are teaching and who understand thoroughly the con ditions of the homes from which their pupils come. They appear to be greatly devoted to their work and although laboring under great difficulties are apparently successful in their teaching. In some of the rooms the children seem to have been well disciplined, and under excellent control, giving immediarte response to every request of the teacher. In all the rooms the opening exercises were excellent, the children entering into the singing with great spirit and listening attentively to the religious features of the exercises. These teachers receive from $290 to $720 annually for their ser vices. The average expenditures per pupil and the average monthly salary of teachers for 1913-1918 may be seen from the following table. T.IBLE XXIA^ Exi)enditures for AATiite and Colored Schools. No. Teachers. Average cost per pupil. Average salary teacher. I w7]GT|Whlte I Colored | White | Colored J I M. I P. I M. I P. 1913 __ _ -124! 7! $1.70 1918 l27| 9| 1.61 .90 1.00 103.33 145. 44.331 78.00 44.001 80.00 $33.33 32.00 It will be seen that while the monthly cost per pupil actually de creased in the period from 1913 to 1918 that of the negroes was slightly increased. It will also be seen that there was a slight de- 43 crease in salary for the women teachers of both races with a slight increase for the males of both races. V. Effect of Schools Upon the Negro Women of Gainesville. The United States census reports for 1910 show that there are in Gainesville 1,273 negroes over 10 years of age and that of these 372 are illiterate. While this represents 29 percent of the negro population as illiterate compared with the 4.1 percent for the- whites, it yet represents an immense gain in literacy for the negroes during the last half century by the reduction of their illiteracy 71 percent. Not only has the illiteracy of the negro women in Gainesville been reduced but investigation showed that there are in the town 31 ne gro women who are graduates of colleges or normal schools of recognized standing among their race, such as Clarke University, "Tuskegee Institute, Payne College, etc. The record of the girl-grad- utaes for the past three years will show that the majority continue their education in order to become teachers and leaders among their race. Record of girl graduates- of Gainesville, 1917-1919. Students in Northwestern High -School 5 .Students in Clarke University : 3 Student Morehouse College 1 Student iSpellman -Seminary 1 Teacher (rural school) 1 Nurse training '¦___ 1' Unknown : 3 15 While this seems to argue that the school does provide for the training of the leaders of the race it will be seen from Table X that only 19 percent of the Gainesville negro women who work away from home as engaged in professional or business pursuits. And that 817 of them are engaged in hotel and domestic service and for work ers in their field almost no training is provided. Domestic science has been introduced into the school and there is one teacher, a graduate of Clarke University who gives her entire time to the work but the training given reaches only those of the upper grades, most of whom, later go to college, and the majority of the girls who go out to service are not affected by it. As the servant problem becomes more acute with the passing from service oi those negro women trained under the regime of slavery ahd during the early years after the war, it becomes evident that some system of training must be built up to supplant the old if even tolerable service is to be obtained. The looseness of family ties among the negroes has heretofore prevented their training from be ing given by the mother to the daughter and now that the condi tions in the average honie are so far from ideal, there is no hope of 44 training being received there. The only solution seems to be the :a' reduction of an efficient system of domestic training into the schools, say, from the third grade up under the supervision of trained workers capable of giving instruction in the fundamentals of domestic science and art, simple principles of household economy and sanitation in the home, as well as training in those moral qualities essential to good service in any line. If such training were introduced with extension work and night classes for over school age it seems reasonable to suppose that there would soon be in ex istence a sufficient number of trained workers for service in the nomes as well as a large group of quiet and sensible negro women giving their time to the care of their own home sand the building up of negro family life. 45 CHAPTER VIII. Lodges and Insurance. I. The Lodge. Lodges for negro women are of later growth than the lodges for negro men but the growing importance of the lodge in the life of the women of the town may be seen from the fact that there are in Gainesville 5 lodges admitting women to membership with a total of 178 women belonging. This does not mean however that there are 178 negro women belonging to lodges for some of them are members of more than one order. Some of these lodges or "house holds" were organized as auxiliaries to the men's organization, and they furnish a social center for the life of the negro women which has a much stronger appeal to them- than the organization of the women within the church. Each of the five lodges carries some provision for sick benefits and all make some provision for burial expenses. In some of the lodges the insurance feature seems to be the chief attraction while in one of them it is reported that sick benefits are sometimes not even claimed because the members are of the well-to-do class of negroes, to whom the social feature of the lodge is the main thing. Membership in the lodges is highly selected, for most of the thriftless and ignorant class are not members, while among those who are leaders in the lodges, are some of the negro women who are 'best known and most highly respected by the whites. The purpose of the organization as expressed in almost every case, is the uplift of the negro race by the promotion of high ideals of home life ac cording to religious principles. It has been questioned whether the lodges promote these ideals but the quality of the membership of the majority of those in Gainesville seem to argue that the lodge either selects the best for membership or that those selected for member ship have been greatly benefitted by their connection with the lodge. About no other aspect of the negro woman's life has there been more of speculation and misunderstanding than about the negro lodge. There seems to exist among the white women of the town a belief that the negro women in their lodges or in some other organization established for that purpose, had formed an agreement as to the amount of work, number of hours, and the wage which they would agree upon with the whites. Some even believe that this organization had prevailed upon its members not to go out to service at all, adopting as its motto the words signified by the title of the organization, W. W. T. K., or AVhite Women to the Kitchen. The existence of such a belief among the white women of the town is encouraged by such impudent replies of the negro women to those seeking servants as "We's got our Union back of us." "We gets instructions from our Union every day," or "we mean for the white 46 women to know what it means to do the work we're been doing." No trace of any such Union was found among the negro women, and from the respectable character of most of the negro women in the lodges, it does not seem probable that such a sentiment is being entertained by them. The existence of this spirit on the part of some negro women is probably due to the coming in from the out side of some negro women from those sections where the feeling be tween the races is anything but friendly and where propaganda among the negroes by interested parties has arraigned them against the whites. That the negro women talk over the different peculiari ties of the white women for whom they work cannot be doubted when one sees how well informed their servants are as to who is "particular" about house work, who has guests most frequently, who serves the best meals and other matters of interest to employee. This however can be accounted for by the fact that the women are accustomed to visiting each other in the evenings after work and this gives an opportunity for exchange of views as to the relative vv'orth of different employers. That the lodge furnishes a diversion from the routine of the working day and that It, for that very reason, draws to it a large number of the more intelligent class of negro women, gives it im mense possibilities for good or evil. The looseness of family ties, the laxity of work, a wrong attitude toward work and service pre vailing amongst the negro women should 'be some of the things against which the lodge should set its face and try by constructive work to remedy. That such is the ideal of the founders of many cf the lodges is seen from the sentiments expressed in the purpose of the lodge and formulated in their mottoes and laws. The great need is for the development of strong leaders, the extension of ideals of the lodge to a greater number of women and a constructive pro gram to provide for the normal training of young girls and the strengthening of the home ties. The following table will show some of the facts about the negro women's lodges in Gainesville. TABLE XXX. Lodges of Gainesville Xegro AA'^omen. Name Good Samaritan — — — Independent Benev. Order Court of Calanthe — — Household of Ruth Ladies Court H. of Jericho Membership IDues per M. S. B. M. i F. ~71 ^1 90 1 1 60c $l.oT) wk 11 [ 14 1 25c 1.00 wk 3 1 19 1 2 5c 1.50 wk 1 27 1 65c 1.50 wk 1 28 25c 1.50 wk The Good Samaritans and the Independent Benevolent orders ad mit both men and women to membership and the officers are pretty evenly divided between the two sexes. The Good Samaritan organl- 47 zation owns property in Gainesville valued at $1,000. The Ladies Court Heroines of Jericho is the sister organization of the Masons, the Court of Calanthe, of the Knights of Pythias, and the Household of Ruth, of Odd Fellows. Each of these lodges holds its meetings in the small hall where the "brothers" meet, but -at different hours, i;nd only the wives or sisters of the members of the men's lodges are eligible to membership in the sisters. Men may become members of the women's organization, and a few are admitted by the women for the sake of convenience as to the keeping of the halls, door keeper, etc. Generally speaking there seems to be a better type of negro women in the entire organization than in those where the membership is divided more equally between men and women. The monthly dues of the organization represent only a small part of the amount actually paid into the lodge; for Instance, in the Independent Benevolent order, in addition to the regular dues, there is paid a sum of 45c toward an endowment fund, ahd a special tax of 25c may be levied as often. This, together with the amount paid out for regalia and badges makes the lodge a rather expensive affair, and the sick benefits to the members are small. In addition to the sick benefits, however, a burial fee of $25.00 more is paid out. No complaints were made about the failure to pay benefits, and the sickness or death of a member of the lodge seemed to be a matter of so much concern to the order as to cause them to give any needed attention. This is a great protection to the negro women in time of sickness, and if the desire to belong to many of the orders is resisted the dues paid in are a sound investment. -Sometimes excessive dues are paid as was shown in one or two instances when the women answered that they belonged to "de Ruths" as well as to "de Ladies of de Cote," and thus paid a considerable part of their income for dues. "Besides the lodges there has existed for several years an organi zation of the negro women which is analogous to the woman's club in the white community. The object of this club is -partly social and partly educational. The meetings are not held regularly, but several worth while books, such as "Pilgrims Progress" and some of Shakespeares plays have been studied by the club, which also has taken upon itself the providing for entertainment of negroes of note who come to visit the town. The membership of the club is exclu sive, the officers and members being those women of education and good social standing in the community. II. Insurance. Insurance is about as constant an item ot expense in the budget of a negro family, as is groceries or house rent. Out of 22 6 fami lies interviewed as to insurance, 215 of the number reported some sort of health or life insurance. In most cases there were insured life and health of father, mother, and children in at least one com- 48 pany and often in as many as five. The following will show the amount spent for insurance by the 215 negro families reporting their insurance. 6 7 families spending 25 to 5 0c per week. 67 families spending 50c to $1.00 per week. 61 families spending $1.00 to $2.00 per week. 9 families spending $2.00 to $3.00 per week. 7 families spending $3.00 to $4.00 per week. 5 families spending $4.00 to $5.00 per week. 1 family spending above $5.00 per week. The average expenditure for the negro family having insurance is $1.38 per week. Reckoning from the flgures given by these 215 families, $15,245.36 was paid out for insurance during last year. This includes only the report of 215 families and does not include that paid out in insurance for lodges. This means an averoge of $72.76 per year for those having insurance in commercial com panies, including lodges. The different insurance agents doing busl-' ness with the negroes report that practically "all of their policy holders are insured with other companies, this disposition to insure reaching its climar in the case of a few families spending from $4.00 to $5.00 per week on premiums. There are in Gainesville seven negro men and four negro womei^ who give their time to the selling of insurance to their people. They are far above the average in intelligence and most of them' look upon their work as one of great service to their race because of its pTovision for care in cases of sickness. The companies for which ttey work are managed entirely by negroes, most of them with the home office in Atlanta. They seem' to have prospered, in their work and many occupy positions of leadership in other lines than their business. This work is carried on by a house to house canvass for the selling of insurance and also for the collection of premiums once every week. Some of the white insurance agents report it is much easier to sell insurance to negroes than to whites, because the negroes ask no questions as to the nature and strength of the company, or its standing through the years; but are inclined to aeCept without question the statement of the agents and to rely implicitly on his promises. Indeed it was found that most of the negroes did not know the name of>the company they were insured with, but their knowledge of the transaction was limited to the fact that they were to pay a certain sum to the "polishin' man" every week and receive a flxed Eum in return it they were sick. In In very few cases could they tell at once how much they spent per week for insurance, but would have to reckon up from their policies so much to one agent, so much to another, etc. The readiness with which negroes take to insurance is due in a large part to the fact that their wages are small and that they do 49 not feel able out of them to keep any ahead for a time of need. They are not allowed credit at the stores to the same extent as are the whites, and while a period of sicknkess to a white family would mean going in debt, to the negro, it would often mean actual want. Some of the negroes enjoy a better Income when sick than when well and actually at work as was the case with one old negro who was insured with five different companies and received $15 per week in benefits when sick, while he earned only $6 per week when at work. This would seem to encourage laziness and fre quent illnesses among the negroes, but the diligence of the insurance companies in caring for their interests and the stringency of the law against bogus claims, causes rather less of this than might be expected. Although the assurance of a good income in times of sick- aess undoubtedly does encourage many to give way to symptoms of illness that might, much more readily be cured by work and whole some exercise. In justice it should be said that the insurance agents report, there are many industrious negroes who have been paying their premiums regularly for several years, and who have never made any claim for benefits. While the existence of these companies has been of great benefit to the race in providing against suffering for the neaessities of life, they have on the other hand by the same and easy provision which they have made for times of need tended to discourage the accumu lation of property on the part of the negroes. This was noted from the fact that as a rule the property holders in -Gainesville paid much smaller premiums than those of the more thriftless class who paid out a large portion of their income which might much more profitably have been spent for better food, for the improvement of the home, and for investments in real estate. This tendency to carry insurance beyond the point where it is actually useful, is due to the inability on the part of the negro to understand his own interests or to resist the solicitations of the agents who desire to enroll him in their companies. A more judi cious spending of their income would result in the accumulation of property, better homes, better food, and better health on the part of the negroes. CHAPTER IX. The Churches. Before the war the negroes had no separate churches for the meetings of the blacks without the presence of the whites was generally discouraged, but there was often among the negroes some one who had received more of religious instruction than another and who would be allowed to "exhort" his people. These negro preachers were often taught to read by some member of the masters family or who had the Bible read to him until he memorized the scripture verses to be used as his text. Negroes were received into the membership of white churches and at service time occupied the pews at the rear of the church. Missionaries to preach to the slaves were supported by several of the religious denominations of the South and the effort to Christianize the negroes was urged as one of the justifications of slavery. But at the end of the war all of the Southern churches began to encourage the organization of separate churches; and the negroes, glad of the opportunity to have an organization over which they would have complete con trol, were not loath to withdraw mem'bership from the ¦white churches. I. Membership. At present, there are in Gainesville seven negro churches with an aggregate membership of 1,023 -members. If it is remembered that the total population as shown by the 1910 census is only 1,629, it will be seen that a large majority of the negroes are mem bers of some church. The only denominations represented are the Baptist, Methodist, and Holiness; there being no other organized congregation, although there were reported a few negroes of the Presbyterian and Episcopal faith. The distribution of the negroes in the different churches may be seen from Table XXVI. TABLE XXVI. Church Membership of Gainesville Negroes. Church Membership Baptist. First Baptist St. John's Baptist Sanders Chapel Methodist ¦Colored Methodist Episcopal African Methodist Episcopal St. Paul's Methodist Episcopal Holiness — — — — — — Male I Female |Total "To 0 i 200 1^00 104 I 206 400 3 4 7 186 6 I 13 I 12 I 100 I 39 15 20 286 -45 From a glance at the table it will be seen that in all the churches, the women furnish by far the largest element. Not only is this true 51 of the membership, but the pastors report that those of the men who are members of the church are much less regular in their at tendance than the women. That the church is losing its hold upon the negro men, cannot be doubted, but if the influence of the church upon negro women were such as to influence their conduct and to have great weight with them in the character of the moral training , which they give their children in the home, the outlook would be less .^discouraging. The emotional element in the religious services' has "a greater appeal to the women than to the men, as will be, noted from the fact that the Holiness church which keeps its hold on the people, alndost wholly by the power of its services to stir thej emotions, has a membership of 39 women to only 6 men. THe' churches were formerly thei only .places where the whole community. cpiild get together a,nd this was a strong social as well as religious, appeal!^. "The smaller attendance , of the men is partly accounted. for by'the distractions afforded by their lodges and their various gather-, ing places where they cpme together on Sundays, instead of ^.ttend;^ ing tli6.church.e_s. . The._ women's lodges, offer less.cornpetition thas the men; because their meetings are held in the afternoons instead. of the Evenings, and tliB meinbership Is. not so large. ^ - J I't;',§eenis unfortunat^r^that , there -is such a; m-ultlplicity of or ganizations in a community which could support only one or twq., efficient organizations at the best. The smallness of the member ship, the rivalry and ill feeling existing between the different cfifirfch'es present the- ptoJSr' carrying out of the* functions of the cniifoh by causing a great waste in flnancial resources and spirltuai'' energy. '" - .... - - i -Lft,; .. . .:j , II. '. Services-. "-' ¦" '•¦ .The regular services, at. most of the churches are held on j.Sunday., morning, Sunday evening, and the prayer- service on Wednesday is r better, ^ttended than. the Sunday morning service, the reason seem ing to be that a good many of the members -of the congregation,, especially the women, are engaged in work during the morning, and still others prefer to remain at home and rest, and then "just be cause folks had rather get out at night." The Evening service is usually scheduled to .begin at about 7:30 during thei.winter months, and at a later hour during the summer months. To one not familiar • with the customs of the negro,, i.t_would, be difficult to tell at any particular time whether a service is--beg-inning--or ending, for there is- muc;h coming ^nd going during the entire services especially' of. tiie yooing people. They can be observed to -leave the church in' groups, stand talking for a Je_w minutes, wajk up or down, the streets, meet with other groups, and then return to the church ex changing greetings as they come out, , Some do not go into the - church at all until late in the service, these occupy the back seats and take no part in the services. 52- The meeting is begun with the singing of hymns selected from the denominational song books, or in time of religious revival, by one of the old plantation melodies started by some member of the congregation and sung without accompaniment of organ or piano. Many of their hymns are the same as those sung by the whites with some special adaptation made for the negro voice. If no adaptation has been made by the hymn book, new words and varia tions of the tune are introduced by the negroes as the songs are rendered and the result is most pleasing for the negroes love for music and his "gift of song" is at its very best in the church services where the emotions are allowed expression in this form. For instance where the White children sing in Sunday School "Bring them in! Bring them in!" the negro children sing, "Bring them in. Shepherd! Bring them in!" adding to the beauty of the hymn by the addition of new words as well as singing it with more feeling. Sometimes the hymns are "lined out" the members of the congregation singing after the words have been given out by the leader or by the minister. This lining out is in itself musical and the feeling which is put into th^ reading seems to have a stimulating effect upon the singing which follows. There is more of singing and praying preceding the sermon than in the white church. The prayers are often rendered by volunteers and are appealing from the note of sadness in them as well as the direct conversational tone of the utterance. On Sunday's when the communion is taken and frequently on other occasions an oppor tunity is given for self expression and religious experiences are re lated. These are the services which are evidently enjoyed most and a large part of the congregation take part but again, the women manifest greater interest. During times of revival this is a very prominent part of the services, and the work of the speaker is often interrupted by the shouting and praying of others. At these times much personal work is done and the leaders of the church may be seen going over the church making a personal appeal to the young at the same time that personal testimony is being rendered. This sometimes meets with a ready response upon the part of the young people, but on other occasions, they appear to be much embarrassed by being addressed in this way, and show a disposition to retire from the church in the face of it. The preaching, because of the longer preliminaries, begins rather late, and the sermons are longer than in the white churches, the negroes often remaining at church until far into the night. The preacher receives much encouragement during the delivery of his discourse, especially at the times when he reaches a high pitch of oratory or puts on the "rousements" as the negroes call it. During 5 3 these times, both men and women give expressions to such remarks as "Give it to 'em brother," "Aaint it de truf," "Now you're talkin'," and other encouraging phrases; while those of the women who occupy the front seats are seen to nod to each other and smile ap provingly when some principle is enunciated with emphasis. -Most of the Gainesville ministers are unsparing in their condemmnation of the popular forms of amusement, such as the theaters and dance halls, and the members of their church are reminded that they are amenable to church 'discipline as well as to punishment in the world to come. It is by no means an unheard of thing for a church to withdraw membership from those of its number who have in dulged in such pleasures, and great effort is made to induce the members to make their lives during the week square with their profession of religion on Sunday. At the Holiness church, the principal part of the service is given over to expression of religious convictions. This is followed and sometimes accompanied by shouting, singing, the speaking of un known tongues, the holy dance, and extemporaneous playing on the organ. The preacher has a difficult time making himself heard although he continues his exhortation to the mourners, and to those who are "happy" during the whole time that this expression of sentiment holds sway. In all the churches there are many special occasions on which great efforts are made to attract a crowd, and have an imposing service. "Children's night" calls for weeks of preparation before hand, and the recitations, and songs, as well as the display of flowers, and the church decorations of mottoes, and banners makes it an occasion of delight for negroes of all ages. At funerals, there is always a "march" of the members of the lodge in full regalia, it the deceased happens to have been a member of ths lodge. Other special occasions are also celebrated by appropriate services. III. Collections. Some of ths churches are well organized for financial administra tion. The church is divided into groups of 10 or 15 members called "Units" and each one is placed in charge of a unit leader who sees to it that each member of -his unit contributes his part to the sup port of the church. In ons church the men are uniformly assessed faOc per month, and the women 25c per month, while another church follows the method of assessing according to income. Both pastor and unit leaders agree that the women meet their obligations with greater willingness than do the men, although their contributions represent a considerable sacrifice from their scant earnings. The table method of collection is used. At each service when a collection is taken, the secretary or clerk with some one to count the money, sit at the table in front of the church and keep the record as the members of the church go up, and make their con- 54 .ributions. Many of the bett.3r class of negroes siy that this method of taking collection is distasteful to them, and that they would pre fer some less ostentatious manner of making their gifts, but that the great majority of the congregation are unwilling to abandon the method. The women take this as an opportunity for displaving their finery, and often make their gifts in several installments, thus in creasing the number of times they appear in f.-ont of the congre gation. St. Paul's M. E. Church in "Xegro Tomi," Gainesville. At the St. Paul's :\Iethodist Church which is perhaps the best or ganized, there are set aside special days for gifts to the various ob jects fostered by the denominations. For Instance, on Easter the contributions go to general benevolences, on Good-Tidings Day in October, to Foreign Missions, and in February the funds contributed go to the Freedman's Aid Collection for Schools. The pastor is paid $800 per year and furnished a comfortable parsonage adjoining the church. The contributions to missions and benevolences is also con siderable. The amounts paid into the other churches are very small. The Colored Methodist Episcopal and the African Methodist Episcopal do little more than provide railroad fare and entertainment for the pastor during the time that he is in town. St. John's Baptist has a non-resident pastor who is paid about $200 per year. Sanders Chapel a Baptist church of seven members was organized on the grounds 55 between the First Baptist and St. John's Baptist church in full reach of them both and lor no other apparent reason than the desire to multiply organizations. lA^. Organization Within the Church. All of the churches except the -Holiness reported Sunday Schools and most of them have some organization of women within the church. The following will show the membership and the teaching force of the Sunday Schools. TABLE XXVII. Negi'o Sunday Schools in Gainesville. Church S. Teachers Baptist. St. John's Baptist First Baptist — _ -Sanders Chapel Methodist. St. Paul's M. B. _ African M. E. Colored M. B. . It will be seen that the majority of the teachers in the Sunday School are women, most of them being inexperienced girls without any training for their work. Even with this, their attendance at Sunday School is irregular and often on Sunday morning substitute teachers will have to be found for many of the classes among those who have made no pretence of preparing the lesson. With a teach ing force of this sort there need be no surprise that the moral result of the Sunday School training is almost nil. Here is an op portunity for the whites to co-operate in training of teachers and better organization of the Sunday School, a friendly -spirit of helpr fulness and co-operation will invite friendliness in return and make it possible for the stronger race to perform its duty of service for the weaker one. In almost every church there is some organization of the women for neighborhood service. These organizations are however the "Women's Home Mission," "The Ladies Aid" and the mem'bers con tribute on an average about 10c per week. In the Baptist churches the proceeds go to the support of the North Western High School and the funds of the Ladies Aid are given over to local benevolences. The negro women are very devoted to their organizations and reg ular in attendance. Many instances of helpfulness were reported and their organizations are well thought of in the neighborhood. IV. Buildings. •' Most of the church buildings are frame buildings, painted and in fairly ^good condition. Sanders Chapel is being put up by the labor 56 of the members of the church and although it has been in process of erection for three years it is not yet completed. St. Paul's Methodist is a neat brick building with three Sunday School rooms and a main auditorium accommodating about 300 people. The negroes take pride in keeping their churches in good order. A prominent part of every church is its steeple with a bell to summon people to church. All of the churches are located in "Negro Town" except the First Baptist which is on West High Street in a white neighborhood. \. Influence of the Church Upon the Community. From the large percent of those affiliated with the church no one can doubt that the negro is intensely religious, but that it has less hold on him than in former years seems also to be true. When asked of their church membership, scorn of the church and what it stands for was expressed in some homes while others showed merely indifference saying, that they were too busy to go. Of the 250 homes visited, only 28 did not have Bibles. And in every home where there were church members, there was expressed great contempt for the theatre, and the dance halls. The Holiness, forbid their members to use tobacco, and it is believed that the people of this faith adhere strictly to the teachings of their church, although, one old woman declared, that she used "a. little snuff just to satisfy herself," and didn't consider it worth while to report it to the church. It is for the church to extend that moral influence and force to strengthen the family life, increase respect for law, and order, and encourage industry, and faithfulness to duty. This, the church is not able to do, because of its lack of trained leaders of irreproachable character, and pure lives. Because of their lack of ethical leadership at the end of the war, the church has never been able to develop a sufficient number of leaders, and it remains for the whites, to give them such aid and encouragement in the development of leaders of the negro church, as will make it possible for the negro church to exert that moral force In the community, which the interests of both races demand. 5 7 .VPPENDIX A Questionnaire for Negro Home. I. Condition of Home Street Yard House Painted No. Rooms Condition of Rooms Families in House No. Persons in House Source of Water Supply Closet II. Age Place of Birth Length of residence in Gainesville Married, single, widowed, divorced Age at time of marriage No. children No. chil dren to mother Membership in church Lodge Employment No. hours per day Wage Time spent in present employment Reasons for fthange of employment. III. Ownership of Home Source of income Amount of income Expenditures for food Rent . Clothing Lodge Insurance Church No. meals cooked per day in home Buying of supplies by day wesli or month B Questionnaire for White Homes Employing Servants. 1. Number of servants employed , 2. Did you have references when employing your servants? 3. What are their hours of work? Their Compensation? 4. Does your cook carry a "Service Basket?" Does she receive any other form of compensation other than her wage? 5. Do your servants take Sunday off? 6. Do they come regularly, and on time Are they honest? Wasteful? Efficient? 7. What were your reasons for discharging of cook, or maid? 8. What ars the most common causes of complain against negro women as servants? 1. Name of Company 2. Management of Company White or Negro. 3. Number insured Men Women Children 4. Number receiving benefits from your Company last year 5. Amount dispensed in benefits 58 6. What is your method of collection? of solicitation 7. How many did you have to fall in arrears with their premiums last year? 8. Why is insurance so easily sold to Negroes? D Questionnaire for Lodges. Name Members: Male Female Officers: Male Female Dues Sick benefits Death benefits Time and place of meeting Attendance Value of property owned Questionnaire for Churches. Location and value of church property Members: Male Female Time of service Attendance Dues Pastor's salary Benevolences Sunday School No. members: Male Female Teachers Male Female Qualiflcations of Teaehers. Organizations of women in the church Purpose Members Dues Service to community BIBLIOGRAPHY. Boas, Franze — ^The Mind of Primitive Men. Macmillan Co., 1911. Bruce, P. A. — The Plantation Negro as a Freeman. G. P. Put- man's Sons, New York. DuBois, W. E. B. — The Souls of the Black Folk. A. C. McClury, Jr. Co., Chicago, 1907. The Philadelphia Negro, University of Pennsylvania. Publications Philadelphia, 1899. Giddings, Franklin H. — The Black Man's Rights. Independent, August 2, 1919. Hoffman, F. L. — Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Ne gro. Macmillan Co., 1896. Martin, A.E. — Our Neg Population. Kansas City, 1912. McCurdy, Robert — ^Negro Women as Trained Nurses. An Experi ment in a Chicago Hospital, Survey Nov. 8, 1913. Murphy, A. G. — The Present South. Macmillan Co., 1904. National Association of Colored Women Conference. Survey, August 3, 1918. Odum, H. W. — Social and Mental Traits of the Negro. Columbia University Press, 1910. 59 Renter, B. B. — The Mulatto in the United States. Boston. R. G. Badger, 1918. Royce, Josiah — Race Questions and Prejudices. Macmillan, 1908. Smith, W. B. — The Color Line. McClue, Phillips & Co., New ork, 1905. Smith, Percival P. — The Negro Problem from a British Point ot View. Living Age, March, 1917. School Reports — State School Superintendent. Tillinghart, J. -A. — The Negro in Africa and America. Macmillan Co., 1902. Weatherford, W. D. — Negro Life in the South. Nashville, 1911. Woofter, T. J. Jr. — The Negroes of Athens, Georgia. Phelps- Stokes Studies, No. 1. SPECIAL BIBLIOGRAPHY. I — ^Sociological Study of the Negroes of Kansas City. Asa E. Martin. II — ^Studies in the American Race Problem. Stone. Ill — ^Plantation Negro as a Freeman. Bruce. IV — ^Social and Mental Traits of the Negro. Odum . V — Souls of the Black Folk. DuBois. VI^Negro Women as Trained Nurses. Robt. McCurdy, -Survey Nov. 8, '13. VII — National Association for Advancement of Colored People. Roy Nash, Survey, December 30, '16. VIII — ^Social Cost of iRace Prejudice. Geo. Elliott, Am. Jour. Soe, March '17. IX — ^Negro Problem from a British Point of View. Percival P. Smith, (Living Age). X — The Black Man's Fights. Franklin H. 'Giddings, Aug. 2, '19. XI — Race Riots. New Republic. Aug. 9, 1919. XII — ^Democracy and Jim Crowism. Seligman, -Sept. 3, '19. XIII — Our Own Subject Race Rebels. Literary Digest, Aug. 2, '19. XIV — White South's Protest Against Lynching. -Southern Work man, Sept. '14. XV — Rising Standards in the Treatment of the Negro. Hastings, Oct. '19. XVI — Colored Women in Industry. Southern Workman, Oct. '19. XVII — ^Negro Girls and Y. W. C. A. Rose Butterham, Sept. '19. XVIII — Negroes Progress in Fifty Years. Anna}s Am Academy, Sept. '19. XIX — Negro Children in Public Schools of Philadelphia. Odum. XX — ^Higher Education of Negroes in the United -States — Edward T. Ware. XXI — Negro in Literature and Wit. DuBois. XXII — Mind of the Negro Child. M. H. Pyle, School and Society. XXHI — Up from Slavery. Booker T. Washlng,ton. ' XXIV — The Mind of Primitive Man. Boas. • ' - " 60 XXV — Race Question and Prejudice. Royce. XXVI — American Negro Defective. Dependent. Delinquent, by Mc- Cords. XXVII — Negro in Africa and America. Tillinghart. XXVIII — Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. Hoff man. XXIX — Philadelphia Negroes. DuBois. XXX — School Hygiene. Dresslar. XXXI — 'United States Census. XXXII — Mulatto in the United States. Renter. 61 9002 00659 5046 '¦=> ; 4." •"l/"- * U'tfe Kfog:,'.. ^ / * ,. '^K^l /^ -''y./ ^?^' y ¦' ¦* I , *"»„' ,« '.' *' ^t "^i,? ^^ • '*: ' 1. Hi5'Cl' *S /' > /.•*^^ -4^1^, 1 i"^ ^ \ ¦"-• - -