Yale Univefsity Libiaty 39002006168158 mill YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY OEATIONS AND SPEECHES. ORATIONS AHD SPEECHES VAEIOUS OCCASIONS. EDWARD EYERETT. VOL. II. SIXTH EDITION. BOSTON: LITTLE, BBOWN, AND COMPANT. 1860. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1850, By Chakles C. Little and James Beo^wn, In the Clerk's Office of the District Coiirt of the District of Massachusetts, PEEFACE FIRST EDITION OF THE SECOND VOLUME. This volume consists, for the most part, of addresses delivered since those contained in the first volume. The first four only are of an earlier date, and the fifth (a short speech on the Western Railroad) ¦was originally included in the first volume. The first, second, and fourth are now for the first time published. At the time of their delivery respectively, they ¦were hastily prepared, and it was not in my power, when the first volume appeared, to revise them with sufficient care for publication. I omitted the address before the American Institute of New York, on American manufactures, in the collection of 1836, on the ground that it might be thought to fall within the rule which I had adopted, and to which I still adhere, of excluding party politics. On further consideration, I have been led to think that the manner in which this subject is treated in this ad dress, and in the oration at Lowell on the fourth of July, 1830, is not likely to be objected to on that ground, and that they are not out of keeping with the general character of the work. (5) vi PKEFACB TO THE SECOND VOL'UME. I have admitted into this volume a selection from a much larger number of short speeches made at the table at public festivals, on various occasions. I have not, oi course, done this in the belief that they can have much value, even with the partial reader, as literary compo sitions. I have thought, however, that they might have an interest of a different kind, sorae of them as con taining allusions to historical events, and some from their connection with important public occasions and occur rences. Even the few sentences addressed to the Indian chiefs who visited Boston in 1837, and the short reply to the President of the Geographical Society in London, on the reception of the medal awarded to Dr Robinson for his standard work on Palestine, may be thought to derive sufficient interest from the occasions which called them forth, to justify their insertion. The short speeches made in England were nearly all in reply to toasts, in which complimentary reference was had to the diplomatic body generally, or to the American min ister, when he alone happened to be present. The usages of society (the same in this respect on both sides of the water) impose a certain character upon speeches made under such circumstances. A few obvious topics of remark are almost of necessity apt to be repeated. To attempt to avoid such repetition would be an unprofitable, probably an unavailing, exercise of ingenuity; but I hope it will be thought that I have not, in the speeches now alluded to, dwelt entirely in the commonplaces of such occasions. I have been the rather induced to admit them into the volume, and thus to give them a more permanent form than they might seem in themselves to deserve, in the PREFACE TO THE SECOND VOLUME. vii belief that this interchange of public courtesies between a foreign minister and the people among whom he resides is a valuable step in the advancing civilization of the present century. In former times, the public intercourse of a foreign minister was exclusively with the govern ment or court to which he was accredited. At the present day, in England and in this country, he is a welcome guest on all public occasions not in their nature exclusively national. The change appears to me favorable to a good understemding between countries in more important re spects. History furnishes instances in which the foreign relations of governments have been afiected by the feelings and dispositions of the individuals charged with conducting them. I own it affords me pleasure to give what per manence I Eim able to these memorials — however slight in themselves — of acts of courtesy and manifestations of friendly feeling on the part of public bodies and individ uals of highest consideration and worth, and of grateful appreciation on mine. EDWARD EVEKETT CAmniDOE, June, 1850. CONTENTS SECOND VOLUME I. The Boyhood and Yotjth of Feanklin, 1 A Lecture delivered in Boston, before the Society fbr the Difliision of Useful Knowledge, on the 17th of November, 1839. IL Fourth of Jitlt at Lowell, 47 An Oration delivered at Lowell, on Monday, the Sth of July, 1830. m. American Mantjfactuees, 69 An Address delivered before the American Institute of the city of New York, at their fourth annual Fair, on the 14tli pf October, 1831. VOL. II. b (9) X CONTENTS. IV. Anecdotes of Early Local Histoky, 1"' A Lecture delivered before the Massachusetts Historical Society, on the 21st qf October, 1833. V. The Western Railroad, 142 A Speech delivered at a meeting held in Faneuil Hall, on the 7th of October, 1835, for the purpose of taking measures to complete the subscription to the capital stock of the railroad. VI. Anniversary of the Settlement of Springfield, . . . 154 A Speech delivered at the public dihner on the 25th of May, 1836, in commemoration of the first settlement of that place. VII. The Importance of the Militia, 160 Remarks made at the anniversary dinner of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, on the 6th of June, 1836. VIII. The Seventeenth of June at Charlestown, .... 164 Remarks made at a public dinner at that place, on the 17th of June, 1836, the anniversary of the Battle of Bunker Hill. CONTENTS., xi IX. Haiivard Centennial Anniversary, 169 A Speech made at the public dinner on the Sth of Sep tember, 1836, in commemoration of the close of the second century from the foundation of the University at Cambridge, Massachusetts. X. The Settlement of Dedham, 180 Remarks made at the public dinnei on tbe 21st of Sep tember, 1836, the anniversary of the settlement of that place. XI. The Cattle Show at Danvers, 185 Remarks made at the public meeting for the award of the prizes on that occasion, on the 28th of September, 1836. XII. The Irish Charitable Society, 191 A Speech made at the public dinner of the Irish Charitable Society of Boston, on the 17th of March, 1837, being the one hundredth anniversary of the institution. XIII. Improvements in Prison Discipline, 196 Remarks made at the annual meeting of the Prison Dis cipline Society, in Boston, on the 30th of May, 1837 xii CONTENTS. XIV. Superior and Popular Education, '^"" An Address delivered before the Adelphic Union Society of Williams College, on Commencement Day, on the 16th of August, 1837. XV. The Boston Schools, . . . . 235 Remarks at the public dinner in Faneuil Hall, on the 23d of August, 1837, the' day of the examination of the public schools. XVI. The Importance of the Mechanic Arts, 238 An Address delivered before the Massachusetts Charitable Mechanic Association, on the 20th of September, 1837, on occasion of their first Exhibition and Fair. XVII. Reception of the Sauks and Foxes, 256 An Address made to the Chiefs and Warriors of the Sauk and Fox tribes of Indians, with their replies, on occasion of their public reception, at the State House, in Boston, on the 30th of October, 1837. XVIII. Dr Bowditch, . . , 262 Remarks made at a meeting of the American Academy of CONTENTS. xiii Arts and Sciences, on the 20th of March, 1838, on occasion^ of the decease of Hon. Nathaniel Bowditch, LL.D., F. R. S., President of the Academy. XIX. Fourth of July, 1838, 268 Remarks made at the municipal dinner in the city of Bos ton, in Faneuil Hall, on the 4th of July, 1838. XX. Education the Nurture of the Mind, 273 Remarks made at the County Convention of the friends of education, held at Tisbury, on the Island of Martha's Vine yard, on the 16th of August, 1838. XXI. Festival at Exeter, 281 Remarks made at the festival celebrated at Exeter, New Hampshire, on the 23d of August, 1838, in honor of Dr Benjamin Abbott, who on that day resigned the place of Principal of Phillips Exeter Academy, which he had filled for fifty years. xxn. Accumulation, Property, Capital, Credit, 288 An Address delivered before the Mercantile Library Asso elation, in Boston, on the 13th of September, 1838 xiv CONTENTS. XXIll. Importance of Education in a Republic, "1^ Remarks made at a County School Convention, held in Taunton, Massachusetts, on the 10th of October, 1838. XXIV. The Settlement "of BAftisrsTABLE, 325 Remarks made at the public table, on the 3d of Septem ber, 1839, the second centennial anniversary of the settle ment of Barnstable. XXV. Normal Schools, 335 An Address delivered at the opening of the State Normal School, at Barre, on the Sth of September, 1839. XXVI. Opening of the Railroad to Springfield, 363 Remarks made at the public table, on occasion of the opening of the Western Railroad from Worcester to Spring field, on the 23d of October, 1839. XXVIL The Scots' Charitable Society, ; , wa Reniarks made at the table, on the 30th of November, 1839, on occasion of the celebration of the one hundred and CONTENTS. 5ty eighty-third aapiversaTy of th? Sofite? Charitable Society of Bostpn. xxvm. John Lowell, Jun., Founder of the Lowell Institute, 379 A Memoir delivered in the Dieqn, in Boston, on the 31st of December, 1839, as the introduction to the lectures on his foundation. XXIX. Dr Robinson's Medal, 422 Reply to the Speech of the President of the Royal Geo graphical Society, (William R. Hamilton, Esq., P. R. S.,) on occasion of the award of the society's gold medal to Rev. Dr Robinson, of New York, for his Biblical Researches in Palestine, Mount Sinai, and Arabia Petrsea, on the 23d of May, 1842. XXX. British Association at Manchester, 424 Response to a toast given by the President of the British • Association for the- Promotion of Science, (Lord Francis Egerton, now the Earl of Ellesmere,) at the public dinner on the 25th of May, 1842, on occasion of the meeting of the Association at Manchester. XXXI. University of Cambridge, 431 Rpply to a toast complimpntary to the American and the xvi CONTENTS. Other foreign ministers, given by the Vice-Chancellor, (Rev. Dr Archdale,) at the public dinner at Emmanuel College, on the 4th of July, 1842, on occasion of the installation of the Duke of Northumberiand as Chancellor of the University. XXXII. The Royal Agricultural Society at Bristol, .... 435 Reply to a toast given by the President of the Royal Ag ricultural Society of England, (Mr Handley,) at the public dinner at Bristol, on the 14th of July, 1842. XXXIII. Agricultural Society at Waltham, 442 Reply to a toast from the President of the Society, (the Duke of Rutland;) at the public dinner on the 26th of Sep tember, 1842. XXXIV. York Minster, 447 Remarks made at a meeting held at York, on the 6th of • October, 1842, on the subject of the restoration of the Mm- ster, Lord Wharncliffe in the chair. XXXV. Lord Mayor's Day, >gi Reply to a toast complimentary to the foreign ministers at the Lord Mayor's dinner, on the 9th of November, 1842. CONTENTS. xvn XXXVI. The Geological Society of London, 454 Reply to a toast from Mr (now Sir Charles) Lyell, at the anniversary dinner of .the Geolpgical Society of London, Henry Warburton, Esq., M. P., (President of the Society,) in the chair. XXXVII. The Royal Academy of Art, 459 Reply to a toast in honor of the foreign ministers, at the anniversary dinner of the Royal Academy of Art, on the 6th of May, 1843, Sir Martin Archer Shee, (President of the Academy,) in the chair. XXXVIII. Royal Literary Fund, 462 Reply to a toast given at the anniversary dinner of the Royal Corporation of the Literary Fund, on the 10th of May, 1843, the Duke of Sutherland in the chair. XXXIX. The Agricultural Society at Derby, 466 Reply to a toast from the President, (the Earl of Hard- ¦wicke,) at the Royal .Agricultural Society of England, at Derby, on the 13th of July, 1843. XL. Reception at Hereford, 471 Remarks made at a public reception at the city of Here- VOL. II. c xviii • CONTENTS. ford, on die 9th of September, 1843, in acknowledgment of a toast given by E. P. Clive, Esq., M. P. XLI. Saffron Walden Agricultural Society, 474 In reply to a toast from the President of the Society, (Lord Braybrooke,) at the public dinner at Saflron Walden, on the 13th of October, 1834. XLIL Scientific Association at Cambridge, 478 Remarks made in the Senate House at Cambridge, on the 19th of June, 1845, on occasion of moving a resolution of thanks to Sir John Herschel, the President of the Associa tion for the year. xLin. The Pilgrim Fathers, 484 In reply to a toast from the President of the day, (Hon. C. H. Warren,) at a public dinner at Plymouth, Massachu setts, on the 22d of December, 1845. XLIV. University Education, 493 An Address delivered on occasion of the inauguration of the author as President of the University at Cambridge, Massachusetts, on the 30th of AprU, 1846. CONTENTS. xix XLV. The new Medical College, 519 An Address delivered at the opening of the new Medical College, in Grove Street, Boston, on the 4th of November, 1846. XLVI. The Famine in Ireland, 533 Remarks at a public meeting, in Faneuil Hall, on the sub ject of sending relief to the suffering Irish and Scotch, held on the 18th of February, 1847, Hon. Josiah Quincy, Jun., Mayor of the city, in the chair. XLVII. Aid to the Colleges, 540 Remarks made before the joint committee of the Board of Education of the Legislature of Massachusetts, on the 1st of February, 1848, in support of the memorial of the three col leges of the commonwealth. xLvni. Eulogy on John Quincy Adams, 555 Delivered in Faneuil Hall, on the 15th of April, 1848, at the unanimous request of the Legislature of Massachusetts. XX CONTENTS. XLIX. KOrf The Cambridge High School Remarks made at the dedication of the new High School in Cambridge, on the 27th of June, 1848. L. Second Speech on Aid to the Colleges, 605 An Argument before the joint committee on education of the Legislature of Massachusetts, on tlie 7th of February, 1849, in support of the memorial of the three colleges. LI. American Scientific Association, 630 Remarks at the public table, on the last day of the meet ing of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, at Cambridge, Massachusetts, on the 21st of August, 1849, Professor Henry in the chair. LII. The Departure of the Pilgrims, 639 Remarks at the table, at Plymouth, Massachusetts, on the 17th of September, 1849, Mr Webster in the chair; this day being the anniversary of the final departure of the May flower from Plymouth in England. CONTENTS. xxi LIII. Cattle Show at Dedham, 646 Remarks at the dinner of the Norfolk County Agricul tural Society, at Dedham, on the 26th of September, 1849, Hon. Marshall P. Wilder (President of the Society) in the chair. LIV. The Nineteenth of April at Concord, 653 In reply to a toast given in honor of England as the parent country, at the celebration at Concord, on the 19tli of April, 1850, Judge E. R. Hoar in the chau:. LV. The Bible, 664 A Speech made at the annual meeting of the Massachu setts Bible Society, in Boston, on the 27th of May, 1850, ^Simon Greenleaf, Esq., (President of the Society,) in the chair. OEATIONS AND SPEECHES. OEATIONS AND ADDEESSES. THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN.* Gentlemen : No subject for a single lecture seems to me more fairly comprehended withm the province of a " Society for the Diffusion of tfseful Knowledge " than the biography of those who have been eminently useful to their fellow-men. What ever may have been their sphere of action, the qualities which made them what they were are presented in the most attractive form, when woven into a narrative of their fortunes. It is often quite curious to see the first symptoms of character as developed in boyhood ; and nothing is more interesting than to trace the great man step by step. In no way can lessons of discretion, perseverance, temperance, and fortitude be so well inculcated as in the historical delineation of an honorable career. This is especially the case when the young are to be addressed. Ethical and didactic writing of every kind is apt to be read with impatience and weariness by those who most need instruction ; but biography is uni versally fascinating. There are few individuals whose lives unite so great and various an interest as that of Benjamin Franklin. The humble position from which he rose, in an obscure colony, to wealth, station, fame, and commanding influence, in an inde- * A Lecture delivered in Boston, before the Society for the Diffusion of Usefill Knowledge, on the 17th of November, 1829, now first published. (1) 2 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FBANKLIN. pendent state, — the struggles of his curiously checkered early life; his brilliant scientific discoveries and celebrity as a philosopher ; his great business talent and practical energy ; his extraordinary skill in addressing the common sense of mankind with his pen ; his great influence as a statesman, at a most critical period of the history of the country; his agency in bringing about political events of high moment ; and his personal intercourse with the first characters of the time, at home and abroad, with other circumstances not to be enumerated here, — combine to furnish the materials of a biography possessing all the interest of a romance. For us the narrative comes with the additional attraction that he was born in Boston, and that he derived his early and only education, scanty as it was, from our public schools — an obligation that he remembered in his will. It is true that, at a very early period in his life, he left our city, and saw it afterwards only as a visitor. But he never ceased to regard it with warm attachment ; and, in a letter written to Dr Samuel Mather, but a few years before his death, he says, " I long much to see again my native place, and to lay my bones there." I shall confine myself, on the present occasion, to the first years of Franklin's life. It would be impossible to run over his whole career to any valuable purpose within the compass of a single lecture. If I do not greatly mistake, his boyhood and youth will be found a very instructive subject of con templation; and this is the topic to which I now invite your attention. In reviewing the life of Dr Franklin, tUl he reached the age of fifty, we have the inestimable advantage of his auto biography, one of the most valuable specunens of this kind of writing contained in our language. It will furnish me nearly all the materials for the present lecture, and I shall often use his own words. I shall for this reason, before entering upon the narrative, ask your attention to a some what singular circumstance connected with the composition of this memoir. The first part of this narrative has been very frequently THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 3 republished and widely circulated. As the introduction to a small collection of Franklin's miscellaneous writings, it forms a volume from which most persons, who do not make a study of his works, derive their knowledge of his life and character. The copy which I possess is entitled, the Works of Dr Benjamin Franklin, consisting of his Life, written by himself, together with Essays, humorous, moral, and literary, chiefly in the Manner of the Spectator.* The portion of Dr Franklin's Autobiography contained in this and the similar manujd editions of his works is probably the specimen of his (supposed) writing with which the generality of readers are most familiar, and consequently, in popular estimation, the best known example of his style. It is therefore a somewhat curious fact that it is not, in the form in which it now circulates, from Dr Franklin's pen. This first portion of the memoir, which brings his life do-wn to the twenty-fifth year, was written in England in the form of a letter to his son. A copy of it was sent to a friend in France, (M. Le Veillard,) and it appeared in that country, in a French translation, as an introduction to a small collection of Franklin's Essays. An English translation, from this French version, was made in London for a similar collection published there shortly after Dr Franklin's death. It is this translation of a translation which continues to be reprinted in this country and in England, as the Life of Franklin, written by himself, and generally with a continuation by Dr Stuber of Philadelphia. The original memoir, as written by Dr Franklin, was first published by his grandson. Temple Franklin, in 1818 ; but the old retranslation continues to hold its place in popular use in -this country and England.f * Charlesto-wn, printed by John Lawson for the principal booksellers in Boston, 1798. t When this lecture was delivered in 1829, the fact stated in the text — altiough mentioned in the Preface to Mr Temple Franklin's edition of his grandfather's writmgs, and in several of the popular editions, especially the first which appeared in London — had, I think, seldom been adverted to. I have before me an English edition of the Works of Dr Benjamin Franklin, with his Life, published as late as 1844, which gives the retranslation, with Stuber's continuation. The late Mr Benjamin Vaughan of Hallowell, the 4 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FKANKLIN The French version I have never seen ; the English is very well executed : but the easy and sometimes negligent, but always delightful, simplicity of Dr Franklin's original, often wholly disappears in this double translation. In the quota tions which I shall make from the memoir, in the course of this lecture, I shall furnish you with specimens of both. We have the satisfaction of knowing, as we narrate the life of Franklin, that he himself took an interest in the his tory of his family. He informs his son, in the outset of the autobiography, that " he had ever had a pleasure in obtaining any little anecdotes of his ancestors." He made a journey with him, for this purpose, to the village in England, where his family had been settled as far back as it could be traced ; and he expressly mentions it as an inducement for writing the memoir, that his posterity may be desirous of learning and imitating the means by which he raised himself from poverty and obscurity "to a state of affluence and some degree of celebrity in the world." The family of Dr Franklin, when he commenced his inquiries, had been settled for three centuries at the village of Ecton, in Northamptonshire, in England, the same county in which the family of Washington was established in the early part of the sixteenth century. The immediate ances tors of these great men, who performed so distinguished a part in the American revolution, and were born themselves in the opposite extremities of the colonies, must have lived at no very great distance from each other in the mother country. The families, however, both at the original seat in England and in this country, occupied very different stations in society. That of Washington belonged to the landed aristocracy of England, and some of them rose to eminence venerable friend of Dr Franklin, (who was induced, in part by Mr Vaughan's persuasion, to continue the autobiography,) in a letter addressed to me shortly after this lecture was delivered, spoke of the fact in question as " a discovery ;" which, however, it cannot be called. Mr Sparks, in the Preface to his standard edition of Franklin's Works, (published in 1840,) gives a full account of the matter. He even informs us that, in a new collection of Franklin's Works, published at Paris, in 1798, the autobiography is translated back again into French, from the iiinglish retranslation. THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 6 in the army and the state. Franklin's ancestors lived on a freehold farm of about thirty acres ; and it was their custom, from father to son, to eke out the frugal support derived from this little domain by the business of a smith, to which the oldest son was habitually brought up, " The grandfather of Franklin, towards the close of life, removed to Banbury, in Oxfordshire. He had four sons who grew up, — Thomas, John, Benjamin, and Josiah, — and our Franklin was the son of the youngest ; being the youngest son of the youngest son, like his predecessors in the family for five generations. It is a circumstance much more worthy of record, that the " humble family," as Franklin calls it, early embraced the reformed religion. They continued to be Protestants during the reign of Mary ; and were sometimes in danger of perse cution, in consequence of their zeal against popery. Franklin has preserved an anecdote of his ancestors in this connection, which discloses a state of things almost beyond belief at the present day, and which shows plainly enough the indissoluble connection between civil and religious liberty. " The family had Em English Bible ; and to conceal it, and place it in safety, it was fastened open with tapes under and within the cover of a joint stool. When my great-grandfather wished to read it to his family, he placed the joint stool on his knees, and then turned over the leaves under the tapes. One of the children stood at the door to give notice if he saw the appari tor coming, who was an officer of the Spiritual Court. In that case, the stool was turned down again upon its feet, when the Bible remained concealed under it as before." What happened in this way beneath the humble roof of the Frank lins took place, no doubt, at the same time in hundreds and thousands of the homes of England. It is the policy by which mfatuated rulers, in church and state, have at all times promoted the reforms they seek to stifle ; and turned yeomen and artisans intcf martyrs, champions, and heroes. The family of the Franklins adhered to the Church of England till about the end of Charles H.'s reign. By this time, the lessons learned by the Church in the time of her 6 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. tribulations were forgotten ; and two thousand ministers were silenced in one day for non-conformity. The father of Franklin and one of his uncles adhered to thek silenced pastors, and continued non-conformists to the end of their lives : the rest of the family remained of the Church of England. These circumstances are worth recording, for they determined the removal of the family to America. The non-conforming clergymen being forbidden by law to hold their " conventicles," as they were called, and being frequent ly disturbed at their religious meetings, some considerable men of their acquaintance determined tc emigrate to New England. The father of Franklin was induced to join them ; and, in 1682, — sixty-two years after the settlement at Plymouth, — he removed to Boston with his wife and three children. Four children were added to the number after their arrival in America ; and ten more were born to the father of Franklin in a second marriage. Benjamin was the youngest of ten sons ; and, with the exception of two daughters, the youngest of the family. He was born on the seventeenth of January, (New Style,) 1706, according to the common tradition, in a house in Milk Street, which many persons present will recollect as standing nearly opposite to the Old South Church. It is known that this house was, at one period, the residence of Franklin's father ; but, according to an account given by the historian of Boston, (Dr Snow,) Dr Franklin himself informed a person, who was still living in 1824, that he was born in a house which stood at the corner of Union and Hanover Streets, and was afterwards known as a public house, by the sign of the Blue Ball. The father of Franklin, as we have seen, emigrated to America in 1682. The entire population of the British colonies was estimated, twenty years later, at two hundred and sixty thousand. In one hundred years from the time when his parents landed on this continent, Benjamin Frank lin signed, at Versailles, the provisional articles of peace between the King of Great Britam and the United States of America, then containing a population of more than three millions. THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 7 The mother of Benjamin Franklin, the second wife of his father, was Abiah Folgier, of Nantucket, daughter of Peter Folgier, one of the first settlers of New England, and the head of a family in which an aptitude for scientific attain ment, scarcely if at all inferior to- that possessed by Benjamin Franklin, has been transmitted to the present day. These venerated parents lived together in humble thrift to a good old age, and, before they departed, witnessed the growing honors of their illustrious son. " I never knew either my father or mother," says he, " to have any sickness but that of which they died, — he at eighty-nine, and she at eighty- five years of age. They lie buried together at Boston, where I some years since placed a marble over their grave, with this inscription : " — In the (higincd. JOSL\H FRANKLIN And ABIAH his wife, Lie here interred. They lived lovingly together in wedlock, Fifl;y-five years ; And without an estate, or any gainful employment, By constant labor, and honest industry, (With God's blessing,) Maintained a large family comfortably; And brought up thirteen children and seven grandchildren. Respectably. From this instance. Reader, Be encouraged to diligence in thy calling. And distrust not Providence. He was a pious and prudent man, She a discreet and virtuous woman. Their youngest son. In filial regard to their memory. Places this stone. J F. born 1655, died 1744. ^tas 89. A. F. borp J667, died 1752. Mism 83. 8 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. In the Rdranslatwn. Here lie Josias Franklin And Abiah his ¦wife: They lived together with reciprocal affection For flfly-nine years ; And without private fortune, without lucrative employment, By assiduous labor, and honest industry, Decently supported a numerous family ; And educated with success Thirteen children and seven grandchildren. Let this example. Reader, Encourage thee diligently to discharge the duties Of thy calling. And to rely on the support of Divine Providence. He was pious and prudent, She discreet and virtuous. Their youngest son. From a sentiment of filial duty. Consecrates this stone To their memory. The humble memorial dutifully erected by Franklin to his parents, in the Granary Burying-ground, being in a state of decay, it was replaced, a year or two since, by a substantial granite obelisk. On its eastern front the name of Franklin appears in relief; beneath which a copy of the original in-* scription, engraved upon a suitable slab, is sunk into the face of the obelisk. It was on the occasion of the erection of this monument, that I was first led to notice the difference between the original inscription and the version contained in the common editions of the autobiography. The brothers of Benjamin Franklin were all put as appren tices to various trades, Benjamin, at the age of eight years, was placed, in the year 1714, in the grammar school of Boston, — the venerable parent of the classical schools of the country, still existing in our midst, and never more prosperous THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 9 than at the present day. It was, at that time, under the care of the Rev. Nathaniel Williams. It was his father's inten tion, in placing him at this school, to devote Benjamin, as the tithe of his sons, to the church. His early readiness in learning to read, (" which," says he, " must have been very early, for I do not remember when I could not read,") and the opinion of all his friends that he would certainly make a good scholar, encouraged Franklin's father in the purpose of giving him a learned education. His uncle Ben jamin approved the project so warmly, that he promised to give him, to set up with, the volumes containing the reports of sermons which he had taken in short hand, provided ,he would learn the character. Benjamin remained at the school less than a year ; in which time, however, he rose gradually from the middle to the head of the class of that year, and thence to the class above ; from which he was to have been still further advanced, at fhe end of the year. By this time, his father's purpose in reference to his educa tion was changed, in consequence, perhaps, of some change of his circumstances; for the other reasons assigned — viz., the narrowness of his means and his large family, with the little encouragement afforded in that line of life to those educated for it — must have existed, in equal force, the year before. In pursuance of this change in his destination, Ben jamin, at the age of nine, was taken from the "Latin school, and placed at a school for writing and arithmetic, kept by a then famous man, Mr George Brownwell. " He was," says Franklin, " a skilful master, and successful in his profession, employing the mildest and most encouraging methods. Under him, I learned to write a good hand pretty soon ; but I failed entirely in arithmetic." Knowing, as we do, the general aptitude of Frankhn for learning, and especially the clearness of his head, and the practical turn of his mind, it is surprising to hear him speak of failing in arithmetic — a simple study, in which, of all others, we should expect hun to make early and easy progress, and in which a few years later he tells us he found no diffi culty. We are inclined to do justice to the pupil at the VOL. II. 2 10 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OP FRANKLIN. expense of the master, and to doubt whether Master Brown- well could have been, as far as arithmetic is concerned, a skilful teacher. It seems unpossible that a mind like Frank lin's, even at that early age, should have failed to comprehend the rules and operations of arithmetic, had they been pre sented with even moderate good judgment. Some meagre manual of arithmetic was probably put into his hands, and he, was told " to do the sums ; " without any attempt, on the part of the book or the teacher, to explam their prmciples, or open the mmd of the pupil, by familiar illustration, to the power of figures, and the nature of arithmetical processes. With this mode of teachmg it, Franklin is not the only one who has had cause to lament " that he failed entirely in arith metic." How justly he states " that he learned to write a good hand " during his year's instruction by Mr. Brownwell, is matter of notoriety ; and few points of a practical educa tion are of greater importance. At ten years old, he was taken from this school to help his father in his business. These two years of interrupted schooling, from the age of eight to that of ten, were all the regular education which Franklui ever received. It is an illustrious example how much can be done for the improvement of the mind, with the most scanty means when faithfully improved. Of the benefit which he derived from the Boston schools, Franklin himself, as I have already stated, retained to the close of his life a grateful recollection, evinced by a provision in his will by which his name will be embalmed in the hearts of the boys of Boston to the end of time. That provision must not be omitted on this occasion ; it is in the following terms : — "I was born in Boston, New England, and owe my first instructions in literature to the free grammar schools established there. I therefore give one hundred pounds sterling * to my executors, to be by them, the survivors or survivor of them, paid over to tlie managers or directors of the free schools in my native town of Boston, to be by them, or the person or per sons who shall have the superintendence and "management of the said • The principal of the fund is now (1850) $1000. A sum two or three times larger than its interest is required for the annual distribution of medala, and is liberally supplied from the city treasury. THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 11 Bcnools, put out to interest, and so continued at interest forever ; which inter est annually shall be laid out in silver medals, and given as honorary re wards annually by the directors of the said free schools, for the encourage ment of scholarship in the said schools, belonging to the said town, in such manner as to the discretion of the selectmen of the said town shall seem meet" This provision immediately took effect. The fund was placed at interest, and has accumulated to twice its original amount, the whole of the income apparently not having at first been required for the annual distribution of medals. The first name on the record of the medallists is that of our re spected fellow-citizen, Dr John Collins Warren, 1792. At the age of ten, as -vge have already seen, Benjamin was taken from school to help his father in his business, which was that of a tallow-chandler and soap-boiler ; a business to which he was not bred, but which he had taken up on his arrival in New England, because he had found that his trade as a dyer was in little request, and would not support his family. In this, his first occupation in life, our future philosopher, states man, and ambassador, was employed in cutting wick, filling the moulds, attending the shop, and running errands. This business was not to the taste of the aspiring lad, who had a strong inclination for the sea, against which, however, his father declared. But living near the water, he was much in it and on it. He learned to swim well, and retained his fond ness for this exercise for the rest of his Ijfe. He learned also to mauEige boats ; and, when embarked with other boys, was commonly allowed to govern, especially (as he adds with some slyness) " in any case of difficulty." On other occa sions, he was generally the leader among the boys, and some times led them into scrapes. One instance of these he was induced to leave on record in his autobiography, inasmuch as it shows an early projecting public spirit, though not then justly conducted. As it will furnish a striking example of the superior simplicity of Franklin's own style ovei; that of the retranslation above described, I quote the account of this little effort of roguish engineering in both forms : — 12 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. The Ori^naL " There was a small marsh which bounded part of the mill-pond, on the edge of which we used to fish for minnows. By much trampling we had made it a mere quagmire. My proposal was to build a wharf there for us to stand upon ; and I showed my comrades a large heap of stones, which were intended for a new house near the marsh, and which would very well suit our purpose. Accord ingly, in the evening, when the workmen had gone home, I assem bled a number of my playfellows, and we ,worked diligently, like so many emmets, sometimes two or three to a stone, till we brought them all to make our little wharf. The next morning, the workmen were surprised at missing the stones, which had formed our wharf. In quiry was made after the authors of this transfer; we were discovered, complained of, and corrected by our fathers ; and though I demonstrated the utility of the work, mine con vinced me that that which was not honest could not be truly useful." The Retranslation. " The mill-pond was terminated on one side by a marsh, upon the bor ders of which we were accustomed to take our stand, at high water, to angle for small fish. By dint of walking we had converted the place into a perfect quagmire. My pro posal was to erect a wharf that should afford us firm footing ; and I pointed out to my companions a large heap of stones, intended for the building of a new house near the marsh, and which were well adapted for our pur pose. Accordingly, when the work- men'retired in the evening, I assem bled a number of my playfellows, and by laboring diligently, like ants, sometimes four of us uniting our strength to carry a single stone, we removed them all, and constructed our little quay. The workmen were surprised the next morning at not finding their stones, which had been conveyed to our wharf. Inquiries were made respecting the authors of this conveyance; we were discovered; complaints were exhibited against us, and many of us underwent cor rection on the part of our parents ; and though I strenuously defended the utility of the work, my father at length convinced me, that nothing which was not strictly honest could be useful." This father, who succeeded so early in inculcating upon his hopeful son one of the great rules of practical morality, though in humble life, was no common man. He is admira bly sketched in the autobiography. He had an excellent con stitution, was of middle stature, was well set, and very strong. He could draw prettily, and was skilled a little in music. His voice was sonorous and agreeable, so that when he played on THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 13 his violin, and sung withal, as he was accustomed to do after the business of the "day was over, it was extremely agreeabk to hear. He had some knowledge of mechanics, and on occasion was very handy with other tradesmen's tools. This taste and skill passed to his distinguished son. But his great excellence was his sound understanding, and his solid judg ment in prudential matters, both in private and public affairs. It is true he was never employed in the latter, the numerous family he had to educate, and the straitness of his circum stances, keeping him close to his trade ; but he was frequent ly visited by the leading men, who consulted him for his opinion in public affairs, and those of the church he belonged to, and who showed great respect for his judgment and advice. He was also much consulted by private persons when any difficulty Occurred in their affairs, and was frequently chosen an arbitrator between contending parties. At his table he liked to have, as often as possible, some sensible friend or neighbor, and always took care to start some ingenious or useful topic of discourse, which might tend to improve the minds of his children. " By this means," continues Frank lin, " he turned our attention to what was good, just, and prudent in the conduct of life ; and little or no notice was ever taken of what related to the victuals on the table ; whether it was well or ill dressed, in or out of season, of good or bad flavor, preferable or inferior to this or that other thing of the kind ; so that I was brought up in such a per fect inattention to those matters, as to be quite indifferent what kind of food was set before me. Indeed, I am so un observant of it, that to this day I can scarce tell, afew hours after dinner, of what dishes it consisted. This has been a great convenience to me in travelling, where my companions have been sometimes very unhappy for want of a suitable gratification of their more delicate, because better instructed, tastes and appetites." When Franklin's father taught his son this well-learned lesson of indifference to the pleasures of the table, he gave him, poor as he was, a better philosopher'.s stone, than was ever dreamed of by the alchemist. In the mean time, how- 14 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. ever, he was to learn a trade. Two years' trial at soap and candles but rendered this business the more disgusting, and increased the hankering for the sea, which the good father, however, still opposed. In the hope of finding among the other mechanical trades one which would strike the son's fancy, he was taken by his father to see the bricklayers, the joiners, the turners, and the braziers, but all apparently with no great effect. Some seeds indeed of mechanical ingenuity were sown, a fondness for tools encouraged, aud so much skill in handling them acquired as to be ever after useful in life, not only in doing trifling jobs in the house, when a workman was not at hand, but in constructing machines for philosophical experiments, at the moment when their concep tion was fresh and warm. For a short time there is a pros pect of a choice. The father has a nephew bred to the cutler's business in London, and just established in Boston. It is proposed that Benjamin shall be apprenticed to his cousin Samuel as a cutler. But the aspiring youth is designed by Providence to deal with weapons of a finer temper and a keener edge. There is no friendship in trade ; Samuel de mands an exorbitant fee for receiving his cousin as an apprentice, and the displeased uncle takes his son home again. Benjamin, from his youth, had been passionately fond of reading, and all the money that came into his hands was laid out by him in purchasing books. The hereditary Puritanism of the family guided him to his first acquisition ; but a better could hardly have been made. It consisted of the works of John Bunyan, in separate little volumes ; and these, when thoroughly read, were sold to purchase R. Burton's Histor ical Collections, " small chapmen's books, forty volumes in all." As to the good father's little library, it consisted chiefly of books in polemical divinity — dry, unprofitable reading, most of which, however, Benjamin perused, and often regret ted afterwards, that, at a tune when he had such a thirst for knowledge, more proper books had not fallen in his way. There was, however, among the father's books, a copy of Plutarch's Lives, -which Benjamin read abundantly ; and " I still think," says he, " that time spent to great advantage." No THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 15 doubt our hopeful little scapegrace who builds a wharf, in the night, with the stones laid up for a neighbor's house, and, preparatory to being whipped, " demonstrates to his father the utility of the work," was prepared to read the lives of the old Greek and Roman worthies to some advantage. They often took their neighbor's stones to build their own struc tures, and never failed, when necessary, " to demonstrate the utility of the work." Among the father's books were De foe's Essay on Projects, and Cotton Mather's Essay to do good ; " which," says the autobiography, " perhaps gave me a turn of thinking that had an influence on some of the prin cipal future events of my life." This fondness for books at length determined the father for the trade of a printer, although he had already one son, (James) of that profession, for so Benjamin designates the calling of his choice. In 1717, James had returned from England with a press and types, to set up as a printer in Boston. This was a more attractive business than that of a tallow-chandler ; but the desire for the sea still remained. To nip that passion effectually in the bud, the father was impa tient to have Benjamin bound to his brother ; a formidable ciffair in those rigid and summary times. Benjamin stood out for some time, but was at last persuaded, and signed the indenture when he was but twelve years old. He was to serve an apprenticeship of nine long years ; but, as some com pensation for this protracted term, he was to have journey man's wages the last year. These were somewhat hard conditions for a lad naturally impatient of restraint, and aspiring beyond his years. But the situation was not without its advantages. " I had now access to better books," and more of them, and from this time began with earnestness the work of self-education. The apprentice of the printer naturally became acquainted with the apprentices of the booksellers, and in this way a volume could be occasionally borrowed, which he was care ful to return soon and clean. But a youngest apprentice, especially if but twelve years old, has not much leisure in the day for reading. " Often I sat up in my chamber," says 16 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. he, " reading the greatest part of the night, when the book was borrowed in the evening to be returned in the morning, lest it should be found missing. " But he was not long compelled to pursue his youthful studies by stealth. Good Mr Matthew Adams, " a merchant, an ingenious, sensible man, who had a pretty collection of books," is a frequenter of the printing office. He perceives in the youngest apprentice the unmis takable signs of an ardent love of learning. " He took notice of me, invited me to see his library, and very kindly pro posed to lend me such books as I chose to read." This friendly notice, and the books kindly placed within his reach, no doubt had a most important influence on the em bryo philosopher and statesman. Worthy Mr Adams himself wrote " essays, which were received with marks of the public esteem at the time, and were reprinted in periodical miscel lanies of later date." * Their memory has all but perished ; but a single page in the autobiography has immortalized their writer as Franklin's first friend and patron. About this time, that is, when our apprentice had perhaps reached his thirteenth or fourteenth year, he took a strong inclination to poetry, and wrote some little pieces. In this his brother James, "supposing it might turn to account," (alas for poor human nature !) encouraged him, and induced hun to compose two occasional ballads. One was the Light House Tragedy, and deplored the shipwreck of Captain Worthilake and his two daughters ; the other was a sailor's song, on the capture of the famous Teach, the pirate, com monly called Blackboard. Franklin's mature judgment pro nounced them " wretched stuff, in street-ballad style ; " but the first, he says, sold prodigiously, the event being recent, and having made a great noise. Whatever the grown man, writing at the height of his fame, at the palace of a bishop, might have thought of them, the poor boy, at the time, had a right to be proud of his success. He composed them, set up the types from which they were printed, probably tended the press when they were struck off, and then, says he, " my * Eliot's Biographical Dictionary. THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 17 br :)ther sent me about town to sell them." They might well be called his works ; but they are lost. But there are dangers in success, especially to youngest ap prentices. The prodigious sale of his ballads " flattered the vanity " of our boyish poet. Here the judicious and frugal parent stepped in. " My father discouraged me by criticizing my performances, and telling me verse-makers were generally beggars." Not very cheering this : " Your verses, my little man, are pretty well for you; but, after all, they are but wretched stuff; and even if they were better, the chance is equal they wfll make a beggar of you. Throw away your pen, Benjamin, and stick to the composing-stick." Such was probably the substance of old Mr Franklin's Art of Poetry, shorter than Horace's, but, on this occasion, full as much to the point. " Thus," says his son, " I escaped being a poet, and probably a very bad one." Not so with prose ; and " as prose writing," says the auto biography, " has been of great use to me in the course of my life, and was a principal means of my advancement, I shall tell you how, in such a situation, I acquired what little ability I may be supposed to have in that way." It was in the following manner: Benjamin had become intimately acquainted with " another bookish lad about town, by name John Collins." With him he was in the habit of disputing on subjects suggested by their reading ; and both being fond of argument, and very desirous of confuting each other, they began to contract a disputatious turn, which Franklin says he had already caught by reading his father's books of dis pute on religion. He speaks of this as a very bad habit, making people extremely disagreeable in company, souring emd spoiling the conversation, and producing disgusts and enmities. To this just condemnation of a disputatious turn, Dr Franklin adds the curious remark, that " persons of good sense, I have since observed, seldom fall into it, except law yers, university men, and generally men of all sorts who have been bred at Edinburgh." In the course of their argu ments, Collins and young Franklin fell upon the question, as to the propriety of educating the female sex in learning, and VOL. II. 3 18 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. fheir abilities for study. Collins (and a graceless fellow he afterwards turned out to 'be, as might have been expected from this beginning) maintained that it was improper, and that they were naturally unequal to it. Benjamin took the contrary side, perhaps a little, as he states with candor, for dispute's sake. Collins seemed to get the better in the argu ment, rather from superior eloquence and a greater flow of words than by the strength of his reasons. This did not satisfy Benjamin, and as they parted, not to meet for some time, he wrote out his argument carefully, and sent it to his opponent. Collins rejoined in the same way, and three or four letters passed between them. These came to old Mr Franklin's knowledge, and without entering into the delicate subject of female education, he took occasion to talk to Benjamin about his manner of writing. The spelling and pointing (thanks to the discipline of the printing office) were superior to the antagonist's ; but in elegance of expression, in method, and perspicuity, the advantage was greatly on his side. This the clear-headed father established by several instances, and the docile son "saw the justice of his re marks." The same prudent discipline, which had nipped a bad poet in the bud, fostered the germ of excellonce in one of the best of prose writers. " I grew more attentive," says he, " to my manner of writing, and determined to endeavor to improve my style." Chance threw in his way, at this moment, the guide and model of which he stood in need, — an odd volume of the Spectator, which he had never seen before. It had, in fact, been published but a short time, the first number having appeared on the first of March, 1711, and the last on the twentieth of December, 1714. Benjamin bought the odd volume, "read it over and over, and was much delighted with it." Nothmg is more characteristic of the inborn good sense and sound taste of Franklin, brought up as he was in a family where the principal reading (and not much of that) was in the polemical writings of the Puritan divines, than to seize with instinctive avidity upon this odd volume of the Spectator, not yet known even at home as a standard work, THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 19 and -which some chance had cast up on the shores of this distant and austere colony, like the trunk of a palm-tree drifted from the tropics to a colder region. But Addison was read and relished. Our youthful apprentice, his eyes already somewhat opened by his father's criticism, " thought the writing excellent, and determined, if possible, to imitate it." With this view he took some of the papers, and, making short hints of the sentiments in each sentence, laid them by for a few days, and then, without looking at the book, tried to complete the papers again, by expressing each hinted sen timent at length, as fully as it stood in the author, and in any suitable words that occurred to -him. " I then," says he, " compared my Spectator with the original, discovered some of my faults, and corrected them." He felt, however, that he wanted a stock of words, or readiness in their recollection and use. He remembered his old poetical exercises : after all, it might not have been so bad to have kept them up ; the continual search for words required by the measure or the rhyme would perhaps have taught variety and readiness in the use of language. But it is not too late to make the experiment ; and some of the tales of the Spectator were translated into verse, and after a time, when the original was pretty well forgotten, turned back into prose. So, too, for the sake of learning method and arrangement of the thoughts, the above-mentioned hints were "jumbled into confusion," and, after some weeks, reduced to order before the process of recomposition began. " By comparing my work with the original," says the autobiography, " I discovered many faults, and corrected them ; but I sometimes had the pleasure to fancy that, in certain particulars of small consequence, I had been fortunate enough to improve the method or the lan guage, and this encouraged me to think that I might, in time, come to be a tolerable English writer, of which I was extremely ambitious." Dr Blair has shown, in his Lectures on Rhetoric, that there was no arrogance in undertaking an occasional correction of the style of the Spectator, thrown off as it was in the haste inseparable from a daily publication. The time allotted for these self-imposed exercises, and for 20 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. reading, was at night, before work began in the moming, or on Sundays, when, it must be remarked with regret, he says, he contrived to be in the printing house, avoiding, as much as he could, the constant attendance at public worship, which his father exacted while under his care, and which he himself continued to consider his duty, though he could not afford time to practise it. It wfll be remembered, in extenuation of this error on the part of the studious youth, that the public services of religion were at that time protracted to what would now be thought an unreasonable and tedious length. But Franklin, it must be confessed, in reference to religion, contracted, in his early years, some loose notions, from read ing the works of sceptical writers, such as Shaftesbury and Collins ; a circumstance which, in the progress of the narra tive, he admits and deplores. At the age of sixteen, he learned one of the greatest lessons of prudential morality, — the inestimable importance of tem perance, — which, at first, he pushed to extreme. Having met with a book written by one Tryon, which recommended a vegetable diet, he determined " to go into it." At that time, it was the practice for apprentices to board with their masters. James was unmarried, but boarded, with his appren tices, in another family. Benjamin's refusal to eat flesh occasioned inconvenience, and he was frequently chid for his singularity. Tryon's book came to his aid : he learned to prepare some of the dishes there recommended ; to boil pota toes and rice, and make hasty pudding ; and then proposed to his brother, that, if he would allow him weekly half the money which he p,aid for his board, he would board himself The offer was instantly accepted ; and our young Pythago rean found that he could sustain himself on half of his allowance. This was an additional fund for books ; and it had another advantage. The sober apprentice staid at the printing house, whfle his brother and the rest went home to dinner. The solitary meal (often no more than a biscuit, a slice of bread, a handful of raisins, or a tart from the pastry cook's) was soon despatched. This left time for study, " in which," says he, " I made the greater progress, from that THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 21 greater clearness of head and quicker apprehension which generally attend temperance in eating and drinking ; " for Franklin understood well — what is too often forgotten — that temperance belongs to both. Perhaps he carried it to a point which cannot be recommended for general imitation, in the degree of abstemiousness just described. It is impossi ble, however, to doubt, aftef* the perusal of Franklin's biography, that his resolute temperance lay at the foundation of his success in life. It was at this period, (about sixteen years of age,) that, having been on some occasion made ashamed of his ignorance of figures, he took up Cocker's Arithmetic and went through it himself, with the greatest ease, somewhat to the reproach of Master Brownwell's skill, of which we have spoken before. The difficulty may, however, really have been that the mind of the little boy, at nine years of age, had not yet ripened to a capacity for arithmetic. Now, too, he read one or two treatises of navigation, from one of which he derived some knowledge of geometry ; and even ventured to take up Locke on Human Understanding and the Port Royal Art of Thinking. Whfle intent upon improving his language, he had met with an English Grammar, which contained at the end two little sketches of rhetoric and logic, with a specimen of a dispute in the Socratic method. He soon after procured a translation of Xenophon's Memorabilia of Socrates, wherein there are many examples of the same method. He was charmed with it, adopted it, dropped his abrupt habit of con tradiction and positive argumentation, and put on the humble inquirer. Having, as has been already observed, imbibed some sceptical views, — though to what extent he does not inform us, — he employed this method of disputation as the safest for himself, and very embarrassing to those against whom he used it.. He tells us that he took great delight in this method ; that he practised it continually ; that he groAV very artful and expert in drawing people, even of superior knowledge, into concessions, the consequences of which they did not foresee, — entangling them in difficulties, out of 22 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. which they could not extricate themselves, — " and so," he adds, " obtaining victories that neither myself nor my cause always deserved." He continued this practice for some few years, but gradually gave it up, retaining only the habit of expressing himself with diffidence ; never using terms of positive affirmation, like certainly, and undoubtedly ; but such as, I conceive, or I apprehend. This practice he thought had been of great advantage to him, in inculcating his opinions and persuading men to concur with him in the measures he was desirous of promoting. The theory and practice of Franklin, in this respect, would be worth considering by those engaged at the present day in religious and political controversy. To vilify your opponent, and claim to yourself a monopoly of the argument and principle in the particular case, as well as of morality and religion in general, is too much the practice of many of our sects and parties. On the seventh of August, 1721, James Franklin com menced the publication of the New England Courant, a weekly newspaper. It was the fourth paper published in British America, having been preceded by the Boston News letter, which began April seventeenth, 1704; by the Boston Gazette, fourteenth December, 1719, and the American Mer cury, which began at Phfladelphia, on the twenty-second of the same month of December, 1719.* James was dissuaded from this undertaking by some of his friends, who " thought one newspaper enough for America. At this time," (1771,) says Dr Franklin, " there are not less than twenty-five." At the present day, it has been estimated that there are from eighteen hundred to two thousand. But in a growing coun try there is always room for one more of any thing. James was determined not to be discouraged : another newspaper was wanted, and he was determined to print it. This paper is somewhat remarkable in itself, and stfll more so in its connection with Franklin ; the education of whose * See Thomas's History of Printing in America, Vol. I. p. 308. In his autobiography, Dr Franklin, ¦vvriting from memory, speaks of the Courant as the second newspaper published in America. He was probably misled by the circumstance, tijat his brother James for a while printed the GazOte. THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 23 boyhood was completed in its columns. We learn from the autobiography, and from the numbers of the Courant, — of which, however, unfortunately, a complete set is not known to be in existence, — that the publisher was assisted by a circle of ingenious men, who frequented his printing house, and amused themselves in writing little pieces for his columns. If the names of these ancient colonial wits are preserved, J am unable to repeat them: Matthew Adams, above mentioned, was no doubt one. Dfenjamin, the appren tice, listened to their conversations, as they met in the print ing house, and to their accounts of the approbation with which their pieces from time to time were received; he listened, and was excited to try his hand among them. Being, however, stfll a boy, and an apprentice, doubting if his brother would admit into the Courant any thing he should write if he knew it to be his, he contrived to disguise his hand, wrote an anonymous paper, and put it by night und^r the door of the printing office. It was found in the morn ing, and communicated by James to the friends accustomed to write for him, when they made their usual visit. They read it, commented upon it in Benjamin's hearing, and he had the exquisite pleasure of finding it met with their appro bation. In their various guesses at the author, none were named but men of some character for learning and ingenuity. It may be doubted whether in after life, at the summit of fortune and renown, he ever passed a happier half hour than whfle he stood at the printing-frame and heard his anonymous essay commended. Encouraged by this attempt, he wrote several other pieces, and sent them to the press in the same way. He kept his secret till the fund for such performances was exhausted, and then divulged it. He rose a little in the estimation of the friends, but that did not quite please brother James, who thought it tended to make Benjamin vain, and was perhaps one cause of the differences which at that time began to exist between them. These we must not pass over, although it is not pleasant to speak of the differences of brethren ; but they had a decided influence over the whole course of Benjamin's life. 24 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF Ffi,ANKLIN. They seem to have begun in the relation of the two brothers in their trade. James was a master ; Benjamin an indentured apprentice, — which in those times implied a good deal of menial service. James appears to have been a man of no little resolution, but, in other respects, of the common stamp; Benjamin was one of a thousand, with a mighty future opening in dim, unconscious vision before him. James ex acted the same services from his brother that he -would from any other apprentice*; Benjamin thought he was degraded too much, and expected some indulgence. Their disputes were often brought before the father. The right of appeal might be doubted, and Benjamin generally gained his cause. Joseph is apt to prevafl, when he pleads his own cause, and Jacob sits on the bench. But James could not wait for the tedious process of appeal, — perhaps he began to doubt the impar tiality of the tribunal. Besides, he was passionate, and often beat Benjamin, which the latter took extremely amiss. Then there was the almost interminable indenture, but little more than half run out. " I was continually wishing for some opportunity," says the autobiography, "to shorten it, which at length offered itself, in an unexpected manner." The Courant from a very early day showed itself quite free-spoken ; it was no doubt thought by many impertinent. Venerable Dr Increase Mather subscribed for it, but seems to have dropped it in disgust with the third number. It was charged with being disrespectful to the civil authority and the ministers, loose in opinion on matters of religion, and abusive of private character. The freedom of the press was not understood in those days. A sharp controversy soon arose on the subject of inoculation for the small-pox. The Courant, though professing to be impartial, evid&ntly leaned agamst the introduction of the startling novelty. The Mathers, father and son, recommended it with greater zeal and knowledge than discretion. It must be admitted that, contrary to what might have been expected, they were of -vvhat should have been the popular side. The Courant threw itself more on popular prejudice and opposition to innovation ; although I believe modern science has gone round the whole THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 23 chcle, and got back to the starting-point, with the doubt whether inoculation forthe small-pox diminished, upon the, whole, the number of its victims. Be this as it will, great bitterness was evolved in the controversy in 1721. The physicians, through their organ the Courant, opposed, the clergy from their pulpits defended, the practice. The passions of the people ran so high that some of the latter " received personal injury, others were insulted in the street, and were h£u:dly safe in their houses." * A "granado ". was thrown into one of Cotton Mather's windows, but providentially did no harm. On the twenty-fourth of Jcinuary the venerable In crease Mather fulminated a denunciation of the Courant, in his own name, in the rival paper, the Boston Gazette. The close of this extraordinary anathema is in the following words : "I that have known what New England was from the Beginning, cannot but be troubled to see the Degen eracy of this Place. I can well remember when the Civil Government could have taken an effectual Course to suppress SI ch a Cursed Libel ! which if it be not done, I am afraid that some Awful Judgment will come upon this land, and that the wrath of G OD will arise, and there wfll be no rem edy. I cannot but pity poor Franklin, [James,] who though but a Young Man, it may be speedily he must appear before the judgment seat of GOD, and what answer will he give for printing things so vile and abominable ? And I cannot but Advise the Supporters of this Courant to consider the conse quences of being Partakers of other Men's Sins, and no more countenance such a Wicked Paper." The first notice taken by young Franklin of this denun ciation was to reprint it with all its minatory capitals and Italics in the next number of his own paper. A formal reply, written with spirit and point, appeared a fortnight later, and contained, what was no doubt the most satisfactory vindica tion, the statement, that the Courant had received more than forty new subscribers in the course of the month. • Eliot's Biographical Dictionary, p. 79. VOL. II. 4 26 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. What part, or whether any, was taken by Benjamin m , these early troubles of the Courant, is not recorded. He was *but a boy of sixteen, — a drudge in his brother's service, — not likely to have given the tone to these proceedings ; but very likely, on sly occasion, to have pointed a stray sarcasm or aimed a saucy epigram at some distinguished mark. Graver proceedings were in train, in which the courageous apprentice was to bear a prominent part, and to find a way of escape from the burdensome indentures. The thunderbolt of the offended patriarch- fell as harmless at young Franklin's feet as the granado had at son Cotton's. It was behind the age. The Courant went on as usual, not merely in reference to inoculation, but to every other topic of public interest and concern. It was clever, bold, some what scandalous even, at times, not wholly free from coarse ness, but well sustained by a club of wits behind the scenes. An intention evidently existed on the part of those in author ity to lay the hand of power on the audacious journal. The occasion seized to execute this purpose was, it must be owned, of the slightest. A piratical vessel had appeared off Block Island, and the government of Massachusetts was requested by the government of Rhode Island to join in proper measures for the capture of the corsair. The Courant of June eleventh, 1722, contained an article dated at New port, and giving an account of what was done there by way of fitting out vessels to cruise for the buccaneer, and ending with a single sentence, which certainly implies, in rather a sarcastic manner, that the government at Boston were taking matters quite leisurely. This was an unjust insinuation, inas much as it appears that an armed cruiser was impressed, manned by a hundred men, and was got ready to safl on the second or third day after the news of the phate reached Boston. For this offence, James Franklin was sent for, examined before the council, and acknowledged himself the publisher of the paper. A concurrent vote passed the two houses, that the paragraph in question was a high affront to this govern ment, and the sheriff of Suffolk was ordered to commit the THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 27 printer forthwith to jafl, where he remained till the end of the session.* During his confinement, the paper was carried on by Ben jamin, then but a little over sixteen years of age. Whether he was himself, at this time, called before the council, is not certain ; but no one can doubt that these trying scenes, and the responsibility which devolved upon him, formed no small part of the discipline which prepared him for the great work of his after life. Notwithstanding their personal differences, the brother apprentice entered into his, master's wrongs, and " made bold to give the rulers some rubs, which James took very kindly." The tone of the paper, however, during the imprisonment of the proprietor, was, of necessity, much subdued. As soon as he was restored to liberty, the Courant resumed its accustomed boldness. The leading article of the next papei: appeared with this motto, from a sermon of worthy Dr Hickeringill, (whose fame, but for this quotation, might hardly have reached us:) "And then, after they had anathe matized and cursed a man to the devfl, and the devil did not or would not take him, then to make the sheriff and the jafler take the devU's leavings." The following numbers teemed with pertinent extracts from English writers, and speeches in the English parliament, on the great principles of civil liberty, and the freedom of the press ; and the twenty-ninth chapter of Magna Charta was reprinted, with Lord Coke's commentary at length. In a word, the result of this, as of most other attempts to restrain the liberty of the press, was to give it greater boldness and power. I believe, however, that the Courant and its conductors have, on this occasion, had credit for one reckless speech which was never made by them. Mr Isaiah Thomas, the veteran historian of printing in America, having related the preceding incidents, proceeds to say, that the club, by which the Courant was supported, " then applied the lash, as it was termed, with the greater energy, especially to the governor * See note at the end. 28 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. and some of the clergy." This expression is supported by the following note : " No. 52 [should be 53] has this adver tisement : ' This paper, No. 52, [53,] begins the fifth quarter, and those that have not paid for the lash are deshed to send in then money, or pay it to the bearer.' " But our youthful censors, or rather the ingenious wits who supported them, were bold and keen, not coarse. It seems to have been the. custom in those days to pay the subscription to the news papers quarterly. At the commencement of the new quarter, the Courant appeared with this advertisement : " This paper (No. 53) begins the fifth quarter, and those who have not paid for the last are desired to send in their money or pay it to the bearer." The venerable historian of printing mistoqk the old fashioned Jl for Jh.* But it must be owned, that the lash, if not threatened in words, was pretty freely applied in fact.' At the end of another six months, the printer was again in trouble. On the fourteenth of January, 1723, a piece appeeired in the Courant on the subject of hypocrisy, containing severe allu sions evidentljr to persons of authority or influence, not now, perhaps, traceable to the individuals aimed at. The printer was sent for^ and questioned as to the author of the offensive piece. Benjamin also was probably, at this time, taken up and examined before the council ; but though he did not give 'them any satisfaction, they contented themselves with ad monishing him, and dismissed him. They made allowances for him as an apprentice, and consequently bound to keep his master's secrets. Dr Franklin's account of these events, written from mem ory after a lapse of more than half a century, runs into one occurrence the incidents of June, 1722, and January, 1723, 'a. portion of his narrative belonging to one occasion, and a portion to the other. This leaves it doubtful whether he himself was examined in June or January. Be this as it wfll, both branches of the General Court concurred in an act * Thomas's History of Printing in America, Vol. II. p. 218. Compare the advertisement in No. 53 of the Courant with that in Nos. 52, 79, and 157. THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 29 which was approved by the governor, by which it was ordered that, in consequence of the irreligious and offensive character of the paper of the fourteenth of January, " James Franklin, the printer and publisher thereof, be strictly forbid den, by this court, to print or publish the New England Cou rant, or any pamphlet or paper of the like nature, except it be first supervised by the secretary of this province ; " and in addition, he was required to give bonds to be of good beha vior for twelve months. Our worthy fathers forgot that they were not the Long Parliament. What took place in this emergency had better be related in the exact words of our apprentice, now lifted unexpectedly into a new and critical position, at the age of seventeen. Origirud. "On a consultation held in our printing office among his friends, what he should do in this conjunc ture, it was proposed to elude the order by changing the name of the paper.* But my brother, seeing in conveniences in this, came to a con-_ elusion, as a better way, to let the paper in future be printed in the name of Benjamin Franklin ; and in order to avoid the censure of the as sembly, that might fall on him as still printing it by an apprentice, he con trived ' and consented that my old indenture should -be returned to me with a discharge on the back of it, to show in case of necessity ; and in order to secure to him the benefit of my service, I should sign new in dentures for the remainder of my time, which were to be kept private. A very flimsy scheme it was : how ever, it was immediately executed. Retranslation. " In this conjuncture we held a con sultation of our friends at the print ing house, in order to determine what was to be done. Some pro posed to evade the order * by chang ing the title of the paper ; but my brother, foreseeing inconveniences that would result from this step, thought it better that in future it should be printed in the name of Benjamin Franklin ; and to avoid the censure of the assembly, who might charge him with still printing the paper himself, under the name of his apprentice, it was resolved that my old indentures should be given up to me, with a full and entire discharge ¦written on the back, in order to be produced on an emergency ; but that, to secure to my brother the benefit of my service, I should sign a new con tract, which should be kept secret during the remainder of the term. • The order was not, as stated from recollection in the autobiography, " that he should no longer print the newspaper called the New England Courant," but that he should be strictly forbidden to publish that " or any pamphlet or paper of the like nature." See the order in the Courant, No. 77. 30 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. and the paper was printed, accord ingly, under my name, for several months.* At length, a fresh differ ence arising between my brother and me, I took upon me to assert my free dom, presuming that he would not venture to produce the new inden tures. It was not fair in me to take this advantage, and this I therefore reckon one of the first errcUa of my life ; but the unfairness of it weighed little with me, when under the im pressions of resentment for the blows his passion too often urged him to bestow upon me, though he was oth erwise not an ill-natured man ; per haps I was too saucy and provok ing." This was a very shallow arrange- ment. It was, however, carried into immediate execution, and the paper continued in consequence to make its appearance for some months in my name.* At length, a new difference arising between my brother and me, I ventured to take advantage of my liberty, presuming that he would not dare to produce the new contract. It was undoubtedly dishonorable to avail myself of this circumstance, and I reckon this action as one of the first errors of my life ; but I was little capable of estimating it at its true value, imbittered as my mind had been by the recollection of the blows I had received. Exclusively of his passionate treatment of me, my brother was by no means a man of an ill temper ; and perhaps my man ners had too much impertinence not to afford it a very natural pretext." A questionable transaction, no doubt ; wrong on all sides ; youthful petulance anonymously indulged, and pushed be yond the fair limits of the liberty of the press; provoked authority illegally and oppressively exercised ; and cunning caught in its own toils. The smallest part of the blame must be laid at the door of the youngest party ; the shame and pain of the passionate beatings must be remembered in palliation ; and the frank confession be accepted in atone ment for the remainder of the offence. And so finished the long apprenticeship before its still distant term was reached. It had, however, lasted five years, and in that time Benjamin had learned what proved to him a lucra tive trade, had read widely, and with voracious appetite ; had borne, not without fretfulness, the yoke of discipline ; had * Not only for some months, but for several years ; probably as long as it was published at all. The last paper in the set which belongs to the Massa chusetts Historical Society, and which is perhaps unique, is No. 253, for June 4, 1726, more than three years after Benjamin Franklin left Boston, but stUI bearing his imprint. THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 31 Stood unsubdued before the presence of power, and on the threshold of a jail ; and before he was fairly out of his boy hood, had assumed the responsibility of a man. This is not what one would choose beforehand as a desirable plan of education ; but it is fit training for a bold part in difficult times. When James found that Benjamin was determined to leave his service, he took care to prevent his getting employment in any oth.er printing house in Boston, by going round and giving the poor boy a bad character with every master in town. No one would give him work. Such an unbroth- erly act was no doubt justified in the opinion of James, as the means of bringing back Benjamin to the path of duty. But he knew not the spirit with which he had to do. Una ble to find employment in his native town, he determined to seek it elsewhere ; and thought of New York as the nearest place where there was a printer. Other considerations inclined him to leave his home. The course which he had pursued, in reference to his brother's paper, had made him somewhat obnoxious to the governing party ; and the arbi trary proceedings of the assembly towards James led him to fear that if he staid, he might get into trouble. Besides this, he ingenuously confesses that his indiscreet disputations on religion had begun to cause him to be pointed at with horror by good people, as an infidel and an atheist. For these reasons he determined to remove to New York. They were not reasons, of course, to be approved by the judicious father, who now sided with James ; and Benjamin was sensible that if he attempted to go openly, means would be taken to pre vent him. His friend Collins accordingly undertook to man age his flight. An agreement was made with the captain of a New York sloop to take him on board ; and reasons were assigned, discreditable as well as false, for keeping the trans- . action secret. The well-read books were sold to raise a little money ; he was~taken on board the sloop privately, had a fair wind, and in three days found himself three hundred miles from home, at the age of seventeen — a disgraced and fugi tive apprentice, without any recommendation, or knowing 32 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. any person in the place, and Avith very little money in his pocket. Ou this voyage to New York, Benjamin made an observa tion in natural history, which disturbed his theoretical objec tions against the use of animal food, and influenced his habits in this respect. The sloop was becalmed off Block Island, and the crew employed themselves in catching cod, of which they took great numbers. Up to this time, Benjamin had stuck to his resolution not to eat any thing that h^d had life. On this occasion the soleran reflection crossed his mind, that according to his master Tryon, (the writer already men tioned,) "the taking of fish was a kind of unprovoked mur der, since none of them had nor could do us any harm that might justify this massacre." All this was reasonable ; but human nature wfll vindicate itself. If you put down a hun gry New England boy before a mess of fried codfish, ¦with his appetite sharpened by the pure sea air, you must take the consequences. " I had formerly," says our phflosophical young vagrant, " been a great lover of fish ; and when it came out of the frying-pan, it smelt admirably well." But he did not, in this extremity, rush blindly and without reflection on the savory viands. He balanced, like a conscientious run away, between principle and temptation. He recollected that, as he stood peering over the sailors when the fish were opened, he saw smaller fish taken out of their stomachs. One may at any time see, in fishing on the Grand Bank, a fresh cuttle-fish taken from a newly-caught cod, and a small crab extracted from the cuttle-fish. Could the investigation be pushed further into the diminutive sidler, there would no doubt be found within his tiny maw some microscopical univalve, some cube root, as it were, of a mollusk ; and so on indefinitely. How far Benjamin pushed his researches, he does not tell us ; but this first lesson in natural history was not lost upon him. " If you eat one another," thought he, " I don't see why we may not eat you." So he dined upon cod very heartily, and continued afterwards to eat as other people,, returning only now and then occasionally to a vege table diet. THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 33 As New York was but a small place in 1723, — not proba bly containing more than eight thousand inhabitants, — the means of getting employment for a friendless, runaway ap prentice were not likely to abound.* His original passion for the sea was by this time done away, or it might now easfly have been gratified. A voyage round Cape Cod, in a sloop, was likely enough to give our youthful fugitive some new ideas on that subject. Besides, he had another profession ; and, conceiving himself a pretty good workman, he offered his services to a printer of the place, — old Mr William Bra,d- ford, — who, thirty years before, had established the first printing press in New York.f Old Mr Bradford had little to do and plenty of hands, and could give him no employment ; but advised him to go to Philadelphia, where his son, also a printer, had lately lost his principal hand, and was likely to have employment for Benjamin. Philadelphia was a hundred mUes off; but our stout-hearted adventurer has no time to lose, nor money to spare, in waiting for work. He starts in a boat for Amboy, leaving his " chest and things " to follow him round by sea. In crossing Staten Island Sound, they were struck by a squall, which tore their rotten safls to pieces, prevented their getting into the kill, and drove them upon the shore of Long Island. Here the surf prevented their landing, and compelled them to pass a weary night, supper- less, sleepless, and drenched with rain. The wind abated the next day, and they made shift to reach Amboy before night, " having been thirty hours on the water without victuals or any drink but a bottle of filthy rum." In the evening, our * The population of New York is stated at 8620, in 1731. See Amer ican Almanac for 1830. f Dr Franklin, in the autobiography, writing in 1771, states that old Mr Bradford " had been the first printer in Pennsylvania ; hut had removed thence, in consequence of a quarrelwith the govemor, Geo. Keith." Brad ford removed to New York in 1693, in consequence of a prosecution against himself and a certain George Keith, for a libel. Sir WiUiam Keith was first govemor in 1717, twenty-four years after Bradford's removal. In the subsequent part of his narrative, Dr Franklin alludes to the errors which may have crept into it, in consequence of its having been written from memory and without the means of referring to his papers. vol.. II. 5 34 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. youthful traveller found himself very feverish, and went to bed ; but having read somewhere that cold water drank plen tifully was good for a fever, he followed the prescription. He sweat plentifully during the night, and the fever left him. Crossing the ferry the following day, he pursued the joumey on foot towards Burlington, — a distance of fifty mfles, — and where he was told that he would find boats that would take him the rest of the way to Philadelphia. This was not quite so luxurious a mode of travelling as the litter of Marie Antoinette, in which he went from Paris to Havre in 1785 ; and Benjamin wished himself well back in the printing house in dueen Street, Boston, even at the risk of a beating from his passionate brother. It rained hard all day ; he was soon thoroughly soaked, and, by noon, a good deal tired. He stopped at a poor inn, where he staid all night, beginning now (he confesses) to wish he had never left home. Nor was this the worst. He made so miserable a figure, that he was suspected of being a runaway indentured servant, and in danger of being taken up on that suspicion. He was, however, allowed to proceed without detention ; and got to an inn in the evening, within eight or ten miles of Burlington. On arriving at Burlington the next day, (Satur day,,) he finds that the regular boats for Philadelphia had just gone, and he must wait till Tuesday for the next chance. This was sad news for a light pocket. Benjamin returned to an old woman, of whom he had purchased a stock of gin gerbread to eat on the river, for the purpose of asking her advice. The good-natured soul proposed to lodge him till a passage could be had in some other boat. Foot-sore by the long journey, Benjamin accepted the offer. Learning that he was a printer, the gingerbread dame would have had him remain in Burlington and follow his business, " ignorant," says the narrative, " what stock it was necessary to begin with." More likely the kind old heart saw but too plainly how lightly the poor boy was stocked with the years and other needed outfit for venturing safely into the trials and temptations of the city. She gave him, however, a hospita ble dinner of ox cheek, and would accept nothing but a pot of THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 35 ale in return. Luckily, as he was walking on the Delaware, in the evening, a boat came down the river going to Phila delphia, with several persons on board. They took him in ; and, as there was no wind, they rowed all the day. At mid night, some of the coirfpany were confident they had passed the city, and would row no farther. They turned into a creek, and, landing near an old fence, helped themselves to the rails to make a fire, for it was a cold October night. In the morning, they found themselves in Cooper's Creek, jUst above Phfladelphia ; and reaching the city about nine o'clock, on Sunday morning, landed at Market Street Wharf. Dr Franklin informs his son that he had been more partic ular in this description of his journey, and should be so of his first entry into Phfladelphia, that he might compare such unlikely beginnings with the figure he afterwards made in that city. His best clothes had been sent round by sea, and he was in his working dress, — not certainly improved by the rain and the long journey on foot, — " dirty from being so long in the boat, the pockets stuffed out with shirts and stockings." He knew no one, nor where to look for a lodg ing. Fatigued with walking, rowing, and the want of sleep, he was very hungry. His whole stock of cash was a single dollar and about a shflling in copper, which he gave to the boatmen for his passage. At first they refused it, as he had rowed with them from Burlington to Phfladelphia ; but Ben jamin insisted on their taking it. He was afraid they would think he was poor ! Walking towards the top of the street, he met a boy with bread. He had often made a meal of dry bread, and eagerly got a direction to the baker's. " I asked for biscuits, m,eaning such as we had in Boston : that sort, it seems, was not made in Phfladelphia. I then asked for a threepenny loaf, and was told they had none." This was, indeed, to be in a land of strangers. There was very good bread in PhUadelphia, as there is now, capital. But the boy's "eyes Were with his heart, and that was far away." He would have liked a biscuit such as they have in Boston ; 36 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. but, since that sort was not known in the "benighted, distant province, " I told him to give me threepenny worth of any sort. He gave me, accordingly, three great puffy rolls. I was surprised at the quantity, but took it ; and, having no room in my pockets, walked off with a roll under each arm, and eating the other. Thus I went up Market Street as far as Fourth Street, passing by the door of Mr Read, my future wife's father ; when she, standing at the door, saw me, and thought I made, as I certainly did, a most awkward, ridicu lous appearance. Then I turned and went down Chesnut Street and Walnut Street, eating my roll all the way ; and, coming round, found myself again at Market Street Wharf, near the boat I came in, to which I went for a draught of the river water ; and, being filled with one of my rolls, gave the other two to a woman and her child that came down the river in a boat with us, and were waiting to go farther. Thus refreshed, I w^ked again up the street, which, by this time, had many clean-dressed people in it, who were all walking the same way. I joined them, and was thereby led into the great meeting-house of the Quakers, near the market. I sat down among them, and, after looking round a whfle and hearing nothing said, being very drowsy, through labor and want of rest the preceding night, I fell fast asleep, and con tinued so till the meeting broke up, when some one was kind enough to rouse me. This, therefore, was the first house I was in, or slept in, in Philadelphia." We have now reached the starting-point of Franklin's for tunes. Lower he could not well sink. He is without a lodging, an acquaintance, or a dollar, — in a strange city, three hundred and fifty mfles from home. But, from this moment, (with the exception of a few crosses and slight mischances,) every step that he took was . forward and up wards. We shall keep him company a little longer, but pass rather more rapidly over the road. He immediately sought and found employment with Bradford, the son, and Keimer, the two printers in Phfladelphia, for each of whom he worked as they had business for him. Their establishments were miserably provided, — they themselves poorly skilled in the THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 37 art. Franklin, however, by his assiduity, contrived to earn some money, and took up his lodgings at Mr Read's, making now a better appearance in the eyes of his future wife than when she first saw him. He also formed an acquaintance with some young men of the town, who were lovers of reading, and with them he passed his evenings verjr pleas antly. His friends in Boston (with the exception of Collins) were ignorant where he resided ; nor did he intend soon to return. An accidental circumstance led him to alter this purpose. He had a brother-in-law, Captain Holmes, who commanded a sloop in the coasting trade between Boston and the Delaware. He, being at Newcastle, and having heard that Benjamin was at Philadelphia, wrote a letter, informing him of the grief of his parents and friends, entreating him to return, and promis ing, on their behalf, that every thing should be accommodated to his satisfaction. Benjamin wrote him a letter in reply, thanking him for his advice, arid stating the reasons for his departure, in such a light as to convince good Captain Holmes that he was not so much in the wrong as he apprehended. Sir William Keith, governor of the province, was then at Newc£istle ; and Captain Holmes happened to be with him when he received Benjamin's letter. The letter was shown to the governor, and read by him, who said the writer was evidently a young man of promising parts, and must be encouraged. Returned to Philadelphia, and in company with Colonel French, another person of influence, the governor called upon Benjamin while at work in Keimer's office, took him off to a tavern to taste some excellent Madeira with Colonel French, loaded hun with compliments, advised him to set up for himself, and promised him the public printing. As the astonished youth expressed doubts whether his friends in Boston would assist him in such an undertaking, Sir Wflliam promised to write to his father, and set forth the advantages of the project. It was concluded over their Ma deira that he should go to Boston in the first vessel. Accordingly, about the end of Aprfl, 1724, seven months after his departure, he sailed for Boston, with ample and flat- 38 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. tering letters from the governor. He arrived in a fortnight, and all were very glad to see him, except brother James, who had not perhaps digested the original offence, and who was offended -at Benjamin's genteel new clothes, watch, and pocket full of silver, somewhat ostentatiously displayed in the presence of his admiring journeymen. > The cautious father was pleased, but not convinced, by Sir William's let ters ; Captain Holmes recommended the project, but in vain. It was out of the question for a boy of eighteen to set up for himself in a business requiring an expensive outfit. Accord ingly, a civil letter of acknowledgment is written by the father to the governor, declining to accede to his proposal. He gave his consent, however, to Benjamin's return to Phil adelphia, and dismissed him with much good advice to behave respectfully to the people there, and avoid lampoon ing and libelling, to which he thought him too much inclined. He encouraged him with the prospect, that, by industry and parsimony, he might save enough, by the time he was one and twenty, to set up for himself, and promised, if at that time he came near the mark, he would help him out with the rest. " This was all I could obtain, except some small gifts as tokens of his and my mother's love, when I em barked again for New York, now with their approbation and blessing." And here, at length, with his parents' blessing, we may safely leave him. To trace him with minuteness through the remainder of his career would require a volume. We can but glance at the subsequent events of his life, which was passed in almost unbroken prosperity and success. On his return to New York, on the way to Philadelphia, Governor Burnet, the son of the celebrated bishop of that name, having heard of him. from the captain of the vessel which brought him from Boston, as a young man who had books in his pos session, sent for him and treated him with kindness. This was the second colonial governor who, within a few months, had taken particular notice of him. As he was yet but a poor and friendless youth, he was justly flattered with this distinction. There seems to have been something about him, THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 39 from early youth, which attracted the notice and won the confidence of persons older than himself On reaching Philadelphia, he fell again into the hands of Sir William Keith, who seems to have been a light, incon siderate person, addicted to making promises which he never thought of performing. Pretending regret that his father was not willing to set him up in business, he avowed the resolution of doing so himself He directed Franklin to make out an inventory of the articles necessary to a print ing office, promising to aid him in the purchase. The amount was one hundred pounds sterling. This, Sir Wflliam Keith informed him, no doubt truly enough, could be laid out miich more advantageously in London, where also beneficial correspondences could be established. Letters of recom mendation and credit were promised by the heartless great man. With these treacherous encouragements, Benjamin makes ready to sail in the Annis, the annual ship, and the only regular trader at that time between Philadelphia and London. The letters constantly promised by the governor were constantly delayed ; and at length, when our youthful adventurer was actually embarked. Sir William had the almost incredible meanness to send him word that the letters of credit, with the rest of the governor's despatches, had been thrown into the letter-bag, and could be selected on the passage. Arrived in London, poor Benjamin found that no such letters had been written, and that it was the governor's habit and apparent amusement to make promises which he never intended to perform. Thus was he betrayed into the great world of London, without resources, without friends able to serve him, and dependent on his hands for support at the age of eighteen. But he immediately went to work as a journeyman printer, and labored a year and a half in that employment with dili gence and success. At the close of this period, he formed a connection in trade with Mr Denham, a merchant of Phfla delphia, with whom he had become acquainted in London, who was about to establish himself in America on a large scale, and who made tempting overtures to P'ranklin to join 40 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. him. On leaving London, he remarks, that most of the time he had spent there he had worked hard at the printing busi ness, and spent but little money on himself, except in seeing plays and buying books. His friend Ralph (not unknown as a voluminous writer on English history) kept him poor, and he returned home more improved in knowledge than in fortune. On his return to Phfladelphia, at the age of twenty, he commenced business as a trader with Mr Denham ; applied himself diligently to his duty, studied accounts, and became expert in selling. This arrangement was of short duration. Franklin fell dangerously ill, as did also his friend and part ner ; and the latter, after lingering for some time, died. This circumstance broke up the establishment, and with it Benja min's employment as a trader. He resumed the business of a printer, as foreman to Keimer, for whom he had worked on his first arrival in Phfladelphia. After about a year passed in his service, he established himself as a printer, in partnership with a fellow-apprentice of the name of Meredith ; and from that time forward — at first slowly, but at length with rapidity — he rose to full employment, consideration, wealth, and fame. I shall not attempt to trace the narrative any farther ; in fact, we have gone through the boyhood and youth of Franklin. The foundation is laid ; temperance, untiring industry, a clear understanding, a cheerful temper, and reso lute purpose will do the rest. The first decisive upward step was the establishment of a newspaper, in which all his train ing in the office of the Courant came immediately in play. A pamphlet, on paper currency, soon followed ; the first of that series of publications to which — and by means of his happy style of prose composition — he owed, in his own opinion, his advancement in the world. Soon the founda tions of a public library are laid. Anon, through the humble pages of an almanac, Poor Richard begins to utter his oracles of simple wisdom, and to carry instruction .to every fireside in the colonies. The office of postmaster of Phfladelphia is soon conferred upon him, the first of a long series of public THE BOVHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. 41 trusts, uniformly discharged with success and credit. Pro jects for a city watch and a fire company evince the practical — at all times the prevailing — cast of his mind ; while the plan of a philosophical society shows that the taste for public utility is united with a fondness for scientific research. The foundations are now laid by him for an institution for educa tion, which eventually grows up into the University of Pennsylvania. At this stage of his career, the experiments by which the identity of the electric fluid and lightning is satisfactorily established place his name among the most distinguished in science. But science is only his recreation. He enters political life as a member of the assembly, and takes a leading and efficient part in the public business, civil and military, in difficult times. His great capacity for affairs soon points him out for almost the only civfl office, before the revolution, which required a comprehensive view of the whole country — that of postmaster-general for America. In 1754, he is a member of the Congress at Albany, and pro poses there a plan for a union of the colonies. Honors, at length, begin to reach him from abroad. He is chosen a member of the Royal Society of London, and, going to England as the agent of Pennsylvania, he is welcomed to the highest scientific circles. He returns to his own country, fills the speaker's chair of the assembly of Pennsylvania, but is soon sent back to England, the agent — the envoy, in fact — of half a dozen colonies. Here he is thrown, by events, into the position of representative and champion of his country, during the long and anxious struggle which sprung from the ministerial plan of American taxation. When the war broke out in 1775, he was already sixty- nine years of age, but entered, at that advanced period of life, with the alacrity of a youth, on a career substantially untried. To the station of minister of the United States to the court of France, he carried a European reputation of the highest order, and an influence over the public mind in Eng land not probably possessed by any other man. Associated with Sflas Deane and Arthur Lee, he negotiates, in 1778, the treaty of alliance with France, and, in company with John VOL. II. 6 42 THE BOYHOOD AND YOUTH OF FRANKLIN. Adams and John Jay, signed, in 1783, the definitive treaty of independence and peace with Great Britain. Once more, and for the last time, returned to his native land, at the age of eighty, he fills, for three years successively, the highest office in the state of Pennsylvania. His last appearance in public life was as a member of the convention for forming the constitution of the United States. Although his age and its infirmities prevented his taking a very active part in the business of that body, a few short speeches made by him are preserved, which attest the soundness of his mind. Among the most significant is that with which he prefaced his motion for daily prayers in the convention, an extract from which will show that, although he had formed, in early life, loose notions on points of Christian doctrine, he was firmly grounded on the great basis of all practical religion. An extract from this speech will furnish an appropriate close of the present imperfect sketch. After commenting on the fact that the convention had been four or, five weeks in session, without making any valu able progress, Dr Franklin proceeds as follows : — "In the beginning of the contest with Britain, when we were sensible of danger, we had daily prayers, in this room, for the divine protection. Our prayers, sir, were heard; and they were graciously answered. All of us, who were engaged in the struggle, must have observed frequent instances of a superintending Providence in our favor. To that kind Providence we owe this happy opportunity of consulting in peace on the means of estab lishing our future national felicity. And have we now forgotten that pow erful Friend ? or do we imagine we no longer need his assistance .' I have lived, sir, a long time; and the longer I live, the more convincing proofs I see of this truth, that God governs in the affairs of men ! And if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground without his notice, is it probable that an empire can rise without his aid ? We have been assured, sir, in the sacred writings, that ' except the Lord build the house, they labor in vain who build it' I firmly believe this ; and I also believe that without his concur ring aid, we shall succeed in this political building no better than tne builders of Babel : we shall be divided by our little partial, local interests, our projects will be confounded, and we ourselves shall become a reproach and a by-word to future ages. And what is worse, mankind may hereafter, from this unfortunate instance, despair of establishing government by human wisdom, apd leave it to chance, war, and conquest" NOTE See Page 27. As the Drecise causes ot the arrest and imprisonment of James Franklin have not, I believe, mtnerto been stated, I have examined the manuscript records of the General Court for the month of June, 1722, for the purpose of ascertaining them. The incident is one of considerable curiosity in our domestic history, and the follo-wing detail may therefore be interesting to the reader. In the month of May, 1722, a piratical vessel appeared off Block Island, and made some captures. Information of this event was sent by the gov ernor of Rhode Island to Governor Shute at Boston, and by him communi cated to the Council on the 7th of June. The report was, that a pirate brigantine of two great guns and four swivel guns, and of fifty men, was off the coast, and had captured several vessels. In the defenceless state of the American coasts and waters, this was an event well calculated to cause alarm, though not one of infrequent occurrence. The news from Rhode Island was immediately referred to a joint com mittee of the Council and House of Representatives, who reported on the same day, " that it would be of service to the government and of security to trade, that a large sloop of seventy or eighty tons, or some other suitable vessel, shoidd be immediately impressed, and manned with one hundred men, and suitable officers to comraand the same, to be equipped with six great guns, and a sufficient quantity of all warlike stores, offensive and defensive, wifh provisions suitable for the said number of men for one month, to cruise between the capes or elsewhere, where the captain-general shall see cause to go in quest of a pirate brigantine expected to be on our coast, or any other vessel that they shall have suspicion of." This report was forthwith adopted ; the same committee was instructed to carry its recommendations into effect ; and the treasurer was ordered to fumish the necessary supplies. No time seems to have been lost in executing these measures, for we find from the records of the court, that on the next day (Sth June, 1722) tha House of Representatives passed the following resolve: — (43) 44 NOTE. " "Whereas this coxirt has resolved that a suitable vessel, manned with a hundred men, to be well fumished and equipped with aU warlike stores, offen sive and defensive, shall be despatched and sent out ¦with aU possible expedi tion to reduce and suppress a piratical brigantine now infesting our coast, — for the encouragement of that expedition under Peter Papillon, " Voted, That the captors shall be entitled to the piratical vessel they shall take, and all the goods, wares, and merchandises that shall be found on board, belonging to the pirates, so far as is consistent ¦with the acts of parliament in such case made and provided. "And for further encouragement, that they be paid out of the public treasury the sum of ten pounds per head for every pirate killed, or that shall be taken, by them, con-victed of piracy, and shall also be entitled to the com mon wages of the port j and in case any man on board shall be maimed or wounded in engaging, fighting, or repelling the pirates, he shall be entitled to a bounty suitable to the wounds he or they shall receive, to be allowed and paid out of the public treasury of this pro^vince." It seems from these resolutions that a certain Captain Peter Papillon, at that time outward bound for Barbadoes, had been immediately engaged to command the vessel sent out against the pirates, which was named, aa appears from subsequent proceedings, the "Flying -Horse." On the 9th of June, the sum of one hundred pounds was ordered to be advanced to Captain Papillon, to be paid to his men on account of their wages. On the same day, a petition was presented to the General Court by Philip Bunker and others, praying " that they may be allowed to pro ceed on their fishing, and call at Nantucket as they go along, to give Intel ligence of the pirate ; notwithstanding the embargo." As it does not appear from the records of the court that any embargo was laid ; as no notice of any embargo appears in the Courant for this week, but, on the contrary, vessels appear to have cleared out as usual at the custom-house ; this petition of Philip Bunker needs further explanation. On Monday, June llth, in the Courant which appeared that day, there was an article dated Newport, Rhode Island, June 7th, containing an account of the appearance of the pirate off Block Island, and of the prompt steps taken at Newport to send out two vessels to cruise against him. The article then concludes with this remark : — "-We are ad-yised from Boston, that the government of the Massachusetts are fitting out a. ship to go after the pirates, to be commanded by Captain Peter Papillon, and 't is thought he will sail sometime ihis month, wind and weather permitting." The same paper, under the Boston head, announced that above a hundred men had been enlisted, and that the vessel would probably sail that day. But the insinuation of tardiness in the conclusion of the pretended arti cle from Rhode Island, seeras to have been taken in very ill part On tlie NOTE. 45 I2th of June, the following singular proceedings were had in the General Court : — "Tuesday, 12 June, 1722. Present in Council, " His Excellency, SAMUEL SHUTE, Esqr, Govr. "William Taileb, Samuel Sewall, Penn Townsend, Nath'l Nokden, Add. Davenpokt, Thos. Hutchinson, Thos. Fitch, Edmund Quincy, Adam Winthkop, JoNA. Belcher, Isaac Winslow, Edward Bromi-ield, John Cushinq, Benj'n Lynde, Jona. Dowse, li-sqrs, p^^j_ Dudley, Sam'l Thaxter, Charles Frost, Spencer Phips, Esqrs. " In Council, the board having before them a paper called the New England Courant, of the date of June llth, 1722, and apprehending that a paragraph therein, said to be -written from Rhode Island, contains matter of reflection on this government, " Ordered, That the publisher of said paper be forthwith sent for to answer for the same, and accordingly James Franklyn, of Boston, Printer, was sent for, examined, and o-wned he had published the said paper. " In Council, the board ha-ving had consideration of a paragraph in a paper called the New England Courant, published on Monday last, relating to the fitting out a ship here to proceed against the pyrates, and having examined James Franklyn, printer, who acknowledged himself the publisher thereof, and finding the said paragraph to be grounded on a letter, pretended by the said Franklyn to be received from Rhode Island, " Resolved, That the said paragraph is a high alfront to this govemment. " In the House of Representatives, read and concurred, and " Resolved, That the sheriff of the county of Suffolk do forthwith commit td the gaol in Boston the body of James Franklyn, printer, for the gross afirbnt bffered to this govemment in the Courant of Monday last. "In Council, read and concurred ; consented to [by the governor.]" In virtue of this resolution, James Franklin was arrested under a speak er's warrant, and confined in the stone jail. This summary power of punishing persons deemed guilty of contempts, though perhaps now exercised for the first time in America in a matter pertain ing to the liberty of the press, was borrowed from the parliamentary law of England, where it is not yet obsolete. Pending these proceedings against Franklin, three " Bridgewater men " were imprisoned in the same way, for obstructing the surveyors appointed to run a boundary line under an order of the General Court The records of the General Court contain the following entry the next week : — "In Council, 20th June, 1722, a petition of James Franklyn, printer, hum bly shewing, that he is truly sensible and heartily sorry for the offence he 46 NOTE. has given to this court in the late Courant, relating to the fitting out of a ship by the govemment, and truly acknowledges his inadvertency and folly therein in affronting the government, as also his indiscretion and indecency when before the court, for all which he intreats the court's forgiveness, and praying a discharge from the stone prison where he is confined by order of the court, and that he may have the liberty of the yard, he being much in disposed and suffering in his health by the said confinement ; a certiBlcate of Dr Zabdiel Boylston being offered with the said petition. " In the House of Representatives, read, and " Voted, That James Franklyn, now a prisoner in the stone gaol, may have the liberty of the prison house aud yard, upon his giving security for his faithful abi(^ng there. " In Council, read and concurred ; consented to, "Samuel Shute." An attempt was made in the Council to follow up their blow by an order which passed that body, providing that "no such weekly paper [as the Courant] be hereafter printed or published, without the same be first perused and allowed by the Secretary, cw has been usual." This order, however, was not at this time concurred in by the House. It is given at length in the History of Printing, together with the proceedings of the fol lowing January, when such an order passed both branches. See Thomas's History of Printing in America, Vol. II. pp. 220, 221. What the Council meant by the phrase " as has been usual," is not so clear. It was omitted in the order as it finally passed both houses, in January, 1723. FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL.' Fellow-Citizens : I HAVE cheerfuUy complied with the request received from you a short time since, that I would address you on this great national festival. [A~considerable part of my time, since I "was honored with your invitation, has been necessarfly de voted by me to fulfilling a previous engagement. I therefore appear before you this morning under chcumstances creating some claim to your indulgence. It seemed, however, to me that this was peculiarly the occasion when a man ought to be ready and willing to appear before his fellow-citizens with little or no preparation. It is, in fact, eminently the day for short notice. It could not well be shorter than that which our fathers had to gird on the harness for the great conflicts which led to the declaration of independence. Rarely, in the course of human affairs, is shorter notice of important events given than that which called the citizens of Middlesex to arms on the nineteenth of April, 1775. Their deeds were not those of veteran armies manoBU"vring for whole campaigns under skilful generals. The very name which they gave themselves is their best description. They were minute men; — they held them selves ready to move without any notice ; — and their marching orders came at last from the alarm-bell, at mid night. I might go a little farther, emd say, fellow-citizens of * Delivered at Lowell, on Monday, the Sth of July, 1830, and now first published. A lecture before the Charlestown Lyceum was delivered by the author, on the anniversary of Govemor Winthrop's landing, the preceding week. (47) 48 FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. Lowell, that your town itself, in its very existence, affords signal authority for doing things at short notice. If, on the fourth of .Tuly, 1820, — ten years ago only, — a painter had come to the confluence of the Merrimack and Concord Riv ers, and sketched upon his canvas the panorama of such a cit3% as this, and pronounced that, in ten years, such a settle ment would be found on this spot, it would have been thought a very extravagant suggestion. If he had said, that, in the course of forty or fifty yeafs^ such a population would be gathered here, with all these manufacturing establishments, private dwellings, warehouses, schools, and churches, he would have been thought to indulge a bold, but pleasing, vision, not, perhaps, beyond the range of probability. The Roman history contains a legend of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus, who, having prolonged their slumbers to the unusual extent of two hundred and seventy years, were a good deal bewildered, when they awoke, to find a new emperor on the throne, strange characters on the coin, and other very con siderable innovations. A person who should have gone to sleep in one of the two farm-houses which, ten years ago, [ stood on the site of Lowell, would have found greater changes on ¦waking. Finally, my friends, without wishing to run down the idea, I may remark, that our whole country has taken her present position in the family of nations on very short notice. Our history seems a great political romance. In the annals of most other states, ancient and modern, there is a tardiness of growth, which, if our own progress be assumed as the standard of comparison, we hardly know how to explain. Greece had been settled a thousand years before she took Emy great part on the theatre of the world. Rome, at the end of five centuries from the foundation of the city, was not so powerful as the state of Massachusetts. It is not much short of two thousand years since the light of the ancient civilization — such as it was — began to dawn on Great Britain. Its inhabitants have been a Christianized people for nearly fifteen centuries ; and I have read in a newspaper, this morning, an extract from an English print, in FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. 49 which we are informed that turnpike roads and canals have been introduced into that country for seventy years : and this is mentioned as a long time. It is not one hundred years since the mafl coach was first introduced into that country ; and yet in this and all simflar enterprises we know that our brethren in England are far before the rest of the European world. What do we witness in this country ? Compare our present condition with that of this then barbarous wilderness two centuries ago. With what rapidity the civilization of Europe has been caught up, naturalized, and, in many points of material growth and useful art, carried beyond the foreign standard ! Consider our rapid progress even in the last gen eration, not merely in appropriating the arts of the old world, but in others of our own invention or great improvement. Take the case of steam navigation as a striking example. It has been known, for a century or more, that the vapor of bofling water is the most powerful mechanical agent at our command. The steam engine was brought near to perfec tion, by Bolton and Watt, sixty years ago ; and it is not much less than that time since attempts began to be made to solve the problem of steam navigation. Twenty years ago, there were steamers regularly plying on the North River and Staten Island Sound ; but so lately as eleven years ago, I think, there was no communication by steam between Liverpoo and Dublin, or between Dover and Calais ; nor did the use of steamers spread extensively in any direction in Europe tfll they had covered the American waters. Take another example, in the agricultural staple so closely connected with the industry of Lowell. The southern parts of Europe, Egypt, and many other portions of Africa, and a broad zone in Asia, possess a soil and climate favorable to the growth of cotton. It is, in fact, an indigenous product of Asia, Africa, or both. It has been cultivated in those coun tries from time immemorial : the oldest European historians speak of its use. It is, also, an indigenous product throughout a broad belt on the American continent ; and was cultivated by the aborigines before the discovery of Columbus. Al- VOL. 11. 7 50 FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. though it was the leading principle of the colonial system to encourage the cultivation hi the colonies of all those articles which would be useful to the manufactures of the mother country, not a bale of cotton is known to have been exported from the United States to Great Britain before the revolution. Immediately after the close of the revolutionary war, attention began to be turned to this subject in several parts of the Southern States. The culture of cott->n rapidly increased; and, since the invention of the cotton gin, has become, next to the cereal grains, the most important agricultural product. It is supposed, that, for the present year, the cotton crop of the United States will amount to one mfllion of bales — • five times, I presume, the amount raised for exportation in all the rest of the world. Take another example, in commerce and navigation, and one peculiarly illustrative of the effect, on the industry of the country, of the political independence established on the day which we commemorate. The principles of the colonial system confined our trade and navigation to the intercourse of the mother country. The individuals are living, or recently deceased, who made the first voyages from this country to the Baltic, to the Mediterranean, or around either of thfe great capes of the world. Before the declaration of independence, the hardihood and skill of our mariners had attracted the admiration of Europe. Burke has commemorated them in a burst of eloquence which will be rehearsed as long as the English language is spoken.* But though he exclaims, " No sea but what is vexed by their fisheries, no climate that is not witness to their tofls," the commerce and, navigation of the colonies are scarce worthy of mention, in comparison with those of the United States. All that Burke admired and eulogized is inconsiderable, when contrasted with what has * Speech on Conciliation with America. « Neither the perseverance of Holland, nor the activity of France, nor the dexterous and firm sagacity of English enterprise ever carried this most perilous mode of hard industry (the whale fishery) to the extent to which it has been pushed by this recent people — a people who are still, as it were, but in the gristle, and not yet hardened into the bone, of manhood." FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. 61 been achieved, in this respect, since the declaration of inde pendence. ' 1' Nor is the progress less remarkable which has been made since that event in the interior of the continent. The settle ment of our western country is a marvel in human affairs. J['his great enterprise, as we know, languished under the colonial government. For this there were many reasons. The possessions of France, with powerful native tribes in her alliance, stretched along the frontier, from the Gulf of the St Lawrence to that of Mexico. A certain density of popula tion along the coast was, of necessitj'^, a condition precedent to the settlement of the region west of the Alleghanies ; and when this subject attracted the attention of the mother coun try, the extension of the plantations beyond the Ohio was forbidden, for reasons of state. With the declaration of inde pendence, — notwithstanding the burdens and discourage ments of the war of the revolution, and the hostflity of the formidable tribes of savages who sided with Great Britain, — the hardy column of emigrants, with *Daniel Boone at their head, forced its way over the mountains, and conquered and settled Tennessee and Kentucky. As soon as the pacification of the north-western tribes and the surrender of the British posts made it practicable, the enterprising youth of New England, and, among the foremost, those of Essex and Mid dlesex, in this state, took up the line of march to Ohio ; and now the three states which I have named, which, before the revolution, did not contain a regular white settlement, are inhabited by a population equal to that of the ^irteen colo nies at the beginning of the revolutionary war-j This astonishing growth has evidently not only been sub sequent to the declaration of independence, but consequent upon its establishment, as effect upon cause ; and this both by a removal of specific obstacles to our progress, which were imposed by the colonial system, and by the general operation of the new political order of things on the mind and charac ter of the country. The reason why England has long excelled every other country in Europe, in the extent of her available resources, and in the cultivation of most of the 52 FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. practical arts, is to be found in those principles of constitu tional representative government, in that parliamentary free dom and popular energy which cannot exist under any form of despotism. The stfll more complete establishment of simflar principles here, I take to be the chief cause of a stfll more accelerated march of improvement. It is usual to con sider human labor as the measure of value. That which can be got by any one without labor, directly or indirectly per formed, as the common daylight and air, has no exchangeable value. That which requires the greatest amount of labor for its production, other things being equal, is most valuable. But there is as much mere physical capacity for labor dor mant in a population of serfs and slaves, or of the subjects of an Oriental despotism, as in an equal population of the freest country on earth; as much in the same number of men in Asia Minor, or the Crimea, as in Yorkshire in England, or Middlesex in Massachusetts. But what a difference in the developments and applications of labor in the two classes of population respectively ! On the one hand, energy, fire, and endurance ; on the other, languor and tardiness : on the one hand, a bold application of capital in giving employment to labor ; on the other, a furtive concealment of capital where it exists, and a universal want of it for any new enterprise;: on the one hand, artistic skill and moral courage superadded to the mere animal power of labor ; on the other, every thing done by hand, in ancient, unimproving routine : on the one hand, a constantly increasing amount of skilled and energetic labor, resulting from the increase of a well-educated popula tion ; on the other, stationary, often declining numbers, and one generation hardly able to fill the place of its predecessor. It is the spirit of a free country which animates and gives energy to its labor ; which puts the mass in action, gives it motive and intensity, makes it inventive, sends it off in new directions, subdues to its command all the powers of nature, and enlists in its service an army of machines, that do all but think and talk. Compare a hand loom with a power loom ; a barge, poled up against the current of a river, with a steamer breasting its force. The difference is not greater FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. 63 between them than between the . efficiency of labor under a free or despotic government ; in an independent state or a colony. I am disposed to think that the history of the world would concur with our own history, in proving that, in pro portion as a community is under the full operation of the encouraging prospects and generous motives which exist in a free country, precisely in that proportion will its labor be efficient, enterprising, inventive, and productive of all the blessings of life. This is a general operation of the establishment of an independent government in the United States of America, which has not perhaps been enough considered among us. We have looked too exclusively to the mere polit ical change, smd the substitution of a domestic for a for eign rule, as an historical fact, flattering to the national vanity. There was also another consequence of very great practical importance, which, in celebrating the declaration of independence at Lowell, ought not to pass unnoticed. While we were colonies of Great Britain, we were dependent on a government in which we were not represented. The laws passed by the Imperial Parliament were not passed for the ben efit of the colony as their immediate object, but only so far as the interest of the colony was supposed to be consistent with that of the mother country. It was the principle of the colonial system of Europe, as it was administered before the revolution, to make the colonies subserve the growth and wealth of the parent state. The industry of the former was accordingly encouraged where it contributed to this object ; it was . discouraged and restrained where it was believed to JiEfve an opposite tendency. [ Hence the navigation law, by which the colonies were forbidden to trade directly with any but British ports. It is not easy to form a distinct conception of the paralyzing effect of such a restraint upon the industry of a population like ours, seated upon a coast which nature has indented with capacious harbors, and with a characteristic aptitude, from the earliest periods of our existence as a com munity, for maritime adventure. The case was still worse in reference to manufactures. 64 FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. The climate of the northern and middle colonies is such as to make the manufacture of clothing one of the great con cerns of civflized life. Apart from all views to the accu mulation of wealth, the manufactures of wool, (and of late years of cotton,) of hon, leather, and wood, are connect ed with the comfortable subsistence of every famfly. And yet to all these branches of industry, except so far as they were carried on for household consumption, not only was no legislative favor extended by the home government, but they were from time to time made the subject of severe penal statutes. In this respect there was an important difference in the condition of the northern and southern colonies. The indus try of the latter was encouraged ; bounties were offered for the cultivation of some of their staples; the growth of a rival article, in the case of tobacco, was prohibited in the mother country ; and a free market opened to all the agricul tural produce, and the raw materials of manufacture, which the colony could export. The Northern States were hardly able to feed themselves. They had no agricultural produce to give in exchange for foreign manufactures ; and that spe cies of industry which was so peculiarly necessary, not so much to their prosperity and growth as to their subsistence, was inhibited -by act of Parliament. Accordingly, when the country entered upon the condition of independent political existence, of the three great branches of human industry, its agriculture had been fostered and patronized; its navigation, though subject to restraint, stfll vigorous within the permitted limits ; and in the department of the fisheries, as we have seen, carried on with such bold ness and success as to attract the admiration of the world : but its manufacturing interests were suffering under the effect of a century of actual warfare, and the loss of all the skfll which would have been acquired in a century's experience. The establishment, therefore, of a prosperous manufac turing town like LoweU, regarded in itself, and as a speci men of other simflar seats of American art and industry, may with propriety be considered as a peculiar triumph of our political independence. They are, if I may so express FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. 55 it, the complement of the revolution. They redress the peculiar hardships of the colonial system. They not only do that which was not done, but which was not permitted to be done before the establishment of an independent government. It is no part of ray present purpose. — in fact, I conceive , it would be out of place on an occasion like this — to discuss , the protective policy which has been extended to the manu factures of the country as far as it has been made a party question. It will, however, I think, strike every one that the view I am now taking of the subject is peculiarly appro priate to the fourth of July ; and it is only in this connection that I propose to treat the subject. It is well known that the sagacious and intelligent persons, who have been principally concerned in establishing the manufactures of Massachusetts, have never been friends of what has been called a high tariff policy ; and that all they have desired, in this respect, was, that after a very large amount of capital had, under the operation of the restrictive system, as it was called, and the war of 1812, been led to take this direction, and had grown up into one of the most important interests of the country, it should not be deprived of that moderate protection which might be accorded to it under the general revenue laws of the Union, and which was necessary to shield the American manufacturer against the fluctuations of the foreign market, and the effect of a condition of the laborer in foreign coun tries, to which no one can desire to see the labor of this country reduced. Without, therefore, going at all into the merits of such a system, as a matter of political controversy, I have thought it appropriate to the occasion to point out, in a summary way, the connection of the growth of our manufactures with the independence of the country ; and I believe it would not be difficult to show that no event, consequent upon the estab lishment of our independence, has been of greater public benefit. Let us consider, first, the addition made to the capital of the country, by bringing into action the immense mechanical power which exists at the falls and rapids of our streams. 66 FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. Could the choice have been given to us, for the abode of our population, of a dead alluvial plain of twice the extent, every one feels that it would have been bad policy to accept the offer. Every one perceives that this natural water power is a vast accession to the wealth and capital of a state. The colonial system annihflated it, or, what was the same thing, prevented its application. To all practical purposes, it reduced the beautiful diversity of the surface — nature's grand and lovely landscape gardening of vale and mountain — to that dull alluvial level. The rivers broke over the rapids ; but the voice of nature and Providence, which cried from them, " Let these be the seats of your creative industry," was uttered in vain. It was an element of prosperity which we held in unconscious possession. It is scarcely credible how completely the thoughts of men had been turned in a different direction. There is probably no country on the surface of the globe, of the same extent, on which a greater amount of this natural capital has been bestowed by Provi dence ; but a century and a half passed by, not merely before it began to be profitably applied on a large scale, but before its existence even began to be suspected, and this in places where some of its greatest accumulations are found. If a very current impression in this community is not destitute of foundation, the site of Lowell itself was examined, no very long time before the commencement of the first factories here, and the report brought back was, that it presented no available water power. Does it not strike every one who hears me, that, in calling this water power into action, the country has gained just as much as it would by the gratuitous donation of the same amount of steam power; with the additional advantage in favor of the former, that it is, from the necessity of the case, far more widely distributed, sta tioned at salubrious spots, and unaccompanied with most of the disadvantages and evfls incident to manufacturing estab lishments moved by steam in the crowded streets and un healthy suburbs of large cities ? Of all this vast wealth bestowed upon the land by Provi dence, — brought into the common stock by the great partner, FOURTH OF JULSr AT LOWELL. 67 Nature, — the colonial system, as I have observed, deprived us ; and it is only since the establishment of our own manu factures that we have begun to turn it to account. Even now, the smallest part of it has been rendered available ; and what has thus far been done is not so much important for its own sake as for pointing the way and creating an inducement for further achievements in the same direction. There is water power enough in the United States, as yet unapplied, to sustain the industry of a population a hundred fold as large as that now in existence. I do not wish to overstate this point, or to imply that it was owing to the restrictions of the colonial system that such a town as Lowell had not grown up in America in the middle of the last century, or at some still earlier period. There were not only no adequate accumulations of capital at that time, but those inventions and improvements in machinery had not been made, which have contributed so much to the growth of manufactures within the last fifty years. There is something, however, quite remarkable in the eagerness with which our forefathers, at a very early period, turned their attention to manufactures. Our colonial history contains very curious facts in reference to this subject ; and it is not to be doubted that, if no legislative obstacles to the pursuit of this branch of industry had existed, and it had received the same kind of encouragement which was extended to the staple agriculture of the plantation colonies, a very different state of things would have existed at the revolution. Such certainly was the opinion entertained in England ; for such was the principle of the whole legislation of the mother country. The great and sagacious statesmen who ruled her councils for a century would not, under all administrations, have persevered in a course of policy towards the colonies, manifestly arbitrary in its character and extremely vexatious in its operation, if they had not been persuaded that, but for this legislation, successful attempts would be made for the development of manufacturing industry. ""Connected whh this is another benefit of the utmost im portance, and not whoUy dissimilar in kind. The population VOL. II. 8 68 FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. gathered at a manufacturing establishment is lo be fed, and this gives an enhanced value to the land in all the neighbor ing region. In this new country the land often acquires a value in this way for the first time. A large number of persons iu this assembly are well able to contrast the condi tion of the vfllages in the neighborhood of Lowell with what it was ten or twelve years ago, when Lowell itself consisted of two or three quite unproductive farms. It is the contrast of production with barrenness ; of cultivation with waste ; of plenty with an absence of every thing but the bare neces saries of life. The effect, of course, in one locality is of no great account in the sum of national production throughout the extent of the land. But wherever a factory is established this effect is produced ; and every individual to whom they give employment ceases to be a producer, and becomes a consumer of agricultural produce. The aggregate effect is, of course, of the highest importance. This circumstance constitutes that superiority of a domestic over a foreign market, which is acknowledged by. the most distinguished writers on political economy. " The capital which is employed," says Adam Smith, " in purchasing in one part of the country, in order to sell in another the produce of the industry of that country, generally replaces by every such operation two distinct capitals, that had both been employed in the agriculture or manu factures of that country, and thereby enables them to continue that employ ment When it sends out from the residence of the merchant a certain value of commodities, it generally brings back in return at least an equal value of other commodities. When both are the produce of domestic industry, it necessarily replaces, by every such operation, two distinct capitals, which had both been employed in supporting productive labor, and thereby enables them to continue that support * * * The capital employed in purchasing foreign goods for home consumption, when this purchase is made with the produce of domestic industry, replaces too, by every such operation, two distinct capitals; but one of them only is employed in supporting domestic industry. * * * Though the returns, therefore, of the foreign trade of consumption should be as quick as those of the home trade, the capital employed in it will give but one half of the encouragement to the industry or productive labor of the country. " But the returns of the foreign trade of consumption are very seldom so quick as those of the home trade. The returns of the home trade gen- FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. 59 erally come in before the end of the year, and sometimes three or four times in the year. The returns of the foreign trade of consumption seldom come in before the end of the year, and sometimes not till after two or three years. A capital, therefore, employed in the home trade, will some times make twelve operations, or be sent out and returned twelve times, before a capital employed in the foreign trade of consumption has made one. If the capitals are equal, therefore, the one will give four and twenty times more encouragement and support to the industry of the country than the other." * It is a familiar remark, of which all, I believe, admit the justice, that a variety of pursuits is a great advantage to a community. It affords scope to the exercise of the bound less variety of talent and capacity which are bestowed by nature, and which are sure to be developed by an intelli gent population, if encouragement and opportunity are pre sented. In this point of view, the establishment of manufac turing industry, in all its departments, is greatly to be desired in every country, and has had an influence in ours of a pecu liar character. I have already alluded to the fact that, with the erection of an independent government, a vast domain in the west was for the first time thrown freely open to settle ment. As soon as the Indian frontier was pacified by the treaty of Greenvflle, a tide of emigration began to flow into the territory north-west of the Ohio ; and from no part of the country more rapidly than from Massachusetts. In many respects this was a circumstance by no means to be regretted. It laid the foundation of the settlement of this most impor tant and interesting region by a kindred race ; and it opened to the mass of enterprising adventurers from the older states a short road to competence. But it was a serious drain upon the population of good old Massachusetts. The temptation of the fee simple of some of the best land in the world for two dollars an acre, and that on credit, (for such, tfll a few years ago, was the land system of the United States,) was too powerful to be resisted by the energetic and industrious young men of the New England States, in which there is but a limited quantity of fertfle land, and that little of course « Smith's Wealth of Nations, Vol. II. pp. 135, 136, Edinburgh ed. 1817. 60 FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. to be had only at a high price. The consequence was, that although the causes of an increase of population existed in New England to as great a degree, with this exception, as in any other part of the world, the actual increase was far frora rapid ; scarcely amounting to one half of the average rate of the country.* The singular spectacle was exhibited of a community abounding in almost all the elements of prosper ity, possessing every thing calculated to engage the affections of her chfldren, annually deserted by the flower of her pop ulation. These remarks apply with equal force to all the other New England States, with the exception of Maine, where an abundance of unoccupied fertile land counterbal ances the attractions of the west. But this process of emigration has already received a check, and is likely to be hereafter adequately regulated by the new demand for labor of every kind and degree, consequent upon the introduction of manufactures. This new branch of in dustry, introduced into the circle of occupations, is creating a demand for a portion of that energy and spirit of acquisi tion which have heretofore carried our young men beyond the Ohio, and beyond the Wabash. Obvious and powerful causes will continue to direct considerable numbers in the same path of adventure ; but it will not be, as it was at the commencement of this century, almost the only outlet for the population of the older states. In short, a new alter native of career is now presented to the rising generation. There is another point of importance, in reference to man ufactures, which ought not to be omitted in this connection, and it is this — that in addition to what may be called their direct operation and influence, manufactures are a great schoo". for all the practical arts. As they are aided themselves, in the progress of inventive sagacity, by hints and materials from every art and every science, and every kingdom of nature, so, in their turn, they create the skfll and furnish the instruments for carrying on almost all the other pursuits. Whatever per- * From 1820 to 1830, although some check had been given to emigratioh from this state, the rate of increase of the population of Massachusetts wag sixteen and one half per centum ; that of the whole United States thirty- two and four fifths. FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. 61 tains to machinery, in all the great branches of industry, will probably be found to have its origin, directly or indirectly, in that skill which can be acquired only in connection with manufactures. Let me mention two striking instances, the one connected with navigation, and the other with agricul ture. The greatest improvement in navigation, since the invention of the mariner's compass, is the application of steam for propelling vessels. Now, by whom was this improvement made ? Not by the merchant, or the mariner, fatigued by adverse winds and weary calms. The steam engine was the production of the machine shops of Birmingham, where a breath of the sea breeze never penetrated ; and its application as a motive power on the water, was a result wrought out by the sagacity of Fulton from the science and skill of the mill wright and the machinist. The first elements of such a mechanical system as the steam engine, in any of its applica tions, must be wanting in a purely commercial or agricultural community. Again, the great improvement in the agricul ture of our Southern States, and in its results one of the great est additions to the agricultural produce of the world, dates from the invention of the machine for separating the seed from the staple. This invention was not the growth of the region which enjoys its first benefits. The peculiar faculty of the mind to which these wonderful mechanical contrivances of modern art owe their origin, is not likely to be developed in the routine of agricultural operations. These operations have their effects on the intellectual chsuracter, — salutary effects, — but they do not cultivate the principle of mechan ical contrivance, which peoples your factories with their life less but almost reasoning tenants.* I cannot but think that the loss and injury unavoidably accruing to a people, among whom a long-continued exclu- * At the time this Oration was delivered, a few miles only of railroad had been built in the United States, and the locomotive engine was hardly known. It need not be said that this application of the steam engine fur nishes a still more striking illustration of the benefits conferred on every other interest by the mechanical skill which is not likely to be acquired except in the service of manufactures. 62 FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. sive pursuit of other occupations has prevented the cultivation of the inventive faculty and the acquisition of mechanical skfll, is greater in reference to the general affairs and business of life than in reference to the direct products- of manufac tures. The latter is a great economical loss, the nature and extent of which are described in the remarks which I have quoted from the great teacher of political economy ; but a community in which the inventive and constructive principle is faintly developed is deprived of one of the highest capaci ties of reasoning mind. Experience has shown that the natural germ~ of this principle — the inborn aptitude — is possessed by our countrymen in an eminent degree ; but, like other natural endowments, it cannot attain a high degree of improvement without cultivation. In proportion as a person, endowed with an inventive mechanical capacity, is acquainted with what has been already achieved, his command is ex tended over the resources of art, and he is more likely to enlarge its domain by new discoveries. Place a man, how ever intelligent, but destitute of all knowledge in this depart ment, before one of the complicated machines in your facto ries, and he would gaze upon it with despairing admiration. It is much if he can be brought, by careful inspection and patient explanation, to comprehend its construction. A skfl- ful artist, at the first sight of a new machine, comprehends, in a general way, the principles of its construction. It is only, therefore, in a community where this skfll is widely diffused, and where a strong interest is constantly pressing for every practicable improvement, that new inventions are likely to be made, and more of those wonderful contrivances may be expected to be brought to light, which have changed the face of modern industry. These important practical truths have been fully confirmed by the experience of Lowell, where the most valuable im provements have been made in almost every part of the machinery by which its multifarious industry is carried on. But however interesting this result may be, in an economical point of view, another lesson has been taught at Lowell, and our other well-conducted manufacturing establishments, FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. 63 which I deem vastly more important. It is well known that the degraded condition of the operatives in the old world had created a strong prejudice against the introduction of manu factures into this country. We were made acquainted, by sanitary and parliamentary reports, detafling the condition of the great manufacturing cities abroad, with a state of things revolting to humEmity. It would seem that the industrial system of Europe required for its administration an amount of suffering, depravity, and brutalism, which formed one of the great scandals of the age. No form of serfdom or slavery could be worse. Reflecting persons, on this side of the ocean, contemplated with uneasiness the introduction, into this country, of a system which had disclosed such hideous features in Europe ; but it must be frankly owned that these apprehensions have proved wholly unfounded. Were I ad dressing an audience in any other place, I could with truth say more to this effect than I will say on this occasion. But you will all bear me witness, that I do not speak the words of adulation when I say, that for physical comfort, moral conduct, general intelligence, and all the qualities of social character which make up an enlightened New England com munity, Lowell might safely enter into a comparison with any town or city in the land. Nowhere, I believe, for the same population, is there a greater number Of schools and churches, and nowhere a greater number of persons whose habits and mode of life bear witness that they are influenced by a sense of character. In demonstrating to the world that such a state of things is consistent with the profitable pursuit of manufacturing industry, you have made a discovery more important to humanity than all the wonderful machinery for weaving and spinning, — than all the miracles of water or steam. You have rolled off from the sacred cause of labor the mountain reproach of ignorance, vice, and suffering under which it lay crushed. You have gained, for the skflled industry required to carry on these mighty establishments, a place of honor in the great dispensation by which Providence governs the world. You have shown that the home-bred virtues of the 64 FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. parental roof are not required to be left behind by those -who resort for a few years to these crowded marts of social indus try ; and, in the fruits of your honest and successful labor, you are daily carrying gladness to the firesides where you were reared.* The alliance which you have thus established between labor and capital (which is nothing but labor saved) may truly be called a holy alliance. It realizes, in a practical way, that vision of social life and action which has been started abroad, in forms, as it appears to me, inconsistent with the primary instincts of our nature, and wholly incapable of being ingrafted upon our modern civilization. That no farther progress can be made in this direction, I certainly would not say. It would be contrary to the great laws of human progress to suppose that, at one effort, this hard problem in social affairs had reached its perfect solution. But I think it may be truly said, that in no other way has so much been done, as in these establishments, to mingle up the interests of society ; to confer upon labor, in all its degrees of cultivation, (from mere handiwork and strength up to inven tive skfll and adorning taste,) the advantages which result from previous accumulations. Without shaking that great principle by which a man calls what he has his oicn, whether it is little or much, (the corner stone of civilized life,) these estab-. lishments form a mutually beneficial connection between those who have nothing but their muscular .power and those who are able to bring into the partnership the masses of property requisite to carry on an extensive concern, — proper ty which was itself, originally, the work of men's hands, but has been converted, by accumulation and thrift, from labor into capital. This I regard as one of the greatest triumphs of humanity, morals, and, I wfll add, religion. The labor of a community is its great wealth — its most vital concern. To elevate it in the social scale, to increase its rewards, to give it cultivation and self-respect, should be the constant aun of an enlightened patriotism. There can be no other • See note at the end. FOURTH OF JULY AT LO^WELL. 65 -» basis of a progressive Christian civflization. Woe to the land where labor and intelligence are at war ! Happy the land whose various interests are united together by the bonds of mutual benefit and kind feeling ! But it is time, fellow-citizens, that I should close. On Monday last, at the request of my friends and neighbors of Charlestown, I addressed them on the anniversary of the landing of Governor Winthrop, in 1630 — the date, as it may. with propriety be considered, of the effective settlement of Massachusetts. That was a day consecrated to hallowed recollections of olden times. We dwelt upon the sacrifices and privations of our ancestors while engaged, slowly and painfully, in laying the foundations upon which we have built. It is quite noticeable, that, within thirteen years from that time, the manufacture of cotton, of hemp, and of flax received considerable attention in this region ; * and that, as early as 1645, a legislative grant of very ample privileges, to encourage the manufacture of iron, was made to a company, headed by Governor Winthrop's son. Those were the days of faint and feeble beginnings. How different the train of associations awakened by the spot where we are now assem bled ! But ten years only ago, and Lowell did not exist : the sofl on which it stands was an open field. These favored precincts, now resounding with all the voices of successful industry, — the abode of intelligent thousands, — lay hushed in the deep silence of nature, broken only by the unprofitable murmur of those streams which practical science and wisely applied capital have converted into the sources of its growth. The change seems more the work of enchantment than the regular progress of human agency. We can scarcely believe that we do not witness a great Arabian tale of real life ; that a beneficent genius has not touched the soil with his wand, * " Our supplies from England failing much, men began to look about them, and fell to a manufacture of cotton, (whereof we had store from Bar bados,) and of hemp, and flax ; wherein Rowley, to their great commenda tion, exceeded all other towns." — Winthrop's Jourmd, Savage's edition. Vol. IL pp. 119, 212. VOL. II. 9 66 FOURTH OF JULY AT LOWELL. f ,Han4 caused a city to spring from its bosom. But it is not so I Your prosperous town is but another monument to the wisdom and patriotism of our fathers. It has grown up on the basis of the national independence. But for the deed which was done on the Fourth of July, 1776, your streets and squares would still be the sandy plain which nature made them. NOTE. See Page 64. The history of our manufacturing establishments, for the twenty yeara that have elapsed since the foregoing address was delivered, has furnished ample confirmation of the general principles advanced in it The " Lowell Offering," a journal conducted by the female operatives of that city, has been justly regarded, in this country and in Europe, as a production of the highest interest, both literary and moral. A considerable portion of it was reprinted in London, under the significant title of "Mind among the Spindles." While these sheets are passing through the press, a letter has ap peared in the newspapers, giving so graphic a description of the formation of a New England manufacturing village, that I am tempted to quote a portion of it, as an instructive commentary upon the views which I have taken in the preceding pages. It is dated CUntonville, Mass., February 4, 1850, and signed C. W. Blanchard. " AUow me," says the -writer, " to give a sketch of the rise, or, rather, creation, of one of these -villages — the one I now live in. " About a dozen years ago, in an adjoining town, a young man, about twenty years of age, got it in his head that he could make a power loom for weaving coach lace. He had no money ; but his brother, a year or two older, who was an operative in a small factory in the neighborhood, had accumulated a few hundred dollars, and, having full faith in his brother's genius, lent his assistance. The young man succeeded with his loom. People came to look at it, and approved it. Boston merchants and capitalists came and saw that it would pay ; and they took stock in it. The young man, encouraged by suc cess, and having his faculties sharpraied by exercise, went to work upon a loom fbr weaving figured counterpanes. This sueceeded also. Next he tried his hand at an ingrain carpet loom. That went to Lowell, and, consequently, did not help to build up this place, (except inasmuch as it increased confidence in his abilities,) although it is making emplo.j-ment fbr a thousand persons there. Afterwards he got up a gingham loom, which was equally successful. Well, he determined that his machines should be operated here. Capital was ready to pay the bills, for it saw a prospect of large retums ; and this man and his brother, the operative, went to work. They built a machine shop, in (67). 68 NOTE. order that their work might be done under their o-wn inspection. Then they buUt machinery, and put up mills ; and, within the last six years, nearly two nulUons have been invested here under their direction. A village of three thousand inhabitants has sprung up in the midst of what was, eight years ago, woods and barren sheep pastures. But how ? " As soon as it was kno-wn that work was tb be done here, and money paid for it, Yankee enterprise pricks up its ears and starts. The carpenters, brick layers, stone masons, iron founders, machinists, flock in. In their traiA follow tailors, shoemakers, butchers, bakers, and shopkeepers. Some are young and poor, just commencing business ; others are older, and have got a thousand or two of doUars. But they can do better here than at home. Those who have chUdren of a suitable age put them at work in the mills, as places occur for them, a portion of the year. Then the farmers aU about the neighborhood — the citizens who do not come themselves — the doctors, lawyers, and ministers, even — find their girls and boys have got the factory fever. The wages are so good, and paid everj' four or five weeks, too ; — sisters, cousins, acquaint ances are going ; — if they should n't happen to like, they can come home again ; — in short, they must go to the factory, and wiU ! OccasionaUy, some of the parents, who are not getting along quite as weU as they wish, come over to see what the prospect is. They find ' it 's handy to meetin',' (we have three or four churches ;) ' schooUn 's so much better 'n 'tis up our way,' (we have five or six schools, primary, grammar, and high,) that they determine they wiU move to the factory -viUage aud take a boarding-house, so as to be with their chUdren, and enjoy the advantages of a larger community. The persons who came first, meantime, are getting rich,^and men of note. They are being elected representatives, selectmen, or filling other respectable sta tions ; but they see no impropriety in their children spending a portion of their time in the factory. They send them to school three, six, or nine months in the year, and the remainder of the time keep them at work. The young folks much prefer the miU to the work about house at home. Their brothers, cousins, lovers, friends, or acquaintances are their overseers ; and their feUow- operatives are of the same character. And thus our factory vUlage springs up, and thus its mUls are fUled, — a large proportion of the operatives, however, always belonging to homes in the neighboring to-wns or states, whence they come to spend a year or two in the mill, and then retum to marry some early acquaintance, or, marrying at the viUage, establish them- Belve? in a new home." AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. Mr President, and Gentlemen of the American Institute : Your annual fair has again presented the public with a most gratifying spectacle. We have passed in review the numerous specimens of the useful arts collected in your exhi bition, and have seen the high degree of perfection to which the mechsftiical ingenuity of the country has been brought. Much that is required for the comfort or convenience of man, — the implements of his various pursuits ; much that is admirably adapted to save labor, economize time, and in crease production ; and much which, rising above the phys ical wants and services of our nature, is connected with the refined and elegant arts of life, — is arranged in beautiful order in your hall. We have contemplated and admired the dis play ; and, more than all, we have reflected with pride and pleasure that it is all the production of our neighbors and fellow-citizens, whose intelligent explanations have added not a little to the interest of the exhibition. Let us pause for a moment upon this interesting spectacle. Of what are these curious machines, instruments, and fabrics composed? They are wrought from the lifeless elements that surround us, — from the inanimate growth of the forest or the field, — from the shapeless masses of the quarry and the mine, — and from the spoils of the inferior animals, — iron, clay, wood, leather, cotton, wool ; — dull, unorganized mat ter. It is this which has been fashioned into machinery and * Address delivered before the American Institute of the city of New- York, at their fourth annual fair, October 14, 1831. (69) 70 AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. enginery, and into various fabrics of ornament and use, which seem but little inferior to the mysterious organization of the living muscle, limbs, and skin. And whence are the power and skfll that have produced this new creation? What exalted spirit has endowed the lifeless stocks and stones with these wonderful properties ? Who has gathered together the dry, opaque sand and alka:li, and transformed them into the beautiful medium which ex cludes the air and admits the light ; and cut and polished them into an artificial eye, which never aches nor grows dim ; which penetrates millions and millions of mfles beyond the natural vision into the depths of the heavens, and, on the other hand, reveals the existence of whole orders of animat ed beings, that are born,' and live, and die within a drop of dew ? What magician has touched the fibres of the cotton plant, the fleece of the sheep, the web of an unsightly worm, and converted them into the most beautiful and useful tissues ; and who, out of a few beams of wood, and bars of iron, and pounds of lead, has constructed the all-powerful engine, that diffuses knowledge over the earth ; and speaks with a voice which is heard beyond mountains and oceans, and the lapse of ages ? This magician, this exalted spirit, this (may I say it with out irreverence, ) this creator is man ; man, operating not with mystic power and fabled arts, but with the talents skilfully cultivated, with which he himself — fashioned as he is from the dust beneath his feet — is endowed by his Creator. The philosopher's stone, which has converted these lifeless sub stances into food and clothing, or the instruments of procur ing them, — the alchemy, which has transformed these rough and discordant elements into the comforts of human life, — is the skill of rational man. But how is this skfll obtained ? A hundred or two of mfles from this spot, within the limits of the state of New York, may stfll be seen remnants of a branch of the famfly of man, — once covering, with a thin and needy population, this entire continent ; possessed of all the powers which belong to the human race, JDut without any of the improvements AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. 71 which constitute the happiness and glory of social life ; shel tered only by a wretched hovel and the most inartificial clothing from the elements ; dependent on the constantly recurring labors of the chase for a scanty supply of food ; and totally destitute of the arts which lie at the foundation of the growth, wealth, and refinement of civflized commu nities. Yet these £u:e men like ourselves. It is these ingenious an(J useful arts, — the product at once and the cause of civflization, — acting upon society and them selves in turn, carried to new degrees of improvement and efficiency by social man, till they have been brought to the state in which we find them in these halls, — it is these which form the difference between the savage of the woods and civilized, cultivated, moral, and religious man. It is art which produces and perfects art. It is, then, not merely a dis play of ingenuity that we witness ; not merely an exhibition of productive industry, or a promise of public wealth ; but it is the fruit and assurance of the civflization of the human famfly. In these curious engines, machines, implements, and products, although there is a vast deal which has been struck out of late years, there is also a great deal, of which the contrivance is coeval with the ancient dawnings of im provement, and something which has been added by almost every succeeding age. These arts are now, as they have been in every age, a representative of human . civilization ; and the moral and social improvement of our race, and the possession of the skill and knowledge embodied in them, will advance, stand still, and fall together. The object of your society, then, gentlemen, is, by the promotion of the useful arts, to promote the improvement and welfare of man — the most liberal object which, individ ually or collectively, we can pursue. You aim to awaken, to guide, and to reward the industry of your fellow-citizens, by this beautiful and commodious display of its products, and by the honorary premiums which you have assigned to some of its most successful efforts. The past success of your labors encourages you to persevere. The useful arts have been brought to a point of excellence among us, within a few 72 AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. • years, equally unexpected and creditable. Their condition is now such, as to assure you, and all who cooperate with you, in any part of the country, for then: further cultivation and advancement, that you are laboring on a fruitful sofl, and with the best hope of an ample harvest. Invrited by you, a short time since, to take a part in this agreeable festival, I have thought I should best discharge the duty assigned me, by some remarks on the general principles by which the use ful arts of life, in their several chief departments, may be most successfully cultivated and made productive of national prosperity ; and by a sketch of the history of the mechanic and manufacturing industry of the country, before and since the revolution. Your society, gentlemen, was incorporated "for the pur pose of encouraging and promoting domestic industry in this state, and in the United States, in agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and the arts." The legislature of New York evidently had in view, in thus stating the object of your institution, the great subdivision which it is common to make in describing the industrious pursuits. It is usual to divide the industry of a country into the three great branches of commerce, agriculture, and manufac tures. There are, of course, some important pursuits, such as mining and the fisheries, which do not exactly fall under either head. It is the great business of agriculture to pro duce the food to be consumed by the community, and a part of the materials used for manufactures. The manufacturer works up the raw materials and natural products of domestic and foreign growth into various fabrics and articles for the use of man ; and commerce carries on the necessary ex changes between the farmer, the manufacturer, and the con sumer, in different parts of the country,, and between the whole community and foreign countries. V That country is the most prosperous, which, under good laws and a wise administration of them at home, and in the enjoyment of an intercourse, on liberal principles, with foreign nations, pos sesses these three branches of industry in their due propor tion to each other ; so that all flourish together, and neither languishes that the rest may thrive. AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. 73 These three great branches of industry are all, in the high est degree, important, and entitled to the favorable regard of the whole community. If we wish to form comparisons between them, (which, however, ought not to be done, with out recollecting that they are very intimately connected together, and dependent on each other,) we should pronounce agriculture the most important branch, manufactures the next, and foreign commerce the least important of the three. It was calculated, four years ago, in Great Britain, that the annual value in money of the grain grown in that country (including wheat, oats, barley, rye, and pulse) was one hun dred and twelve millions of pounds ; and of cattle, sheep, hides, wool, butter, cheese, and poultry, about as much more ; making together more than a thousand millions of dol lars. At this rate, the whole national debt of Great Britain, vast as it is, would not equal four crops. If we suppose the population of the United States to amount to thirteen mil lions, and allow half a dollar a week as the entire expense of the agricultural produce consumed as food and clothing by each individual, it wfll amount to near three hundred and forty millions per annum. Besides this, there is the food consumed by domestic animals ; there is the agricultural prod uce consumed for other purposes than food and clothing ; and there is the entire accumulation,, or what is raised and not consumed: an aggregate, I presume, of one thousand millions of dollars. The value of the manufacturing industry of the country is less easy to estimate ; but it is vastly great. Articles scarcely thought of, in taking a general view of the occupa tions of the country, can be easfly shown to amount, in the aggregate, to a prodigious sum. It has been lately calculated, that the manufacture of hats in the United States amounts to thirteen nifllions of dollars annually, and that of boots and shoes to twenty-six millions. This would make the amount of hats equal to more than half the export of the great staple of cotton ; equal to twice the rice and tobacco exported ; and to twice the amount of the entire sugar crop. The article of boots and shoes at twenty-six millions of dollars would 74 AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. exceed the average of the exportation of cotton, for the last twelve years. The amount of our foreign commerce, as consisting in the export of domestic produce, is not greatly over sixty miUions of dollars. This is, of course, the product of agriculture and manufactures ; and bears but a small proportion to the domestic consumption. It was probably the consideration of facts like these which led Adam Smith to the following traui of remarks : — " The capital that is acquired to any country, by commerce and manufac tures, is all a very precarious and uncertain possession, tUI some part of it has been secured and realized in the permanent improvement of its lands. A merchant, it has been said very properly, is not the citizen of any par ticular country. It is, in a great measure, indifferent to him from what place he carries on his trade ; and a very trifling disgust will make him remove his capital, and with it all the industry which it supports, from one country to another. No part of it can be said to belong to any particular country till it has been spread, as it were, over the face of that country, either in buildings or the lasting improvement of lands. No vestige now remains of the great wealth said to have been possessed by the greater part of the Hanse towns, except in the obscure histories of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It is even uncertain where sorae of them were situ ated, or to what towns in Europe the Latin names given to some of them belong. But though the misfortunes of Italy, at the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth centuries, greatly diminished the commerce and manufactures of the cities of Lombardy and Tuscany, tiiose countries still continue to be among the most populous and best cultivated in Europe. The civil wars of Flanders and the Spanish government, which succeeded tliem, chased away the great commerce of Antwerp, Ghent, and Bruges. But Flanders still continues to be one of the richest, best cultivated, and most populous provinces in Europe. The ordinary revolutions of war and government easily dry up the sources of that wealth which arises from commerce only. That which arises from the more solid improvements of agriculture is much more durable, and cannot be destroyed but by those violent convulsions occasioned by the depredations of hostile and barbarous nations, for a century together; such as happened for some time before and after the fall of the Roman empire, in the western provinces of Europe." * As the prosperity of a nation depends on the existence, in a due proportion to each other, of these different pursuits, it is the great problem in political economy how this state of • Wealth of Nations, Vol. IL p. 202. AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. 75 things can be brought about. To this the general answer is obvious : By free institutions of government, — laws afford ing security to property, — and the diffusion of education and useful knowledge. Under these propitious influences, the inhabitants of any given country will be most likely to take up and pursue those branches of industry for whicb, as a whole or in its separate parts, it is best adapted, by the quality of the climate and soil, other natural advantages, and the various causes which affect the character of a people. Of these abstract principles, there are certain modifications in practice, which proceed from the division of mankind into nations, — the necessity of securing, at all events, the nation al independence and safety, — and promoting, in the highest possible degree, the national strength and resources. This necessity of living in nations is partly real, — that is, founded on descent from a common stock, and required for the happiness of the different famflies of man, — (it being found, by experience, that all mankind cannot live under one government, ) and it is partly founded on certain generous and noble feelings, which we call patriotic, and which impose an obligation not less imperious on all liberal natures. These principles of national origin, feeling, interest, and pride modi fy the laws of mere public economy. They require, for instance, at times, the establishment of a new and separate government. In 1775, on economical principles, it was mad ness for our fathers to go to war for the sake of independence. It would have been infinitely cheaper for that generation to remain under the British government than to incur, first, the expense of the war ; aad, second, of all the establishments following a state of independence. To every independent state it is absolutely essential to possess, at home, the means of naval and military defence. Ships of war might be hired, certainly they could be bought, abroad ; and mercenary troops may be obtained for money. But the honor not less than the safety of a country requires, that, at whatever cost, naval and military establishments, and every thing required for them, should be formed and produced at home. It is accordingly admitted, even by writers opposed to all restrictions on trade, that the manufacture of fire-arms, gunpowder, and other mu- 76 AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. nitions of war, ought to be established in a country, although it might cost less, in time of peace, to import them. On the same ground, and in order to rear up a navy, a discrunuiating tonnage duty has been defended by some in this country unfriendly to other protecting duties. But the principle evidently goes much farther. It requires that all the branches of industry manifestly necessary for the subsistence, comfort, and efficient action of the greatest possible number of people should be introduced and support ed. Such, to name a single instance, is the manufacture of common clothing, such as is required for troops and the body of the population. The letters of General Washington, in the revolutionary war, show the calamitous straits to which the army was reduced, for want of' clothing — an article for which they were principally dependent on France. It is the opinion of competent judges that the enhanced price of clothing, during the war of 1812, amounted to a larger sum than heis been paid for duties on imported cloths from that day to this. And in general it is to be borne in mind, that the legislation of the country ought to be calculated on the occasional recurrence of war and an interruption of commerce with foreign countries, — on whom we ought not, therefore, to depend for the necessaries of life. Finally, on the same principle, whatever is necessary for the increase of the coun try in population, wealth, and general prosperity, — as an independent community, — by a division of labor, an ade quate circulating medium, and a conversion of natural into active capital, must be effected, as far as possible, by judicious laws protecting the industry of the ceuntry against the hostfle effects of foreign legislation. Such are the leading principles of a system calculated to produce the highest possible prosperity and growth of a country. All civilized countries have adopted most of these principles, and almost all the whole of them. Whenever any essential feature of the system has been neglected, the pernicious consequences have been visible. Thus, in Tur key, Persia, and other parts of the East, a despotic govern ment and general insecurity have almost destroyed industry, and reduced external and internal trade to a very low point. AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. 77 China, a country populous and industrious beyond example, is kept poor and barbarous by severe restraints on commercial adventure and the want of a legislation calculated to build up a commercial and national marine. In descending to the particulars of the laws, which it may be necessary to enact in any country, for the purpose of building up and protecting the arts and industry of the people, they must depend partly on the legislation of foreign countries, and partly on the state of things at home. It is commonly considered that it would be an ad vantageous intercourse to exchange, without restriction, the products of agriculture in one country for those of manu facturing industry in another. But if the foreign manufac turer refuse to be fed by the agricultural produce of the customer who consumes his fabric, it is absolutely necessary, by a judicious legislation, to rear up a class of domestic manufacturers who will make the exchange. The necessity of such a legislation is further made mani fest by considering the nature of many of the manufacturing arts. They require great experience in constructing ma chinery, — a great outlay of capital, — and practice in all the various processes required for the production of the fabric. How much of this skfll is required can be estimated by any person who will visit a cotton mill, and, commencing from the machine shop, trace the progress of the factory from the first revolution of the lathe, by which the spindle is turned, to the completion of the buflding ; and from the opening of the bale of cotton to the packing up of the bale of cloth. This skill is just as necessary to carry on a manufacture as the machinery or the power that moves it. It is plain that it must take some time to acquire it ; and, till it is acquired, the infant manufacture cannot possibly sustain a competition with those, establishments which possess the skfll. So cer tain is this, that it has been stated by one of the most popular writers on political economy in Great Britain, at the present day, that it is impossible that the United States should enter into competition with England, in the cotton manufacture, because Great Britain has the start of us in the 78 AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. requisite skfll. When we reflect on the infinity of detafl in the business of a great manufacture, — in the contrivance, construction, and management of the machinery ; the prepa ration of the raw material and the processes for working it up ; and what an essential difference in the result, on a large scale, is produced, by a very small advantage, in any of the parts, — it is obvious that, unless there were some protection against foreign competition, in its infancy, no manufacture previously well established in one country could be intro duced into another. Accordingly, I believe it may be asserted as a proposition, without exception, that there is no example of a complicated manufacture, already existing in one coun try and introduced into another, under a system of unre strained commerce and without legislative protection.* Such protection is necessary to prevent the condition of the laboring population in one country from regulating the condition of the same class in all other countries connected with it. It is scarcely necessary to state, that as the laboring * Mr Huskisson, in his celebrated speech of 1825, contrasts the wonder fully rapid growth of the cotton manufacture in England, in the absence of extraordinary legislative encouragement, with the much slower progress of the woollen manufacture, which had been the object of innumerable pro>- tectmg laws. There is no doubt that some of these laws were rather injurious than beneficial in their operation on the woollen manufacture ; but the cases are by no means parallel. It is unquestionable that, at the period when the woollen manufacture was introduced into England, it could not have supported the competition of the Flemish manufacture without legis lative protection. The rapid growth of the cotton manufacture in England was owing to the improvements in the machinery and to the steam engine. This machinery was invented in England; she had consequently the start of aU other nations in the skill embodied in it The same substantially holds of the steam engine ; and a monopoly of the discoveries and improve ments in both was secured, as far as it was possible or necessary to do it, by penal enactments against the exportation of machinery. If the cotton manufacture, with improved machinery, had been as well established in France, before it was attempted in England, as the woollen manufacture was in Flanders in the fifteenth century, — and if, under these circumstances, the cotton manufacture had arisen and flourished in England, without legis lative protection, — Mr Huskisson's contrast would have authorized the inference which he draws ftom it There are, however, other points of dissimilarity in the eases of the two manufactures. AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. 7'9 population, in all countries, forms the mass of the commu nity, and as their labor must be the chief source of the public wealth, the prosperity of the country depends on the condition of this part of the population. Where the laborer receives a generous portion of the products of his tofl and skillj the country is prosperous ; and it languishes where his share is mean and inadequate. In most of the countries of Europe, the wages of labor are depressed to the point of a bcu-e subsistence. It is impossible, therefore, othei' things being equal, that the industry of any other country should, without protection in the outset, enter into competition with that of Europe, till its labor is ground down to the same standeu-d. It has been the object of the economical system of the United States to secure to the labor of the country a just and equitable, but not an extravagant, portion of the products. Of this last evil, however, there is the less dan ger, as it must of necessity be checked by competition. The moment a branch of industry is overpaid, it is thronged till the compensation falls to the average of other pursuits. These principles apply to all countries, but with modifica tions appropriate to each. The situation of our own country is peculiar. The settlements on our coast commenced at a period when the south and west of Europe were in a highly improved condition, when many of the arts of life were greatly advanced, and several of the great manufactures firmly established, skfll acquired, and capital largely accumu lated in that region. Had other circumstances admitted the establishment of manufactures in this country, these alone would have prevented it. But in addition to this, were the scantiness of the population and the abundance of land, giving a value to labor absolutely incompatible with the pursuit of manufactures. Notwithstanding these circumstances, necessity forced upon the first settlers of this country, at a very early period, some attention to manufactures. The colony of Massachusetts was founded in 1630. Between that year and 1640 there was a great and steady influx of settlers ; and the first and most profitable object of pursuit was the raising of pro- 80 AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. visions. We can scarcely conceive of the state of industry in a community to which there is every year added,, by emigra tion, a number of individuals equal to the existing population. Such, however, for a few years, was the case in New Eng land. So great was the demand for provisions, that cattle sold as high as twenty-five pounds sterling a head. In 1640, the republicans got possession of the government in England ; persecution for religious non-conformity ceased, and with it the influx of emigrants to this country. Cattle feU immedi ately to about five pounds sterling a head. The effect was distressing, but it put the sagacious colonists upon new resources. .The account of this, contained in the early his torian of the colony, is so strongly characterized by the simplicity of elder times, and illustrates so pertinently the. state of things in which it becomes necessary to resort to manufactures in a country, that I shall venture to read an extract from the author who relates it.* After describing the check put to emigration, he goes on as follows : — " Now the country of New England was to seek of a way to provide themselves with clothing, which they could not obtain by selling cattle as before, which now were fallen from that huge price forementioned, first to fourteen pounds and ten pounds a head, and presently after, at best within the year, to five pounds a piece ; nor was there at that rate a ready vent for them neither. Thus the flood which brought in much wealth to many per sons, the contrary ebb carried all away out of their reach. To help them in this their exigent, besides the industry that the present necessity put particular persons upon, for the necessary supply of themselves and their families, the General Court made order for the manufacture, of woollen and linen cloth, which, with God's blessing upon man's endeavor, in a little time stopped this gap in part, and soon after another door was opened by special Providence. For when one hand was shut by way of supply from Eng land, another was opened by way of traffic, first to the West Indies and Wine Islands, whereby, among other goods, much cotton wool was brought into the country from the Indies, which the inhabitants learning to spin, and breeding of sheep and sowing of hemp and flax, they soon found out a way to supply themselves of [cotton,] linen and woollen cloth." In 1645, an iron foundery was established at Lynn, in the state of Massachusetts ; but the same historian tells us that, * Hubbard's New England, Chapter XXII. See also a curious allusion to this fall in the price of cattle in Cotton's " Seven Vials," p. 26 of Second Part, 6th Vial AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. 81 " instead of drawing out bars of iron for the country's use, there was hammered out nothing but contentions and law suits." In the same year, the General Court of the colony granted to a company, — of which Governor Winthrop's son was the head, — as an encouragement to undertake the iron manufacture, three thousand acres of land, a monopoly for twenty-one years, the liberty to use any place containing ore in the public domain not already granted, a tract of land three miles square in the neighborhood of each establishment, and freedom from taxation.* These liberal acts of encour agement show the necessity which was felt, in the very infancy of the country, of giving a legislative protection to manufactures. But to understand the history of the industry of the country, (a history more important than that of its mere politics,) we must bear in mind that America was a colonial possession, and that the growth 'and welfare of the mother country was the avowed object of colonial policy. Great Britain, if she wished America to prosper, wished it to be on he principles, not of national, but of colonial prosperity ; to fumish her such agricultural products as she did not raise herself, to employ her shipping, and to consume her manufac tures. As it. soon appisared that the Dutch, at that time the most expert navigators in Europe, were getting possession of no small part of the carrying trade of the world, and pur suing a profitable commerce with a part of the colonial possessions of Great Britain, the navigation law of 1650 was passed, under the auspices of Cromwell. It Avas among the few laws of the commonwealth which were reenacted at the restoration. The object of this laAV — in the opinion of Sir Wflliam Blackstone "the most beneficial for the trade and commerce of these kingdoms" — was, in the words of the same accomplished jurist, "to mortify our sugar islands, which were disaffected to the Parliament, and still held out for Charles II. , by stopping the gainful trade which they then caiTied on with the Dutch, and at the same time to clip the * Winthrop's Journal, Savage's edition. Vol. II, p. 213. VOL. n. 11 82 AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. wings of these our opulent and aspiring neighbors."* Although aimed particularly at the West Indies, this law of course extended its provisions to all the other British colonies, and among them to those established on the American coast. By them, however, it was generally resisted as an encroach ment on their rights. Ineffectual attempts were made for a century to enforce it ; and in this struggle were sowed the seeds of the revolution. Nor did the humble attempts of the colonies in manufac tures fail to awaken the jealousy of the mother country. Sir Josiah Chfld, although a more liberal politician than many of his countrymen, in his discourse on trade, published in 1670, pronounces New England " the most prejudicial planta tion of Great Britain ; " and gives for this opinion the singu lar reason, that they are a people " whose frugality, industry, and temperance, and the happiness of whose laws and insti tutions, promise to them long life, and a wonderful increase of people, riches, and power." In the speech from the throne to the British Parliament, on the nineteenth of October, 1721, it is observed that "the supplying ourselves with naval stores upon terms the most easy and least precarious, seems highly to deserve the care and attention of Parliament. Our plantations in America naturally abound with most of the proper materials for this necessary and essential part of our trade and maritime strength ; and if, by due encouragement, we could be fur nished from thence with naval stores, which we are now obliged to purchase and bring from foreign countries, it would not only greatly contribute to the riches, influence, and power of this nation, but, by employing our own colonies in this useful and advantageous service, divert them from setting up and carrying on manufactures Avhich directly interfere with those of Great Britain." These suggestions show the opinions entertained by the government at that time. After many fruitless attempts on the part of the ministry to keep down the enterprise of the * Blackstone's Commentaries, Vol. I. p. 418, AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. 83 colonies in those branches of industry which were disallowed by the laws of trade, the House of Commons took up the subject, and in 1731 called upon the Board of Trade and Plantations to make a report " with respect to any laws made, manufactures set up, or trade carried on in the colonies, detri mental to the trade, navigation, emd manufactures of Great Britam." In the result of this inquiry it appeared, that among other branches of manufacture for domestic supply, hats were made in the colonies in considerable quantities; and had even been exported to foreign countries. In conse quence of this alarming discovery, the law of 5 George II. c. 22, was passed, forbidding hats or felts to be exported from the colonies, or even " to be loaded on a horse, cart, or other carriage for transportation from one plantation to another." Nor was this aU r in 1760, a law was passed by the Parlia ment of Great Britain, which I must needs call a disgrace to the legislation of a civflized country. It prohibited "the erection or continuance of any mill or other engine for slit ting or rolling iron, or any plating forge, to work with a tilt hammer, or any f&mace for making steel, in the colonies, under penalty of two hundred pounds." Every such mfll, engine, forge, or furnace was declared a common nuisance which the governors of the provinces, on information, were bound to abate, under penalty of five hundred pounds, within thirty days ! * It has been, within a few years, stated by Mr Huskisson, and with truth, that the real causes of the revolution are tb be found, not in the irritating measures thaf followed Mr Grenvflle's plan of taxation, but in the long-cherished dis content of the colonies, at this system of legislative oppres sion. Accordingly, the first measures of the patriots aimed to establish their independence, on the basis of the productive industry and the laborious arts of the country. They began with a non-importation agreement, nearly two years before the declaration of independence. This agreement, with the • For these and other interesting facts on the same subject, see Pitkin'a Political and Civil History of the United States, Vol.-L p. 100, &c. 84 AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. exception of the addresses to the people of America and Great Britain, was the only positive act of the first Congress that met at Phfladelphia in 1774, and it is signed by every member of that body. The details to which it descends are full of instruction. The seventh article provides that " we wfll use our utmost endeavors to improve the breed of sheep, and increase their numbers to the greatest extent ; " and the eighth, that "we wfll, in our several statiqns, encourage frugality, economy, and industry, and promote agriculture, arts, and the manufactures of this country, especially those of wool." * Such were the measures thought important by our fathers at that critical and solemn moment of preparation for the establishment of an independent government. The policy indicated by these resolutions was, of course, favored by a state of war. All regular commercial inter course with Great Britain was interrupted, and the supply of prize goods, which took its place, was casual and uncertain. We had as yet formed no connections in trade, with other countries ; nor, if we had, could their manufactures have found their way across the ocean, amidst the cruisers of the enemy, at any other than high prices. Fresh impulse was accordingly given to what few manufactures existed before the revolution, and new ones of various kinds were attempted with success. One of the earliest of these was the manu facture of nails, upon which Lord Chatham had placed his memorable prohibition. It is within the memory of man, that the first attempt to manufacture cut nails, in New Eng land, was made in the southern part of Massachusetts, in the revolutionary war, with old iron hoops for the material, and a pair of shears for the machine. Since that period, besides supplying the consumption of the United States, — estimated at from eighty to one hundred mfllions of pounds, and at a price not much exceeding the duty, — machines of American invention for the manufacture of nails have been introduced into England ; and I find, by the Treasury Report just pub lished, that one and a half mfllions of pounds of nafls were • Joumals of the Old Congress, Vol, I. p. 33, edition of 1800. AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. 85 exported from the United States to foreign countries during the past year. On the return of peace, in 1783, the influx of foreign goods, in many respects prejudicial to the country,, pro ved in the highest degree disastrous to its mechanical and manufac turing industry. The want of one national government, and the division of the powers of government among thirteen sovereignties, made it impossible, by a uniform revenue sys tem, to remedy the evfl. The states generally attempted, by their separate navigation laws, to secure their trade to their own vessels ; but the rivalry and selfish policy of some states counteracted the efforts of others, and eventually threw almost the whole navigation of the country into foreign hands. So low had it sunk in Boston, that in 1788, it was thought expedient, on grounds of patriotism, to get up a sub scription to build three ships; and this incident, proving nothing but the poverty and depression of the town, was hailed as one which would give renewed activity to the industry of the tradespeople and mechanics of Boston! The same class of citizens and the manufacturers in general in the state of Massachusetts, petitioned the government of that state to protect their industry by bounties, imposts, and prohibitions. This prayer was granted, and a tariff of duties laid, which in reference to some articles — that of coarse cottons, for instance — was higher than any duty laid by Congress before the war of 1812. But the state of the country rendered these laws of little avail. Binding in Boston, they were of no validity in Rhode Island ; and what was subject to duty in New York might be imported free into Connecticut and New Jer sey. The industry of the country was brought down to a point of distress unknown in the midnight of the revolution. The shipping had dwindled to nothing. The manufacturing establishments were kept up by bounties and by patriotic associations and subscriptions, and even the common trades were threatened with ruin. It was plain, for instance, that, in the comparative condition of the United States and Great Britain, not a hatter, a boot or shoe maker, a saddler, or a 86 AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. brass founder, could carry on his business, except in the coarsest and most ordinary productions of their various trades, under the pressure of foreign competflion. Thus was pre sented the extraordinary and calamitous spectacle of a successful revolution wholly fafling of its ultimate object. The people of America had gone to war, not for names, but for things. It was not merely to change a government administered by kings and ministers, for a government administered by presidents, and secretaries, and members of Congress. It was to redress real grievances, to improve their condition, to throw off the burden which the colonial system laid on their industry. To attain these objects, they endured incredible hardships, and* bore and suffered almost beyond the measure of humanity. And when their independence was attained, they found it was but a piece of parchment. The arm which had struck for it in the field, was palsied in the workshop ; the industry which had been burdened in the col onies, was crushed in the free states ; and, at the close of the revolution, the mechanics and manufacturers of the country found themselves, in the bitterness of their hearts, independ ent — and ruined. They looked round them in despair. They cast about for means of relief, and found none, but in a plan of a voluntary association throughout the continent, and an appeal to the patriotism of their fellow-citizens. Such an association was formed in Boston, in 1787 or 1788, and a circular letter was addressed by them to their brethren throughout the Union. The proposal was favorably received, and in some of the cities zealously acted upon ; but, unsupported by a general legislation, its effects must at best have been partial and inadequate. But before the inefficiency of this measure had been discov ered by experience, a new and unhoped for remedy for their suffermgs had been devised. The daystar of the constitution arose ; and of all the classes of the people of America, to whose hearts it came as the harbinger of blessings long hoped for and long despaired of, most unquestionably the tradesmen, mechanics, and manufacturers hafled it with the AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. 87 warmest welcome. It had in fact grown out of the all- pervading inefficiency and wretchedness of the revenue sys tem, which had been felt in ruin by them, more than by any other class. The feelings with which it was regarded by the "tradesmen and manufacturers of New York," will appear from their letter, in reply to the circular of the asso ciation in Boston, to which I have already alluded. The following sentence may be quoted as an expression of their views : — " The legislature of our state, (New York,) convinced of the propriety of cherishing our manufactures in their early growth, have made some provisions for that purpose. We have no doubt that more comprehensive and decisive meas ures wfll in time be taken by them. But on. the confederated exertions of our brethren, and especiaUy on the patronage and protection of the general govei-nment, we rest our most flattering hopes of success. " In order to support and improve the union and harmony of the American manufacturers, and to render as systematic and uniform as possible their designs for the common benefit, we perfectly concur with you on the propriety of establish ing a reciprocal and unreserved communication. When our views, like our interests, are combined and concentred, our petitions to the federal legislature will assume the tone and complexion of the public wishes, and will have a proportion able weight and influence." * Such were the feelings and hopes, with which the laboring classes of the country in general, particularly the manufac turers and mechanics, looked forward to the adoption of the federal constitution. In the state of Massachusetts, it is admitted, that the question of adoption was decided, under the influence of the association of tradesmen and manufac turers already mentioned. In the convention of that state, the encouragement of manufactures, by protecting laws, was declared in debate to be a leading and avowed object of the * This interesting document, which bears date 17 Nov., 1788, and which has not been quoted, so far as I am aware, in the present discussions of the subject, may be found in Carey's .American Museum,, Vol. V. p. 4. 88 AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. constitution.* As it was successively adopted in other statesj triumphant processions of the tradesmen, mechanics, and manufacturers, with the banners of their industry, and mot- tos expressive of their reliance on the new constitution for protection, evinced, in the most imposing form, and in the presence of vast multitudes, the principles and the expecta tions of the industrious classes of the community. Proces sions of this kind were had in Portsmouth, in Boston, in New York, in Philadelphia, in Baltimore, and in Charleston ; .and the sentiment which animated and inspired them all, was expressed in the motto inscribed upon the banners of the manufacturers in Philadelphia: "May the Union Govm-n- ment protect the Manufactures of America ! " Forty-three years have since passed, and it is now earnestly maintained, and that by intelligent persons, that the federal constitution thus adopted, under the influence of the mechan ics and manufacturers, (who knew that by the new govern ment the power of protecting their pursuits was taken from the individual states, who had before held and exercised it,) confers no power on Congress to protect the- labor of the country, and that the exercise of such power is unconstitu tional. When we consider the control over public sentiment possessed by the associated mechanics and manufacturers of our large towns, and the slender majorities by which, in some states, the constitution was adopted, it is not too much to say, that if such a conception of its powers had then pre vaded, it never would have been ratified, f A quorum of the House of Representatives, under the new constitution, was formed, for the first time, on April first, 1789. In one week from that day, Mr Madison brought for ward the subject of the revenue system, as the most impor- ^nt which required the attention of the national legislature. * See note A, at the end. t The constitution was ratified — By Pennsylvania on the 13th Dec. 1787, by a vote of 46 to 23. " Massachusetts . . 6th Feb. 1788, .... 187 " 168. " New Hampshire . 21st June " 57 " 46. " New York . . . 26th July « - . . . 30 « 25. AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. 89 Pending the discussion of this subject, and three days after it commenced, a memorial was presented " from the trades men, manufacturers, and others of the town of Baltimore, in the state of Maryland, praying an imposition of such duties on all foreign articles, which can be made in America, as will give a just and decided preference to the labors of the petitioners, and that there may be granted to them, in com mon with the other manufacturers and mechanics of the United States, such relief as to the wisdom of Congress may seem proper."* This was followed up, the next day, by a petition from the shipwrights of Charleston, South Carolina, stating " the distress they were in, from the decline of that branch of the business, and the present situation of the trade of the United States, and praying that the wisdom and policy of the national legislature may be directed to such measures, in a general regulation of trade, and the establishment of a proper navigation act, as will relieve the particular distresses of the petitioners, in common with those of their fellow- shipwrights, throughout the Union." Thus the first two memorials presented to the Congress of the United States were for protecting duties on American Industry ; and of these memorials, one was from Baltimore, and the other from Charleston, South Carolina ! A few days after, a simflar memorial came in from New York, " setting forth that, in the present deplorable state of commerce and manufactures, they look with confidence to the operations of the new government, for a restoration of both, and that relief which they have so long and so ardently desired ; that they have subjoined a list of such articles as can be manufactured in New York, and humbly pray the countenance and attention of the national legislature thereto." Numerous other petitions of like purport were shortly after presented, and in pursuance of their prayers, as well as from the crying demands of the public service, the first impost law was passed, at an early period of the session. It was, with * See note E, at the end VOL. II. 12 90 AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. the exception of the law prescribing the oaths of office, tho first law which was passed under the new government. In the long debate which arose, at different stages of its progress, the idea was advanced, by members from every part of the country, that Congress was bound to lay duties that would encourage its manufacturing industry ; and I do not recollect that a suggestion appears in the reported debates that they did not constitutionally possess the power. Mr Madison thus expressed himself on the subject : " The states that are most advanced in population, and ripe for manufactures, ought to have their particular interest attended to in some degree. Whfle these states retained the power of making regulations of trade, they had the power to protect and cherish such institutions. By adopting the present constitu tion, they have thrown the exercise of this power into other hands. They must have done this with the expectation that those interests would not be neglected here." And again, " Duties laid on imported articles may have an effect which comes within the idea of national prudence. It may happen that materials for manufactures may grow up without any encouragement for this piirpose. It has been the case in some of the states. But in others, regulations have been provided, and have succeeded, in producing some establish ments, which ought not to be allowed to perish from the alteration which has taken place. It would be cruel to neglect them, and turn their industry to other channels ; for it is not possible for the hand of man to shift from one employment to another without being injured by the change. There may be some manufactures which, being once formed, can advance towards perfection without any adventitious aid ; while others, for want of the fostering hand of government, will be unable to go on at all. Legislative attention wfll be, therefore, necessary to collect the proper objects for this pur pose." * Such were the principles on which this law was supported ; and when it finafly passed, it was stated, in the • Lloyd's Debates, Vol. L pp, 24 and 86. AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. 91 preamble, to be "for the support of government, the dis charge of the debts of the United States, and the encourage ment and protection of manufactures." The benefit of the protecting principle of the law was not confined to the manufactures of the Middle and Northern States, but was fully extended to the agricultural products of the south. A heavy duty was laid on the foreign manufac tures of tobacco, (the only form in which that article could compete with American tobacco,) and it was supported by Roger Sherman, on the ground that the importation of such an article ought to be prohibited. This was a tax on the labor employed in the manufacture and on the consumption of the article for the benefit of the planter. The same is true of the duty laid on indigo, then a prominent article of southern produce, and still heavily burdened with a tax, which falls upon the consumers and manufacturers of cloth. A high duty was laid on hemp, an article of prime necessity to the navigating states ; and, in favor of such a duty, it was alleged, by southern members of Congress, " that their lands were well adapted to the growth of hemp, and that its cul ture would no doubt be practised with attention." But the most interesting case of these protecting duties is that of the duty laid on cotton, for the sake of introducing its culture into the United States. This is a subject on which I have lately dwelt at some length, in a debate in Congress, but which is too important to be omitted here. The household manufacture of cotton at the north was, as ¦we have seen, almost coeval with the settl§