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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

Louisiana anlr ;floriira,

INCLUDING

TRANSLATIONS OF ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS RELATING TO THEIR
DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT,

WITH NUMEBOUS

HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES.

By B.. F. FRENCH,
MEMBER OF THE LOUISIANA, GEORGIA, PISNNSYI.TANIA, NEW JERSEY, NEW YORK, AND
MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETIES.

SECOND SERIES.

iSistoricol iHemoirs onb JS'orrotircs, 15S7-1702,

NEW YORK:
ALBEET MASON, PUBLISHER.
1875.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1871. by
B. F. FRENCH,
in the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington.

TO

LIEUTENANT G. W. COSTER,
OF THE UNITED STATES NAVY,
THIS VOLUME IS
AS A TOKEN OF ESTEEM AND FRIENDSHIP, AND
ADMIRATION OF HIS PROFESSIONAL AND
SCIENTIFIC ATTAINMENTS,

BY

B. P. FRENCH.

No. 94 Clinton Place,
New York.

Sntroiruttion^

1

HE spirit of adventure which manifested
itself in Europe during the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries, was one of
the clearest evidences of an approach
ing moral and political regeneration.
It indicated the first waking moments
of mind from the torpor which had crept over it, and
the struggle that ensued, though ill-directed and ill-regu
lated, was yet active, energetic, and earnest- — working out
into reality and fact, what had seemed before but the
vagary of a dream. There was a movement in Europe,
a progressive movement, whose vital energies were to be
exhausted in new fields. Men were looking out for them
selves, and indulging in airy fancies ; they panted for new
scenes and enterprises ; they loathed the contracted empire
which Nature had apparently assigned them, and strained
their eyes across wide oceans for new countries. The spirit
which had been awakened was to slumber no more — there
was hope for Europe and for the new continent which the
Northmen and Columbus had discovered, and the fifteenth
century opened a way for the sixteenth.

VI INTRODUCTIOX.
It was the fifteenth which produced Columbus, but the
sixteenth and seventeenth carried out his noble conceptions,
and filled the ocean with adventurers and explorers of dis
tant lands. The country adjacent to the St. Lawrence, Hud
son, Mississippi, and the savannahs of Florida, were soon
reached bj- colonists from Spain, France, Holland, and
England, thirsting for glory and gold, for liberty and equal-
it)'. In 1 5 13, Juan Ponce de Leon, a veteran cavalier and
seaman, on Easter Sunday, Pasclia Floridiun, discovered the
coa^t of Florida, and landed at a place called the Bay of the
Cross, where he took formal possession and planted a stone
cross as a sign of the jurisdiction of Spain.
He discovered Cape Corrientes (Canaveral), and also the
Tortugas and rocks called the Martyrs ; he then entered the
bay, sometimes called after his name, where he also landed,
and took possession of the country in the name of the Cas-
tilian sovereigns, and returned to Spain, where, by much
solicitation, he obtained the appointment of governor, to
plant a colony in Florida ; and on his return he was re
pulsed by the natives in attempting to take possession of the
country, and while suffering from the wounds received from
the Indians he was compelled to return to Hispaniola, where
he died.
The voyages of Don Francisco de Garay, governor of
Cuba, now began to throw new light on the discoveries of
Ponce de Leon, and the coast of Florida became better
known ; and with motives of a more sordid nature, Luke
Vasquez de Ayllon, in 1520, equipped two ships, and sailed

INTRODUCTION. vii
fi'om Hispaniola to explore the coast and capture the na-
tives. In a few days he made land in the Bay of St. Helena
(South Carolina), and landed on the banks of the " Jordan "
river (Combahee), in the country called by the Indians " Chi-
chora," where he invited them on board and sailed to St.
Domingo to sell them for slaves ; but, as if to punish his
perfidy, one of his ships foundered at sea, and both captors
and the captives perished together. He again returned to
Spain, and instead of being punished for his piracy, he was
rewarded by Charles the Fifth with a commission as gov
ernor of all the countries he should discover; and, in 1525,
he went again to St. Helena with three ships, one of which
was stranded at the mouth of the " Jordan," and two hun
dred of his men were cut off and massacred by the natives ;
and he himself only escaped to die at the recollection of a
life which had been so ignominiously spent.
In this state of affairs, Charles the Fifth, Emperor of
Spain, granted to Pamphilo de Narvaez a commission to
conquer and govern all the country from the River of Palms
(Panuco, in Mexico) to the Cape of Florida. On the i6th of
June, 1527, he sailed from St. Lucar, Spain, with six hun
dred men, and arrived at the island of Cuba, where he re
mained some months, but finally departed in March, 1528,
and in April landed in the Bay of Apalache ; and after
issuing a proclamation of destruction to the natives (this
document is printed in this volume) unless they acknowl
edged the sovereignty of the Pope and the Emperor, he
wandered two hundred leagues or more through the country

viii INTRODUCTION.
in search of gold. He finally reached the Indian town of
Aute, on the Bay of St. Marks (San Marco de Apalache),
where he desperately put to sea in a few small boats, and in
attempting to cross the mouths of the Mississippi in a storm,
he perished at sea, and only four of his men escaped ship
wreck, three of whom, after years of vicissitude, reached
Mexico nine years after, among whom was Don Alvar Nunez
Cabeca de Vaca, who published his interesting narrative of
the countries or Spani-sh provinces in the south-west and
New Spain, which he visited in 1530-4. It is supposed that
he was the first, before De Soto, to cross the Mississippi, at
one of the Chickasaw bluffs, near Memphis, and proceeded
west by the waters of Arkansas to Chihuahua, thence to
Cinaloa, and from thence to Mexico.
After these disasters the vast country of Florida was neg
lected. But the excited fancy of the Spaniards still, how
ever, continued to burn for gold and conquest, and after the
lapse of some years, Hernando de Soto, who had been with
Pizarro, in the, conquest of Peru, and an account of whose
expedition to Florida was written by a gentleman of Elvas
(supposed to be Benedict Fernandez), which is published,
with that of Biedma, in the second volume of the first series
of the " Historical Collections of Louisiana," now obtained
from Charles the Fifth the appointment of Governor-General
of Florida, and Marquess of all the lands he might conquer.
He set sail from Spai.i, in 1538, with an ample armament,
and in 1539 he landed at the Bay of Espiritu Santo, now
Tampa Bay, with six hundred and twenty chosen men, and

INTRODUCTION, ix
declared that the enterprise was undertaken for God alone.
He traversed with his army great portions of Georgia, South
Carolina, Alabama, Tennessee, and Mississippi, and at
length, in thb third year of their journeying, they reached,
what De Soto was long in search of, the Mississippi, the
Indian name of which was Mechacebe, and the Spanish,
" Rio del Espirito Santo " (one hundred and thirty-two
years before its second discovery by Marquette and Joliet),
which the historian of this expedition describes as " Almost
half a league wide, deep, rapid, and constantly rolling down
trees and drift-wood on its turbid waters. The current was
strong, and with the help of oars they went very swiftly. If
a man stood still on the opposite side of it, it could not be
discerned whether he was a man or no. In places it was a
league or more broad, and of great depth, and the water
always muddy," which is unmistakably a description of some
of the physical features of this great .river, that De Soto so
much admired for its grandeur and extent, and claimed for
his sovereign ; and in presence of his army he named it " El
Rio Grande de la Florida," and which name it retained for
over one hundred and thirty years ; while the honor of its
discovery equally belongs to his successor, Don Louis Mos-
coso de Alvarado, who led, after the death of De Soto, the
remainder of his army, in brigantines, down its stream to
the Gulf of Mexico, and from thence to the city of Mexico,
where he announced to the world, not only its physical
features, but -gave an account of the various Indian tribes
found upon its banks. In its course this great I'iver receives

X INTRODUCTION.
on the one side all the waters of the AUeghanies, and on the
other all those of the Rocky Mountains. It stands there
like a gigantic production of nature, with its far-reaching
arms, adapted to bring into connection the most fruitful
States of North America. At this period Spain claimed,
under the name of Florida, the entire coast of North Amer
ica;, but she had not as yet, within this whole extent, built
one fort, or attempted to occupy one harbor or town.
It was ever the characteristic of the Spanish conqueror,
that first in his thoughts and aims was the extension of the
religion in which he was born and bred. The complete
history of the Romish Church in North or South America,
was to embrace the whole conquest or settlement of those
portions held originally by France and Spain. While others
sought gold in the New World, the priests labored for the
propagation of religion and conversion of souls. No expe
dition left the shores of Spain or France that was not sup
plied with pious priests.
The first wholly missionary voyage to the shores of Florida
was undertaken by Luis Cancel de Balbastro, a Dominican
friar, in 1547, who was permitted, at the expense of the Em
peror Charles the Fifth, to proceed to Florida to Christianize
the Indians of that country. He sailed, accordingly, from
Vera Cruz, Mexico, in 1549, bearing to their pious duty
three other zealous brothers, Juan Garcia, Diego de Tolosa,
and Gregoria de Beteta.
They landed on the western coast of Florida, in about 28°
of north latitude, the day after Ascension Day ; and after

INTRODUCTION. xi
two months wasted in fruitless efforts to conciliate the na
tives, when all but Beteta had fallen martyrs to the cause of
Christianity, the vessel returned to Vera Cruz. Some years
later (i559)' when Don Tristan de Luna y Arrelano founded
the colony of Santa Maria de Filipina, near Pensacola, he was
accompanied by z. provincial bishop and a considerable
corps of priests ; but as his attempt was unsuccessful, his
colony were soon disbanded, as they could not make any
impression upon the natives.*
It would appear, from this reception of the holy fathers,
the natives had anticipated some trouble from the Spaniards,
which was foreshadowed in an address to the King from Dr.
Santander, July 15, 1557. f
After the disastrous and tragical termination of so many
attempts to reduce the country of Florida under Spanish
dominion, the zeal of the Spaniards began to abate. But
* Brinton's " Notes on the Floridian Peninsula."
f Address to the King : — " It is lawful that your Majesty, like a good shep
herd, appointed by the hand of the Eternal Father, should tend and lead out
your sheep, since the Holy Spirit has shown spreading pastures whereon are
feeding lost sheep which have been snatched away by tlic dragon, the Demon.
These pastures are the New World, wherein is comprised Florida, now in pos
session of the Demon, and here he makes himself adored and revered.' This is
the land of promise, possessed by idolaters ; this is the land promised by the
Eternal Father to the faithful, since we are commanded by God, in the holy
Scriptures, to take it from them, being idolaters ; and by reason of their idolatry
and sin, to put them all to the knife, leaving no living thing, save maidens and
children : their cities robbed and sacked, their walls and houses leveled to the
earth." This writer then proposes to occupy Florida at various points, and
found a city to be called Filipina, another at Pensacola, to be called Caesarea,
another at Tallahassee, and another at Tampa Bay, where he thinks many slaves
could be had. — Parkman' s " Pioneers of France in the New World."

xii INTRODUCTION.
the French soon after attempted to establish a colony of
French Protestants (Huguenots) on the eastern coast. " In
the year 1562 a cloud of black and deadly portent was thick
ening over France ; none could pierce the future. The wild
racre of fanaticism and hate ; friend grappling with friend,
brother with brother, father with son ; altars profaned,
hearthstones made desolate, the robes of Justice herself be-
drenched with murder." In these days of gloom Admiral
Coligny ordered Captain Jean de Ribeau (sometimes printed
Ribault) to sail from France with two men-of-war and a large
body of troops, to found a colony of French Protestants.
After a voyage of two months he arrived on the coast of
Florida, in latitude 30° north, near the site of the present
city of St. Augustine. He found the coast low, and covered
with lofty trees. He continued to sail along the coast until
he came to the mouth of a beautiful river which he called
May, from the month in which he made the discovery. He
entered the mouth of this river, and was kindly received by
the natives. He continued to proceed northerly along the
coast as far as the river Jordan (probably the Combahee),
where he finally resolved on planting his little colony, which
has been since ascertained to be on Lemon Island, a few
miles from the mouth of Port Royal (named Grand by Ri
bault) River, and took possession of the country in the name
of his sovereign ; erected a pillar with the arms of France
upon it, and built a fort, which he laid out, of a triangular
form, in honor of Charles the Ninth, King of France, and
which he called Charlesfort (Arx Carolina), and after leav-

INTRODUCTION. xiii
ing twenty-six persons there, he returned to France. The
narrative and particulars of this voyage, which was written
in French by Ribault, on his return to France in 1562, is a
rare document, and is now, for the first time, printed in this
country. It is not known that more than two or three
printed copies of it, printed in 1583, now exist. This ex
pedition was followed by another from France, fitted out, in
1564, by the King, and commanded by Rene (de Goulaine)
de Laudonniere, to relieve the colony at Charlesfort ; but
finding, on his arrival, the fort deserted, he determined to
establish a colony on the River May (St. John's), where he
selected a spot for a town on the south side of the river,
about five or six miles from the sea, of which he took pos
session, and built a fort at what is now St. John's Bluff,
which he named Fort Carolin, and erected a column of
stone, engraved with the arms of France, as a sign of the
jurisdiction of France. The remains of this fort have been
since discovered. It was built of a triangular shape. Every
where he went he found the natives living in huts built of
wood and clay. In their carriage he found them proud and
erect ; and the comeliness of the females was not surpassed
by those of Europe. Having now finished his fort, he
turned his attention to searching for gold. This gave him
an opportunity to become acquainted with the manners and
customs of the natives. But not finding any mines, he re
solved to return to France. At this period the legitimists
of France and Spain, Charles the Ninth and Philip the
Second, were at perfect peace ; and the latter finding leisure

xiv INTRODUCTION.
to turn his attention to the colonizing of Florida, he se
lected Don Pedro de Melendez Aviles to conduct the enter
prise and to have the natives Christianized. He was vested
with the dignity of a Spanish adelantado and the hereditary
government of the Floridas. It was in the midst of the
preparations of sailing to Florida that he heard the Hugue
nots (French Protestants) had made an establishment on the
coast, and the Propaganda expedition immediately assumed
all the characteristics of a proclaimed crusade. Sovereign
and clergy crowded into the service. In the meantime, Ri
bault had arrived with a fleet to relieve the colony. In a
few days after Melendez also arrived (on the 4th September,
1565) with a fleet of ships and troops, to take possession of
Florida. Ribault now decided to attack the Spanish fleet,
and from prayers they rushed to slaughter. Ribault went
to sea to make the attack, but of a sudden a great tempest
arose and arrested his designs, which drove his ships down
the Florida coast, and gave the event an entirely new as
pect to the fortunes of Melendez ; who in the meantime at-
, tacked, with a land force. Fort Carolin, on the St. John's,
and captured it, and hung all the French who manned it,
" not as Frenchmen, but as heretics," except a few who
were killed in the attack, and who made their escape by
leaping the parapet, including M. Laudonniere, who after
wards returned to France in a vessel then lying at some dis
tance down the river. The truth of this achievement can
not be questioned, as Melendez himself commemorated it
by a monument.

INTRODUCTION. xv
In a few days after the fate of Ribault's fleet was knovvn
as being shipwrecked, with all on board, near Cape Cana
veral (Corrientes), Melendez went in search of them at
Matanzas Inlet, and on the assurance that they would, be
humanely treated, Ribault surrendered, and his men, as well
as himself and officers, were afterwards taken, in small
parties, behind the sand-hills of the coast, and. massacred.
Thus the whole colony, with those in the forts, were de
stroyed, and all France and England were indignant when
informed of the infamous transaction. But the French
King, Charles the Ninth, was apparently indifferent about it,
and no public notice was taken of the matter till 1567, when
the Chevalier Dominique de Gourgucs — a character that
would grace an epic poem — a Gascon gentleman, born at
Mount Marson, who had served against the Spaniards in
Italy, and who had retired to private life when the news
came of the massacre of the French by the Spaniards in
Florida, immediately fitted out two ships with troops, and
attacked the Spaniards in the forts they had taken from the
French in Florida, and hung the soldiery, " not as Spaniards,
but as traitors, murderers, and robbers." He afterwards
demolished the forts, and returned to France. " Romantic
as this exploit was, it lacked, however," says Parkman, " the
fulness of poetic justice, since the chief offender, Melendez,
escaped him. He it was who remained to crush French
Protestantism in America."
In this volume will also be found a full statement, by the
Chevalier de Gourgues himself, of this remarkable expedi-

xvi INTRODUCTION.
tion against the Spaniards, in 1567-8, to revenge the mas
sacre of the French colony ; also a translation of the narra
tive of Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales, chaplain of
the expedition commanded by Melendez de Aviles, a most
zealous hater of heretics. " He shows how the special
Providence of God watched over the enterprise," says Brin-
ton, " how divers wondrous miracles were at once proof and
aid of the pious work, and how in sundry times and places
God manifestly furthered the holy work of bloodshed. But
the most valuable portion of the memoir is that in which he
describes the founding of St. Augustine, entering into the
movements of the Spaniards with more detail than Don
Solis de las Meras ;" and also the account of the massacre
by Don Solis de las Meras, translated from Barcia, " Ensayo
Chronologico Historia General de la Florida," who hold up
Melendez as a model of Christian virtue and valor. " The
Spanish accounts of this massacre of the Protestants in
Florida," says Brinton, in his " Notes on Florida," " though
agreeing, as regards the facts, with those of the French, take
a very different theoretical view. The massacre of the Prot
estants (Huguenots) is excused with cogent reasoning for
exterminating this nest of pestilent unbelievers. Could
they be ignorant that they were breaking the laws of nations
by settling on Spanish soil?" The Council of the Indies
argue the point, and prove the infringement in a stiU extant
document appended to the Compte-Rendu of Guido de las
Bazares, which is translated and published in this volume, in
English. But much more valuable' is the memoir of Hei"-

INTRODUCTION. xvii
nando D'Escalante Fontaneda, who boasts that he could
speak four Indian languages, and who afterwards accompa
nied the expedition of the Adelantado Melendez de Aviles
to Florida. " The geographical notices of this author,"
says Brinton, " are indeed valuable, particularly in locating
the ancient Indian tribes of that country."
Among the original narratives published in this volume
there is none of more importance than the history of M.
D'Iberville's several expeditions made to colonize Louis
iana, which is now for the first time translated and printed
in any language, giving an account of all that took place, as
well as a description of the country, and manners and cus
toms of the Indian tribes of that country ; establishing im
portant data which are not to be found elsewhere.
And should this volume meet with the encouragement ex
pected, it will be followed by translations of other original
manuscripts, obtained from the archives of France and
Spain, of important historical interest, not to be found in
print, showing the gradual progress made by Louisiana and
Florida from Colonial dependence to Free and Independent
States.

:Mtmoh

OF
ROBERT CAVALIER, SIEUR DE LA SALLE, crl
ADDRESSED TO
Monseigneur de Seignelay,
ON THE
DISCOVERIES MADE BY HIM BY ORDER OP HIS MAJESTY LOUIS XIV., KING
OP FRANCE.

TE.\NSLATED FROM A COPY OP THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT DEPOSITED IN THE MARINE
DEPARTMENT, PARIS.

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ONSEIGNEUR COLBERT was of
opinion, with regard to the various prop
ositions which were made in 1678, that
it was important for the glory and service
of the King to discover a port for his
vessels in the Gulf of Mexico. _
The Sieur de la Salle offered to undertake the discovery,
at his own expense, if it should please his Majesty to grant
to him the seigniory of the government of the forts which
he should erect on his route, together with certain privileges,
and an indemnification for the great outlay which the ex
pedition would impose on him. Such grant was made to
him by letters patent of the 12th of May, 1678.* __
* Letters Patent Granted to Robert Cavalier, Sieur de la Salle, 1678.
Louis, by the Grace of God, King of France and of Navarre, To our dear and
well-beloved Robert Cavalier, Sieur de la Salle, greeting :
We have received with favor the very humble petition which has been pre-

2 HISTORICAI COLIECTIONS OF [1678.
In order to execute this commission, he abandoned all his
own pursuits which did not relate to it. He did not omit
anything necessary for success. Notwithstanding danger
ous sickness, considerable losses, and other misfortunes which
he suffered, which would have discouraged any other person
not possessed of the same zeal with hiinself, and the same
sented to us in your name, to permit you to endeavor to discover the western
part of New France ; and we have consented to this ^proposaL the.nii)je.willingly
because there is nothing we have more at lieart than the di.scoyery . of this
countiy, through which it is probable a road may be found to penetrate_ to
' I Mexico ; and because your diligence in clearing lands which we granted to you
by the decree of our Council of tlie 13th May, 1675, and by letters patent of
the same date, to form habitations upon the same lands, and to put Fort Fronte-
nac in a good state of defense, the seigniory and government whereof we like
wise granted to you, afford us every reason to hope that you will succeed to our
satisfaction, and to the advantage of our subjects of the said country.
For these reasons, and others thereunto moving us, we have permitted, and
do hereby permit you, by these presents, signed by our hand, to endeavor to
discover the western part of New France, and for the execution of this enter
prise to construct forts wherever you shall deem it necessary ; which it is our
will that you shall hold on the same terms and conditions as Fort Frontenac,
agreeably and comformably to our said Letters Patent of the 13th March, 1675,
which we have confirmed, as far as is needful, a-nd hereby confirm by these
presents. And it is our pleasure that they be executed according to their form
and tenor.
To accomplish this and everything mentioned we give you full powers ; on
condition, however, that you shall finish this enterprise within five years, in
default of which these presents shall be void and of none effect ; that you carry
on no trade whatever with the savages called Outaouacs, and others, who bring
their beaver-skins and other peltries to Montreal ; and that the whole shall be
done at your expense and that of your company, to which we have granted the
privilege of the trade in buffalo-skins. And we command the Sieur de Frontenac,
our Governor and Lieutenant-General, and the Sieur Duchesne Intendant, and
the other officers who compose the supreme Council of the said country, to affix
their signatures to these presents : for such is our pleasure. ~)

1678.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 3
industry in the performance of the undertaking, he made
five voyages, under extraordinary hardships, extending over
five thou.sand leagues, most commonly on foot, through
snow and water, almost without rest, during five years.
Given at St. Germain-en-Laye, this 12th day of May, 1678, and our reign the
thirty-fifth. ' (Signed) Louis.
By the King, Colbert.
Second Letters Patent Granted Sieur de la Salle.
Louis, by the grace of God, King of France and of Navarre, greeting :
Having resolved to cause some expeditions to be undertaken in North
America, to subject to our dominion divers savage tribes, and to convey to them
the light of the faith and of the Gospel, we have been of the opinion that we
could not make a better choice than of Sieur de la Salle to command, in our
name, all the Frenchmen and Indians whom we will employ for the execution
of the orders we have entrusted unto him. For these and other reasons Us
moving, and being, moreover, well informed of his affection and fidelity for our
service. We have, by these presents, signed by our own hand, constituted and
ordained, and do commission and ordain, the said Sieur de la Salle, to command
under our authority, as well in the country which will be subject anew to our
dominion in North America, from Fort St. Louis on the Illinois River unto New
Biscay (Texas), as well among the French and Indians whom he will employ in
the expedition we have entrusted to his care, cause them to live in union and
concord the one with the other ; keep the soldiers in good order, and 'police,
according to our rules ; appoint governors and special commanders in the places
he shall think proper, until it shall be by us otherwise. ordered ; maintain trade
and traffic, and generallj^to do_^nd exercisejorus in the said countiy all that
shall appertain to the office of commandant, and enjoy its powers, Jionors,
authorities, prerogatives, franchises, liberties, wages, rights, fruits, profits, revenues
and emoluments, during our pleasure: to execute which we have given, apd do
give, unto you power, by these presents, whereby we command all our said
subjects and soldiers to acknowledge, obey, and hear you in things relating to
the present power. For such is our pleasure.
In witness whereof we have caused our privy seal to be affixed to these
presents. Given at Versailles the 14th April, 1684.
By the King, (Signed) Louis.

4 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1678.
He has traversed more than six hundred leagues of un
known country, among many barbarian and cannibal nations
(Anthropophages), against whom he was obliged to fight
almost daily, although he was accompanied by only thirty-
six men ; having no other consolation before him than a
hope of bringing to an end an enterprise which he believed
would be agreeable to his Majesty.
After having happily executed this design, he hopes
Llonseigneur will be pleased to continue in the title and
government of the fort which he has had erected in the
country of his discovery, where he has placed several French
settlers, and has brought together many savage nations,
amounting to more than eighteen thousand in number,
who have built houses there, and sown much ground, to
commence a powerful colony.
This is the only fruit of an expedition of one hundred and
fifty thousand ecus, the only means of satisfying his credit
ors, who advanced to him the aid which he required, after
very considerable losses. He believes that he has sufficiently
established the truth of his discovery by the official instru
ment, signed by all his companions, which was placed last
year in the hands of Monseigneur Colbert by the Count de
Frontenac ; as also by a report drawn up by the Rev. Father
Zenob^ Membre,* missionary, who accompanied him during

* Father Zenobe ilembre was the faithful and devoted friend of Cavalier de
la Salle, and to whom we are indebted for an account of what took place in
Louisiana and Texas from 1682 to 1687.
He was the cousin of Father Christian Le Clercq, who afterwards published

1678.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 5
this voyage, and who is at this time guardian of Bapdume ;
by the testimony of three persons who accompanied him, and
whom he has brought with him to France, .and who are now
in Paris ; and by the testimony of many other persons who
came this year from Canada, and who have seen one Vital,
sent by M. de la Barre to collect information respecting him
on the spot, and who has confirmed the truth of the discovery.
All these proofs are sufficient to contradict whatever may
have been written to the contrary by persons who have no
knowledge of the country \yhere the discovery was made,
his journal in the "Etablissement de la Foy." He was first sent to Canada as
a missionary in 1675, from which time till 1678 he was employed in missionary
and other labors, until his departure in 1678 to Fort Frontenac, where he joined
M. de la Salle to go to Mackinaw, and from thence to Fort Crevecoeur, in
Illinois, where he labored assiduously with Father Gabriel, to convert the heatlien,
till the autumn of 1680. In the spring of 1681, he descended the Mississippi
with M. de la Salle, to the Gulf of Mexico ; and on their return, he proceeded,
at the request of M. de la Salle, to France, in 1682, to lay before the King and
Court, the result of his expedition.
After fulfilling his mission at the court of Louis XIV., he became warden
of the Recollects at Bapaume, then in the Spanish Netherlands, and remained
there until he was appointed, at the request of M. de la Salle, Superior of the
Missionaries (Anastase Douay, Maxime Le Clercq, Denis Marquet, Cavalier,
Chedeville, and Majulte) who accompanied the expedition to Louisiana (Texas),
and having reached that country in safety, he afterwards began a mission among
the friendly Indians, with Fathers Cavalier and Le Clercq. The colony, after the
departure of M. de la Salle in search of the Colbert (Mississippi) in 1687, was
attacked and cut to pieces by the Indian tribes of the country ; priest and
soldier, husband and wife, old and young, all of whom perished, except a few
who made their escape and those who had gone with La Salle.
The Spanish account of the Massacre of the colony of La Salle on the
Lavacca, Texas, is related by Barcia in his work, entitled " Ensayo Chronologico
Historica de la Florida," pp. 294-8.
Texas, at this time, was without a boundary, and almost without a name, except

6 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1678
never having been there. But he hopes to remove all these
prejudices, by carrying into execution the design which he
entertains, under^the favor of Monseigneur, of returning to
the country of his discovery by the mouth of the river, in
the Gulf of Mexico; since he must have lost his senses, if
without being certain of the means of arriving where he pro
poses, he exposed not only his own fortune, and that of his
friends, to manifest destruction, but his own honor and reputa
tion to the unavoidable disgrace of having imposed on the
confidence of his Majesty and of his ministers.
Of. this there is less likelihood, because he has no interest
to disguise the truth, since, if Monseigneur does not think it
convenient to undertake any enterprise in that direction, he
will not ask anything from his Majesty until his return from
the Gulf of Mexico, confirming the truth of what he has al
leged. With reference to the assertion that his voyage would
Louisiana. The Spaniards had not yet penetrated the country east of the Rio
Grande del Norte, below Paso del Norte ; and La Salle was endeavoring to make
France believe he was in the vicinity of the mouth of the Mississippi, and that
Texas was a part of Louisiana. The country no doubt belonged to France, by
right of discovery and settlement as well as by national law. , The Spaniards
were now, however, aroused from their supineness by the vigor of Louis XIV.,
who had sent La Salle to take possession and found a colony ; and who after
wards, in 1712, granted a charter to Anthony Crozart for the whole of Louisiana,
as far as the Rio Grande del Norte, wlio had in view the working of the mines
in Texas, and a profitable trade with the northeastern provinces of Mexico.
{See Charter in first series of the Historical Collections of Louisiana, vol. 3, pp.
38-42.) The colony in Texas was however commenced by M. de la Salle under
the sanction of his Sovereign, notwithstanding the monstrous pretensions of
Spain, which laid the foundation of a controversy that was not finally closed
until the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, made between the United States and
Mexico on the 2d February, 1848.

1678.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 7
produce no profit to France, he replies, that if he proposed
it as a thing to be done, and on that account sought for as
sistance to undertake the enterprise, or reward after having
succeeded injt, its usefulness would deserve consideration ;
and being here only in order to render an account of the
orders he received, he does not think himself to be responsi
ble but for their execution, it not being his duty to examine
the intentions of Monseigneur Colbert. Having, however,
observed great advantages which both France and Canada
may derive from his discovery, he believes that he owes this
detail to the glory of the king, the welfare of the kingdom,
to the honor of the ministry of Monseigneur, and to the
memory of him who employed him upon this expedition.
He does this the more willingly, as his_r^uests_wni_niot. ex
pose him to a suspicion of self-interest ; and as thejnflu£iice
which he has aqqiiired over the people of that continent
places him in a position to execute what he proposes, the "
things which he states will find greater credit in the minds
of those who shall investigate them.
Firstly, the service of God may be established there by
the preaching of the Gospel to numerous docile and settled
(sedentaires) nations who will be found more willing to receive
it than those of other parts of America, upon account of
their greater civilization.
Secondly, we can effect there for the glory of our King
very important conquests, both by land and sea ; or, if peace
should oblige us to delay the execution of them, we might,
without giving any cause of complaint, rnake preparations to

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF

[1678.

render us certain of success, whenever it shall please the King
to command it.
The provinces which may be seized are very rich in silver
mines (Texas and New Mexico), they adjoin the river Colbert
(Mississippi), they are far removed from succor, they are open
everywhere on the side on which we should attack them, and
are defended by only a small number of persons, .so sunk in
effeminacy and indolence as to be incapable of enduring the
fatigue of wars of this description.
The Sieur de la Salle binds himself to have this enterprise
ripe for success within one year after his arrival on the spot,
and asks only for this purpose, one vessel, some^rmy and
munitions, the transport maintenance, and pay of two hun
dred men during one year. Afterwards he will maintain them
from the produce of the country, and supply their other wants
through the credit and confidence which he has obtained
among these nations, and the experience which he has had
of those regions. He will give a more detailed account of
this proposal when it shall please Monseigneur to direct him.
Thirdly, the river is navigable for more than a hundred
leagues for ships, and for barks for more than five hundred
leagues to the north, and for more than eight hundred from
east to west. Its three mouths are as many harbors, capa
ble of receiving every description of ships ; where those of
his Majesty will always find a secure retreat, anci all that may
be necessary to refit and revictual, which would be a great
economy to his Majesty, who would no longer find it neces
sary to send the things needed from France at a great ex-

1678.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 9
pense, the country producing a greater part of them. We
could even build there as many ships as we should desire,
the materials for building and rigging being in abundance,
with the exception of iron, which may be discovered. *
This newly-discovered country has besides its other
advantages, that of the soil, which being well timbered,
forms a campaign of great fertility and extent. The mild
ness of the climate is favorable to the raising of cattle,
which causes great expense when the winter is severe. There
is a prodigious number of buffaloes, stags, hinds, bears,
wolves and foxes. Hides and furs in the greatest abundance
are to be had for almost nothing. There are cotton, sugar,
cochineal, indigo, entire forests of mulberry trees, apple,
orange and plum trees, vines, salt, slate, and coal.
It will not be necessary to import from Europe horses,
oxen, swine, fowls, or turkeys, which are to be found in
every part of the country ; nor to import provisions for the
colonists, who would quickly find subsistence.
Whilst other colonies are open and exposed to the descents
of foreigners by as many points as their coasts are washed
by the sea, whereby they are placed under a necessity of
having many persons to watch these points of access; one
single post established towards the lower part of the river
will be sufficient to protect a territory extending more than
eight hundred leagues from north to south and still farther
from east to west, because its banks are only accessible
* This discovery has since been made and ascertained that north-western
Texas abounds in the richest deposits both of iron, coal, and limestone.

IO HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1678.
from the sea through the mouth of the rw^x, the remainder
of the coast being impenetrable inland for more than twenty
leagues, in consequence of woods, swamps, and bogs, through
which it is impossible to march, and this may have been the
'reason why the exploration of that river was neglected by
the Spaniards, if they have had any knowledge of it.* This
country is well defended in the interior against the irruptions
of neighboring Europeans, by great chains of mountains,
stretching from east to west, from which the branches of
the river take their source.
It is true that the country is more open towards the
southwest) where it borders on Mexico, where the very
* The honor of the first discovery of the Mississippi (Colbert) River in
1519, belongs to the Spaniards, wliich Navarrete, the Spanish historian, con
clusively establishes, in his work entitled " Collecion de los viages y descu-
biitnientos^' etc., vol. 3, p. 64 : " The exciting news of the conquest of Mexico
by Cortez reached the Spanish governors and settlers of the Antilles, when
several of the ^Conquistadors' hastened to explore the northern shores of the
Gulf of Mexico ; and that Don Alonzo Alvarez Pineda, an officer in the service
of Don Francisco de Garay, governor of Jamaica, surveyed a great part of this
northern coast, in 1519, and discovered the Mississippi River, which he named
' Rio del Espiritu Santo' and afterwards inscribed the name on their maps and
charts. T-wo expeditions were afterwards undertaken in that direction ; one
by Pamfilo de Narvaez, and the other, the most important of all, by Hernando
de Soto, in 1539-41 (see 'Historical Coll. of Louisiana,' vol. 2, pp. 107-168),
and which was well known to him under that name when he set out to explore
Florida, and after reaching and crossing it at (it is supposed) or near the
present city of Alemphis, and extending his explorations farther up the river,
probably as far as the present city of Cairo, and seeing its great affluents
pouring in on one side and on the other, coming, as he justly supposed, from
the territory of an immense continent reaching to the Pacific Ocean, he named
it in presence of his army ' El Rio Grande del Florida' which it long retained
in the writings of Spanish historians."

1678.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. II
navigable river, the Sabloniere (Red River of Louisiana),
which is one of the branches of the Colbert (Mississippi) is
only separated by a forest of three to four days' journey in
depth. But besides that the Spaniards there are feeble and
far removed from the assistance of Mexico, and from that
which they could expect by sea, this countrj^is likewise
protected from their insults by a great number of warlike
savages* who close this passage to them, and who, constantly
engaged with them in cruel wars, would certainly inflict
greater evil, when sustained by some French, whose more
mild and more humane mode of governing will prove a great
means for the preservation of the peace made between them
—and the Sieur de la Salle.

To maintain this establishment, which is the only one
required in order to obtain ah the advantages mentioned, two
hundred men only are needed, who would also construct the
fortifications and buildings, and effect the clearings necessary
for the sustenance of the colony ; after which there would be
no further expenditure. The goodness of the country will
induce the settlers to remain there willingly. The ease in
which they will live will make them attend to the cultivation
.of the soil, and to the production of the articles of com
merce, and will remove all desire to imitate the inhabitants

* The French who came with La Salle to Texas were so unacquainted with
Indian languages and their mode of spelling them, that it is difficult to identify
them with the present tribes. Take for example the following:
Carankawaes, Kironnonas, Ceries Assonys, A-Siniaes Asinaes,
Comanches. Cannensis. Vidais. Bedais.

12 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1678.
of New France, who are obliged to seek subsistence in the
woods under great fatigues, in hunting for peltries, which are
their principal resource. These vagrant courses, common in
New France, will be easily prevented in the new country,
because, as its rivers are all navigable, there will be a great
facility for the savages to come to our settlements, and for
us to go to them, in boats which can ascend all the branches
of the river.
If foreigners anticipate us they will deprive France of all
the advantages to be expected from the success of the enter
prise. They will complete the ruin of New France^which
they already hem in through Virginia, Pennsylvania, New
England, and the Hudson's Bay. They will not_J'ail to
ascend the river* as high as possible, and establish colonies
* The priority of the discoveiy of the Mississippi by Cavalier de la Salle, over
Marquette and Joliet in 1672, is intimated in the discovery of recent manuscripts.
In 1669 De la Salle had gone in quest of the route to China by the Ohio, which
he believed ran westward to the Pacific Ocean. Abandoned by his companions,
he was only enabled to descend the Ohio to its falls ; but in the following year,
proceeding to the northwest by the great lakes, he had unexpectedly discovered
a great unknown river, the Mississippi, the rival of the St. Lawrence (1670-72),
of which his enemies attempted to deprive him of the honor of the discovery. As
intelligent as intrepid, as soon as he perceived the Mississippi ran southeast to the
Gulf of Mexico, he proposed to himself a new aim without abandoning the old
one, and proposed to France to open a double road to the two oceans. The
great Colbert eageriy seized this idea and resolved to found a naval and military
settlement in the Gulf of Mexico, which would secure to France against Spain
the free navigation of these seas, and the communication of Canada with the
West Indies. Cavalier de la Salle, therefore, connected by a chain of posts the
basins ^f the St. Lawrence and the. Jlississippi, and sent, fronr767g-5o, the
Recollect Henepin, to ascend the Mississippi to its__source; and~ afterwards he
embarked on this river, February 2, 1682, and floated down its~curreill"to its

1678.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 1 3
in the places nearest to the savages who now bring their furs
to Montreal — they will make constant inroads into the
countries of the latter, which could not be repressed by
ordinances of his Majesty. They have already made several
attempts* to discover this passage, and they will not neglect
it now that the whole world knows that it is discovered, since
mouth, and on the 9ih of April took possession, in the name of Louis XIV., and
gave to the basin of the Mississippi the name of Louisiana. (See Proces Verbal,
published in this volume, including a description of the countiy bordering on this
great river.) From thence he returned to Quebec through a thousand obstacles
and dangers, raised not by the jealousy of the Spaniards or the English, but by
that of his own countrymen. New France extended thenceforth, at least
nominally, from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to the Gulf of Mexico, enclosing be
tween its two great fluvial basins the English colonies.
The intrepid explorer of Louisiana was not destined, however, to plant a
successful colony there. He returned to_ France in 1683, and obtained of the
King a few vessels and two hundred men to reconnoiter by sea the mouth of the
Mississippi (Colbert) which he had discovered, to found a colony there, and
attempt to wrest from the Spaniards the mines of New Biscay, but the jealousy
of de Beaujeu, the commander of the expedition, compelled him to land, not at
the entrance of the Mississippi but at a bay (St. Bernard or Matagorda) now
within the boundaries of Texas. And after causing the failure of the expedition
by his obstinacy, he abandoned and veritably betrayed him, and as Cavalier de la
Salle was attempting to reach the Mississippi by land, he was massacred on the
head waters of the Trinity River, Texas, by one of his rebellious comrades, 1687.
* The English assert that Colonel Wood, of Virginia, spent at different times,
from 1654 to 1664, several years in the discovery of the Mississippi River, which
is not improbable, as Daniel Cox, in his account of Louisiana, and who sent an
expedition there of two ships of war to take possession, in 1698, which he claimed
as a grant from the English government, and described in his work on
Louisiana, from memoirs and journals kept by persons who had been sent there,
which is not improbable. It is evident his vessels had reached and explored
the lower Mississippi before the French expedition commanded by M. D'lber-
ville had entered it. {See new series of Historical Collections of Louisiana and
Florida, pp. 59-60.)

14 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1678.
the Dutch have published in their newspapers upwards of a
year ago.
Nothing more is required than to maintain the possession
taken by the Sieur de la Salle, in order to deprive them of
such a desire, and to place ourselves in a position to under
take enterprises against them glorious to the arms of his
Majesty, who will probably derive the greatest benefits from
the duties he will levy there as in our other colonies. What
ever has been imagined respecting the mud and breakers
which have been supposed to stop the mouth of the Colbert
or Mississippi (Mechas-cebe), is easily disproved by the ex
perience of those who have been there (the Spaniards), and
who found the entrance fine, deep, and capable of admitting
the largest vessels. It would appear that the land, or levks
de terre, are covered in many parts with trees growing along
the channel of the river very far into the sea ; and where
the sea is deep they would not be suspected, because even,
the outlets or creeks to the sea are tolerably deep at that
distance, and besides there is every appearance that the cur
rent of the river has formed these kind of dikes by shoving
on both sides the mud with which the winds fill the neigh
boring creeks, because those causeways are to the right and
left of the river, forming for it a bed, as it were, by this
separation. In the " Memoir " respecting New Biscay,* the difficulty
* New Biscay, the most northern province of Mexico in the seventeenth cen
tury, was situated between 25° and 27' 30' north latitude, and from this prov
ince the Indians extended themselves to the Seignelay (Arkatisas) River.

1678.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 1 5
has been dealt with respecting the constancy of the Indians.
They know too well how important it is to them to live on
good terms with us to fail in their fidelity, in which they
have never been known to fail in New France. Such an
event is still less to be apprehended from those who are
obedient and submissive to their chiefs, whose will it is
sufficient to gain in order to keep the rest in obedi
ence. 3

Mattati\)t

EXPEDITION OF M. CAVALIER DE LA SALLE*
¦TO EXPLORE THE (MISSISSIPPI) COLBERT RIVER, AND TAKE POSSESSION OP
LOUISIANA, UNDER THE ORDERS AND LETTERS PATENT OP LOUIS XIV. ,
KING OP FRANCE, IN 1683.

TRANSLATED PROM A COPT OP THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT (PEOCES VERBAL) DEPOSITED IN
THE ARCHIVES OP THE " MINI3TERE DB LA MARINE ET DE« COLONIES," PARIS.

ACQUES DE LA METAIRIE, notary
of Fort Frontenac in New France, com
missioned to exercise the said function
of iiotary duringth£j;;oycige_t^
iana, in North America, by M. de la
Salle, Governor of Fort Frontenac, for
the King, and commandant of the said discovery by the
commission of his Majesty, given at St. Germain, on the
1 2th May, 1678.
" To all those to whom these presents shall come, greet-

* According to ancient records, De la Salle's name in full was written Rene
Robert Cavalier, Sieur de la Salle. La Salle was the name of an estate near
Rouen, France, belonging to the Cavaliers. The wealthy French burghers often
distinguished the various members of their families by designations borrowed
from landed estates. He had an elder brother in Canada, the Abbe Jean Cava
lier, a priest of St. Sulpice.

1 8 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1682.
ing ;— Know that having been requested by the said Sieur
de la Salle to dehver to him an act, signed by us and the
witnesses therein named, of possession by him taken of the
country of Louisiana, near the three mouths of the river
Colbert (Mississippi), in the Gulf of Mexico, in the month of
April, A. D. 1682.
" In the name of the most high, mighty, invincible, and
victorious Prince, Louis the Great, by the grace of God King
of France and of Navarre, fourteenth of that name, and of
his heirs, and the successor of his crown, we, the aforesaid
notary, have delivered the said act to the said Sieur de la
Salle, the tenor whereof follows.
" On the 27th of December, 1681, M. de la Salle departed
on foot to join M. de Tonty, who had preceded him with his
followers and all his equipage forty leagues into the Miamis
country,* where the ice on the river Chicagou, in the country
of the Mascoiitens, had arrested his progress, and where,
when the ice became stronger, they used sledges to drag the
baggage, the canoes, and a wounded Frenchman through
the whole length of this river, and on the Illinois, a distance
of seventy leagues.
" At length, all the French being together, on the 25th of
January, 1682, we came to Pimiteoui.f From that place,
the river being frozen only in some parts, we continued our
* The Miamis Indians were settled, when Majrquette explored the Missis
sippi River, at the south end of Lake Michigan.
f Lake Pimiteoui (Peoria, on the Illinois River), where M. de la Salle had
previously built forts St. Louis and Crevecour.

l682.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. I9
route to the River Colbert (Mississippi*), sixty leagues or
thereabouts from Pimiteoui, and ninety leagues or there
abouts from Pimiteoui (Peoria) to the village of the Illinois.^
We reached the banks of the River Colbert on the 6th of
February, and remained there until the 13th, waiting for the
Indians, whose progress had been impeded by the ice. On the
13th, all having assembled, we renewed our voyage, being
twenty-two Frenchmen, carrying arms, accompanied by the
Reverend Father Zenobe Membre X and one of the Recollect
missionaries, and followed by eighteen New England sav
ages and several women, Algonquins, Otchepose, and
Hurons. " On the fourteenth, we arrived at the village of Ma.roa,§
consisting of a hundred caljins, without inhabitants. Proceed
ing about one hundred leagues down the River Colbert, we
went ashore to hunt, on the 26th of February. A French
man was lost in the woods,] and reported to M. de la Salle,
that a large number of savages had been seen in the vicinity.
Thinking that they might have seized the Frenchman, and in
* The name of Colbert was given to this river by Governor Frontenac of
Canada in honor of the great French minister Colbert, who died soon after its
e-xploration by Marquette and Joliet in 1673.
f The present city of Peoria is not upon the site of the old Indian village or
mission of Peoi'ia, but upon the old site of La Villa de Maillet.
X Father Zenobe was afterward massacred by the Indians at Fort St. Louis,
on St. Bernard's (now Matagorda) Bay, Texas, in l68g.
§ Maroa or Tamaroa, an Illinois village, where Caholiia was afterwards built.
1 The first Chickasaw bluff where Fort Prudhomme was built by theFrench-
men, and subsequently Fort Panmure by the English, and San Fernando de Ba-
rancas by the Spaniards.

20

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1682.

order to observe these savages, he marched through the woods
during two days, but without finding them, because they had
all been frightened by the guns which they had heard, and
had fled.
" Returning to camp, he sent in every direction French and
Indians on the search, with orders, if they fell in with the
sa\'ages, to take them alive, without injury, that he might
gain from them inteUigence of this Frenchman. Gabriel Bar
bie, with two savages, having met five of the Chickasaw na
tion, captured two of them. They were received with all
possible kindness, and after he had explained to them that
he was anxious about a Frenchman, who had been lost, and
that he only detained them that he might rescue him from
their hands if he was really among them and afterwards
make with them an advantageous peace (the French doing
good to everybody), they assured him that they had not
seen the man whom we sought, but that peace would be re
ceived with the greatest satisfaction. Presents were then
given to them, and, as they signified that one of their vil
lages was not more than half a day's journey distant, M. de
la Salle set out the next day to go thither ; but after travel
ing till night, and having remarked that they often contra
dicted themselves in their discourse, he declined to go any
farther without more provisions. Having pressed them to
tell the truth, they confessed that it was yet four days' jour
ney to their villages ; and perceiving that M. de la Salle was
angry at having been deceived, they proposed that one of
them should remain with him, while the other carried the

l682.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 21
news to the village, whence the elders would come and join
them four days' journey below that place. The said Sieur
de la Salle returned to the camp with one of these Chicka-
saws, and the French whom we sought having been found,
he continued his voyage, and passed the River Chepontias, *
and the village of the Metsigameas (Mitchigamea).t The
fog, which was very thick, prevented his finding the passage
which led to the rendezvous proposed by the Chickasaws.
" On the I2th of March, we arrived at the Kapaha\ vil
lage, on the Arkansas. Having established a peace there,
and taken possession, we passed, on the iSth, another of
their villages, situated on the border of their river, § and
also two others, farther off in the depth of the forest, and
arrived at that of Imaha, the largest village of this nation,
where peace was confirmed, and where the chief acknowledged
that the village belonged to his Majesty. Two Akansas em
barked with M. de la Salle to conduct him to the Talusas
(Taensas), their allies, about fifty leagues distant, who inhabit
eight villages upon the borders of a little lake. On the 19th

* Supposed to be the St. Francis River.
f A warlike tribe that lived on a lake of that name, near the River St. Francis.
\ Tills village was situated on a high hill, about half a league from the mouth
of the Arkansas River. Here La Salle first took formal possession of the country,
and drew from the chief an acknowledgment of fealty to Louis XIV., and a cross
raised bearing the arms of France.
§ When the French first discovered the Akansa (Arkansas River), the nation or
tribes on the Akansa were known as, Ist, the Kapaha (Quapaws) 2d, the Ton-
genga or Topingas, 3d, the Toriman, 4th, the Atotchasi, Osotonoy, Sauthouis,
Otsotchove, a remnant of whom still remain, and are knovvn as the Quapaws.

22 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1682.
we passed the villages of Tourika (Tonicas), Yasou (Yazoo),
and Koroas ; but as they did not border on the river, and
were hostile to the Akansas and Taensas, we did not stop
there. " On the 20th we arrived at the Taensas, by whom we
were exceedingly weU received, and who supplied us with a
large quantity of provisions. M. de Tonty passed a night
at one of their villages, where there were about seven hun
dred men carrying arms, assembled in the place. Here again
a peace was concluded. * A peace was also made with the
Koroas, whose chief came there from the principal village of
the Koroas, ten leagues distant from that of the Natchez.
The two chiefs accompanied M. de la Salle to the banks of
the river. Here the Koroa chief embarked with him (on Eas
ter Sunday, the 29th of March), to conduct him to his village,
where peace was again concluded with this nation, which,
besides the five other villages of which it is composed, is al
lied to nearly forty others. On the 3 1st we passed the village
of the Oumas without knowing it, on account of the fog, and
its distance from the river.
" On the 3d of April, at about ten o'clock in the morning,
we saw, among the canes, thirteen or fourteen canoes. M.
de la Salle landed, with several of his people. Footprints

* The Taensas were first described by Father Zenobe Membre, who accompa
nied La Salle in this expedition, and from this time forward were the true friends
of the French. They spoke the same language, and had the same manners,
habits, and reUgious customs of the Natchez, of which, Le Page du Pratz says,
they were a branch.

l682.J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 23
were seen, and also savages, a little lower down, who were
fishing, and who fled precipitately as soon as they discovered
,us. Others of our party then went ashore on the borders of
a marsh formed by the inundations of the river. M. de la
Salle sent two Frenchmen, and then two savages, to recon
noiter, who reported that there was a village (Quinipisas)
not far off, but that the whole of this marsh, covered with
canes, must be crossed to reach it ; that they had been as
sailed with a shower of arrows by the inhabitants of the
town, who had not dared to engage with them in the marsh,
but who had then withdrawn, although neither the French
nor the savages with them had fired on account of the orders
they had received not to fire, unless in pressing danger.
Presently, we heard a drum beat in the village, and the
cries and howlings with which these barbarians are ac
customed to make attacks. We waited three or four hours,
and as we could not encamp in this marsh, and seeing
no one, and no longer hearing anything, we embarked,
an hour afterwards, to go to the village of Maheoula, *
lately destroyed, and Cbntaining dead bodies, and marks of
blood. Two leagues below this place we encamped. We
continued our voyage until the 6th, when we discovered three
channels, by which the River Colbert discharges itself into the
sea. We landed on the bank of the most western channel,
about three leagues from its mouth. On the 7th, M. de la

* Probably the village of the Tangibao, which had been destroyed by the
Quinipisas.

24 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1682.
Salle * went to. reconnoiter the shores of the neighboring
sea (Gulf of ^lexico), and M. de Tonty likewise examined
the great middle channel. They found these three outlets
beautiful, large, and deep.
¦• On the Sth we reascended the river, a little above its
confluence with the sea, to find a dr}- place beyond the reach
of inundation. The elevation of the north pole was here
about 27 \ Here we prepared a column and a cross, and to
the said column were affixed the arms of France with this
inscription :
The whole party under arms chanted the Te Deum, the
Exaudiat, the Domine Salviim fac Regem; and then, after a
salute of fire-arms and cries of Vive le Roi, the column was
erected by Isl. de la Salle, who, standing near it, said with a
loud voice, in French : ' In the name of the most high,
mighty, invincible, and victorious Prince, LOUIS THE GREAT,
by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre, four
teenth of that name, this ninth day of April, one thousand
six hundred and eight\--two, I, in virtue of the commission
of his Majesty (Louis XIV.) which I hold in my hand, and .
*" Sieur de la Salle," says Father Membre, " took the western, the Sieur
Dautray the southern, and M. de Tonty die middle channel. They found the
water brackish, but after advancing two leagues into the gulf, it became perfectly
salt."

l682.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 25
which may be seen by all whom it may concern, have taken,
and do now take in the name of his Majesty and of his suc
cessors to the crown, possession of this country of Louisiana,
the seas, harbors, ports, bays, adjacent straits ; and all the
nations, people, provinces, cities, towns, villages, mines, min
erals, fisheries, streams, and -rivers -comprised in the extent
of Louisiana, from the mouth of the great River St. Louis
on the eastern side, otherwise called Ohio, Alighinsipou (Al
leghany), or Chickagoua, and this with the consent of the
Chouanons (Shawanoes),* Chicachas (Chickasaws), and other
people dwelling therein, with whom we have made alliance ;
as also along the River Colbert or Mississippi, and rivers
which discharge themselves therein, from its source ; be
yond the country of the Kious (Sioux) or Nadouessions,
and this with their consent, and with the consent of the Mo-
tantees, Illinois, Mesigameas (Metchigamias), Akansas, Nat-
ches, and Koroas, which are the most considerable nations f
dwelling therein, with whom also we have made alliance

* The Shawanoes were a wandering nation, and as early as 1660 occupied the
country -on the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers, and after that emigrated to
the Wabash River country. The Chickasaws were a powerful, warlike nation,
and occupied the country within the present States of Kentucky and Tennessee.
•f- " These tribes," says Father Zenobe Membre, " though savage, seem gen
erally of very good disposition, affable, obliging, and docile. They are very
different from our Can.ada Indians in their houses, dress, manners, and customs,
and even in the form of their head, for theirs is very flat. They have large
public squares, games, and assemblies. They seem very lively and active, and
their chiefs possess all the authority. They have their valets and officers, who
follow and serve them everywhere. They have also axes and guns, which they
procure from the Spaniards sixty-five or more leagues off."

26 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1682.
either by ourselves or by others in our behalf; as far as the
mouth at the sea or Gulf of Mexico, about the 27th degree
of the elevation of the north pole, and also to the mouth of
the river of Palms (Rio de Palmas*); upon the assurance
which we have received from all these nations that we are
the first Europeans who have, descended or ascended the
River Colbert, hereby protesting against all those who may
in future undertake to invade any or all of these countries,
people, or lands above described to the prejudice of the
right of his Majesty acquired by the consent of the nations
herein named, of which and all that can be needed, I hereby
take to witness those who hear me, and demand an act of
the notary as required by law.'
" To which the whole assembly responded with shouts of
Vive le Roi and with salutes of fire-arms. Moreover, the
said Sieur de la Salle caused to be buried at the foot of the
tree to which the cross was attached a leaden plate, on one
side of which were engraved the arms of France and the fol
lowing Latin inscription :
LVDOVICVS MAGNVS REGNAT.
NONO APRILIS CID IDC LXXXII.
ROBERTVS CAVELIER, CVM DOMINO DE TONTY, LEGATO
R. P. ZENOBIO MEilBRE, RECOLLECTO, ET VIGINTI GALLIS,
PRIMVS HOC FLVMEN, INDE AB ILINEORVM PAGO, ENAVIGAVIT,
EJVSQUE OSTIVM FECIT PERVIVM, NONO APRILIS ANNI
CIO IDC LXXXII.

* The Rio de Palmas is about one hundred leagues from the River Panuco
(Tampico), Mexico.

l682.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 27
" After which the Sieur de la Salle said that his Majesty,
as eldest Son of the Church, would annex no country to his
crown without making it his chief care to establish the Chris
tian religion therein, and that its symbol must now be
planted, which was accordingly done at once by erecting a
cross, before which the' Vexilla and the Domine Salvum fac
Regem were sung, whereupon the ceremony was concluded
with cries of Vive le Roi. Of all and every of the above the
said Sieur de la Salle having required of us an instrument,
we have delivered to him the same signed by us, and by the
undersigned witnesses, this ninth day of April, one thousand
six hundred and eighty-two."

" De la Salle.
" P. Zenobe, Recollect Missionary.
" Henry de Tonty.
" Francois de Boisrondet.
" Jean Bourdon.
" Sieur D'Autray.
" Jaques Cauchois.
" Pierre You.
" GiLLES Meucret.
" Jean Michel, Surgeon.
" Jean Mas.
" Jean Dulignon.
" Nicolas de la Salle."

" La Metairie, Notary.

iiistomal Somnal ;

Narrative of the Expeditions

MADE BY ORDER OF

HIS MAJESTY LOUIS XIV., KING OF FRANCE,
TO
COLONIZE LOUISIANA,
UNDER THE COMMAND OF
M. PIERRE LE MOYNE D'IBERVILLE, GOVERNOR GENERAL ;
INCLUDING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS
f leploratioiis of tlje Colbert or Pississippi '§.ibti, from its moutlj to tlje ^[att^e^
llattoit; of tlje ^^gsttal Jeatitres of tl^e Conittrg; mxh of tlje Pani«rs
anb Customs of tlje pitmtrons |itbiau frifos Ije S^tsiteb.

Translated, and printed for the first time, from a copy of the original
manuscript deposited in the office of the " Ministdre de la Marine et des
Colonies," Paris.

Bailies of tje ^|ijjs ani) ©fRcers of ^( (ErjieMtioii.

I. LA BADINE — Thirty Guns, and Manned
avith Two Hundred Men ; —
M. Pierre Le Moyne D'Iberville, Commander ; '¦'
M. Lesquelet, Lieutenant;
M. Beauharnais, Ensign ;
M. Ricourd, Ensign ;
M. J. B. Le Moyne de Bienville, King's Lt. ;
.i\l. Le Vasseur de Boussouelle, Major;
M. DE BORDENAUC, Chaplain.
II. LE MARIN — Thirty Guns, and Manned with
Two Hundred Men ; —
M. Le Comte de Surgbres, Commander;
M. DE Sauvol de la Villantray, Ensign ;
M. DES Ourdys, Ensign;
Father Anastasius Douay, Chaplain.
III. LE PRECIEUX;—
M. J. F. Le Vasseur, Commander.
IV. LE BISCAYENNE ;—
M. F. Guyon, Commander.
Which was increased on his arrival at St. Domingo, by order of the King,
with the Ship of War LE FRAXI^OIS, of 52 Guns, commanded by the
M.\RQU1S DE Chateaumorand, and several transports with troops and
provisions, y

1698.]

LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

31

iiistomal Journal :
OR,
NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION MADE BY ORDER OF LOUIS
¦ XIV., KING OF FRANCE, UNDER COMMAND OF M. D'IBER
VILLE, TO EXPLORE THE COLBERT (MISSISSIPPI) RIVER
AND ESTABLISH A COLONY IN LOUISIANA.

TRANSLATED AND PRINTED FOR THE FIRST TIME, FROM \ COPY OF THE ORIG
INAL MANUSCRIPT, DEPOSITED IN THE ARCHIVES OF THE
MINISTERE DE LA MARINE ET DES COLONIES, PARIS.

-C-H-^-E-5^E-R I.

N Friday morning, October 24, 1698, we
weighed anchor in the port of Brest,
France. The frigate La B adine, com
manded by M. Pierre le Moyne d'I-
BERVILLE,* fired a signal gun, announc
ing the departure of the expedition to
Louisiana. Upon passing the entrance to the harbor, we

¦ * The illustrious Pierre le Moyne d'Iberville, first Royal Governor of
Louisiana, was the third of eleven sons of the brave Charles le Moyne,
Seigneur of Longueil, Lower Canada, all of whom distinguished themselves in
the wars of France with England, Spain, and Holland. He was bom at Mont
real, July 20, 1662, and at an early age entered the naval service of France,

32 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1698.
met a squadron of four ships of war, the Eclatant, the Oiseau,
the Dauphin, and the Hercules, commanded by ADMIRAL
DE COETLOGOX, who sent his gig on board our flag-ship
Badinc, which gave a salute of seven guns, and was returned
b}- five guns from t\\Q Eclatant. ^^'e steered west southwest
in order to escape the Bay-froid ledge, and at five o'clock
we made Ushant, where we took our first observation, and
found our latitude to be 48°, 12"; 10°, 40", west longitude.
In the morning we signaled eight ships of war steering
In 16S5 he took part in the expedition commanded by M. DE Troyes
to Hudson Bay, and captured Forts Rupert, and Monsonis. In 16S7, M,
d'Iberville was promoted to the rank of Captain of a ship of war, and
ordered to Quebec. On his way to that port, he captured an English ship
of war, with the British Governor and suite on board, and took them pris
oners to Quebec. In 1689, he was sent to take command of Fort St. Ann,
which he nobly defended against the combined attack of a British fleet and
repulsed, Avith large loss to the enemy. He continued in command of this fort
for more than a year, when he sailed for France with dispatches for the govern
ment, where he was graciously received by the King and Court. In 1692, he
returned to Canada in command of a squadron, and captured Fort Nelson, a
strong fortress which had been in the hands of the English since 1683. In this
attack he lost his gallant brother, M, de Chateauguay, in leading an attack on
one of the bastions of the fort. In concert with il. de Brillon, they after
wards destroyed the fortress and town of St. John's, Newfoundland. At the
close of the war with England and Holland, in 1697, and while in command of
the ship Pelfcan, of fifty guns, he fought one of the most unequal and decisive
battles in naval history. With a single ship, the Pelican, he was attacked
by three English ships of war: the Hampshire, of fifty-two guns, which sur
rendered ; Ihe Hudson, of thirty-six guns, which he sunk ; and the ship Dehr-
ing, of thirty-two guns, which he put to flight. This brilliant victory closed his
naval career in Canada ; and secured to France, by the treaty of Rysiuick, all
the tei-ritory, towns, and forts lying upon Hudson's Bay. He once more returned
to France, where he was created a Knight of St. Louis, and took this occa
sion to urge upon the Court the necessity ol sending a fleet to the Gulf of Mex-

1698.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 33
southwest, for the purpose of reconnoitering Cape Finisterre.
On Wednesday, the 29th, we hoisted our flag, and notified
our ships the Badine was leaking badly. On Tuesday, De
cember 2d, we arrived in sight of the Island of St. Domingo,
and on the 4th, anchored at Cape Frangois, where we ex
pected to find M. DU CasSE, the. Governor, but who had gone
the day before to Port de Paix. On Friday, the 5th, we
dispatched M. DES OURDYS to bring him back, and on the

ico to take possession, and plant a colony in Louisiana, which had been neglect
ed since the death of La Salle ; and td unite her with the magnificent country
of Louisiana, where it was important to establish in the Gulf a market for her
commerce, and a nursery for her navy. He was accordingly appointed, in i5g8,
to command a squadron, with the title of Governor-General, and to proceed
Immediately to Louisiana, and establish a colony there. (See first seiies Histori
cal Collections of Louisiana, vol. 'i,pp, \o—i'^.J
On his arrival in the Gulf of Mexico, he found the Spaniards already in pos
session of Pensacola, and, having no authority to drive them out, he continued
his voyage along the coast to the west, and took possession of some islands in
Mobile Bay, where he landed his troops, and went in search of the Colbert or
Mississippi river, which he ascended as far as the Natchez, and on his return
he ordered a fort to be built (La Boulaye) on the left bank of the river, about
thirty leagues above its mouth. He afterwards made several voyages to France
for colonists and provisions, until the war broke out between France, Spain,
and England, when he was recalled to France, and appointed the commander of
a fleet to attack the English towns on the Atlantic coast, leaving the colony to
protect itself. The expedition did not, however, set sail immediately, on account
of his sickness, and it was not until the spring of 1706 that he reached St. Do
mingo ; and when about to set sail for Charleston, he was attacked with yellow
fever, which, after a short illness, put an end to his life, on the 9th of July, 1706,
in the forty-fourth year of his age, leaving a wife and grateful country to mourn
his loss. This brave and accomplished officer was the contemporary of Jean
Bart, de Tourville, D'Estree, Cobtlogon, and Dugai Trouin, who contrib
uted with him their share to the glory of France, and the long and brilliant
reign of Louis XIV.

34

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1698.

loth, he returned and reported that the Governor was sick.
On Thursday, the nth, we perceived the flag-ship of war, Le
Francois, commanded by the MARQUIS DE Chateaumorand,
who sent his ofificer on board of our flag-ship. On Friday,
the pilot of the Badine brought the Le Frangois into -harbor,
accompanied by the Badine, and safely anchored us in Port
dePaix. On Sunday, the 14th, M. LE COMTE DE SURGERES,
MiSL L'EsQUELET, and Sauvol DE LA Villantray called
on and were politely received by the Governor, who tendered
us his services. He wrote immediately to the commander
at the Cape, to furnish M. D'IBERVILLE with all the provis
ions he was in need of, and to M. LAURENT DE Graff * to
embark on board the flag-ship of the Marquis DE ChateaU-
M0R-\ND, at Leogane, as M. DE Graff was thoroughly ac
quainted with the coast.
He also wrote M. DE CHATEAUMORAND to visit him as soon
as possible, that he might have an understanding with him.

*Capt. Laurent de Graff was an associate of MM. de Gr-^mmont, de
L'Olonois, Mon'T.'vuban, and Morgan, and all of that band of corsairs, whose
rendezvous was on the Tortugas, St. Domingo, and other West India islands ; and
who desolated the coasts of New Spain for more than a century. He rendered his
name famous by the capture of Vera Cruz, in 16S3, wliich placed him in posses
sion of seven or eight millions of dollars of property. He was prompt, brave,
and determined ; and to resolve was to undertake and execute at the same time.
He was perfectly acquainted with the Spanish mode of fighting, and distin
guished himself among the bravest men of that day. Speaking the French, Span
ish, and other languages, with great fluency, he was employed to accompany this
expedition, as he was well acquainted with every port in the Gultof Mexico.
After M. d'Iberville took possession of Louisiana, he returned with the ilAR-
QUis DE Chateaumor.\nd to St. Domingo.

1698.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 35
On the 1 6th, M. DU Casse came on board, and we set sail
for Leogane. On Friday, the 19th, at nine o'clock, we
arrived there. The principal inhabitants along the coast
came on board to pay their respects to M. DU CASSE,
the new Governor. At two o'clock he left us, and we gave
him a salute of nine guns. He gave orders to supply the
fleet with fresh bread and meat twice a day. Our officers
were then invited to his house, where the plan of the voyage
to Louisiana was discussed.
Whilst the Badine was waiting for supplies at the Cape,
the heat, fruits, and debauchery produced a good deal of
sickness on board. On Tuesday, the 23d, M. LE Clerc, the
King's notary, dying on shore, the holy sacrament was admin
istered to him. On Thursday, the 25th, the flag-ship Le Fran
cois, commanded by M. DE CHATEAUMORAND, and the flag
ship La Badine, of M. d'Iberville, with her tenders, arrived,
and anchored the same evening. The officers of this ship
•supped on board the Le Marin, commanded by M. LE
Comte de Surgbres. He informed us that M. Berthier,
Commissary of our squadron, died at the Cape on the 17th.
They brought with them M. LAURENT DE Graff, who was
to accompany us ; and he also informed us that the English
had sent two ships to establish a colony on the Mississippi.*
On the first of January, 1699, we set sail, so as to reach
* This expedition was sent out by Daniel Cox, under the patent originally
granted by Charles L, to Sir Robert Heath, and whose frigates entered the
Mississippi river in 1699, but were turned back by M. de Bienville. (Histori
cal Collections of Louisiana, vol. 2, pp. 223-5, ^"d vol. 3, pp. 16, 17.)

36 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [l699-
the Other ships which were in advance of us. At six
o'clock, the Le Frangois fired a gun across the
^^' little Goave, to notify an officer who had gone
there on a visit. He arrived at nine o'clock. M. D'IBER
VILLE then sent the gun-boat (Biscaycnnc) to Hippe, to no
tify the small cruisers to procure a supply of refreshments.
At five o'clock the Badine fired a gun to recall the gun-boat
and cruisers. We continued to hoist but little sail on the
Frangois. At nine o'clock, the long-boat (Traversier) re-
.sponded to the signal ; at ten o'clock we put the ship on the
starboard tack, hoisted three lights, and fired a gun to notify
the Frangois that the Badine would lie to, off Hippe,* until
morning. Finding ourselves too close to Point Caymite, we
hoisted our mizzen and top-sails, to clear the land.
On Friday, the 2d of January, 1699, the Badine remained
to the eastward in sight of us. As for the Francois we could
' ¦ i fa'^-
see nothing of her. ' On the 3d, 4th, and 5th, we coasted
along the island of St. Domingo and a part of Cuba, and on -
Friday, the 9th, we came in sight of the Little Cayman, and
on Tuesday, the 14th, we passed Cape St. Antonio. On
Thursday, the 22d, we sounded, but found no bottom. In
the evening, having sounded again, we found one hundred and
seventy fathoms. On Friday, the 23d, the soundings gave us
sixty fathoms, at two o'clock, forty fathoms, and at four
o'clock, thirty fathoms. At five o'clock the Badine hoisted
a flag as a signal to cast anchor. We could barely see the
*A rich district of country six leagues to the west of Petil Gonave, St. Do-

l699-J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. . 37
land, which appeared low and about six leagues off. We
ranged alongside the Badine, which called out to us to make
sail and reconnoiter the land, which we did. We afterwards
came to anchor in thirty fathoms of water and saw a fire
bearing N. N. W., which continued to burn all night, hav
ing been kindled by the Florida Indians. The latitude was
29° 57' north.
On Saturday, the 24th, at six o'clock in the morning, we
neared the land, the wind being in a N. E. direction, and ran
down upon the tender, which was to windward of us about
three leagues. The Francois and Badine both approached
nearer in order to reconnoiter the land. At ten o'clock we
signaled the long-boat or tender, and steered N. ^ N. W.
to join the other vessels. At the depth of thirty fathoms the
lead brought up gray sand. An hour after we found twenty-
two fathoms at a distance of about three leagues from land ;
we ranged along the coast until sundown, when we anchored
in eighteen fathoms.
On Sunday morning, the 25th, at seven o'clock, we
weighed anchor, with the wind to the eastward, which held
us under close sail. The gun-boat approached the land for
the purpose of reconnoitering a cape, within which we
observed a river, but did not discover the entrance. We
continued on to the westward, sounded and found twelve
fathoms, with hard bottom. We discovered a low flat
country extending from N. E. to W. S. W., a distance of
fifteen leagues. The coast consisted of a fine white sand.
At ten o'clock we discovered a large lake that extended to

38 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
westward, the other side of which appeared to be covered
with lofty forest trees. The wind was generally from the
coast and beautiful weather. The two long-boats coasted
along within musket shot of the shore, where they found
uniformly five fathoms of water. At six o'clock in the even
ing we anchored in twelve fathoms of water, fine sandy bot
tom. The wind continued all night from the coast with a
slight haze. The tide flowed westwardly, but in the port it
flowed north and south. The coast runs east and west. On
Monda}-, the 26th, we continued the same route from the
east, with a slight fog. At nine o'clock we saw a low cape
to the west, and in a pass within we saw two ships.
An hour after the Frant^ois, in approaching, fired five
guns as a signal to anchor in ten fathoms of water. We
replied to this signal b}- several volleys of musketry, at the
same time notifying the long-boats not to lose sight of us
in the fog. The two ships we had seen fired two guns and
sent off a long-boat to reconnoiter us. Having approached
within a half league of us, they returned when we hoisted
our flag. All night the winds blew from the east, weather
good, and the thick haze continuing.

1699.]

LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

39

CHAPTER II.

N Tuesday, the 27th, M. DE l'Esquelet,
lieutenant of the Badinc, went to re
connoiter the two frigates, which he
discovered were Spanish ; the one
mounting eighteen, the other twenty
guns. They had been engaged in estab
lishing a colony here (Pensacola), for the space of four months.
The commander, DON ANDRES DE Arriola, received our
officer very politely, who told him that the King had heard that
some five or six hundred Canadians had descended for the pur
pose of taking possession of the mines, and that we were sent to
arrest them. That zve had captured the two gun-boats, who
were pirates, and that he had learned there was another in
these seas carrying fifty or sixty guns, the Frangois, that joined
us at St. Domingo. We were in want of wood and water , but in
order to obtain it, we must enter the river. The commander
replied that he had orders to permit no one to enter the river.
Nevertheles.s, he permitted M. l'Esquelet to enter, and
sent his major on board of us in a long-boat, whom we
saluted with three guns. The Spaniards have erected a stock-

40

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.

ade fort here, and liave about three hundred men, with two
Augustine and two Recollect monks. I\I. L'ESQUELET and
the major arrived on board ^K^-Fran^ about two o'clock,
with presents for the ^lARQUIS DE CHATEAUMORAND, who
had sent on shore several demijohns of wine.
On Wednesday, the 28th, we went with our three ships
and canoes to sound the entrance of the bay, called by the
Spaniards Santa-Maria-de-Galvez-de-Petisacola.* We found
it a beautiful harbor ; the shallowest water found, according
to the report of :\i:\I. D'IBERVILLE and DE SurgeRES, who
visited it themselves, was twenty feet. About noon the
captain of one of the Spanish frigates came in a boat with
orders for us not to enter. We had already weighed arichor,
which we let fall again. The captain informed us that we
could only be permitted to anchor in front of -the river,
where wood and water would be brought to us. It was
apparent that their sailors had learned from ours that we
were visiting this coast for the purpose of forming a colony.
Our officers thought it prudent to go no farther. This is
certainlv a most beautiful port, equal at least to that of
Brest, and has been lost to us" by delay. There are masts
enough in this bay to supph' the whole marine of France.
At six o'clock we hoisted our felucca on board, regretting
the necessity of quitting such a beautiful place. ^
On Thursda)', the 29th, weather calm, continued haze,
* The name of this Bay is sometimes written D'Ychuse, Achuse, and Ochuse.
It was discovered by the Spaniards in the sixteenth century and was named
Filipina by Guido de las Bazares, It was also called by the Indians, Ochus.

1699. J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

41

and variable winds which hindered us from making much
headway. On Friday, the 30th, we made sail at seven
o'clock in the morning, with wind E. N. E., to reconnoiter
the Bay of Mobile. We approached the land within three
leagues, which was made S. W. J^ W. and W. S. W. ; four
o'clock, steered S. W., finding but five fathoms of water.
The Frangois also signaled us that she found but five fath
oms. She held the wind in order to have more sea-room.
Some time after she rallied upon us. We anchored at six
o'clock in nine fathoms bottom of fine sand.
On Saturday, the 31st, steered W. y^ N. W. At noon, we
perceived a strong tide current running out from the Bay of
Mobile, and placed our vessels across it, supposing that there
must be deep water, and we sent our shallops to make
soundings ; they found but eight fathoms. Afterwards we
made use of their services when we had passed over the
current. At ten o'clock we anchored in ten fathoms of water,
hard bottom. M. Sauvol DE LA VILLANTRAY, and a pilot,
were detached with two long-boats to make the soundings
in the Bay oi Mobile. At six o'clock the larger of the long
boats grounded, the tide having cast her on a sand-bank.
She fired several guns, but we only saw the flash of them.
After a short time she was hauled off". The wind was all
night fresh from the S. E., and two hours after daylight, we
sailed to the S. S. W., the rain pouring down in torrents.
We could not come about to the wind, although the breeze
was-very fresh, by reason of the strong currents, which bore
to the S. E. ,

42 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
On Sutiday, February the 1st, our felucca having returned
from making its reconnaissance, said they found no water,
according to the report made by M. DE L'ESQUELET. Never
theless, when this gentleman arrived on board, he stated
that he found five fathoms, which caused M. d'IbeRVILLE
to go himself and make an examination in company with M.
DE Sauvol. The two long-boats were obliged to come to
anchor on account of the strong currents and south-westerly
winds, which drove them towards shore. We weighed
anchor and hoisted our two topsails, in order to clear a reef,
which extended from the main land, over which the seas
were breaking ; within was a small island, lying east and
west from the cape, making out from the Bay of Mobile,
There are two other islets farther in, and about three leagues
distant from the main land. During the twenty-four hours
the winds have been variable, with heavy rain and fog, with
a prospect of bad weather. On Monday, the 2d, the wind
continued east, with constant rain. At midnight the wind
veered to the west, when we payed out more cable. On
Tuesday, the 3d, the wind continued westward, with foul
weather, rough sea, and cold. Towards noon the weather
moderated, and. by evening the wind changed to the north
west, in which direction it continued all night. On Wed
nesday, the 4th, brisk wind N. N. W. At eleven o'clock, M.
d'Iberville came on board. He had been absent since
Sunday, and was unable to reach the shipping on account
of the boisterous weather. He reported but twelve feet of
water in the pass, which is tortuous ; but within he found

1699.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 43
five fathoms. He saw a large lake, into which a river emptied.
The tide ebbed and flowed therein. The tides flowed N. W.
by S. W^. The river ran with such rapid current that its
waters were charged with sediment. They brought down
large pine trees of a size admirably adapted for masts. Our
men killed several water-fowls, and found some Indian
cabins. Upon one of the islands they also found a stranded
pirogue, several earthen pots, and a large quantity of human
bones, the result, probably, of some battle fought there. The
Indians, who visit this coast, belong to wandering tribes.
When they are satiated with flesh, they come to the sea
shore for fish, which is there found in abundance. Our
people caught some that weighed at least twenty pounds.
At one o'clock P. M., tlie Badine hoisted the Dutch flag
as a signal for us to get under way. We raised our light
anchor, which we had cast to the S. E., for fear of entangling
the larger one, and by two o'clock were under full sail with a
brisk breeze from the north, and a clear sky. We steered W.
y^ S. W. ; at four o'clock the wind continuing W. S. W.,
we bore closer on, and steered north. At sundown, we
noticed the variation of the compass, which was one degree.
At six o'clock we anchored in fourteen faJ:homs, bottom
sandy mud. At three o'clock A. M., we took the height of
the polar star, the hour at which it passes its meridian above
the pole. We were at this time about three leagues west
ward of the bay of Mobile, all the while the wind blowing
briskly from the north, with weather clear and cold.
The bay, called "¦Mobile'' {Mauvila) by the Spaniards, is,

44 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [l699-
according to our observations, situated in latitude 30° north,
and longitude 283° 26' west. On Thursday, the 5th, we
weighed anchor, and-with a light northeriy wind, we steered
W.1,4 S.W., and at noon we took the meridian and found 29°
50'. At six o'clock, the look-out at mast-head discovered sev
eral islands* in the bay of Mobile. On Friday, the 6th, in the
morning, the long-boat of the Badine was sent out to recon
noiter a pass which was seen between the islands mentioned,
and the main land. The Frangois and long-boats made 'sail
to join us. At nine o'clock we came to anchor, wind north,
and the cape bearing W. N. W. At four o'clock we steered
W. S. W. to keep away from shore. At sundown the point
of the island bore N. N. W. at a distance of four leagues.
We came to anchor at six o'clock in eleven fathoms of
water, bottom muddy sand. The gun-boat touched upon
the island with the intention of reconnoitering other islands
in the morning, beyond which we desired to find anchorage.
This island we speak of, is in latitude 30° and longitude 282°
34'. On the 7th, we weighed anchor, steering W. S. W., fine
weather, but made no discoveries. On Sunday, the Sth,
M. DE SurgeRES went in the felucca to examine an island
lying to the N., W., and the long boat went to sound a pass
W. N. W. On Monday, the 9th, we weighed anchor, wind
to the east, and hoisted our main and mizzen topsails to

* These islands were afterwards named by M. d'Iberville, Dauphin, Horn
and Dog Island ; the first {Dauphin) became the seat of the French colony
after its removal from Biloxi, in 1702.

l699-j LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

45

reach the anchorage to the south of an island, where one of
the long-boats had gone to take soundings for us. At noon
we came to anchor in seven fathom of water, muddy bottom,
one league and a half south of the island. On Tuesday, the
loth, wind east, slight breeze, went to an anchorage north of
the island discovered by M. DE SurgeRES* the day before.
On Wednesday and Thursday, the weather was nearly the
same, with a cold north wind. On Friday, the 13th, M.
d'Iberville, having seen the Indians kindling fires upon
the larger island three leagues to the 7iorth, took with him
Father Anastasius f to make them a visit. They landed
in a gun-boat and a bark-canoe, in which the Canadians had
descended the Mississippi. We landed at two o'clock P.M.,
and saw the tracks of the Indians who had left since morn
ing, and tented here.
On Saturday, the •14th, having breakfasted, we marched
along the shore. M. d'Iberville and his Indian guide at
the same time perceived the tracks of two savages who had
* Afterwards called " Surgires,'' but is now " Ship Island," and about nine
miles from Mississippi City. In the report of M. Hubert on Pensacola, Mobile,
smA Dauphin Island in 1721, he recommends " Ship Island" as the best harbor
on the coast of Louisiana, and the best harbor for a naval station and ships of
war. f Father Anastasius Douay Recollect — we know but little of his history
previous to his coming to Louisiana with M. DE LA .Salle in 1684, and who re
turned to France with M. JouTEL, the historian of that expedition, after the
tragical death of Sieur DE LA Salle. Father Douay returned to Louisiana in
the expedition with M. d'Iberville, in 1698, and wrote an account of the
attempt made by La Salle to reach the Mississippi in 1684. {.See Historical
Collections of Louisiana, first series, vol. 1, tip. 85-193.)

46 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
come from their hiding-place. He returned to our fire, took
two hatchets, four knives, some beads, vermilion, and two
pipes filled with tobacco, as presents, and to show them that
our intentions were peaceable. The shallops and bark kept
along the shore, while M. d'Iberville, his Indian guide,
and Father ANASTASIUS walked on foot. At some distance
they saw three Indians who took flight in their canoes ; see
ing which M. d'Iberville also took to his canoe and forced
them on shore. Two made good their escape, but the third,
who was old and sickly, fell into his hands. Presents were
given to him, and he was made to understand that our
mission was friendly and not warlike. The Indian appeared
to comprehend and be well satisfied. M. D'IBERVILLE
added that he was going to tent a short distance from this
spot ; he made a sign for lis to go on shore and kindle a fire
for him, which we did with pleasure. His thigh was badly
diseased. Some of our men who had gone out to hunt,
surprised an old woman who had concealed herself. They
conducted her to the old man where we were. She was
nearly frightened to death. We gave her some presents, and
. she saw how well we treated the old man, who promised that
so soon as his people returned he would make them pull
some Indian corn for us. We left them together and returned
to our cabin. The old woman visited the Indians that same
evening and told them all that had happened.
On Sunday morning, the 15th, M. d'Iberville and
Father Anastasius went again to visit the old man ; but
unfortunately the fire having caught to the dry grass near

1699.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 47
him, he found it difficult to remove himself. We laid the
poor creature upon a bear's skin, where he expired within a
half hour, before our eyes. Hearing the others approaching
us with songs we waited for them some time, but through
fear, they would not come near us. We then returned to
our cabin. At 6 o'clock they encountered our hunters, who
gained their confidence so far as to get their consent to come
with them. They came dancing and singing, holding in
their hands a large club, which appeared to be an instrument
of war. We embraced them after their manner, by rubbing
their stomach ; after which we gave them pipes and presents
of every description. Then M. d'Iberville sent for the
large brass kettle, that we might dine together. Two old
women pulled the ears of corn to feast us in rettirn. They
called us their allies, and taught us some words of their
language, after which we returned to our cabin.
5

48

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF

[1699.

CHAPTER III.

ra

N Monday, the i6th, the shallop kept
along shore, whilst M. D'IBERVILLE, his
brother, De BIENVILLE, Father Ana
stasius, and some others, went to visit
their cabins, which our men had dis
covered the day before. We crossed some difficult marshes,
and two of our men, who were in advance, fired their pistols
to notify us that we were approaching their cabins, which
we entered in a short time thereafter. We made presents
to such of them as had not yet received any. They pro
posed to accompany us in the shallop and to leave with
them three of our men, which was agreed to. M. d'Iber-
viLLE left among them his brother BIENVILLE, and took
with him three Indians. We arrived on board the ships at
three o'clock in the afternoon, when, having feasted them
and made them considerable presents, they went to rest.
On Tuesday, the 17th, we showed them the various ma-
ncEuvres of our vessels and of the guns. We even fired
round shot. They could not comprehend the scene before
them, but were filled with astonishment.
The next day M. D'IBERVILLE reconducted them to their

1699.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

49

cabins. There was a pleasant breeze from the south, and
when he arrived at the shore all the savages were assembled
waiting- to receive and smoke the calumet with him. He
made them additional presents, and passed the whole of
Wednesday, the i8th, with them. These Indians told M.
d'Iberville that they detested the Spaniards, and promised
him that they and their allies, the Oumas and Tangibaos,
with whom our people became acquainted afterward, in de
scending the Mississippi, would accompany him. They pro
posed to go on a hunt for the purpose of supplying us with
game for a grand feast ; that buffaloes,* deer, and wild tur
keys were abundant about ten leagues distant, and in three
days they would return, when they would kindle a large fire
as a signal, which should be answered by us with three
guns. On the 19th M. d'Iberville returned on board and re
lated what transpired, as before mentioned, at which we were
greatly rejoiced. The object which most astonished them
was the spy-glass. They could not comprehend how we
could see distinctly objects so far distant from each other.
Brandy, which was set on fire, and which we afterward
drank, appeared to them a thing no less extraordinary.
They promised, after the feast, to go with us to the Missis
sippi. They said the first time we had fired our gun they
heard us, and came down to the sea-shore ; and added that
* For more than a century past the American buffalo (Bos Americanus) has
not been seen east of the Mississippi river, and is now only to be found in
the Far West, where they are also fast disappearing in certain localities.

50 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
the)- were at war with the Quinnipissas, who dwelt about
twenty-five leagues up the Mississippi, and they knew that
M. de LA Salle had fought against them.
On Saturday, the 2 ist February, the Marquis of CHA
TEAUMORAND set sail for St. Domingo.\ At noon we saw
the fire in the place indicated by the Indians, and so soon

f Extract from a letter written by an officer on board the squadron com
manded by the Marquis de Chate.\umorand, dated St. Domingo, April I,
1699, addressed to a friend in Paris :
" The commander of this squadron, the Marquis DE Chateaumor.\nd, re
ceived orders several months ago from the King, through M. de Cosse, gover
nor of this island, to join the squadron of M. d'Iberville as soon as he arrived
at St. Domingo, in order to execute conjointly with him the sealed instructions
of the Court, but not to be opened until after they had left St. Domingo ; as the
object of the expedition was not to be known until after the entrance of the
mouth of the Mississippi, which the late Sieur de l.a. S-.VLLE, from Canada, had
discovered in 1682, and which he had subsequently failed lo find three years
later, when he was authorized by the King to establish a settlement on the banks
of the Mississippi (Colbert). It was with the view of carrying out the plans
of the King and Court that M. d'Iberville^ a (Canadian) naval officer of dis
tinction, originally from Normandy, touched at St. Domingo several months ago.
" Dispatches have, fortunately, since arrived by a courier, in advance, that
M. d'Iberville has entered the mouth of the Mississippi, but before he as
cended it he found the Spaniards had already taken possession of Pensacola,
and fortified themselves in two towers or forts, and planted posts on which their
flags could be seen at a great distance. Our commander wished to oust them,
•but as the forces were nearly equal, and any contest between the two nations
must have resulted disadvantageous to our pretensions, as the law of primo occu-
panti (the first occupant) must prevail, the Spanish and French commanders
came to an amicable agreement that each should settle a colony where they
pleased, and build forts for'the protection of colonists.
" M. d'Iberville and the JIarquis de Chateaumorand will report, on their
arrival in France, an account of their successful expedition to the Kino- and
Court, which has given much satisfaction here.''

l699-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. $1
as M. d'Iberville had dined on board the Marin, he or
dered three guns to be fired, and toward evening, the long
boats being in readiness, two additional guns were fired as a
signal for landing. On Sunday, the 22d, M. d'Iberville,
M. l'Esquelet, lieutenant of the Badine, and all the Cana
dians belonging to his corps ; M. DE Surgeres, M. DE
Sauvol, ensign of the Marin, with the Canadians of his
party, departed at seven o'clock for the feast, with the wind
east. On Monday, 23d, and Tuesday, 24th, the wind blew
strongly from the north, which prevented the Indians from
visiting us as was expected.
On Wednesday, 25th, M. DE Surgeres, M. l'Esquelet,
and M. DE Sauvol de Villantray returned at four
o'clock, M. d'Iberville having remained to wait for the
savages, who had just arrived. The two feluccas were pre
pared for the purpose of starting on an exploring expedition
to the Pascagoula river in the morning, and were provis
ioned for tenpr twelve datys. MM. DE Sauvol de laVil-
lantray and Des Ourdys, ensigns, and Chateau, pilot,
formed a part of the expedition, and sounding around our
ships, where we found from seventeen feet to five fathoms of
water. On Thursday, the 26th, the expedition took its course for
the river (Pascagoula), which was eastward of our ships.
They first went on shore to receive orders from M. d'Iber
ville. The river they visited is situated ten leagues E. by
N. E. of the island where we were anchored. They found to
the N. E. of this an island which extended S. E. and N. W

52 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
one league, inside of which there were three fathoms of
water, where the ships could enter secure against all winds.
An excellent place was also found where supplies of wood
and water could be obtained, at a distance of about two
leagues from the mainland. From this place to the river the
water is very shallow. The mouths of the river were about
a league apart. It divides into four branches, which form
two islets at the outlets. M. D'IBERVILLE returned from
shore, where he had remained for some time, hoping to
meet with some Indians who could give him information
relative to the Mississippi river.
On Friday, the 27th, M. D'IBERVILLE, with his brother,
M. DE Bienville, and twenty men embarked in one of the
long-boats. M. DE Sauvol de la Villantray, lieutenant
of the Marin, with Father ANASTASIUS, the Recollect,
Chateau, the pilot, and twenty men, embarked in the
other ; making all together a force of fifty-one men, part Ca
nadians, part filibusters whom we had taken on board at St.
Domingo, and who were to remain in case we found a suit
able place for a settlement. We were provisioned for
twenty days, and were armed with guns, pistols, sabers,
swords, bayonets, and two swivels in each long-boat, to de
fend ourselves against any insult the natives might offer in
the course of our discoveries.
At nine o'clock the same day, at a given signal, we set
sail, attended each by a bark canoe. Wind strong from the
S. E., weather cloudy ; sailed S. W. y^ W. during our mari
time watch (/^or/o^,?), afterward, the wind hauling south, S. E.,

1699-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 53
in order to pass clear of an island lying two leagues west
of where we were anchored. To the south of this island we
found deep water, with a rough sea. Continuing our route
S. W., we found four small islands, composed of sand, lying
close together, extending north and south. We sounded
around them for the space of a quarter of a league, and
found scarcely two feet of water. The sea was very beauti
ful there ; a strong wind was blowing, but we were secured
from exposure by larger islands. The wind changing sud
denly to the N. E., we steered to the south, and struck bot
tom near a small island where there were but two and a half
feet of water. Two leagues from this islet we discovered a
bay, the land running E. S. E., formed by several islands
covered by the sea in stormy weather ; thence passing
three leagues from S. W. to S. S. W., to avoid a cluster of
islands lying in our route. At five o'clock we landed on the
point of one of the islands, where we encamped, but could
find no fresh water.
On Saturday, the 29th, we embarked again in a thick fog,
which soon cleared offi We were obliged to deviate several
times from the direct course in order to avoid the sand
islands in out way. We landed at a large island covered by
tide-water, where we found a great quantity of oysters,
which are not of so good a quality as those of Europe, the
water being brackish among these islands {Chandeleur) by
reason of their contiguity to the mouth of the river, whose
waters expand to a considerable distance during the months
of April and May. We remained here an hour, and, not

54 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
finding a passage, we retraced our steps, and on going out
of this bay we steered S. E. for some distance along what
appeared to be the mainland in two branches, the one extend
ing S. E., the other N. W. Between these appeared to be a
lake. To the S. E. of the island appeared a small lake,
which we desired to cross, thinking to abridge our journey,
but we found the water too shallow, which obliged us to
take our original course. At the same point was a small
islet at the distance of a miusket-shot. We passed between
the two. After doubling this point the land was continually
in view, which consisted of low islands and trembling prai
ries, covered by the sea at high tides. Steering S. S. W.,
wind south, we saw a pass between two small islands,
through which we entered, and encamped at four o'clock P. M.
At five o'clock a storm arose from the N. W., accompanied
by thunder and lightning, with a heavy rain which continued
during the whole night. We fixed our sails to collect the
rain-water, for we had none with us, and could find none on
the island.
On Sunday, the ist of March, the bad weather and rain
continued until noon, when the wind chopped around to the
W. N. W.,with lowering clouds and light breezes. In the
morning M. D'IBERVILLE had a quantity of the branches of
the small trees that grew upon the island cut to place in our
camps, which were covered with water, and which kept us
standing during the whole night. We killed several wild cats
upon this island,* and remained there until Monday morning.
* After\vard called Cat Islatui, which name it still retains.

1 699. J

LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

55

CHAPTER IV.

^3k

N Monday, at one o'clock, we set sail with
a strong north wind. We made several
efforts to get out of the labyrinth of
islands (the Ckamhleur') by which we
were surrounded. After doubling'a point
where our vessels struck the bottom, we saw the mainland,
extending S. S. E., and coasted along the whole distance.
The seas ran so high that we were obliged to fix up tarred
canvas on the gunwales about a foot in height to prevent
the water from breaking over into the boats. We drew
nearer the land for fear of missing the river. We sailed
closer to the wind and took in our large sail, to avoid being
driven ashore, which the wind was blowing us dead on to.
After beating about in the seas for two hours, and fearing
the waves would fill the bark canoes, M. d'Iberville made
us run before the wind, with the intention of stranding the
smaller vessels, so that we might return to the ships, since
we could accomplish nothing by this route, the land being
entirely inundated and filled with lagoons.
At this moment we perceived a pass between two banks,
which appeared like islands. We saw that the water had

56 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
changed ; ta.sted, and found it fresh, a circumstance that gave
us great consolation in that moment of con.sternation. Soon
after we beheld the thick, muddy water. As we advanced,
we saw the passes of the river, three in number, and the cur
rent of the stream was such that we could not ascend it
without difficulty, although the wind was fair and favorable.
Upon entering between the two mud banks, we saw a breaker
in the middle of the pass, upon which we feared being lost,
as it was with difficulty we could double it, for we observed,
when too late, that the breaker lay N. E. and S. W. between
the mud banks, which are larger upon the lower side of the
entrance of the river. The entrance of the Mississippi,*
runs S. E. and W. N. W., and may be about a quarter of a
league wide at its estuary.

*The report or memoir made to the French government, in 1725, on Louis
iana, states that the St. Louis or Mississippi river throws itself into the sea by
five mouths {a gain of two mouths in twenty-five years), thus enumerated :
Eastern Pass, Southeast Pass, South Pass, Southwest Pass, and the Belize (on
¦which a fort was built), but the South Pass was the only one used ; and on the
bar of the latter, there was only from twelve to thirteen feet of water. Besides
these passes, the river throws its waters through smaller outlets, called bayous
or creeks. The engineer recommended the government to close up three of the
passes, and the bayous, with three or four rows ol pilotis placed close to each other
at a distance of one hundred and fifty to two hundred toises from the mouth of
the Mississippi to the pass, so that the interval would serve as a bed for the
drift wood, which, being soon stopped, would soon be covered with the deposit
of the alluvion from the the river banks, and increase the depth of the channel
by the increased velocity of its current. At the same time it recommended the
cultivation of the sugar cane, rice, indigo, and tobacco', and a more extensive
emigration of negroes for the plantations, which could not be worked without
them on account of the heat of the climate.

l699-J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 57
The coast consists of nothing more than two narrow strips
of land, about a musket shot in width, having the sea on
both sides of the river, which flows between these two strips
of land, and frequently overflows them. At four o'clock, after
having ascended the river one league and a half, we landed
in a thick cane-brake,* which grows so tall and thick on both
banks of the river, that it is difficult to see across, and it is
impossible to pass through without cutting it down. Beyond
the canes are impenetrable marshes. The banks are also
bordered by trees of prodigious height, which the current of
the river draws down to the sea, with their roots and branches.
We found twelve feet of water at the pass, and within
from twelve to fifteen fathoms. On Tuesday, the 3d, mass
was performed, and a Te Deum sung in gratitude for our dis
covery of the entrance of the Mississippi river ; f after which
we made a light breakfast, wishing to be sparing of our pro
visions, which consisted of two casks of biscuit, a small quan
tity of peas, and a quarter of flour for each long-boat. We
set sail with a wind E. N. E. At a quarter of a league from
our encampment, we found a large arm of water, which ran
N. N. E., and broke over everywhere. At nine o'clock, we
were dismasted in a squall, in crossing the spot where there

* The canes, or reeds, of Louisiana, ' are of two sorts. What is found in
marshy places, the natives (women) worked very neatly into hats, baskets, mats,
sieves, and other things ; and those found on high, dry ground, being very hard,
were generally used in building huts, and knives to cut their meats. A large
traffic was carried on by the Indians in these articles in the Southern States.
¦)¦ About seventeen years after De la Salle had explored it to its mouth.

58 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
were two other bodies of water, the one running S. E., the other
S. W., which are close to each other, and not more than
three leagues from the entrance to the sea. We landed as
soon as possible to adjust our masts, and found there an
abundance of blackberries, neariy ripe, and a few trees, of
middle height.- The banks of the river ran W. N. W. At
five leagues from the mouth, it is not more than musket-shot
wide. There are bushes on each side, especially on the star
board side ; as you ascend, the banks appear more and more
submerged, the land being scarcely visible. We saw a great
quantity of wild game, such as ducks, geese, snipe, teal, bus
tards, and other birds. We also saw a Mexican wolf, and a
species of rat which carried its young in a sack under its
belly.* Between five and six o'clock we landed and encamped ;
some of our men went hunting and found a variety of
animals, as stags, deer, buffaloes, and a ver\- fine country.
The wind continued all day E. X. E., pretty fresh, and
somewhat cold. We made eight leagues, having been greatly
aided by our sails. We must have been ten leagues from the
entrance of the river. The Canadians and filibusters who
came with us, stood guard all night, alternately, with the
sailors. On the 4th', being Ash Wednesday, religious cere
monies were performed by every one, then ISIass was said, and
.  1 
* The Pouched rat (Pseudostoma Bursarium) is still but little known, and is
so entirely subterranean that it is not surprising. It is only occasionally found
in the Southern States, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, etc., where it is often very
destructive to river embankments.

l699-J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 59
after a cross was planted, we breakfasted. At seven we
embarked again. The wind having calmed, we took to the
oars and rowed about two leagues. The route in ascending
was N. W., and N. W. y^ W. ; afterwards, N. W. y^ N., and
N. N. W. We saw some small canoes, each -made from three
bundles of cane, bound with thin wooden straps.*
The Indians make use of these in the chase, in cross
ing from one side of the river to the other. At six o'clock
we landed and encamped. On ascending a tree we could
discern the sea at a distance of about a league and a half
from us. At this point we found the rapidity of the current
stronger than usual. One of the' bark (Canadian) canoes,
which had remained behind with three hunters, reported
they saw three crocodiles (alligators) on the bank of the
river. This day we made eight leagues, assisted by the sails.
The forest trees began to assume larger dimensions, biit not
very close together, for we could see across the country,
which was very marshy. We had, therefore, made some
eighteen or nineteen leagues in the river.
On Thursday, the 5th, three of our men went hunting at
daylight ; they saw many tracks and heard the howlings of
wild beasts. We planted a cross and made several marks

* Every form of the Indian canoe, except this, has been described by C. C.
Jones in his exhaustive work on the "Antiquities of the Southern Indians,''
and as it is so entirely different from any that has been described by early writers
on this subject— being lighter and more manageable for transportation and
gliding over the waters of large rivers in times of war, and in pursuit of game,
especially the deer and buffalo, it may be regarded as the most primitive.

6o HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
upon the trees, and fired off" one of our swivels to give notice
to the savages. We breakfasted, as usual, with a soup made
of flour, water, and lard, for we always reserved the lard for
breakfast. Saw a large crocodile (alligator) on the river banks,
sunning himself. Some of our men fired at him, when he
immediately threw himself into the water. At eleven o'clock
we saw smoke arising from the burning grass, which the
Indians had set fire to, either to drive out the game, or
obtain easier access to fire upon us. At noon we landed to
dine, as the wind was contrary. At three o'clock, in going
up the river, saw a canoe which had been hollowed out by
burning from the trunk of a large tree. We would have
taken it if it had not been too much broken. In this place
the river bears N. W. 54^ W. Between five and six
o'clock landed on a small point where we encamped
and cooked as usual ; this day we made six leagues
and must have been about twenty-four leagues in the
river. On Friday, the 6th, we distributed two baskets of bread
among twenty-six persons, with a quantity of meat, after
which we fired a swivel. At seven o'clock we embarked in
a fog so thick we could scarcely see. The river continued
in a N. W. course twenty-seven leagues from its mouth,
afterwards the wind changed from N. W. to E., and then
from N. E. to N. W. again. At sundown we landed and
camped. We sent a man up a tree-top to look out; but he
could not see anything. Two of our men, who were in a
bark canoe, told us they had seen three crocodiles (alliga-

l699-J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 6l

tors),* one of which was a monster. At seven o'clock a
buffalo was killed ; we were then thirty leagues up the
river.f ^ . ¦...•, " ,-. '. -
On Saturday, the 7th, we embarked, after having erected
a cross, and marked some trees. Weather calm. At nine
o'clock, in ranging along the river we saw three buffaloes:]:
lying down on the bank. We landed five men to go in pur
suit of them, which they could not do, as they soon got lost
in the thick forest and cane-brakes. A short time after, in
turning a point, we saw a canoe manned by two Indians,
who took to land the moment they saw us and concealed
' * It is the alligator {Lcuerta Cinerous) spoken of here. Crocodiles have never
been found in the rivers, lagoons, or swamps of Louisiana. The alligator differs
materially from the crocodile in many respects, particularly in their teeth ; the
fourth pair of the crocodiles passes upwards in a groove. The alligator's per
forates the upper jaw. The feet of the crocodile are webbed. Those of the
alligator are only half webbed. Nor does the crocodile bellow like the alligator,
while the flesh of the latter is considered by the Indians as a wholesome food. /I
f They had now reached the present site of New Orleans, which was laid out
and inhabited twenty-three years after, and known as the grazing ground of the
American Buffalo {Bos Amencanus).
% This animal was found in great numbers east and west of the Mississippi or
Colbert river, when Louisiana was first settled, but they have since disappeared
with the numerous Indian tribes then found on its banks by M. d'Iberville.
This animal was first described by CoRONADO, in his expedition to Cibola, New
Mexico, 1540. The Indians employed both the gun and the arrow to hunt it,
and in the south-western States and Territories they are still hunted by the
natives on horseback, with the rifle and arrow, and slaughtered in immense
numbers. Few animals in the great West contribute more to the comforts of
savage or civilized life. Their flesh, when dried, serves for bread and meat, and
their skins for clothing and blankets. They are now but seldom found below
south of 32° to 33° north latitude.

62 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
themselves in the woods. A little farther on we saw five
more who executed the same manceuvre, with the exception
of one, who waited for us at the brink of the river. We
made signs to him. M. d'Iberville gave him a knife, some
beads and other trinkets. In exchange he gave us some
dried bear's meat. M. D'IBERVILLE commanded all of our
men to go on board the long-boats for fear of intimidating
him, and made signs to him to recall his comrades. They
came singing their song of peace, extending their hands to
wards the sun and rubbing their stomachs, as a sign of
admiration and joy. After joining us they placed their
hands upon their brea.sts, and extended their arms over our
heads as a mark of friendship. M. D'IBERVILLE asked them
by signs, if the Indians we had seen on the sea-shore, where
the vessels were at anchor, had arrived. They gave us to
understand the affirmative, and that they had gone up by a
branch of the river, which empties into the sea, near the
same place where he had crossed it. He then asked them
if their village was far off". They told him it was five days'
journey hence.
What troubled us most, was, that we began to be wearied,
and our provisions were falling short. M. D'IBERVILLE
gave them some beads, knives and looking-glasses ; in re
turn they gave us dried bear's meat, which they had in their
canoes. Our men also trafficked with them for some trifling
objects. One good old man extended his meat upon the
ground, after the same manner our butchers do in our
markets of Europe, and sat down beside it. Two of our

l699-J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 63
men went to him, and each one gave him a knife and took
the whole of the meat, co.nsisting of at least one hundred
pounds. All seemed satisfied with their bargain. M. d'Iber
ville asked them if they would show him their village.
They gave him to understand they were going on a hunt,
and could not accompany him. But having offered a hatchet
to one of them, who seemed very desirous to possess it, he
agreed to go. We asked them if they had heard the sound
of the swivel ; they said they had heard it twice. We fired
it again before them, at which they were greatly astonished,
for it was the first time they had ever heard it so near
them. We passed two hours among them. One of them
came on board of our shallop. We made him a present of
a shirt, the others did not appear jealous of the gift, so in
different are they. The river at this place was N. W. by
S. W. At one o'clock we dined.
Our course was now S. S. W. by S. Within half a league
again tended N. W. by W. At six o'clock landed and
encamped, our men standing guard as usual. This day we
made five leagues, and were thirty-five leagues from the
mouth. On Sunday, the Sth, after mass, we embarked at
seven o'clock ; river tending S. W. by N. W. and W. The
current was stronger than ordinarily, which made it necessary
for us to keep in the bends and cross the river from one point
to the other, three or four times. The weather was very warm
all day. Towards five o'clock a storm arose, which com
pelled us to land and encamp. Some of our men killed a
crocodile (alligator), which they skinned and afterwards

64 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [l6c
cooked the flesh to eat. They also killed a rattle-snake
upwards of six feet in length, the bite of which is said to 1
mortal. The wind was from the north all night and ve:
cold. We this day made four leagues.

* The rattle-snake {crotillus hotridus) is but seldom found in the low groun
of the delta of the Mississippi, as the country is too wet for them ; while the bla
and water snake are numerous, but not poisonous.

1699.]

LOUISIANA AND FIORIDA.

65

CHAPTER V.

hSP

N Monday, the 9th, at seven o'clock, after
having erected a cross, as usual, we em
barked. At noon we landed to dine, our
usual custom, when the wind was not
high. We saw a smoke on the lower
side of us, which led us to believe we
were near the Indian village ; but we were deceived, as we
were yet distant from it some twenty leagues, as we found
out afterwards. The current was more rapid than on the
preceding day, which obliged us to make frequent crossings
of the river, and keep in the bends. The river tended N.
to S. W. At sundown we encamped, having made five
leagues, and were forty-four leagues from the outlet.
On Tuesday, the loth, we embarked at seven o'clock, on
the river, coursing N. W. to S. S. W., returning again W. N.
W. At ten o'clock we saw another srnoke, of which our be
lief was the same as of yesterday, but we were again mis
taken. At noon we landed to dine, as there was a dead calm.
As we ascended the river, the forests grew larger and closer,
and the land was four to five feet higher than below. Dur
ing the floods, the land is covered by the overflow at least

66 HISTORICAI COLLECTIONS OF [l699-
a foot deep, from the marks observable on the trees. At five
o'clock we encamped, having made six leagues, and being fifty
leagues from the mouth of the river.
On Wednesday, the nth, the heavy rain prevented our
embarkation until noon, when it ceased. Several of our
men went out hunting. Arnong the rest, two Breton sail
ors, with their guns, who went so far in the interior, that they
found it impossible to retrace their steps, the forest and cane-
brakes being so dense. As they did not return at seven
o'clock, we fired several muskets in the direction they had
taken. The rain recommenced and continued all night.
On Thursday, the I2th, M. D'IBERVILLE ordered the swivel
to be fired off, and sent four men into the woods in search of
the lost sailors. He advised them to fire off" their muskets
as they advanced into the forest, which they did after a march
of one league. They returned and reported they heard the
report of a gun at a distance, but could not discern their
tracks, which the heavy rains of the preceding night had ob
literated. At ten o'clock he sent a new detachment of eight
men, in different directions, with compasses. They took pro
visions with them, and were ordered not to return until they
were notified by the report of the swivel. A gun-boat was
also sent along the bank of the river, a distance of two
leagues, in quest of them. Between four and five o'clock the
swivel was fired to recall the men. The weather was dark
and lowering all day.
On Friday, i\Iarch the 13th, at seven o'clock, we embarked ;
the river making several bends. At five o'clock we found

l699-J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 67
two canoes laden with millet. We went to them ; M. d'Iber
ville gave beads, knives and other articles in exchange
for the millet, and they appeared well satisfied. One of the
Indians belonged to the tribe of the Ouachas, the other to
the Bayagoulas, who returned the same evening to the vil
lage. We mounted an iron mill we had with us to grind Indian
corn, for we had used all our flour, and were short of bread.
We began to make sagamite, which is in fact nothing more
than the groats of Indian corn mixed with water and lard to
season it, then baked. This was all we had to subsist on,
with water to drink, for our liquor had given out. I omitted
to mention, that towards three o'clock, we discovered a large
body of water, running in a S. E. direction, upon the borders
of wliich are several Indian nations. Its entrance is fifty-five
leagues from the mouth of the Mississippi. We made six
leagues this day, as the current of the river was not so strong,
on account of this body of water, which tended to diminish
it considerably.
On Saturday the 14th, we embarked for the village, which
we knew could not be far off, from the information given us
by the Indians on Friday. We rowed hard in order to arrive
there as soon as possible. The river winds about in several
places, which caused us to cross and take the eddy. At two
o'clock we saw a canoe in which were several Indians, three
men, two children, and one old man who, having been a
prisoner of war, had been scalped. He was clothed with a
bear's skin and besmeared with different colors of clay,
believing that this custom tends to beautify his looks. He

68 HISTORICAL COIIECTIONS OF [l699-
held in his hand a calumet, about three feet long, adorned
with feathers of birds of different plumage.* He was the
deputy of the chief of the Alongoulachas sent to receive us.
We continued our route without stopping for the ceremonies
of the Calumet, which are very long, as will be seen in the
sequel. When we arrived near the village, the ambassador sang
several songs of peace, accompanied by loud yells. The
Indians assembled upon an eminence on the bank of the
river, where they had cut the cane away to receive us. We
landed at this beautiful place about four o'clock. The cane
which the)- had cut was upwards of twenty-five feet in length,
perfectl}' straight, about an inch and a half thick, and so close
together that one cannot pass through them without the
greatest difficulty. The chief was surrounded by about sixty
*"The calumet," says Father Marquette, "than which there is nothing
among the Indians more mysterious or more esteemed. Men do not pay to the
crowns and scepters of kings the honor they pay to it ; it seems to be the god of
peace and war, the arbiter of life and death." The calumet of peace is adorned
with white feathers and the bearer may go everywhere without fear. The one for
war is adorned with red feathers. They use them also in settling disputes, strength
ening alliances, and speaking to strangers. When Indian nations entered into a
treaty of alliance, a pipe of peace was exchanged between them, which was then
called the pipe of covenant. It was carefully preserved, and generally lighted in
council whenever anything occurred to disturb the alliance ; then each smoked
a little out of it. "When Iberville," says Penicant {HistoHcal Collections
of Louisiana atid Florida," printed 1869), " arrived in Louisiana, the chiefs
came to him smoking the calumet and singing the song of peace. The tube of
the calumet for ceremony is long, and the bowl of the pipe is usually made of
red baked clay or marble." For a further description of calumets used for other
purposes, consult Jones's " Antiquities of Southern Indians," pp. 387-393.

1699.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 69
persons, a'mong whom were several women, which is the
greatest mark of friendship that can be given or received by
them. M. d'Iberville was received by them in the usual
manner. They began by elevating their arms towards the
sun, as in admiration, then passed their hands over his
breast, which is a peculiar form of endearment among them.
The same ceremony was performed upon M. DE Sauvol, M.
Bienville, and Father Anastasius, afterwards over our
men. We returned their salutations in the same manner.
They then made us sit down upon the cane, which they
had covered with bear-skins. The chief then presented the
calumet of peace to M. D'IBERVILLE, who took it and seated
himself among the savages. The other savages performed
the same ceremony with our men, who all smoked of the
calumet. They then brought us Indian corn, cooked in
various different ways, in round and long cakes, baked in the
ashes, mixed with bear's oil, or sagamite mixed with beans.
We partook of a little of each sort, and gave the rest to the
sailors, who carried them to the boats. M. D'IBERVILLE
poured out a small quantity of brandy and water, of which
each one drank but little, finding it too strong, having never
before tasted of liquor. He then distributed among them
beads, needles, looking-glasses, knives, and other trinkets.
These ceremonies and the feasting continued until six
o'clock, at which hour the chief made the young men sing,
each one holding in his hand a gourd filled with small grains.
They shook them in cadence, which accorded well with their
voices ; at the end of each song, which is short, they make

70 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
the most frightful yells ; which can be heard at the distance
of a leag-ue, reverberating through the woods. This cere
mony having lasted two hours, the chief bid us adieu, after
his manner. We gave him to understand that on the morrow
we were going to his village. The Indians then lighted
their flambeaux, which consisted of dried reeds tied up in
bundles, and stuck in the ground and set on fire, giving out
a brilliant light. Four of them began to dance around these
lights, clapping their hands and touching together their feet,
for about an hour. After this last dance all of them retired
with the exception of four or five who remained with us.
M. d'Iberville demanded of them if the branch (La
Foiirche) of the river was )-et far distant. They gave him to
understand there was none. We thought they answered thus
that we might remain among them, a thing impossible, as we
were too far up the river, and, moreover, it is so crooked, that
in the course of six leagues, it is necessary to make every
point of the compass. We marked the course of the river
upon a piece of paper with a pencil, which they seemed to
comprehend very well, we then gave them the pencil to mark
the place where we thought the branch of the river ought
to be. We showed them at the same time the place where
our ships were, which they called in their language pinanis
or canoes ; but they persisted in saying there was no branch
of the river. Wearied with our reiterated demands, they
said there was one by which they had ascended, but that the
water therein was at present very low, and they had been
obliged to make several portages. At eleven o'clock at

1699-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 71
night they made a fire near our tents, on account of the cold
-weather, and being without covering, they then went to rest.
We did not retire until near morning. I omitted to say that
the calumet presented to the Bayagoula chief by M. D'IBER
VILLE, at the main land, was about four feet long, made
of steel, with the arms of France engraved upon the bowl of
the pipe, and at the extremity a white flag. They placed
tobacco in it, and presented it to MM. D'IBERVILLE, BIEN
VILLE, Sauvol, and Father Anastasius, each of whom
feigned to smoke it. They then planted two forked sticks
in the ground upon which it was placed, in a leathern bag.
They hold the calumet in the highest esteem.
The following is a description of the manners, habits, "and
customs of these savages and their mode of living and
clothing. The Chief of M^'' Mongoulachas was clothed with
a blue cloak after the fashion of the Canadians, with stockings
of the same color, a cravat of a villainous red stuff, that had
formerly served as a flag, all of which had been presented to
him by M. DE TONTY, at the time of his descent in search of
M. DE LA Salle. The chief professed an inconceivable
haughtiness; he smiled, and looked at our men with a fixed
gaze. As to the others, they were dressed with the skin of
bear or deer, which covered them from the shoulders down
to the knees, according to the size of the hide. The greater
portion of them, however, go naked, without anything about
them except a flap. The women are either clothed with a
bear's skin or a flap fastened by a girdle which extends to the
knees, leaving naked the breast and loins. Their hair, as

J-

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.

well as their beard, is all cut or pulled out, except a small
cluster on the crown of the head, which the)- let grow long,
and to which they attach the feathers of birds of various
colors. They also attach ornaments to portions about their
thighs, which have the appearance of horse tails, to which
they fi.x small copper bells, which, when dancing, create a
noise like that made on the road by Spanish mules. They
wear upon their arms copper bracelets, and besmear their
faces blue and black, and paint their eyebrows with a color
like vermilion mixed with black.* They sometimes pierce
the nose and ears, in which they suspend pieces of coral, or
ornaments, and wood of a peculiar quality and shape. As to
their food, it consists principally of Indian corn, with very
little meat, which they onl)- eat when they are hunting, or at
a distance from their villages.
* The custom of the Southern Indians painting their bodies is not confined to
America, but is a characteristic trait of all savage tribes. The native Britains,
Germans, and Scandinavians formerly practiced it, and the aborigines of other
countries continue the custom to the present day, with a view of making them
selves attractive to their friends and terrible to their enemies. The substances
usually employed are ochres, clays, and other minerals, the production of their
country, which they will travel many leagues to obtain.

1 699- J

LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA,

73

CHAPTER VI.

R^^gl

f^

HE chiefs have their hunting-grounds
bounded, and when another tribe in
trudes beyond its own limits, it gives
rise to war. During the evening, we fired
off the swivel, which threw them into
consternation. They repeated '' afferro,"
which signifies in their language " I am astonished." Their
village is about the distance of sixty leagues from the
mouth of the river. On Sunday, at four o'clock in the
morning, three of the principal men came from their village,
singing and yelling, holding out the calumet, which they
presented to M. d'Iberville and the rest of our people to
smoke. A drink of brandy was given again to each one of
them. At six o'clock mass was performed, and after break
fast, we went to the village to visit the chief and carry him
presents, which consisted of a scarlet coat with gold facings,
red stockings, two shirts, axes, knives, beads, and mirrors.
When we arrived at their village, they seated us upon mats,
and gave us pipes to smoke ; afterward, they brought us
dried buffalo and bear's meat and bread, of which we par
took, and then went out to visit the village temple, in which

74 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
they keep a fire continually burning. In the interior of the
temple were figures of animals, marks of their sacrifices, and
scalps of their enemies hung up as trophies. At eleven
o'clock we returned to our cabins, and about noon they
came to our tents accompanied by their chief, who was
dressed in the coat presented to him by M. D'IBERVILLE.
\'ery soon after there came a crowd of Indians bringing
corn in the ear and grain, which they afterwards pounded
and made into bread, which pleased us very much, for we
were short of provisions, and knew not where to obtain fresh
supplies. Some of our men afterwards went back to the
village to traffic for bear's skins and deer's skins, in exchange
for beads, knives, and trinkets. I noticed about the middle
of their village, in an open space, what appeared to be a
depot of arms. Before the door of the temple were two
large po.sts, about forty feet in height, upon which two
scalps were placed. The village contained some four or five
hundred persons of both sexes, large and small.
They sleep on mats resting upon stakes, about three feet
from the ground. When the weather is very cold, they
kindle a fire under these mats, as they have nothing but
some skins with which to cover themselves. The fields
where they cultivate their millet, are near their village.
They break up the ground with buff"alo bones. Much of
their time is spent in amusing themselves with a round stone
ball which they strike with sticks. When any of them die,
the body is carried about fifty paces from the village, where
it is placed upon a platform raised upon four posts, and

l699-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 75
covered with mats. Afterwards they throw up a bed of
earth near by, several feet thick, upon which they place vic
tuals for the deceased to eat.
Two different nations (allied) inhabit this village : the
Mongoulachas and Bayagoulas, who speak the same lan
guage. They have two chiefs. The Mongoulacha chief ap
pears to have precedence. They dwell about a quarter of
a league from the river. Towards evening we made a large
cross, upon which we placed the arms of France, and the
next morning, Monday, the i6th, we planted it in the ground.
All the Indians from the village, with their chiefs, came to
see us off". Eight of them went with us in a canoe. The
chief of the Bayagoulas offered his services to M. D'IBER
VILLE as a guide to the village of the Oumas, The river is
very crooked in this place, with a strong current, and much
augmented when the wind is in the same direction. From
nine o'clock till five in the evening we made five leagues.
We encamped one league above a body of water which they
said was the branch we were in quest of, but which is noth
ing more than a lake extending within four or five leagues of
our ships, with several portages over which the canoes must
be carried. We told the chief, before taking our departure
with him, that two of our men were lost in the woods while
hunting, and requested him to supply them with something
to eat if found, and we would remunerate them on our
return. On Tuesday, the 17th, we embarked at seven o'clock.
The river was as crooked as the day before, with a current

76 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [l699-
less rapid. Two leagues from the place of our encampment
we left the two bark canoes and those of the Indians, with
a party of our men to hunt, as we were growing short of pro
visions and wished to reserve a part for our return voyage.
At three o'clock in the afternoon we landed at a small river
which resembled a lake, and in which the Indians said there
was an' abundance of fish. We found several cabins covered
with palmetto leaves, which had been constructed by the
Oumas, who come here to fish and hunt. They have even
erected here a large post thirty feet high, which is orna
mented with carved designs of fishes. We then fixed our
nets, which we did not draw until next morning. Whilst a
portion of the men went hunting, we saw buffalo and deer,
which soon disappeared in the cane-brakes.
On Wednesday, the i8th, our canoes and those of the In
dians rejoined us, and we went to draw the nets, in which
we found but a solitary cat-fish.* As to our men whom we
left two leagues below, they found a bear, which the Indians
pointed out to them in the fork of a tree. One of them
ascended with fire-brands, which he left in the fork of the
tree. The bear, feeling the heat, left his retreat and climbed
* The cat-fish of this river {Silurus Mississippiensis) sometimes grows enor
mously large, and is still a favorite food of the Indians, when sliced and smoked.
The Southern Indians were, in general, great gourmands, and lived sumptuously
on wild game, fish, and oysters, buffalo, deer, and bear-meat in their season.
They also freely ate corn, beans, pumpkins, and persimmons, of which they
made bread mixed with corn-meal. Near all their villages and habitations they
cultivated, says RlB.\t:LT and Du Pratz, fields of maize (corn) and another nour
ishing grain, called choupitclwttl, or wild rice, which grows without culture.

l699-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 'J'J
higher. M. DE BlENVlLLE then took his gun, and after sev
eral shots killed him. The Indians took possession of him,
as they pretended they had killed him, and M. DE Bienville
abandoned him to them. The river here winds from west to
north-east, after which it turns west by south. Toward three
o'clock the Indians showed us a small stream where the
water was very tranquil. They told us we could shorten
our journey a day and a half by passing through that place.
M. d'Iberville got into a bark canoe to examine if he
could pass there. He found no obstructions'but a few small
trees. He landed all the Canadians with their axes, and the
rest of the men with ropes to haul the larger boats. We
then made a route by digging away the earth as much as
possible, and after rigging a tackle we passed our boats
through from one side of the river to the other. There
were about thirty paces of land and seventy paces of water.
By this cut-off" we saved a distance of six leagues, which we
discovered upon our return. Whilst we were engaged in
crossing this neck of land we sent several of the canoes over
the river for the purpose of getting some .sagamite made by
the Indians.
At thirteen leagues from the village of the Mongoulachas
we met with very high land, a thing we had not before seen
since our entrance into the river. A short time after we
saw an island extending N. W. and S. E., about a quarter of
a league in length. The river runs to the south of the small
channel we found. We made five leagues this day, and
found ourselves seventy leagues up the river.

78 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
On Thursday, the 19th, at eight o'clock in the morning,
we embarked on the river, and after making several leagues,
we stopped at noon for dinner, which consisted of nothing
but corn bread mixed with a little lard. Between one and
two o'clock we started off" again, and found the river wider
than usual. Some of our men in the canoes having landed
to see if they could procure anything to eat, found a deer
freshly killed, which had probably been strangled by a wolf
^I. d'Iberville divided it among the two crews, and we ate
of it with a good appetite, although the entrails had already
begun to be tainted. The Indians smoked and dried the bear
killed by ]M. DE Bienville on the Thursday before, which
made up for us an excellent repast. At six o'clock in the
evening, we encamped three leagues from the Oumas, firing
off the swivel to notif)- them of our approach. This day we
made si.x leagues (eighteen miles).

1699.]

LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

79

CHAPTER VII.

N Friday, the 20th, having made our usual
marks, Ave embarked at an early hour.
The river winds from E. to N. E., then
W. by N. The fog was so dense that
we could not see an island, situated
about one league below the Oumas,
About ten o'clock we arrived on the bank of the river where

Extract from a Letter Addressed to Father Jean de Lamberville, Can
ada ; BY Father R. P. Jacques Gravier, one of the Earlist Illinois
Missionaries, and who Descended the Colbert (Mississippi) River
in 1700-1 to meet M. d'Iberville, Governor-General of Louisiana.

ON REVEREND PERE,

PAX Xi.

"M. St. Come ayant apris que M. Davion etoit a I'extremite est arrive
de la mission des Natches. Avant mon depart ils m'ont confirme I'un
et I'autre le naufrage du Pere de Limoges qui de tout ce qu'il auoit n'a
sauue que son Calice et son Crucifix. Ils luy ont donne tout ce qu'il luy
falloit pour aller jusqu'au fort de Mississipi tres edifies de la joye et de la
fermete qu'il leur a fait paroitre dans la perte assez considerable qu'il a fait de
tous les meubles de Mission, benissant Dieu, m'ont ils dit, de ce qu'il I'avoit
7

80 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
the Oumas* were waiting for us. We found three of the
principal chiefs of the nation, who met us singing the song
of peace, and holding out to us the calumet, which was first
presented to our chief men to smoke, and then to all of us.
At eleven o'clock, MM. D'IBERVILLE, Sauvol, Bienville,
* a few cabins of this ancient and interesting tribe of Indians are still occu
pied by the survivors of this nation in Louisiana. They believed in one great
Spirit, Avho had m;yle all things. They had the reputation of being great war
riors, but not cruel to their prisoners. They dressed like the Tonicas. The
women wore a fringed robe of mulbern- cloth, which they spun like hemp and
flax, and sometimes made mantles of skins, which covered them from the waist
to their knees. They plaited their hair, and sometimes tatooed their faces, and
blackened their teeth like the Tonicas and Natchez, with the ashes of tobacco.
ainsy detache de tout ce qu'il auoit ; II s'en faut beaucoup an reste m'a dit Mr
de St. Cosme, que les Notches soient aussi dociles que les Tounika. Ils sont
poligames, voleurs, et fort vicieu.x, les filles et les femnies plus que les hommes,
et les gar9ons, parmy lesquels il y a bien a reformer auant que dans esperer
quelque chose. Les Taensas, qui ont la meme langue, ont aussi les raemes
mceurs, leur village est a 20 lieues de la riuiere des Tounika. II est a 4 lieues
dans les terres. Apres une lieue de chemin Ton tombe sur un lac, oil il y a
toujours quantite de Crocodiles. II le faut trauerser en Canot pour aller au
village qui est plus ramasse que celuy des Touttika.
"L'annee passee le temple ayant e'te reduit en cendres par le tonnerre, qui
tomba sur une matiere aussi combustible que le sont les Cannes dontil etoit
couuert, Le vieillard qui en etoit le Gardien, dit que I'esprit etoit fache qu'on
n'eut fait mourir personne a la mort du dernier chef, et qu'il falloit I'apais.er.
Cinq femmes eurent la cniaute de jetter leurs enfants dans le feu, a la veue des
Fran9ois qui me I'ont raconte, ou plutost les donnerent au vieillard qui les jetta
dans le feu en faisant ses invocations, et en chantant avec ses femmes durant cette
cruelle ceremonie; et sans les Fran9ois il y eut encore eu bien des enfants brules.
La Cabanne du chef ayant ete conuertie en temple on y porta en triomphe les 5
meres denaturees comme 5 heroines.
" A la pointe du detour oi est village, la Riuiere n'a guere qu'un arpent et
demi de large et fait un detroit, ou I'on a bien de la peine a refouler le courant

l699-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 8 1
Father ANASTASIUS, and four Canadians set out with them
to go to their village, the road to which is very difficult.
The first half league was through a dense cane-brake, after
which we had to pass through water, and then climb a steep
hill at a rapid pace, for the Indians have nothing to embar
rass them on the march. Having gained the top of a high
et c'eft la ou Mr de la Salle dit qu'il y a un gouffre ou les arbres se precipitent
la racine en haut et ne vont sortir qu'a plus d'une demie lieue plus has, ce que
je n'ay pas apperfu, peut estre que cela n'aniua que lorsqu'il passa ou ne s'y voit
que de temps en temps. Apres auoir essuye de grandes pluyes, qui durant la
nuit auroient inonde tout notre bagage, si j'eusse dormy aussi profondement que
nos Canoteurs, nous auons assez beau temps pour aniver aux Natchh au sud des
Taensas dont ils sont eloignez de 20 lieues. Apres auoir monte une petite coste
on trouue un grand chemin battu qui conduit a un grand coteau assez escarpe,
les grandes eaux en couvrent plus de la moitie. Au haut de ce coteau, on
decouure une belle prairie, le chemin le plus battu conduit au village ou est le
temple ; les autres qui coupent a droit et a gauche, vont a differens hameaux.
II n'y a que 4 Cabannes dans celuy ou est le temple, il est fort spacieux et cou
uert de Cannes nattees qu'ils renouuellent tous les ans auec de grandes cere
monies, qu'il seroit trop long de marquer icy. EUes commencent par un
jeiine de quatre jours auec des vomitoires jusqu'au sang. II n'y a ni fenestre ni
cheminee dans ce temple, et ce n'est qu'a la kieur du feu qu'on y voit un peu,
encore faut il que la porte, qui est fort basse et fort etroite soit ouuerte, Je
m'imagine que I'ob.scurite du lieu leur inspire du respect. Le vieillard qui en
est le gardien, y entretient toujours le feu, et donne bien de garde de la laisser
eteindre. II est au milieu du temple deuant un espece de Mauzolee a la man-
iere des sauuages. II y en a 3 de 8 ou 9 pieds de long d'environ 6 pieds de
large et de 9 ou 10 pieds de haut. lis sont soutenus sur 4 gros poteux reuestues
de nattes de Cannes en colonne assez propres, et surmontez dun platfond de
Cannes nattees. Cela auroit assez bonne grace si tout n'etoit pas noircy de
fumee et couuert de suye. II y a une grande natte qui sert de rideau pour
couurir une grande table couuerte de 5 ou 6 nattes qui sert de rideau pour
couurir une grande table couuerte de 5 ou 6 nattes de Cannes sur lequel il y a
une grande corbeille qu'il n'est pas permis d'ouvrir parceque I'esprit de chaque
nation de ees quartiers repose, dit on, auec celuy des Natches, Je me Sfa^r

82 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
hill, in sight of their village, we stopped to rest, for we were
perspiring with the exertion and heat of the weather. They
gave us pipes to smoke, and one who had told us to stop
when near the village returned soon after, and made signs for
us to enter. When we reached the first cabins, as it was rain
ing, we took shelter in them for a moment, and then continued
mauvais gre de n'auoir pas ouuert la Corbeille, quoy que j'eusse fait de la peine
au vieillard d'ouurir le rideau et de vouloir toucher a cette corbeille. 11 y en
a d'autres dans les 2 autres Mauzolees, oil ils disent que sont les ossements de
leurs chefs qu'ils reverent comme des divinitez. Tout ce que je vis de plus rare
c'est un morceau de cristal de roche que j'ay trouue dans une petite corbeille,
J'ay veu quantite de petits pots, plats, tasse de terre et de petits paniers de
Cannes bien faits. C'est pour fervir \ manger aux esprits des chefs morts et le
gardien du temple y trouue son compte.
"Apres auoir visite tout ce qui est dans temple, je n'ay vfi, ni la ni ailleurs, ni
I'or, ni I'argent, ni les pierreries, ni les richesses ni les neuf brasses de perles.
fines qu'on fait remarquer a I'auteur d'une relation imprimee sous le nom de Mr
de Tonty, et qu'il a defauoue a celuy qui lui reprochoit toutes les menteries dont
elle est remplie. C'est aussi une fable que ce que Feed vain osedire auoir este
VU par Jlr. Tonty dans une petit armoire enchasse'e dans la muraille revestue de
bousillage, oil je n'ay vii n'y goute aucune des liqueurs exquises dont il parle
Ce sont toutes choses controuuees par le meme autheur pour embellir son his-
toire, II est vrai que la femme du chef a quelques petites perles, qui ne sont n'y
rondes, ny bien percees ; mais a 7 ou 8 pres qui sont grosses comme de petits
poix qu'on a achetees plus chores qu'elles ne valient, Apr^s les auoir bien cher-
chees, II n'y a rien des richesses n'y des raretez qu'on a voulu faire croire se
trouuer dans le temple et dans le village. Le Fran9ois que Mr d'Iberville y a
laisse pour apprendre la langue m'a dit qu'i la mort du dernier chef on a fait
mourir deux femmes, 3 hommes et 3 enfants : ils les etrangUrent auec la corde
d'un arc et cette cruelle ceremonie se fait auec grand appareil ; ees malheureuses
victimes, se croyant fort honorees d'accompagner leur chef par une mort vio-
lente ; pour le grand chef qui mourut quelques mois auparavant, il n'y en eut
que 7. Sa femme mieux auisee que les autres ne voulut pas le fuivre, et se mit
a pleurer quand on voulut I'obliger d'accompagner son mary. Mr de Montigni
qui a quitte ce pais pour aller a Siam, e'tant averti de ce qu'ils auoient coutume

1699-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 83
on. When we came to the principal square of the village,
we met the three chiefs who had received us, each one with
a cross in his hand. They took us to the temple on account
of the rain, and there seated us on mats, and gave us pipes
to smoke ; afterwards, corn-bread and pumpkins were brought
for us to eat, accompanied with many protestations of friend-
de faire, leur fit promettre de ne faire mourir personne. lis lui donnerent pour
garantie de leur parole une petite esclave qu'ils auoient resolu de faire mourir,
sans la defense qu'il leur fit : mais pour garder leur maudit coutume sans qu'il
s'en apperfut la femme du chef qu'ils appellent Otiachil Tamail, soleil femme (qui
est toujoui-s sa soeur, et non la femme du grand chef) luy persuada de se retirer
dans un village esloigne pour n'auoir pas la teste rompue du bruit qu'on feroit
dans une ceremonie oil tout le monde se deuoit trouuer. Mr de Montigni ne se
doutant de rien la crut et se retira, mais en son absence lis firent mourir ceux
qu'ils crurent necessaires pour aller faire la Cuisine du chief et pour le servir en
I'autre monde ; au reste il n'y a que les vieillards qui entre dans le temple pour
faire leurs hurlements tels que je les ay vii faire, apres avoir attise le feu.
" Tous les hommes qui passent deuant le temple mettent bas leur charge, et
etendent leurs bras du coste du temple avec de grands hurlements, et s'ils ont
de petits enfants, lis les prennent entre leurs bras et se tournanl du cote du
temple, lis leur font toucher 3 fois la terre auec le front. Ils font ees memes
hurlements quand ils passent deuant le chef, ou la femme chef, ou qu'il leur
parlent, ou qu'ils leur presentent a boire ou a manger ou a fumer. -Cette femme
chef a beaucoup d' esprit, et a plus de credit qu'on ne pense : son fr^re n'est pas
un grand genie ; il s'est remarie 9 fois sans qu'aucune femme ayt pu rester auec
luy ; elles I'ont toutes quitte et a present il vit seul a son particulier.
" Les femmes sont toutes vetues fort proprement et bien couuertes jusqu'a
mijambe, auec un manteau qui descend jusqu'au dessous du genoiiil. La
pluspart ont les dents noires, et c'est une beaute parmi elles ; C'est en machant
du charbon de tabac avec de la cendre, dont elles les frottent tous les matins
qu'elles les noircissent.
" Le bled n'etoit pas encore cueiUy la lere recolte se fait en ees quartiers
dans le mois de Juin, et la 2de qui est le plus abondante ne se fait qu'i la fin de
Novembre. Outre qu'ils offrent au temple les premices de leurs fruits, dans ce
village la, la femme chef faisoit faire la recolte du bled pour le temple, et

84 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
ship. ]M. d'Iberville distributed among them axes, beads,
two shirts, a cover-lid, knives and mirrors, some awls, and
small bells. He told them he would make them other pres
ents upon his return to the boats, which they comprehended.
They all arose to thank him, by crying out three times, " hou,
Jiou, Iiou ! " and elevating their hands, a practice they do not
personne n'oser efuser ce que ses emissaires veulent prendre. C'est pour le chgf
et la femme chef et pour donner a manger aux esprits des chefs morts qui se fait
cette recolte : mais tout le monde est du festin qu'on leur fait durant 6 jours
avec les hurlemt les cris et les ceremonies ords qu'ils ne veulent pas expliquer
aux Missaires a qui pour toute reponse, ils disent: nou-kou, ce.s\.z.Xue.,je ne
scay pas pourquoi cela se fait. Tout depend de la comission des chefs qui ont
trop d'interet de passer pour des e=prits panny leurs gens pour embrasser si tost
riiumilite chretienne.
" Nous sommes partis de ce village des Natchez le 246 et le 25e Novembre
1700. Nous auons decouuert les Cotteauxdes houmas au sud du Mississipi, qui
fait une baye oil Ton entre laissant sur la droite le grand canal. II y a une bonne
lieue et demie du debarquement au village des Houmas par un assez manuals
chemin a toujours monter et descendre et a marcher a demi courbe dans les
Cannes. Le village est sur la creste d'une montagne roide et escarpee de tous
cotez. II y a So cabannes, et au milieu du village une belle place fort unie, ou
depuis le matin jusqu'au soir il y a de jeunes gens qui s'exercent a courir apres
une pierre platte qu'ils jettent en Fair d'un bout de la place a I'autre et qu'ils
tachent de faire tomber sur deux cilindres qu'ils font rouler oil ils ctoyent que la
pierre doit tomber. Le temple n'a rien de beau que le vestibule, qui est ome des
plus agreables grotesques et des mieux faites qu'en puisse guere voir. Ce sont
quatre satyres dont deux sont en bosse sortant tous quatre de la muraille qui ont
a la teste, aux mains et aux pieds en bandeaux, en bracelets, en jaretieres, en
bandouliere et en ceintures des serpents, des souris et des chiens. Les couleiirs
en sont noires, blanches, rouges et jaunes ; et si bien appliquees et sans confusion
que c'^st un spectacle qui surprend agreablement. Le vieillard qui y entretient
le feu qu'il nous nomma Loiiak ou LotigJu?, feu facre, nous fit voir les ossements
de la femme chef qui mourut l'annee passee. Cette femme s'etoit rendue si con
siderable par les coups qu'elle avoit faits sur les ennemis, ayant conduit elle
meme plusieurs partis de guerre, qu'on la regardoit come une amazone et coe la

1699.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 85
observe when making presents to each other. The chief
thanking him after the same manner, made a division of the
presents. The rain having ceased we placed the mats on the
public square, near the cabin of the chief. The Indians then
made arrangements to give us a diversion, and performed
several dances with castanets in their hands; the women and
maitresse de tout le village, a qui on rendoit plus d'honneur qu'au grand chef,
tenant la le place dans tous les conseils, et quand elle marclioit elle etoit toujours
precedee de 4 jeunes hommes qui luy chantoient et dansoient le Calumet. Elle
etoit habillee en Amazone, se peignoit le visage et avoit la chevelure faite come
les hommes. On ne fait dans se village rien de tous les hurlemts ordinaires aux
Natchez loi-squ'ils passent deuant le temple, vis a vis du quel il y a une chapelle
de 50 pieds de long que le pere du Rut fit batir le printemps passe auec une
grande Croix de 35 ou 40 pieds de haut qu'il u fait arborer dans la place du
village. " Le Pere de Limoges y etoit arrive depuis deux ou 3 jours pour s'y etablir et
pour trauailler a la conuersion des houmas qui me paroissent fort dociles. Le
grand chef est fort raisonnable, et dit qu'il ne reconnoist qu'un esprit qui a tout
fait. J'ay compte 70 Cabannes dans le village que j'ay visite auec le P4re de
Limoges qui m'a voulu donner les pi;emices de sa mission par le bapteme que
j'ay fait d'un enfant de 3 jours a qui j'ay donne le nom de St Fran9ois Xavier,
Patron de la mission, a qui Dieu a oiivert le Paradis peu de jours apres pour y
travailler a la conversion de ses parents et de ses compatriotes.
"Le 3e Decembre I700 nous auons celebre la feste de ce grand Saint le plus
solennelleraent que nous auons pu et j'ay chante la premiere grand' messe qu'on
ait entendu dans le village. J'ay este surpris de leur peu de curiosite. Si le
Mississipi s'etablit, et que cette mission ne nous soit pas otee, il y a sujet d'es-
perer de la docilite de ees pauures gens, qu'on y fera du bien, les femmes et les
filles y ont plus de pudeur que chez les nations voisines. Dieu veuille les con-
vertir et rendre le chemin de leur village impracficables a certains Fran9ois lib-
ertins. Tout ce qu'ils tout a leurs malade, c'est de les sucer jusqu'au sang. Ten
ay veu un entre les mains des vieillard Jongleurs, dont Fun slffloit et jouait da la
gourde, un autre sucoit, et I'autre chantoit la chanson du Crocodile dont la peau
luy semoit de tambour.
" Comme ils se contentent de leurs citrouilles et de leur bled qu'ils ont en

86 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
youth of both sexes joining in together, all dressed out after
their fashion, which, although savage, in appearance, did not
produce a bad effect. Evening coming on, they entered the
cabin of the chief, where they danced until midnight ; the
chief never left us. He was a venerable old man of some
sixt)' )-ears of age. It v/as not until after midnight that he
abondance, lis sont feneants et ne vont guere a la chasse. lis ne laissent pas
d'avoir la reputation d'etre guerriers et d'estre crains des nations voisines. lis
ne font pas cniels, et bien loin de faire mourir aucun des esclaves qu'ils font,
Des qu'ils entrent dans le village, les femmes pleurent sur eux, les plaignant
d'avoir ete pris, et les traitent ensuite mieux que leurs enfants. Quand quelques
uns de leurs gens vont a la chasse, les femmes se mettent a pleurer comme si
elles alloient les perdre, Et quand ils reviennent de la chasse elles pleurent de
joye de les revoir.
" II y a peu de villages en France oil il y ait plus de poule et de coqs que dans
celui des Houmas, aussi n'en tuent-ils jamais, et ne veulent pas meme manger de
celles que leurs chiens tuent assez souuent. Quand on veut avoir de poulets d'eux
il ne faut pas dire qu'on les veut tiier ou manger, lis auroient de la peine a les
donner ; mais ils les vendent volontiers quand on ne les tue pas en leur pre
sence, ou qu'on leur dit qu'on les emporte pour les elever comme eux. Les
poules ont des petits poulets en tous temps, Et dans le mois de De'cembre il y en
avoit dans toutes les Cabannes. Aussi sont elles chaudemt dans ees Cabannes
qu'ils ont soin de tenir propres, et qu'ils balient 2 ou 3 fois le jour.
" Les enfants, les hommes et les jeunes gens sont habillez comme les Tounika.
Les femmes portent un habit frange, qui les couure depuis la Ceinture jusqu'au
dessous des genoux. Quand elles sortent de leur Cabanne elles se couurent
d'une robe de rats masques ou de plumes de coqs-d'Inde. Elles ont le visage
picque et figure, et les cheueux tresses come les Tounika et les Notches, et se
noircissent les dents comme elles. Quoique tous les sauuages craignent extre-
mement le froid, a la moindre gelee (car il n'y a pas d'hyver) lis se vont baigner
grands et petits, et sortent de I'eau transis de froid. C'est un vieillard qui fait
le cris au point du jour quand il gele. Ces sortes de bains leur causent quelque-
fois le flux de sang qui en emporte plusieurs. Au reste le P^re de Limoges com
mence a se faire entendre, et fera du bien dans cette mission, II m'a raconte
son naufrage ou il a tout perdu, et la perte est plus considerable qu'on ne peut

1 699-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 87
left us in the cabin. I forgot to mention that when I was
about to return at four o'clock, he took me by the arms and
made me sit down, giving me to understand that I had not
time to reach the boats, which were in fact three good leagues
distant from the river. We asked about the branch of the
river, but we could not gain any information from them, a
croire. Plus d'une mission s'en ressentira ; ce fut en se laissant deriuer la nuit
au Courant que leur Canot heurta centre un arbre qui etoit arresle au milieu du
courant qui lui fit faire la pirouette et demeura sur le coste plein d'eau, et s'il ne
fut arreste promptement a I'arbre, II se seroit noye a demi endormi. II a tout
perdu hors son calice qu'il sauna le tirant je ne sais comment hors de la cassette.
C'est tout ce qu'il put conserver et c'cit un espece de miracle qu'il ait pii se
sauuer luy meme, apres auoir dispute sa vie presque 3 heures au moyen d'une
branche d'arbre que le courant emportoit, et alaquelle il s'estoit attache avec ses
deux matelots. II s'est laisse aller au courant, qui la en fin pousse a terre et
apres s'estre sesche sans feu au vent et au soleil du mieux qu'ils ont pu, ils ont fait
un Cajeu de 3 ou 4 pieces de bois flottant qu'ils on lies auec des harres et on
navigue's 3 jours entiers sur ce nouueau canot, toujours entre deux eaux sans
manger autre chose durant ce temps la qu'un peu de pourple sauuage tout cru.
Ce cher missionnaire m'a dit la qu'il s'est lors souuenu auec fruit de St Francois
Xavier disputant sa vie autant de jour avec les eaux sur un bout de planche. II
decouurit le 40 jour le feu de quelques Akansea qui etoient a la chasse. II en
fut re9u et ses compagnons fort humainement. lis leur donnerent a manger et
les conduisirent jusqu'a leur village ; oil le P^re trouua son Canot qui s'estoit ar
reste a des embarras de bois. II a depuis este equipe de tout ce qui est neces-
saire pour sa mission des Houmas,
"D'ou je partis le 46 Decembre 1700 et apr^s 3 lieues de nauigation nous
trouames au nord du Mississipi la Riviere Rouge, dont on parle tant. Si la 36
tentative que les Fran9ois y ont fait depuis 7 ou 8 mois reussit, les missionnaires
y auront un passage pour aller a diverses nations qui bordent cette riuiere qui
court au sud est : elles ne sont presque toutes qu'en petits hameaux, comme les
Natchh, ce qui fait dire a ceux qui veulent donner de grandes idees de toutes ces
nations qu'il y a des villages sans fin, et de 3 ou 4, 5 ou f) lieues d'etendue voulant
faire passer des hameaux de 3 ou 4 cabanes esloignez les unes des autres pour la
commodite du terrain, pour autant de villages, de la mame nation. Mr de Bien-

88 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
circumstance that troubled us very much ; not knowing what
course to pursue, and believing that they wished to deceive
us, we became dissatisfied with them. On Saturday morn
ing, the 2 1st, we interrogated them again in relation to the
branch of the river, but without any success; and when we
ville qui a pene'tre' le plus avant, m'a dit que tout etoit inonde dans le mois de
Mars et d'Avril, qu'il y avoit de petites hauteurs chez les N'atc/tiioch assez peuplees
oil le bled luy venoit a I'epaule.
" A la fin de Mars Mr de St. Denis doit aller jusqu'aux Kadodakio, et au lieu
d'aller du coste des Senis ou les assassins de Jlr de la Salle s'estoient retirez, II
a dii prendre sur la gauche, et pousser jusqu'aux Kiouahaa, les plus eloignez que
I'on scache, oil Ton espere trouuer des mines. II doit estre icy de retour a la fin
de ce mois, et s'il ne trouue pas des mines d'argent, on n'a rien moins que ce que
I'on cherche dans I'etablissement de Mississipi qui inonde toutes les terres a plus
de 80 lieurs de son embouchure a quelques petits cantons pres.
" Le loe nous auons dit la messe de St. Franyois Xavier pour commencer la
devotion des 10 Vendredis. Le lendemain nous sommes arrivez a la Croix qui
marque le village des Baiougoula au nord du Mississipi, et a 40 lieues des Houmas,
Comme les eaux ont este extraordinairement hautes cette annee, elles ont mine
le coteau de plus de lo pieds de long d'oii la Croix est tombe'e auec les terres qui
se sont eboulees ; Je ne suis pas alle jusqu'au village et ce n'est qu'a mon retour
de Bilocchi que j'ai visite les Baiougoula dont le chef a fait massacrer celuy des
Mongoulacha auec plus de deux cents hommes de cette nation, qui etoit fort
portee pour les Fran9ois et qui faisoit village auec les Baiozigoula comme font les
Pioiiaroua avec les Kaskaskia. Le sang de tant d'Innocents crie vengence, aussi
Dieu commence-t-il a les punir par la famine et la maladie, et ils doivent craindre
que les Hotwiax et les Kolapissas ne vengent le meurtre de tous leurs alliez ; Je
n'ay rien vu de si gueux. Je S9ay quelques mots de leur langue ; mais comme
plus de deux tiers etoient absens du village, d'oii la faim les auoit chassez, je n'y
ay reste que 4.jours, ils m'ont promis de ret'ablir la chapelle et de faire tout ce
que j'ay demande, mais si le chef n'est bien loin de la il n'y a pas grande chose a
faire pour un Missionnaire : J'ay fait planter une grande Croix sur la coste i la
place de celle que les eaux ont emportee. Elles ont cru de vingt pieds de
haut. A 5 lieues plus basque le village on trouue au Nord un petit bras du Missis-

l699-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 89
were about to depart, the chief desired us to remain, as the
women were gathering millet for us, and as soon as they re
turned would go with us to the river. Six of our men, feel-
ing.apprehensions for our safety, came fully armed to join
us. We left them between eleven and twelve o'clock. On
going out from the cabin of the chief, we gave him a salute
sippi dont parle Mr de la Salle ; qu'il dit auoir plus de 30 brasses d'eau, et est
fort commode pour les grands vaisseaux ; mais, Mr Iberuille qui a fait visiter et
sonder, n'y a pas trouue d'eau pour une chalouppe. Plus nous approchons du bas
du Mississipi, plus nous allons a I'est et a Fest sud est ; nous trouuons aussy plus
de courants et de mechants Cabannage, et dans les aunages toujours de la terre
glaise ; ou bien il nous faut entrer bien auant dans le bois oil il est difficile de
penetrer et de n'y pas trouuer d'embarras de Cannes, d'oii I'on ne peut se
tirer. "Depuis les Natchh nous n'auons vecu que de bled d'Inde auec quelques
citrouilles. Car il y a longtemps qu'on ne voit en ces quartiers n'y bceuf n'y che-
vreuil ni Ours ; et fi I'on a trouve quelques outardes ou oyes sauuages, elles
etoient si maigres, qu'elles n'auoient pas plus de goust que du bois, ce qui a fait
soupirer bien des fois tous nos canoteurs apr^s la riuiere des Ilinois, et pour la
beaute du pays et des debarquements, et de la quantite de bceufs et de cheureuils
et de toutes sortes de gibier gras et excellents. C'est une nauigation bien longue
que celle du Mississipi, bien ennuyante et bien difficile surtout a remonter, et
bien incommode a cause des coussins et autres mouches appelees maringouins,
brulots et raoustiques, et des grandes pluyes, les chaleurs excessives, les mechants
debarquements dans la bone et dans la terre glaise, souuent jusqu'a mijambe et
pour la mechante chere. Si I'on ne part auec un Canot a demi charge de viures,
on doit s'attendre a bien jeiiner, et j'ay de la peine a croire une nos sauuages d'en
haut et du pais des Illinois viennent cherche icy des marchandises de si loin auec
tant de peine et tant de risque. La pirogue des Baioiigoulas que nous auons
rencontre ne faisoit pas plus de 3 ou 4 lieues par jour. Ils etoient mal vetus pom-
la saison, Car ils n'auoient qu'une demie peau de Cheureil pour se garantir du
froid, encore y auoit-il une vieille.qui etoit si miserable qu'elle n'auoit qu'un peu
de mousse pour se couurir. Plusieurs vieiUes gens parmi tous ces sauuages n'ont
pas d'autres habits.
"Je suis enfin arriue le I7e Decemb. 1700, au fort de Mississipi, apres 63

9°

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.

with our guns. At the last cabins we gave a second, and
having reached the summit of the hill, we gave a third. The
Indians who accompanied us did so also ; and the women
wept bitterly at our departure. At one o'clock we arrived
at our camp, and gave our people an account of all that hap
pened the day previous. They offered the women to our
jours de nauigation en descendant. Ce premier etablissement est au fud de ce
fleuue a iS lieues de son embouchure, II n'y a ni fort n'y bastion, n'y retrenche
ments ni redoutes, tout consiste en une batterie de 6 pieces de canon, de 6 et
de 8 dresse'e sur le bord de la Coste, et en 5 ou 6 Cabannes feparees les unes des'
autres couuertes de lataniers. Le Commandant Mr de Bienville y a une petite
maison assez propre ; Je me suis apperceu en arriuant qu'on commenfoit a crier
a la faim, et que les farines commen9oient a manquer, ce qui m'a oblige pour
n'estre pas a charge a personne de me mettre aux viures sauuages, et de me con-
tenter de bled-d'Inde fans viande n'y poisson, jusqu'a I'arriuee des vaisseaux
qu'on n'attend gueres qu'a la fin de Mars ; si I'on etablit le Mississipi I'on
transportera le fort, ou plustot on le fera aux Baiougoulas a 40 lieues plus haut :
car les grandes eaux debordent si furieusement icy qu'ils ont este 4 mois dans
I'eau, et souuent jusqu'a mi-jambe hors de leurs Cabannes quoique les Sauuages
les eussent asseurez que ce lieu n'inondoit jamais. Le bled qu'on auoit feme
icy etoit deja assez haut quand Flnondaon, qui se fit d'un furieux coup de mer
dans le mois d'Aoust I'emporta. Le jardinage n'a gueres mieux reussi, outre
qu'il y a une grande quantite de serpents noirs qui mangent les laictiies at les
autres legumes jusqu'a la racine. Pour ce qui est du fort de Bilocchi a lieues
d'icy, outre que Fair y est meilleur, le pais plus decouvert I'on y fait toute sorte
de jardinages. Le cheureuil en est tout proche et il y a tres bonne chasse ; et
pour y temperer la chaleur qui y seroit excessive, tous les jours une heure ou
deux auant midy, il vient un vent de la mer qu'ils appellent la brise qui rafraichit
Fair. II n'y a que Feau qui n'y est pas fort bonne. C'est une petite source qui
la leur fournit ; car celle de la Baye est plusque sommatre et n'est pas potable.
Cette bale qui donne le nom au fort, prend le sien des sauvages Bilocchis, qui
en sont les plus proches, et s'appelle la baye de Bilocchi. II y a plus de 120
hommes dans ce fort bien regulier auec 12 pieces de canon et autant de pierriers
braques fur les bastions ; II n'y a que les chalouppes et le traversier qui ne porte
pas 100 tonneaux qui puissent entrer dans cette baye, les vaisseaux n'en peuuent

l699-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 9I
officers, who politely thanked them. This was another mark
of their friendship, and of the alliance they desired to make
with us. Two hours after our return we saw the chief, ac
companied with a great number of Indians, bringing with
them a large quantity of Indian corn, already prepared.
approcher que de 5 lieues et demeurent a la rade deuant une Isles, oil il
y a bon mouillage, et que s'appelle FIsle des vaisseaux : II n'y a point de ports
dans tout ce pays que celuy des Pansacolas dont les Espagnoles se sont emparez,
et oil ils ne s'estoient etablis que 3 semaines auant que Mr d'Iberville fut arrive
a la Coste. Le fort de Bilocchi n'est eloigne que de 30 lieues de celuy des
Espagnols, I'entreprise du gouverneur luy reussit mal I'anne'e passee. S'estant
auance auec deux nauires, il fut surpris de trouuer 4 gros vaisseaux a la rade, et
une forte garnison au fort. II dit par galanterie aux officiers qu'il visitoit la
coste pour en chasser les Anglois. Mr d'Iberville qui visitoit le Mississipi
auoit auerti de se menager auec les Espagnols et de bien recevoir le gouuerneur
s'il venoit a son bord selon I'ordre qu'il en auoit luy meme de la cour ; il fut
regale raagnifiquement, Vive le Roy de France, Vive le Roy d'Espagne, Vive Mr
d'Iberville, auec quantite de voices de canon, et en partant il laissa une lettre
pour Mr d'Iberuille. C'estoit ses ppsitions dont il scauoit bien qu'on se
moqueroit. A peine eut il quitte nos vaisseaux, qu'il fut pris en pleine mer d'un
coup de vent qui fut ouvrir et perdre son vaisseau. II se sauua dans une
chaloupe avec peu de gens et reuint a nos vaisseaux. Nos officiers faisant
paroitre auoir plus de deplaisir qu'ils n'en auoient, le re9urent parfaitement bien,
I'equiperent genereusement de tout, et le firent reconduire dans une double
chaloupe auec toutes les rames et chapeaux bas, jusqu'a son fort des Pansacolas.
A son depart il fut encore salue d'une decharge de toute nre artillerie. II a
este fait grand maitre de I'artiUerie d'Espagne, et son Major a este fait gouuer
neur qui a enuoye une chaloupe au fort de Bilocchi i Mr de Sauvol pour
reclamer 10 hommes par le Major nouveau, pretendant qu'ils auoient deserte :
mais dans le fond ce n'estoit que pour visiter le fort qui ne les craint pas, et pour
venir chercher de la toile et des hardes ; car ils manquent de tous. lis ont
achepte tout ce qu'ils ont trouue, et dit qu'ils reviendroient quand ils s9auroient
que nos vaisseaux seront arrivez, quoique I'on soit deji court de viures du moins
de farine fran9oise, car le Lard, les Poix et les feues n'y manquent pas encore le
Gouverneur a fait cacher le bled d'Inde, et a fait paroitre du pain Franjois dans

92 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
Each one bore a wooden cross in his hand, and made a sol
emn procession around the one we had planted, throwing
tobacco upon it, and singing after their manner. They then
presented the calumet to our officers, and one of them ad-
tous le fort, il a parfaitement regale le Major de volailles, cochon de lait et
chevreiiil, vin de Madere ; I'equipage a ete regalee a proportion et a donne au
Major toute sorte de rafraichissements pour son retour, et a fait present au
nouveau Gouverneur d'un fusil de grand prix.
" Au reste pour aller d'icy au fort de Bilocchi II faut faire en partant un por
tage d'un bon demi quart de lieiie dans la vase et dans I'eau jusqu'aux genoux,
et faire provision d'eau autant qu'il en faut pour aller jusqu'a Bilocchi car la
petite riviere que I'on trouve a un quart de lieue d'icy est sommatre, c'est a dire
qu'elle est mellee d'Eau de mer, elle se decharge dans un lac de 2 lieues de trav
erse et apres avoir couru 5 ou 6 lieues au Sudest, sur la mer le long des Isles, on
coupe au nordest, au large des Isles jusqu'a 7 lieiles du fort, qu'on gagne la terre
ferme que I'on suit jusqu'a I'entree de la Baye de Bilolchi, a la veiie du fort, oil
il faut traverser.
" J'y suis arriue' le ler jour de l'annee 1701, oil j'ai ete bien re9u du Gouuer
neur. J'y aitiouuj le Peie du Ru, Outre les fonctions de missionre il fait
encore celles d'Aumonier d'une maniere tres edifiante. Je n'ay reste que 'i jours
auec luy ct fay estJ onze jours a me rendre icy par la faute de notre gziide qui a
erdu sa route, et qui nous a fait manquer un vent favorable qui nous eust rendu
au fort le 3e jour, mais apres auoir confomme notre demie barrique d'eau, nous
Fauons remplie d'eau soumatre, qui a fait plus de peine a mes Canoteurs qu'a
raoy qui me suis accoutume a ne guere boire en voyage. Nous auons tous fait
mechante chere ; car nous auons este reduits au seul bled d'Inde durant 4 jours
et il etoit aussi dur apres auoir bouilly toute la nuit dans cette Eau soumatre que
quand on le mettoit dans la chaudiere. Nous allions sur la mer ou golfe Mex-
ique d'Isle en Isle, et plus nous nauigions plus nous nous e'loignons dc noire route,
Dans cette extremite n'ayant presque plus d'eau soumatre, nous nous recom-
mandasmes i Dieu. Je promis de faire une neusuaine 4 I'honneur de St. Fran-
9ois Xavier et de dire la messe en actions de graces d^s que je serois arriue au
fort. Le lendemain nous nous rembarquames dans notre canot et a une heure
aprfe midy nous nous trouuSmes a la pointe aleri que nous anions doublee
depuis 4 jours, d'oii nou= auons coupe aux Isles du large. Nous auons fait deux
grandes trauersees de 5 lieues au sud sud est et a la veiie des bois du Mississipi

l699-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 93
dressed M. D'IBERVILLE for the space of half an hour. We
listened to them attentively, although we did not compre
hend a single word they said. The youth danced until
midnight by the light of torches made from dried cane, and
nous sommes enfin graces i Dieu entres dans une riviere oil nous auons etanche
notre soif et qui nous a conduits a demi quart de lieue du Mississipi ou nous
sommes heureusemt arriuez et apres un demi quart de lieue de Portage nous nous
sommes trouuez a 8 petites lieues du fort ou nous sommes arriuez I'onzieme jour
de notre depart de Bilocchi, Sans la protection de St. Fran9ois Xavier je crois
que nous eussions encore long temps rode sans eau. Je suis party le lendemain
pour aller aux .ffazOT/^oa/irj- qui sont 40 lieues plus haut: je n'y ay fait qu'une
partie de ce que je voulois y ayant trouue peu de monde. Dieu m'a fait la grace
d'y baptiser un petit enfant de 2 ans moribond a qui j'ay ouuert le ciel.
" Je suis de retour dans ce fort depuis 4 jours. L'arrivee des vaisseaux qu'on
attend de jour en jour me determinera sur ce que je dois faire, si j'attendray
l'arrivee de Mr d'Iberville, ou si je remonteray aux Illinois par les premiers ca-
nots. Au reste il n'y a pas de vaisseaux qui puisse entrer dans la riviere de
Mississipi s'il tire plus de 9 ou 10 pieds d'eau ; Car il n'y en a qu'onze a I'em-
bouchure. L'entree passee, - il n'y a pas de vaisseaux qui ne puissent naviguer
fort avant dans cette riviere. II y a icy 15 i 16 brasses d'eau, la pluspart des
flutes qui n'en tirent que 9 pourroient y entrer bieu auant, Car le batiment An
glois que Mr d'Iberville trouva l'annee passee a 8 lieues d'icy tiroit encore
moins d'eau. Le capitaine auoit pour se conduire la relation de Mr de la Salle,
et de quelques autres fort mauvais memoires qui font mention de I'enibouchure
de ce fleuve. Cet -Anglois qui en parloit i Mr de Bienuille s'applaudissoit de ce
qu'il avoit pu trouver I'entree du Mississipi dont un de ceux qui en ont ecrit est
un apostat qui a presente au roy Guillaume la relation du Mississipi, oil il ne
fut jamais, et apres mille mensoiiges et de ridicules vanteries, 11 pretend faire
voir les justes pretentions et le droit incontestable que le Roy Guillaume i sur
le Mississipi etc. *****
"Priez Dieu pour nous, mon R. P. et croyez que je suis avec beaucoup de re
spect dans I'amour de N, S. " Mon reverend Perei
"votre tres humble et tres
" obeissant serviteur " Jacques Gravier.''

94 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
to the music of two sticks which they struck against each
other. During the evening, M. D'IBERVILLE made them
numerous presents, among other things a beautiful embroid
ered scarlet carpet, axes, hatches, etc. On their part, they
presented us with the skins of the bear and deer. During
the night more than forty of them returned to their village,
and brought back a quantity of corn, pumpkins, meat, and
fowls.

1 6990

LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

95

CHAPTER VIII.

|N Sunday, the 22d, the chief of the Ba
yagoulas made a speech to M. d'Iber
VILLE ; the chief of the Oumas did the
same ; they then marched around our
cross, singing and throwing tobacco
upon it, from time to time, as if it were
incense. The preceding day M. D'IBERVILLE asked them if
it was yet very far from the branch of the river? but they
repeated, they had no knowledge of it. We drew a map of
the river with a pencil, and marked the name of the nations
who dwelt upon its borders, but they still persisted in mani
festing their ignorance of that which we sought for. We
thought the chief of the Bayagoulas had prevented them
from giving information, for the reasons already stated. We
asked them how far it was to the Coroas, a nation living on
the river above them, and mentioned in the narrative of M.
DE LA Salle. They gave us to understand it was nine days'
journey. We feigned a desire to go there for the purpose
of seeifig an Indian who would go with us, and who was a
Tensas, a nation living above the Coroas. About ten o'clock

96 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
we embarked ; the chief of the Oumas, and some of his prin
cipal men came to escort INI. D'IBERVILLE to the boats,
taking him by the arm for that purpose. The chief of the
Bayagoulas did the same to M. DE SaUVOL, to whom they
extended the calumet. Eight of them, including the wife of
the chief, embarked in a canoe to accompan)- us to the village
of the Chclouels, who are their allies. ]\I. D'IBERVILLE, took
the Tensas \\\t\\ him, in order that he might point out to him
(la Foiirche) the branch of the river, but he persisted in say
ing there was none. He gave us to understand that the Ou
mas had been expecting us at their village for three days
past, and were waiting to entertain us. Their village is on
the other side of the river, in a direct line not over two short
leagues distant ; whilst to follow the course of the river the
distance is eighteen leagues. He also traced for us the course
of the river, the nations who dwell upon its borders and its
tributaries. We landed again after having gone about a
league for the double purpose of dining and again interroga
ting them relative to the branch of the river, but they still
insisted there was none. After two hours' reflection M.
d'Iberville resolved to proceed no farther, but to return to
the ships. At three o'clock we embarked in our boats and
landed at the Oumas. As soon as we arrived M. DE BIEN
VILLE and two Canadians set out for their village, which is
about two leagues distant on the bank of the river. The
route thither is very difficult ; nevertheless, they arrived
there at six o'clock. They found there the chief of the
Bayagoulas, whom we had left on the river bank when we

1699.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

97

parted. We told them, if they desired to come with us to
their village, we would start early next morning, and that it
was for this purpose that we were come to the village of the
Oumas. They promised us to be ready early in the morn
ing, and descend the river with us. They then departed, and
we retired to our tents at eight o'clock. They told us the
women wept at our departure, sympathizing with the diffi
culties we had encountered in so long a voyage. A short
time after, three women arrived with a load of pumpkins,
M. d'Iberville presented them with some strings of small
bells, and they promised to return in the morning.
On Monday, the 23d, the chief of the Oumas, with two of
his principal men, came, holding a small wooden cross in
their hands, and marched around our cross, upon -which they
threw tobacco ; and soon afterwards, all the inhabitants of
the village arrived, some bringing Indian corn, others millet,
which we accepted. Then the chief presented the calumet
to our officers. M. d'Iberville presented to them hatchets,
knives, mirrors, beads, etc., in exchange for their grain.
They thanked us after their fashion, by uttering three times,
hou ! hou ! Iiou ! Their village is composed of about six or
seven hundred persons, who are more civilized and honest
than the first. M. DE TONTY remained among them some
time, when he came down the river in search of M. DE LA
Salle in the month of April, 1686. They placed their dead
upon elevated platforms, as was done in the other villages.
When any of them are taken sick, the others sing around
him to drive away the evil spirits. The place where we

98 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
landed was elevated ten or twelve feet above the water, but
is inundated m.ore than a foot deep at the period of high
waters, coming from the mountains and melting of the snow,
which generally happens towards the end of April, or the
beginning of May, and by more than two hundred streams
and rivers, which discharge their waters into this. In its
course it tears out great trees by their roots which are carried
away by the current. We met with a multitude of them
on islands far distant from the mouth of the river. At six
o'clock we went on board of our boats. The chief took MM.
d'Iberville and Sauvol by the arm and conducted them
on board. We shouted three times " Vive le roi f" and they
responded after their fashion. This day we made thirteen
leagues upon our journey, and saw that we had shortened
our route by the portage we made on the i8th more than
six leagues, although the distance across was not more than
one hundred paces from one side of the river to the other.
At six o'clock we encamped ; we boiled the pot, with a deer
which had been killed in crossing the river by those who
were in the. bark canoes. It rained nearly all day, which
caused the Bayagoula Indians, who were with us, to stop
about two o'clock.
On Tuesday, the 24th, about six o'clock, we again em
barked. Having gone four leagues, we found the canoe and
the Indians, who had stopped on account of the rain. They
had crossed the portage and abridged their route. At three
o'clock we encountered a small stream, in which there was
but little current, and had the appearance of a lake. The

1 699- J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

99

Indians pointed it out to us, and told us this was the route
to the sea, nearly opposite where our vessels were anchored,
but that it was necessary to make several portages. We walk
ed on foot to its entrance. M. d'Iberville went down it a
piece to see if it would admit our long-boats ; but seeing that
it was clogged up by logs and dead trees fallen across, he re
solved to send us by the way we had come, whilst he took
the resolution to proceed by this channel * with two bark
canoes. He took one Indian with him and gave orders for
presents to the chief of the Bayagoulas. He carried some with
him to present to the Ananis and the Mouloubis, who in
habit the borders of this river, in order to make an alliance
with them. This small channel has its course E. S. E. and
W. N. W. It is four leagues above the village of the Mon
goulachas. The starboard point upon entering has about
ten feet elevation, at the extremity of which is a large tree.
The larboard point is lower, not having more than five feet
above the water. It is about ten paces wide at its entrance.
About seven o'clock we arrived at the village of the Mongou
lachas, and fired a swivel to notify the Indians of our arrival,
although we were in sight of the village. Many of the
Indians came to us singing, and presented the calumet to
M. DE Sauvol. They informed us that the two lost men
were at their village, which gave us joy inexpressible, for we
feared that they were lost forever. During the interval the
wallet of Father ANASTASIUS, in which was his breviary,

* The river, or small stream, was afterwards known by the name of Iberville.

lOO

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.

was lost, together with a manuscript narrative of all that
had passed during the voyage. He thought it had been
stolen from him by an Indian, who had embarked with us
from the Oumas, because he had his eyes constantly fixed
upon it. This loss rendered him inconsolable.
On ^^'ednesday, the 25th, the da)^ of the Annunciation of
the Holy Virgin, at six o'clock in the morning. Father
Anastasius returned to the village with our officers, they
for procuring provisions, he for the purpose of hunting up
his breviar)-. He made complaint to the chief that some of
those who had visited our tents in the morning had stolen
his breviary. The chief comprehended him and called out
for his people to assemble, which they did immediately. He
asked if any of them had found the wallet. At the same
time Father An.VSTASIUS began weeping to arouse their
s)-mpathies. These poor people appeared very much dis
concerted, and looked at each other in astonishment. Finally,
as it could not be found. Father Anastasius was obliged to
return after having wept in vain at all their cabins. We
gave the chief to understand that our officers were waiting
for him at the bank of the river. They signified that they
were pulling corn to bring to us, to make bread with,
and whilst waiting we made an exchange of a gun for a
young Indian slave of twelve or thirteen years of age ; we
also gave them some powder and balls. This poor child,
although she was a slave, wept bitteriy at parting with these
savages. Eariy next morning we again visited the village, when the

l699-] lOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. lOI
chiei oi iWe Mongoulachas gave to M. DE Sauvol a letter
from M. DE Tonty, written from the nation of the Qniii-
nipissas, in the month of April, 1686, addressed to M. DE
LA Salle, in which he stated that he had descended the river
with twenty-five Frenchmen, five Illinois, and five Chaouanons,
who dwelt upon t\\e Illinois River, where M. DE LA Salle
had built Fort St. Louis. There were in. all thirty-five men.
He mentioned, that having learned that his vessels were
lost and that he was at war with the savages on, the sea
board, he had descended to bring him relief. Pie gave him
all the news from Canada, and concluded by stating that he
had made peace with all the tribes through which he had
passed. M. DE LA Salle had previously left France, in
1684,* to seek for the mouth of the River Mississippi, in the
Gulf of Mexico, and having gone beyond it (as we have seen
from the journal of the pilot who was with him), he did not
recognize it. Moreover, he had descended the river at a
time when the country was overflowed, and returned when
the waters were low, which caused him to deviate from his
true course more than eighty leagues to the west. The in
habitants of St. Domingo had told" him that the tides would
carry him in an easterly direction ; a fact which is true of
the Bahama Channel; but when one has entered the gulf,
the tides have westerly bearing, a circumstance which was
the cause of his error and misfortune. Finally, M. DE TONTY

* Joutel's Historical Journal of M. DE LA Salle's last Voyage, in 1684, to
discover the mouth of the Mississippi. Historical Coll. of Louisiana, vol. I.
pp. 85-195.

I02

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.

returned, contenting himself with leaving this letter,* and
another one eight leagues from the sea, suspended upon
a tree. He had sent two canoes, one to the eastward, the
other to the west. They traversed over twenty-five leagues,
but according to their narrative, the want of fresh water
obliged them to return.
The chief had also some engravings ; a Nezu Testament, a
gun and a letter. He preserved them all very carefully. M.
DE Sauvol gave him some hatchets and knives for the
letter, but left with him the engravings and the New Testa
ment. --He gave him, also, some powder. The chief did
not want to show us this letter when we ascended the river,
as he took us to be Spaniards. At ten o'clock we set out in
our boats to return to our ships. We took with us our two
men who were lost, and whom the savages found on the
bank of the river, on their return from hirnting. We saw
those same hunters on the 7th, the time our men got lost.
They remained two days in the woods, among thick cane-
brakes, unable to find the bank of the river, because of its
windings and the thick growth of underbrush. They sub
sisted upon snakes after cutting off the head and tail, as they
could find nothing else to eat. After two days they found
the place of our encampment and remained there for some
time. They then followed the bank of the river, ascending,
because they knew there was a village not very far distant,
* " Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida,'' part I., pp. 30—40. Also
" M. DE Toxty's Memoir, from 1678 to 1691," pp. 53-78.

1 699-] LOUISIANA AND FIORIDA. IO3
as we had been informed by the Indians we had met below.
The .same day they saw two canoes descending the river and
hailed them. The Indians landed, gave them corn and meat,
and told them to remain there until their return in two or
three days, when they would take them back with them.
They returned on the i8th, and brought them to the village,
where they were supplied with sagamite, corn bread, and
pumpkins, cooked upon coals. They made signs to them
not to eat too much, for fear it might not agree with them.
The chief treated them with the greatest kindness in the
world, and even offered to go home with them himself, to our
ships; this offer was made upon condition that we did not
return this way. At six o'clock we encamped about two
leagues below the place where our men were lost. We made '
twelve leagues this day.

I04

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF

[1699.

CHAPTER IX.

N Thursday, the 26th, we started at four
o'clock in the morning, having break
fasted upon sagamite, which we had
cooked the night before, together with
some provisions remaining of those we
had obtained from the Oumas. At five
o'clock we landed upon the starboard side (right bank), hav
ing made nineteen leagues this day. On Friday, the 27th,
we landed at five in the evening, having gone sixteen
leagues. The bread we had was so sour and mouldy that it
was almost impossible to eat of it. On Saturday, the 28th,
we pursued our route at six o'clock, and at ten found two
outlets or arms of water which ran nearly parallel with each
other, one running S., the other S. E. M. DE BlENVILLE
stopped at the forks to wait for us. He asked M. DE Sau-
VOL if he wished to make soundings in descending to the
sea, who replied that it was not necessary, as the sea was
already in sight on the west, and the other outlets appeared
to be obstructed by small islands and trunks of trees.
M. d'Iberville had given him orders to sound the passes,

l699-] LOUISIANA AND FIORIDA. I05
more particularly that which discharges itself to the east
ward, and which was a half league lower down. We, in fact,
found it about a half hour afterward. It is divided into
two passes, and runs directly N. N. E. and E. We took
the one to the west, and upon sounding at the entrance
found eight fathoms, but an instant after we grounded.
The boat rounded to, on account of the rapidity of the cur
rent passing out to the sea. The other boat following,
grounded and made fast in the river. One of our men
jumped into the water and carried a cable to them, by which
it was hauled offi We remained here some time to take
the altitude and discover the exact latitude of the mouth,
which \^as only two and a half leagues from that spot. We
made it 28° 41'. Descending a little lower down, we landed
to pitch our tents. Our men went out hunting, and killed
some ducks. W^e found a species of wild cat, rather larger
than those of Europe, with a head somewhat resembling a
fox's. .We killed them with clubs. They had a strong
fishy flavor, as they live upon them and such birds as they
can catch. I believe they are amphibious.
On Sunday, the 29th, we embarked with^a hght breeze
from the E. S. E. As we approached the pass we found the
depth of water diminishing gradually from six, four, and
three fathoms, and passed into fourteen, thirteen, and eleven
feet of water in the middle of the channel, which was not
more than a pistol-shot in breadth. There were breakers on
both sides. We steered directly east in going out. We
saw eight passes in going out. The two to the north ap-

Io6 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
peared filled with breakers everywhere, which obliged us to
take the one to the south, where I believe in low water
there ought to be twelve feet of water; but there is now
two feet of bank (or levee), caused by the sea being always
rough, on account of the depth of water and the rapidity of
the current. In going out of this pass we found from fifteen
to sixteen feet of water.
When we got a little sea-room we steered directly N.
along the mud mounds, which seem nearly to barricade
the entire entrance, which here lies N. and S. We dis
covered a bay that runs W. and N. W. We steered N. W.
for two leagues, the wind ranging E. and N. E., weather fine.
Towards noon we saw, from the topmast, an island -which we
could not clear on account of the wind. One league from
this island, in a westerly direction, we saw breakers running
S. "W"., and when we were in musket-shot of the point, being
very much embarrassed, as we could not see the land, al
though the weather was clear, we resolved to pass between
the breakers, and in case of to'uching bottom, to throw our
selves into the sea and shove off our boats, which, thank
God, w"e were not obliged to do ; for we passed them very
easily, although slightly touching. One of our men went up
the mast to see if there was any other island on which we
could encamp for the night. He only saw one, which appeared
large and full of lakes. We had much difficulty in reaching
the shore. There were many fish of the species of the sting
ray, armed with a dart, by which one of our sailors was
wounded. The puncture was so dangerous that he feared

1 699- J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 1 07
he would lose his leg, and it was two months before he was
able to walk. This island, from its .center, was ten leagues
N. E. from the mouth of the river.
On Monday, the 30th, the crews of the two boats pushed
them off one after the other, as, the sea having subsided, they
were hard aground. We sailed directly north, with little
wind and no land in sight on either side. At eight o'clock we
saw a large island before us. At nine o'clock we were oppo
site to it. It is distant and extends about three leagues
north from the last one. Towards noon the wind sprang up
and we made N. E., to pass between two small submerged
islands, which we had left to the starboard of us. At four
o'clock we reached an island which appeared two leagues in
length. There were. several small islands to the larboard of
us, which are nothing but a portion of the main land. As
we approached we saw a point making into the open sea,
which we doubled by steering N. N. E. Afterwards we made
N. y^ N. W., for an island which was two leagues in advance
of us, where we arrived at six o'clock. As the wind had
freshened, we made for the leeward point, where there was
a shell-bank about seven feet high, and a quantity of salt
thrown up by the sea in time of storms. We threw up a
shelter for the night, but the musquitoes were so troublesome
that they nearly devoured us, although we kindled fires to
drive them away. At nine o'clock we saw a large fire to the
N. W. y^ W. of us, at a great distance offi We could not
tell if it was on an island or on the main land. Our progress
this day was fifteen leagues north.

I08 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
On Tuesday, March 31st, we set sail, wind E. S. E. We
steered X. X. W., for fear of missing our ships, and in order
to reconnoiter the river ; after proceeding an hour alternately
by oar and sail, we saw a cluster of islands which formed a
kind of bay, through which there appeared to be a pass.
They seemed to form a counter coast and were nearly con
tiguous to the main land. Those to the X^. E. appeared high,
covered with large trees. We recognized them as the islands
h'ing two leagues to the west of our shipping ; a circum
stance that gave us great joy, being about to end the misery
we had suffered during this long and painful voyage. After
having doubled this island we saw the two ships to th? east
of us ; and were obliged to bend to the oars, as the H-ind was
dir';ctl\- ahead, and -strong t;nough to raise a large swell of
the sea. We reached our ships a little after midday. We
learned that M. d'Iberville had arrived on board his
frigate that morning, with the two bark canoes, which we
had left behind more than sixty leagues up the river. He
had made his way through a small body of water which
discharges itself nearly opposite our vessels, and is nothing
more than a lake. They were obliged to make more than
eighty portages, on account of the vast number of fallen
trees that crossed each other in every direction in this small
channel (canal). They told us they had run great risks from
the numerous crocodiles that swarmed in those lakes. They
said also that they had seen hundreds of buffaloes. The
same day :\l. d'Iberville detached AIM. de Sauvol, de
LA Villantray, and DES Ourdys, ensigns, to sound a river

1699-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 109
lying ten leagues to the east of our anchorage, in order to
establish a small colony there, as he was unable to find a
suitable place upon the river on account of its overflows.
On Wednesday, April ist, the felucca returned with the
report that there was not sufficient water to land. On
Thursday, the 2d, MM. d'Iberville, and de Sauvol went
with two feluccas to sound the coast and a river to the west
of us, where he had passed after leaving us in the Mississippi.
On Friday, the 3d, at ten o'clock at night, our officers arrived
on board, after much difficulty, having deviated from their
route by reason of the thick fog prevailing, and having
passed the island where we were anchored, and not being
able to distinguish the light we had placed on the mizzen top
mast. The sea was so rough, they came near being lost in
the small boats. Saturday, the 4th, the wind blew so strong
from the north as to prevent our gun-boats and long-boats
from taking their departure for the river which is ten leagues
to the eastward of us, there being no other suitable place
found along the coast to effect a landing. On Sunday, the
Sth, at seven o'clock, MM. d'Iberville, de SurgMes, and
the other chief officers, took their departure in two feluccas,
with forty men, from each ship, soldiers, as well as carpen
ters and sailors, with a number of axes and other iron instru
ments, to clear away the trees on the bank of the river which
M. DE Sauvol de la Villantray had discovered.
On Monday, 6th, MM. DE L'ESQUELET and Bienville
returned, and reported that the place was unsuitable for an
establishment, as there was not a sufficiency of water on

no HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
the bar to permit the long-boats to pass over, which gave a
great deal of uneasiness to M. d'Iberville and the other
officers. On Tuesday, the 7th, AIM. D'IBERVILLE and SUR-
geres went in search of a place, and observed an elevated
situation that appeared very suitable. ~ They sounded and
found seven to eight feet water, which induced them to
cross with their boats, and construct the fort there, as they
could find no spot more convenient, and our provisions
failing, we could search no longer. On Wednesday, the %th,
zee commenced to cut away the trees preparatory for the
construction of the fort. All our men worked vigorously,
and at the end of the month it was finished. In the mean
time, the boats were actively engaged transporting the
powder, guns, and ammunition, as well as the live stock,
such as bulls, cows, hogs, fowls, turkeys, etc. In fact, every
thing was taken from the ships that could be spared, leaving
only what was absolutely necessary for our return to France.
On Palm Sunday, the 12th, Father ANASTASIUS went on
shore with AI. DE Beauharnais, ensign, at four o'clock in
the morning, to perform the ceremony of Alass to our people
who were working at the fort ; but the wind rising, they
were obliged to put back. The wind slacking at eleven
o'clock they set off in the long-boat. At two o'clock AI. DE
Surgeres returned in a felucca. On Holy Thursday, the
i6th, Father ANASTASIUS went on shore with AI. DE BEAU
HARNAIS to administer the Holy Sacrament to those working
at the fort. The long-boat was laden with guns and balls.
Scarcely had they gone a league from the ships when the

l699-J , LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. Ill
wind sprang up with great violence, and the rain fell in
torrents, so as to render it necessary for two men to keep
bailing the boat, which came within little of being swamped.
We wished ourselves on board of the ships ; nevertheless,
we kept on our route and arrived at the fort at two o'clock.
The rail! continued from Friday, the 17th, to Saturday, the
I Sth, and poured down as if the flood-gates of heaven were
opened ; the waters of the lake for some distance around
were fresh several days from the heavy rains, a thing almost
inconceivable, but true.
On Easter Sunday, the T9th, Father Anastasius confessed
all those who presented themselves ; he then performed
Mass, and afterwards Vespers, and delivered a sermon.
On Monday, the 20th, at eleven o'clock, Father ANASTA
SIUS, having finished confessing, departed with M. DE L'ES
QUELET for the ships, to administer the Sacrament to all
those who had not yet received tt-. We continued to work
actively on the fort, and to designate those who were to
remain there. For that purpose the very best men were
selected, with two detachments of soldiers to place with the
Canadians and workmen, and the sailors who were to serve
on the gunboats. M. DE SauvoL DE LA VILLANTRAY,* Lieu-
* It does not appear, from the letters or journal of M. DE Sauvol de la
Villantray, that he was a brother of M. d'Ibervlile, although often so stated
by American historians. M. DE Sauvol's life in Louisiana was short ; he died
at Fort Maurepas, Biloxi, of yellow fever, Aug. 2lst, 1701, during the absence of
M. d'Iberville in France. He left an interesting journal of what took place
from his arrival in Louisiana up to within a few days of his death ; Avhich
has been published in the third volume, first series, of the Historical Collections
of Louisiana, pp. 223-240.
9

1X2 HISTORICAI COLLECTIONS OF . [1699.
tenant of a company, and naval ensign of the frigate La
Marin, was made Governor; AI. DE BlENVILLE of the marine
guard of the frigate La Baditie next in command ; and after
him AI. LevaSSEUR, a Canadian.
On Friday, the 1st Alay, and Saturday, the 2d, we brought
on board those who had been working. The fort was made
zvith four bastions, tzvo of them of squared logs, from tzvo to
three feet thick, placed one upon the other, zcith embrasures
for port holes, and a ditch all around. The other tzvo bastions
zi'ire stockaded ivith heavy timbers ziliich took fou, men to lift
one of them. Tzvelvc gutis zvcre mounted.*

-* M. d'Iberville having now built a fort and founded his colony at the bay
of Biloxi, as the most convenient place to establish commercial relations with
the Indian tribes of the country, the West India Islands, Mexico and Europe ;
he set sail for France, but did not return until the following year, when he -ivas
informed by M. de Sauvol that two English armed ships had entered the river
to establish a colony on the banks of the Mississippi. But on being infoi-med
that it was not that river, they sailed back to the Gulf, and went to the province
of Panuco to establish a colony there, which they failed to eff'ect, and afterivards
returned to England. In the meantime, for the safety of the colony, M. d'Iber-
¦^ille ordered another fort to be built on the banks of the river, and returned to
France for more colonists and provisions.

1 699. J

LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

113

CHAPTER X.

]N Sunday, the 3d, M. DE SauvoL came on
board at eight o'clock in the morning to
bid farewell! He debarked on the gun
boat and in parting gave three cheers
of ''Vive le roi." After his departure
M. d'Iberville unfurled his top sails,
and we immediately hoisted anchor, although the wind was
contrary. We cast anchor again in the evening, afterwards
we set sail again, proceeding slowly, as we were obliged to
tack about frequently. Nothing of importance transpired on
the 20th, except that we met a small English vessel. We
then passed the Dry Tortugas and Matanzas. On Friday,
the 22d, we perceived three ships, and waited to follow them,
because no one on board had ever passed up the Bahama
channel. As they approached they hoisted the English flag,
and we hoisted the French flag. The admiral hoisted his
broad pennant, and asked where we were from. We replied
"From St. Domingo." He then asked us if the captain of
the King's ship that was wrecked, was on board. He then
hailed the Badine to know if we were in company, and asked

114 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
where she was from. AI. D'IBERVILLE replied that he was
from the Mississippi, otherwise called the Malbouchia by the
Indians. Seeing that we gave different names, he took us
for corsairs, and as night was approaching, he fired a gun as
signal for the rest of the fleet to keep close to him and be
upon their guard. On Saturday, the 23d, AI. D'IBERVILLE,
wishing to approach the English admiral, the latter made a
signal that he would fire upon him. In fact, we saw that
the port-fires were prepared. They would have been beau
tifuU)- accommodated if they had commenced the action.
After a while they recognized us and made all sorts of pro
fessions of friendship, offering to render us any service in
their power that w-e might need. From that time we fol
lowed them, the wind directly ahead, being forced to keep a
strict look-out.
On Alonday, the 25th, strong breeze ahead. At noon we
broke our rudder and hoisted the red flag. In less than an
hour repaired damages. The English admiral sent a boat on
board to know if we required any assistance. We informed him
that we had broken our rudder, but had made all right, and
thanked him for his polite offer, ^^'e soon after learned that
a similar accident happened to AI. D'IBERVILLE. We were
not done yet. About five o'clock, as we were going to sup
per, we heard three guns fired from the admiral, to notify us
that we were rijnning upon the sandTbanks. In fact, we
had scarcely time to tack about, as the bottom was in full
sight ; we were much alarmed, and, without joking, were
well pleased to be in English company, and guided by their

l699-J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 115
maneuvers, in this channel. On Tuesday, the 26th, we saw
the danger we had passed through, and thanked God for our
safe deliverance. All our men were much fatigued, having
been constantly on duty. The wind becoming favorable,
we parted company with the English, our frigates sailing
much faster than theirs. We kept our course E. N. E., with
fine weather up to the lOth of June.
On Wednesday, the loth June, the wind blew from the S.
W., and at midnight it blew so violently, that we reefed top
sails, and left nothing but the mainsails. Towards noon
the gale increased to such a degree that we were obliged to
reef the mainsails, and run before the wind under bare
poles. At two o'clock the ship was ungovernable, and
shipped water so that everything was afloat upon the lee
ward ports. The sailors were so worn out with fatigue they
could do nothing. We tore away the poop and threw it
overboard, and would have done the same with the guns,
had we not feared being capsized. Finally, having struggled
three quarters of an hour between two seas, without obeying
the helm, she came around and righted herself. We all
thought our last day upon earth had arrived. Two of our
men were drowned from the water which penetrated our
port-holes. The Badine was not so unfortunate as we were.
She had separated from the Marin, and we did not see her
again until our arrival at Rochefort. After this storm we had
fair winds, and cast anchor in the roads of Chebou, on
Tuesday, the last day of June.
On Wednesday, July ist, we transported our sick to the

1X6 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
hospital at Rochefort. It was time that we had returned,
as two-thirds of our men were sick and unfit for duty ; and
on the following day (Thursday), the 2d, we weighed anchor
and went to the island of J ?>, and afterwards entered the
harbor of Rochefort. France, for furtl/er order<^
XOTE. — Instructions were issued for a third voyage to
Louisiana, dated August 27, 1701, and in the following June,
1702, M. d'Iberville returned to France. A war broke out
afterwards between France, Spain, and England, and when
about to set sail a fourth time for the Mississippi, at the close
of the year 1704, he was taken seriously ill at Roclielle, and
was unable to leave France until the Spring of 1706. On
reaching the West Indies, he attacked and captured the
island of Nevis, and on arriving' before //i«:i'«««, the same
year, he died of yellow fever, after a short illness, the colony
having thus lost in him a hero worthy of their admiration
and regret.
/ ADDENDA.
The death of M. D'IBERVILLE was severely felt by the colo
nists, and the more so as, during the long interval of absence
from the colony until his death, jealousies were excited among
the several colonial authorities which proved prejudicial to
the growth of the colony. Even under these adverse circum
stances the colony received more from the bounty of LOUIS
XIV. than was contributed by all the English monarchs
together, for the twelve English colonies on the Atlantic
coast.

1699.] LOUISIANA. AND FLORIDA. WJ
The number of colonists still exceeded that of Jamestown,
in Virginia, and Plymouth, of Massachusetts^;'>F ranee took
possession of Texas, and by no treaty or public document,
except the general cession of Louisiana, nor did she ever after
relinquish her right to that country as colonized under her
banners, and more surely a part of her territory, because the
colony found there its grave. And notwithstanding the
French had been more than once frustrated by Spain in their
attempts to form a settlement on the bay of St. Bernard
(Matagorda), yet the French continued their efforts, and
sent for this purpose M. DE LA Harpe in 1721, under a Royal
order, with troops, engineers, and draftsmen, to make a more
accurate survey of the country than had been done by his
predecessors. He found at the entrance to the bay twelve feet of water on
the bar, and four large rivers falling into it, also the country
fertile and beautiful ; and on the coast of this bay he planted
the arms of France, and took formal possession, in the name
of his Sovereign, the right of France to it having been de
rived from the actual discovery, settlement, and possession
of M. DE LA Salle, in 1685. (See. y out el, Tonty, and La
Harpe' s Historical Journals, published in vols, i and 3 of the
first series of the Historical Collections of Louisiana.)
France was too feeble to stretch her colonies at this time
far to the west of the Mississippi river, but her rights were es
teemed so clear that in time of peace the attem.pt to occupy
the country was renewed. This second attempt of M. DE LA
Harpe to plant a colony near the bay of Matagorda had no

Il8 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
Other result than to incense the natives against the French,
and to stimulate the Spaniards to the occupation of the coun
try by forts. Yet the French ever regarded the mouth of the
Rio del Xorte as the western limit of Louisiana.
After the purchase of Louisiana from France, in 1803, a
negotiation took place in 1804 between the United States and
Spain, to determine the southwestern boundary of Louisiana ;
but the claims of the former were regarded to be inadmissi
ble, and the discussions were broken off. Finally, in 18x9, the
discussion was renewed at the request of Spain, in relation
to the Floridas, as well as the boundary line of Louisiana;
and the only authorities produced on the part of the United
States, of the slightest value, w6re the journal of La Salle's
expedition to Texas, by JOUTEL, in 1685 ; the letters of
La Harpe ; and the orders of Governor Bienville, pub
lished in vol. 3 of the first series of the " Historical Collections
of Louisiana ;" while Spain showed that, in 1698, she built
the Presidio of San Antonio de Bexar ; and in 17x6, that of
Espiritu Santo, subsequently called Goliad, and claimed the
territor)- watered b)- the Guadaloupe, and all to the west of it,
by which she obtained an undisputed right, both b)^ occupa
tion and discover)-, as La Salle never went far to the west
of the Colorado river, while to the east of the Colorado, on
account of his discover)-, could an)- French claim be possibly
set up. Louisiana remained a French colon)' until 1763. By
the treaty of Paris, on the 10th of Februar)', of that )-ear,
made between England, France, and Spain, the countries of
Xova Scotia, Canada, and Cape Breton were ceded to Eng-

I699-J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

119

land, and the limits of the remaining French settlements on
the west were irrevocably fixed by a line drawn along the
middle of the river Mississippi from its sources to the river
Iberville, and from thence by a line drawn along the middle
to this river and the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the
sea. The river and fort of Mobile, and everything which
France possessed being ceded, except the town of New Or
leans, and the island on which it is situated. By the twenti
eth article of the same treaty, Spain ceded to England Flor
ida, with fort St. Augustine, and the bay of Pensacola, and
all that it possessed on the continent of North America, to
the E. or S. E. of the river Mississippi.
By a secret treaty of Nov. 3, 1762, signed the same day on
which the preliminaries of peace between Great Britain,
France, and Spain were signed, in which France ceded to
Spain " all the country known under the name of Louisiana,
as also New Orleans and the island on which it is situated "• —
that is, so much of Louisiana as had not been agreed to be
transferred by France to Great Britain.
On the 3d September, 1783, by the treaty made with Spain,
East and West Plorida were ceded by Great Britain, and
Spain thus became again possessed of these, her ancient col
onies. By the treaty also made on the 3d September, 1783,
between Great Britain and the United States of America, the
independence of these States was recognized, and their north
western, western, and southern boundaries were defined. In
October, 1800, Louisiana was retroceded by Spain to France,
" with the .same extent that it now has in the hands of Spain,

120 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
and that it had when France possessed it, and such as it
should be after the treaties subsequently entered into be
tween Spain, and other States." It was an act of retroces
sion, but it transferred so much less than France originally
held, as had been shorn from it by the treaty of 1763, which
gave to Great Britain, and through Great Britain to the
United States, nearly- the entire eastern bank of the Missis
sippi. In X803, France sold Louisiana to the United States,
the entire country originally held by her, and retroceded by
Spain. In 1804 a negotiation took place between the gov
ernment of the United States and Spain to determine the
southwestern boundary of Louisiana ; but the claims of the
former were regarded to be inadmissible, and the discussions
were broken off.
In 1 8 19 the negotiations between Spain and the United
States were again renewed, and were finally terminated by a
treaty, called the Florida Treaty, signed at Washington, Feb.
22, X819.
The claim of the United States to all Texas was then
abandoned. The southwestern boundary of Louisiana, pre
vious to this treaty, was the Aroyo, midway between Natchi
toches and the Adais, this having been the dividing line before
the session of Louisiana to Spain, in 1762. By the Florida
treaty, the boundary west was fixed to be the river Sabine to
32° latitude, thence due north to the Rio Roxo or Red river, of
Natchitoches, thence westward along this river to 100° west
longitude, from Greenwich, and 23^^ from Washington ; thence
to its source in 42" latitude until it meets the parallel of lati-

l699.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 121
tude 42°, and thence along this parallel to the Pacific. The
reason, therefore, for abandoning the claims to Texas, made
by the United States, was the acquisition of the Floridas.
This peaceable settlement of the Texas territory after
wards finally resulted in its annexation to the United States
in 1845, under different circumstances, and after the people
of that Republic had established an independent govern
ment. Those who had opposed the measure, both in and
out of Congress, now looked upon it with other eyes, and all
agreed that the United States could not do without Texas.
Among those who most rejoiced was the the venerable ex-
president Andrew Jackson. He had watched the struggle
of the Infant Republic for Independence since 1835, with an
earnest solicitude ; and when the question of annexation
came before Congress, he viewed it as absolutely necessary,
to carry out the " MONROE doctrine," and prevent hereafter
the intermeddling of European powers with the governments
of this continent.

MEMOIR OF THE TAKING POSSESSION OF THE COUNTRY OX
THE UPPER MISSISSIPPI. Canada, Bay des Puants.
Record of the Taking Possession, in His Majesty's Name, of the Bay des Puants
(Green Bay), of the Lake and Rivers of the Outagamis (Fox River), and
Maskoutins (Lake Winnebago), of the River Ouiskonche (Wisconsin), and
that of the Missiscipi, the Country of the Nadouesioux, the Rivers Ste.
Croix and 5/. Peter, and other places more remote. Sth May, i68g.
ICHOLAS PERROT, commanding for the King at the post of the
Nadouesioux, commissioned by the Marquis de Denonville,
Governor and Lieutenant General of all New France, to manage
the interest of commerce among all the Indian tribes and peoples
of the Bay des Puants, Nadouesioux, Mascoutins, and other Western Nations of
the Upper Mississipi, and to take possession in the King's name, of all the
places where he has hitherto been, and whither he will go.
We this day, the eighth of May one thousand six hundred and eighty, do, in
presence of the Reverend Father M.^rest of the Society of Jesus, Missionary
among the Nadouesioux ; of Monsr DE BoRiE-GuiLLOT, commanding the
French in the neighborhood of Ouiskonche, on the Mississipi; AuGUSTiN
Legardeur Esquire, Sieur de Caumont, and of Messieurs le Sueur, Her
bert, Lemire and Blein ; Declare to all whom it may Concern, that having
come from the Bay des Puants, and to the lake of the Ouiskonches, and to the
river Mississif'i, we did transport ourselves to the Country of the Nadouesioux,
on the border of the river Saint Croix, and at the mouth of the River Saint Peter,
on the bank of which were tlie Manfantans, and farther up into the interior to
the North east of the Mississipi as far as the Mcnchokatonx, with whom dwell
the majority of the Songestikons and other Nadouessioux, who are to the North
east of the Mississippi to take possession for, and in the name of the King, of '
the countries and rivers inhabited by the said tribes, and of which they are
proprietors. The present Act, done in our presence. Signed with our hand, and
subscribed by the Reverend Father iL\REST, Messrs. DE BORIE GUILLOT and
Caumont, and the Sieurs LE Sueur, Hebert, Lemire and Blein.
Done at the Post, St, Anthony, the day and year aforesaid. These presents
are in duplicate ; Signed to the Original — Joseph Jean Marest of the Society
of Jesus ; N. Perot, Legardeur de Caumont, le Sueur ; Jean Hebert,
JosEFH Lemire and F. Blein.

iWemoii-

SENT BY THE KING TO M. DE DENONVILLE, GOVERNOR-GEN
ERAL OF NEW FRANCE, EXPLANATORY OF THE FRENCH
POSSESSIONS IN NORTH AMERICA, ESPECIALLY THE SOUTH
PART OF ACADIA, FROM PANTAGOUET TO THE KENNE-
BECK RIVER ; OF THE IROQUOIS AND HUDSON'S BAY ; DONE
AT VERSAILLES, THE 8th MARCH, 1668.
Signed, LOUIS.
And lower down. COLBERT.

TRANSLATED FROM A COPY OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT, DEPOSITED IN THE
ARCHIVES OF THE MINISTERE DE LA MARINE ET DES COLONIES, PARIS.
fr.:3,,c.e.. So\/arei'^>--s,e.tc. , /£.+3 - /7/S" (
T — '  ^i 
CHAPTER I.

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]EMOIR or Abstract of the discoveries of
New France, as well of what we, as of
what the English have discovered from
the Virginias to Davis Strait, as of what
they and we can pretend to according to
the report of the historians who have
written thereupon, as I report below, which will enable
every one to judge dispassionately of the whole.
If a desire exist, then, to treat this matter thoroughly,
and to be perfectly informed of the right of the French and
of the English, it is necessary only to read the abstract of

124 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
Sieur DE CHAMPLAIN :" ever>-thing will be found very well
examined, and it will appear that the French have taken
possession of all the countries from Florida to Cape Breton,
prior to any other Christian prince.
That in X504, the Bretons and the Xormands -f- first dis
covered the Great Bank and X'ewfoundland, as can be seen
in the " History of Sieur WiTFLIET DE AIagin," printed at
Douay (entitled, " Descriptionis Ptolemaiea: Argumentiim ").
In 1524, Jean Verrazzano, in virtue of a commission
from Fr.ANCIS L, took possession of the territor)-, beginning
at the thirty-third de-jree of latitude, as far as fort)--seventh.
In 1562, Ribault and Laudonniere, having gone to
Florida, by authorit)' of King CHARLES IX., to inhabit and
cultivate that countr)', founded Carolina there in -the thirty-
fifth and thirty-sixth degrees.*
¦* " Les Vcyagcs de la Noiivelle France Occidentale," par le Sr. DE Ch.AMPLAIN,
Geographer to the King. Paris, 1632.
\ The first voyages of the Bretons of St. Male, and the Normans oi Dieppe, which
occurred in 1504, were exploring as well as fishing voyages. Two years later, in
1506, JTLXS Den-V5 explored the Gulf of St. La-n-cncr {Golfo Quadrado), and
made a chart of the Gulf and of the mouth of the St. Ljicrcnce. The Bretons
and the Normands went over from the Banks of Newfoundland to the continent,
from fishing to planting. They carried the race, the language, the religion, the
customs, and also the traditions and the songs, of Western France to North
eastem America, where, for a long time, they outstripped the English, the Por
tuguese, and the Spaniards, and became for many years more influential than all
their rivals ; and, for a long time, was the battle ground for the conflicting
claims of France and England.
X bee Ribault's account of his first voyage to colonize Florida, in i;62,
printed in this volume with notes. Also. Laudonniere's history of the voyages
made by him and Ribault to found a colony of French Protestants in Florida,
13' 4-:- {See firs! series of the Historical Collections of Louisiana and Flonda,
fp. 165-360.)

1 699- J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 125
But particularly in 1603 and following years, Sieur DE
CHAMPLAIN, being in Canada, was in command of that
colony, and in 1609 went with two other Frenchmen into
Lake Champlain, of which he took possession in the name of
King Henry IV., and called it after himself; and that after
he had discovered Lake Champlain, he went as far as the
country of the Iroquois.
In the years 16x1 and x6i2, he ascended the Grand river
{Ottawa), as far as Lake Huron, called the Fresh Sea ; he '
went thence to the Petun nation, next to the Neutral n2.\:\oi\
and to the Macoutins, who were then residing near the place
called the Sakiman ; from that he went to the Algonquin and
Huron tribes, at war against the Iroquois.
And as it is an established custom and right, recognized
among all Christian nations, that the finst discoverers of an
unknown country not inhabited by Europeans, who plant
the arms of their prince there, acquire the property of that
country for that prince in whose name they have taken pos
session of it.
On that principle, and.no author being found who states
that the English had taken possession of the countries of
Canada, or discovered them, unless subsequently to the
French, they having come to the countries of Canada, Vir
ginia, and F"lorida, only in -1594, whilst the French took pos
session of them in 1504, 1524, 1534, and 1562, which fact the
English, cannot question, inasmuch as JACQUES Cartier*
'" Cartier, after having explored, to a considerable extent, the gulf coast of
the St. Lawrence, on the 24th July, 1534, entered Gasptf Bay, and erected a

126 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
visited in 1534 all the coasts of that country; his relations
and those of Alphonse Xaintongois and Verrazzano
attest it, and are inserted at length in the collections of
divers accounts which PURCHAS and Hackluyt, English
men, have published in London, in their language. And it
is notorious that Sieur Cfiamplain did for many years pros
ecute the fur trade at the place where Boston now stands,
and farther down towards the north or east, along the same
coast, during more than ten years, before any English or
Dutch inhabited that quarter.
The foundation of the English pretenses is this : — About
the )'ear 1594, some Englishmen being on the coasts of
Florida, arrived at a place they called Mocosa, and which
they since named Virginia. jAMES, King of England, granted
them, for their encouragement, great privileges, among
others to extend their right from the thirty-third degree to
the forty-fifth or forty-sixth. The Royal Charter was issued
on the loth of April, 1607, in these words : Potcstatem faci-
mus occupandi possidendique tractus omnes ad graduni usque
quadragesimum quintuui ita si a christianoritm principe nullo
tencantur. This is all the foundation the English have ; it is mani
festly null, because it is stated in the above letters patent of
King James : — We grant them all the countries up to the
fort)--fifth degree, not possessed by any Christian prince.

cross thirty feet high, and took possession of the country for his King, and on
the 25th set sail for France, and arrived at St. Malo on the 5th September, 1534.

1699.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 127
Now, it is indubitable that at the date of the aforesaid grant
the King of France was in possession of at least up to the
fortieth degree of latitude, the place where the Dutch since
settled. And in 1603 Commander DE Chastes was lieutenant-gen
eral for the Most Christian King in New France from the
fortieth to the fifty-second degree, and it is even certain, as
already stated, that, as early as the year 1523, Jean VER
RAZZANO took possession of all the countries from the
thirty-third to the forty-seventh degree.
And in 1564-5 the French, in the name of Charles IX.,
took possession of Florida, in the thirtieth and thirty-first
degrees, where fort Caroline was situate. All this is clearly
seen in the Abstract of Sieur DE CHAMPLAIN, which
it is well to consult in order to have fuller knowledge
thereof. The King's edict of the month of May, 1664, will also
show, among other things, that the property of Canada,
Acadia, the island of Newfoundland, etc., the main lands
from the north of Canada unto Virginia and Florida, did be
long to the West India Company, to which it was granted
by the King, as far and as deep as they could extend into
the interior.
And by another, revoking said Company, of the month of
December, 1674, his Majesty .has united to and incorporated
with the domain of his crowri all the said lands and coun
tries, to wit, among others, Canada or New France, Acadia,
the island of Newfoundland and other islands, and the main

128 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
land from the north of said countr)- of Canada unto Virginia
and Florida.*
Acadia having been taken b)- the English from the French
during the war between France and England, and peace be
ing afterwards concluded between the two crowns, Che\-a-
lier DE Grandfontaine, his Most Christian AIaje.sty's
commander throughout the entire coasts and countries of

*When the French began their settlements in Canada, or New- France, the
country was one vast and unbounded forest, and property was granted in seign
iories, stretching along the St. Lawrence three hundred miles or more, on both
sides of the river. " It was RiCHELlEU who first planted feudalism in Canada.
It prevailed in old France, and it was natural it should also prevail in the New.
The seignior was usually the immediate vassal of the crown, from which he had
received his land gratuitously. In a few cases he made grants to other seigniors,
inferior in the feudal scale, and they, his vassals, granted in tuin to their vassals,
the habitants or cultivators of the soil. Sometimes the /lalntant held directly of
the crown, in which case there was no step between the highest and lowest
degrees of the feudal scale. The seignior held by the tenure of faith and hom
age ; the habitant, by the inferior tenure en censive. One condition was imposed
on him, which may be said to form the distinctive feature of Canada, on feudal
ism : that of clearing his land within a limited time, on pain of forfeiting it.
As the seignior was often the penniless owner of a domain three or four leagues
wide, and proportion ably deep, he could not clear it himself, and was compelled
to place the greater part in the hands of those who could, but was forbidden to
sell any part of it, and must grant it without price, on condition of a small per
petual rent. The greater part of the grants made by the old company of New
France reverted to the crown for neglect to occupy and improve the land. On
repeated occasions, negligent seigniors lost the whole or a part of their land.
Most of the seigniories were simple yf<f/>, but there were some exceptions. In
1671, the King, as a mark of honorto T.\LON, erected his seigniory Des Ilets into
a barony, and soon after made it an earldom, Comte j the seigniory of St. Laurent,
an earldom ; the seigniory of Portneuf a barony ; and in 1700 three seigniories
on the south side of the St. Lawrence were united into the barony oi Longueil."—
Parkman s Old Regime in Canada. 'I'he income of the seignior was derived

1699-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. X29
Acadia, and Chevalier Temple,* lieutenant-general and
governor of those countries for the King of Great Britain,
made a treaty at Boston on the 7th July, 1670, restoring to
France the forts of Pentagouet, of the river St. John, Port
Royal, Cape Sable, La Heve, and generally all the lands and
rivers comprehended within the said country of Acadia, con
formably to his Britannic Majesty's letter, of which Sieur
DE Grandfontaine was bearer, and Articles X. and XI. of
the Treaty of Breda, as is to be seen by the said treaty, of
the 7th July, 1670.
from the yearly rent of his lands. Possessed of this advantage, he in time
attained a state of comparative affluence ; but by the practice of divisions among
the different children of his family, he, in a few years, became reduced. The
most ample share, which retained the name of the seigniory, is tlie portion of the
oldest son ; the other portions were denominated yf^/j. And in the course of a
few descents, the seignior was possessed of little more than his title. A law abol
ishing feudal tenures was passed in Canada, in 1S54, regulating the relations of
seigniorial landlords and their tenants. The number of fiefs, or feudal estates,
at the time of passing the act, was ascertained to be two hundred and twenty,
possessed by one hundred and sixty seigniors and about seventy-two thousand
renters, occupying over twelve million acres of lard.
* Sir Thomas Temple was a kinsman of Lord Say. Having obtained with
others, from Oliver Cromwell, in 1656, a grant of Acadia, including Nova
Scotia, and come to New England in 1657, when the persecution of the Quakers
was at its height, he endeavored, most humanely, though ineffectually, to save
the lives of those of that sect who were condemned to be executed. He was re-
commissioned Governor of Nova Scotia and Acadia by Charles II. in 1662, in
which year he visited yV>OT York !mA Fort Orange to suppress the incursions of
the Mohawks into his territory. This, however, was soon after ceded to France
by the treaty of Breda. He declined to comply with the terms of the treaty, on
the ground of the non-payment of ;^i6,ooo, which England afterward agreed to
pay him. Thereupon he returned to England, and died in 1674, having devised
his interest to William Nelson, who transferred it, in 1730, to Samuel Waldo
of Bosto7i.

X30 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
¦ In consequence whereof said Sieur DE GrandfoNTAIN^E,
on the X4th of August 'following, commissioned Sieur DE
AIarsC'N sub-lieutenant to take possession of Port Royal
and of the fort of the river St. John, whence it appears that
said Sieur DE GRANDFONTAINE was at Pentagouet ; where
fore, it is to be noted that Sieur Andros, Governor of Bos
ton, ought not to have, this )'ear x688, plundered Sieur DE
St. Castin, at Pentagouet, as he has done.
It is also to be remarked that, besides the said treaty
concluded between said Chevalier DE GRANDFONTAINE
and Chevalier TEMPLE, they have concluded still another,
which bounds the country of Acadia and separates it from
that which the English occupy by the river Kennebeck.
And to come to the right of propert)- the French have
over the countr)- of the Iroquois. In addition to what has
been already stated b)- Sieur DE CHAMPLAIN, he has been
twice at war (in that country) long before the Dutch or Eng
hsh of Manat or Ora7ige had set foot on shore. Xot to
mention the fact that the King has, for over forty years,
kept at his own expense, in the Iroquois country, several
Frenchmen, who, with some Jesuit missionaries, have been
to build and have resided in the five Iroquois cantons all at
the same time, down to these latter days, when the rumors
of war forced them to retire, one after another.

1 699- J

LOUISIANA AND FIORIDA.

131

CHAPTER II.

N 1656, M. DE Lauzon, the King's gov
ernor and lieutenant-general in New
France*, sent, at the solicitation of the
Iroquois themselves, into their country,
to a place called Ganentaa, as many as
.sixty Frenchmen, including a garrison
of twelve soldiers under the command of Sieur DUPUIS,
who caused to be constructed at that place a royal fort,
whither were conveyed four pieces of bronze cannon, w-hich
have remained there, and will be found again by the French
who were there at the time and are still living. This is
proved by said Sieur DUPUIS' commission of the 15th May,
X656. In which country the said sixt)' Frenchmen cleared
and planted lands with French grain and other legumes.

* " The governor-general and the intendant was a military noble, in most
cases bearing a title, and sometimes of high rank. The intendant, as in France,
was usually drawn from the gens de robe, or legal class. The governor was
superior in rank to the intendant. He commanded the troops, and con
ducted relations with foreign colonies and Indian tribes. The intendant was
virtually a spy on the governor-general, and every year he wrote to the Minis
ter of State, filled with- the secrets of the colony, political and personal. The
governor, intendant, and Supreme Council were absolute masters of the prov
ince, under the pleasure of the King." — Parkman's Old Regime in Canada.

132 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
built many large houses, and lived there peaceably and
without any opposition on the part of those who were then
in possession of Manat and Orange, who, far from being
masters of the country of the Iroquois, purchased from them
some portion of their lands, when they wished for any, as
they still do at present. And what is worthy of remark is
that the Iroquois themselves came, in 1655, on an embas.sy
to Quebec to request of said Sieur DE LauzoN those sixty
soldiers aforesaid, and conducted them the following year to
the said place of Ganentaa, where they located, established,
and put them in possession (Inquest made by the Lieuten
ant-Governor of Quebec, the 29th and 30th October, x688.
App. G.), and where they remained until, the Iroquois hav
ing committed some acts of hostility in the direction of
Montreal, the commander of said fort thought proper to
retire with his garrison in order to protect the sixty men
aforesaid from the wicked designs the Iroquois had con
cocted against them.
And in order to show that the country of the Iroquois was
at the disposition of the Governor of Quebec to make
grants thereof, in the same manner as of the other lands of
his government, it is worthy of remark, that, at the time
Sieur DUPUIS was sent with his soldiers on the part of
the King, to construct the aforesaid fort of Ganentaa and
garrison it, AI. DE Lauzon made a grant in due form of a
part of said lands to the Jesuit mis.sionary fathers, who were
of the sixty Frenchmen aforesaid. (The deed is dated the
I2th of April, 1656.)

l699-J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. X33
In 1665, as is proved by the copy of the articles of peace
of the 13th December, 1665, the four Iroquois Nation.s* of
Onnontague, Oneida, Cayuga, and Seneca being come to sue
for peace, it was granted them by M. DE Tracy, according
to the ternfis thereon concluded.
And in order to check the Mohawk Indians, who were
frequently coming to kill our French people even in their
settlements, M. DE Tracy went with an armed force in x666
as far as their country, of which he made himself master, and
set up the King's arms there, taking by that means, posses
sion anew of the Iroquois territory, without any opposition
on the part of the English who were then at Manatte and at
Orange. This is proved by the prise de possession thereof,
* When the territories of Canada were discovered, they were found to be inhab
ited by numerous Indian tribes belonging to three out of the ten great families
of savages who occupied the region between the Mississippi, the Atlantic,
and the Esquimaux country, namely, the Algonquins, Hurons, Sioux, Cherokees,
Catawbas, Uchees, Natches, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Creeks, etc. These were con
sidered substantive races, because each spoke a language bearing no analogy with
that of the others, and which was not understood by others when spoken ; yet the
individuals of each tribe composing a nation, however far apart, could under
stand the language of every other tribe of that nation, while they could not
communicate with the men of an alien nation. The Huron tribes of the North
were environed by Algonquins. The immediate dominion of the Iroquois were
the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas. Their geographical
position made them umpires in the contest of the French for dominion in the
West. Not only did they claim supremacy over Northern New England as far
as the Kennebeck, but as far as Connecticut. They were first visited by the
Jesuits, or the war parties of the French, stretched from Lake Champlain to
Ontario, along the head-waters of the Ohio, Susquehannah, and Delaware.
Their destruction has been almost exclusively the result of wars among them
selves, or against other Indian nations.

X34 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
drawn up on the 17th October, \666, by Sieur DUBOIS, for
AI. Talon, the King's Intendant, by Acts passed before
DuGUET, notary, who had, for this purpose, accompanied
the arm)-.
And what adds great weight to all this is, that, besides
the taking possession of the Mohazvk countr)- by said Sieur
DE Tracy, with an armed force, in the fall of the year x666,
the Deputies of the other four Iroquois nations came to said
AI. DE Tracy in 1667. and in due form, b)' an Act signed
on the one part and the other, by the Iroquois after their
fashion, and by us after ours, did give themselves to the
French, and placed their countr)- under the King's dominion.
The originals have been approved and carried to France at
the request of AI. Talon, the then Intendant.
Since that time, our Frenchmen have always carried on
trade with the Iroquois ; AI. COURCELLES having gone up
with a number of French to Lake Ontario, to the place
named Katarakui, where the said Iroquois being, the)- were
[he was] received by the latter as their Father ; and in the
year 1673, Count DE FRONTENAC having gone to Katara
kui, likewise accompanied b)- a number of Frenchmen, had
a Royal fort to be erected there, where the King has always
kept a garrison and a Governor, whom Sieur DE FrO-\-
TENAC caused to build at the said Katarakui divers barks,
which have always navigated and traded with the Senecas
and other Iroquois as far as Niagara, where Sieur DE L-\
Sai.LE (as is proved by two writings drawn up by Sieur DE
LA Salle for the benefit of AIOYSE HiLSER, dated at Fort

1 699-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

135

Crevecoeur the xst and 2d March, x68o, which affords
evidence of said Sieur DE LA Salle's residence and trade
at Niagara in 1676) had built in 1676 a store, a forge, and
other buildings for the greater accommodation of the trade
with the said Senecas and other Iroquois, who used to come
to us in the French settlements at Katarakui and Niagara
(see the Proces Verbal of the new entry into possession of
said peace of Niagara by the Marquis DE Denonville, last
July, 1687, on the return march of the army comtnanded by
him against the Senecas), and our Frenchmen have always
had peaceable possession of the Iroquois country, going and
coming to their villages, and many residing with the mission
aries there, until, the war with the Iroquois having broke out,
the Frenchmen, missionaries, and others were obliged to
withdraw, whereupon Colonel DONGAN, Governor of New
York, took occasion, in x 684, to send to the Iroquois village
to set up the arms of the King of England therein and to
take possession thereof, offering them powder and other
munitions of war to induce them to admit the necessity that
existed of giving themselves to him. But this entry into pos
session being illegitimate and posterior, by so many years, to
that of the French, cannot convey any right to the Eng
lish over those lands, which already belong to the French
by so many anterior titles, as has been previously re
marked, and by so many liwful and incontestable rights.
For, as regards Colonel Dongan's assertions, that the
country of the Iroquois belongs to his government because,
according to him, it is south of his jurisdiction, we answer

136 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
in the first place, that it is not south, but in fact west-north
west of Alanatte, X'ew York.
Secondl)-, though it were south, that cannot derogate from
the rights of the French who had taken possession of it even
before the Dutch or the English had set foot at Alanatte,
and who, since they are there, never opposed it, until within
three or four )ears, which cannot confer any right on them.
To come now to the possessions and establishments (these
will be proved by the acts which AI. TaloN has in Paris)
which have been acquired in ascending the St. Lazcrenee,
since the post of Niagara, Sieur DE LA S.\LLE with thirty
Frenchmen, of which number was AI. ToNTY, Priest Supe
rior of the Seminar)- of Montreal, made the tour of Lake
Erie and took possession of the circumjacent lands, after
Sieur JOLIET, with Father AIarquette, Jesuit, had long
before done the same thing, in order to renew the entry into
possession of Sieur DE CHAMPLAIN in x6i2.
And after that, in 1676 (proved by a writing of said Sieur
DE LA Salle for the benefit of AIOYSE HiLLERS, in Alarch,
1680, by the proces verbal of the AI. DE Denonville of last
July, 1687, and by the inquisition of the said Lieutenant-
General of Quebec), said Sieur DE LX Salle caused a ship
and a large house to be built above the Falls of Niagara,
within three or four leagues of Lake Erie, where are still
visible the stocks whereon was built the said vessel, which
having been completed in 1677, about the feast of St. John
the Baptist, was conducted, freighted with merchandise, into
the said Lake Erie, and thence passed through the Detroit,

X699-J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, X37
where Fort St. Joseph or du Luth is built and where Sieur de
LA Durantaye renewed the entry into possession of the
neighboring countries, north and south, navigated Lake
Huron as far as Missilimakinak and thence through that of
the Illinois or Missagans beyond the Huron islands, which
said bark was constructed for the greater convenience of
trading with the French who inhabited the said place of
Missilimakinak for more than forty years ; some French estab
lished at the Bay des Puans, with those at Fort St. Louis
established by said Sieur de la Salle, who had discovered
the great river of Mississippi, and descended it as far as the
South Sea. For the continuation of which trade, he caused
a fort and buildings to be erected and a bark to be begun at
a place called Crevecceur, in order to proceed as far as the
said South Sea, two-thirds of which bark only were built, the
said Sieur DE LA Salle having afterwards employed ca
noes for his trade in said countries, as he had already done
for several years in the rivers Ohio, Wabache, and others in
the surrounding neighborhood which flow into the said river
Mississippi, whereof possession was taken by him in the
King's name, as appears by the relations made thereof The
countries and rivers of Ohio or Wabache and circumjacent
territory were inhabited by our Indians, the Chauanons,
Miamis, and Illinois.
It is to be remarked that, as early as the year 1633, a
good many Frenchmen having gone up to the Hurons with
the Jesuit fathers and missionaries, settled there ; and ten
years afterwards, the king sent thirty soldiers thither, who

138 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
remained thereuntil the destruction of all the Hurons by the
Iroquois obliged the French to retire for a time ; but they
returned thither shortl)- afterwards in a much more con
siderable number, and spread themselves throughout those
vast countries. (It is proved by an arret of the Council of
State of the 5th of March, 1648, that his Alajesty had
authorized the sending to the Huron country a company of
thirty men, commanded by a captain, for the purpose of
escorting the Hurons and other Indian tribes, and to accom
pany the missionaries, who were no longer able to continue
their missions without aid.)
Thirdly, what is more authentic in this matter is, the
entr)- into possession of all those countries made by AI.
Talon, Intendant of New France, who in 1671 sent Sieur
DE St. Lusson, his subdelegate, into the country of the
Otauas, who invited the deputies of all the tribes within a
circumference of more than a hundred leagues to meet at
St. Mary of the Sault. On the 4th of June of the same
year, fourteen tribes, b.y their ambassadors, repaired thither,
and in their presence, and that of a number of Frenchmen,
the Sieur DE St. Lusson erected there a post to which he
affixed the King's arms, and declared to all those people
that he had convoked them in order to receive them into
the King's protection, and in his name to take possession of
all their lands, so that henceforth ours and theirs should
be but one ; which all those tribes very readily accepted.
The commission of said subdelegate contained these verv
words, \\z. : That he was sent to take possession of the

l699'J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

139

-countries lying between the east and ysi&s.\., ixom Montreal
to the South Sea, as much and as far as was in his power.
This entry into possession was made with all those formal
ities, as is to be seen in the relation of 1671, and more
expressly in the record of the entry into possession, drawn
up by the said subdelegate.
The next year, 1672, the river Mississippi, and, at the
same time, the Illinois, Chauanons, and other tribes unknown
to Europeans, were discovered by Sieur JOLIET * and the

¦* Sieur Louis Joliet, whose name is now imperishably connected with the
discovery of the Mississippi river and the exploration of the West, was born at
Quebec, in the year 1645. After completing his studies at the Jesuit College of
that city, he embraced the ecclesiastical profession, received minor orders in
1662, and finished his philosophy in 1666. He afterwards turned his attention
to other pursuits, and set out for the Indian country of the West. In 1672 he
was selected by Governor Count DE Frontenac to proceed in search of the
great river which was reported by the Indians to Father Allouez, who was the
first Jesuit missionary who reached its waters. Father Marquette, who -was
selected to accompany Joliet, says that " he was eminently qualified for such an
important undertaking. He possessed wisdom, discretion, courage, experience,
and a knowledge of the Algonquin languages." The success of this expedition
is fully set forth in the first, second, third, and fourth volumes of the fit st series
of the Historical Collections of Louisiana, and forms an interesting episode in
the history of that State. On his return from this exploration to Canada, in 1672,
he had the misfortune to lose his journal in descending the rapids of the St.
Lawrence. He drew up, however, from memory, a narrative with a map, which
was transmitted to the court of France by Count de Frontenac in 1674. Father
Dablon, the Superior-General of the Canada Missions, in the description of
the map published by him in the Relations, 1670-1, pp. 89-91, alludes to the ex
istence of the Mississippi : " that it flowed south, and probably had its mouth in
the Florida Sea " (Gulf of Mexico), But Joliet, in one of his expeditions to the
West, had nearly reached it. " And the long-expected discovery was now to be
accomplished by- Joliet, of whom there is scarce a record ; but this one excur-

X40 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
Jesuit Father AIarqueitE, who went as far as the thirty-
second degree, and set up the King's arms, taking posses
sion in his name of all those recently discovered nations.*
sion gives him immortality, and by Marquette, who, after years of pious assidu
ity to his missionan,- labors among the Hurons, entered with the same zeal and
humility upon a career which exposed his life to perpetual danger, and by its
results affected the destiny of nations." M.^rquette's journal and map did
not, however, reach the French government until 1675, when the King and
Court allowed the whole discover)- to lie over ; and had not The^-enot obtained
a copy of the narrative and map, \\hich he published in l5Si, a translation of
which is to be found in the second volume of the Historical Collections of
Louisiana, vol. 2, pp. 2S0-97, " France would have derived no benefit," says
She.\, " from this discovery, and but for the enterprise and persevering courage
of Cavalier DE LA S.\LLE, who now looked for some new field, and having
read the Spanish accounts of this great river, described by the historians of
De Soto's expedition, he repaired to France in 1677, and by the help of Gov
ernor Fronten.\c's recommendation he obtained a patent for his discovery.
The plan traced by JoLiET in Frontenac's despatch of 1674. seems to have
been followed by him." He accordingly set out on his voyage down the Mis
sissippi, and reached its mouth in 16S2, and took possession of all the country in
the name of Louis XIV., and named it Louisiana. In 1680 Joliet was appointed
hydrographer to the King, and as a reward for having discovered the country of
the Illinois, and for the exploration of the Colbai (Mississippi) river, and for a
voyage made to Hudson's Bay, in the public interests, he obtained a grant of
the island of Anticosti, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, which, on account of the
fisheries and the Indian trade, was, at the time, one of the most profitable seig
niories in Canada. On the 30th April, 1697, he obtained a grant of the seig
niory of Joliet, on the river Etchemins, south of Qiubec, -svhich is still in the
possession of some of his descendants. He afterwards died about the year
1702, leaving a widow and four children. Notes sur les Regist res de Notre Dame
de Qiubec. La Hontan, 172S, vol. i, p. 336.
*Extr.\ct from a letter written by Count DE Fkontenac to M. Colbert,
dated Quebec, Nov. 14, 1674.
¦' Sieur Joliet, whom M. Talon advised me on my arrival from France to
detach for the discovery of the South Sea, has returned three months ago, and
discovered some new countries, and a navigation so easy through the beautiful

l699-j LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 141
A-nd some years after, Sieur DE la Salle extended the
same discovery farther, even unto the sea, taking every
where possession by the King's arms, which he erected
there. All the foregoing demonstrates sufficiently the incontest
able right the French have to the Iroquois lands, to those of
the Otawas, and all the other tribes inhabiting the countries
aforementioned, and others whereof possession has also been
taken in His Majesty's name, along the river St. Lawrence,
the lakes it forms, and the rivers discharging therein, which
constitute the continuation of the waters of said river St.
Lawrence (the river St. Lawrence is proved by the con^
cession of M. DE Lauzon, of the x5th of May, 1656, to
Sieur Dupuy, already mentioned) from the gulf, always
following the same point of the compass, and extends be-.
yond Lake Superior, proceeding from the Lake des Alepini-
gons, without any interruption of the navigation, our barks
rivers he has found that a person can go from Lake Ontario and Fort Fiontenac in
a bark canoe to the Gtilf of Mexico, there being only one carrying place, half a
league in length, where Lake Ontario communicates with Lake Erie. He has
been within ten days of the Gulf of iMexico, and believes that water communi
cation could be found leading to the Vermillion and California seas (called by
the Spaniards Mar de Cortes) by means of the river that flows from the west into
the great river (Mississippi) that he discovered, which runs from north to south,
and is as large as the St. lawrence, opposite Quebec. I send you, by my secretary,
the map he lias made of ii, and the observations that he has been able to recollect, as
lie has lost all his minutes and journals in the shipwreck he met with, within sight
of Montreal, wliere, after having completed a voyage of fifteen hundred leagues,
he was near being di'owned, and lost all his papers, and a young Indian whom he
brought from those countries. He left ivith the fathers of the Sault St. Marie
(Lake Superior) copies of his journals ; these we cannot get before next year''

142 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1699.
having always sailed from lake to lake along said river, the
one making their vo)'age from the place called la Galette.
to Niagara on Lake Ontario or Frontenac, and the others
from above the falls of Niagara unto the head of Lake
Missigame, or Illinois, passing through that of Erie, then
following said river St. Lawrence, by the Detroit and Fort
St. Joseph, or du .Luth, and thence into Lake Huron or the
Fresh Sea, which communicates (repand) with the said lake
of the Illinois as well as the said Lakes Superior and des
Alipinigojis, where the French actually are trading and have
divers establishments ; and it demonstrates their possession of
the great river Mississippi, which they have discovered as far
as the South Sea, on zvhich river also they have divers estab
lishments, as z^ell as on that of Ohio, Ouabache, etc, , zvhich
flozi' into the said river Jlississippi, and of the countries atid
lands in the vicinity of said rivers, where they actually carry
on trade, zehich countries are easily recognized on the ge^ieral
map of North America.

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS

relating to the

FIRST DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT
of
FLORIDA,
With Historical and Biographical Notes.

inti^olruetion

COLONIAL HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

HE following interesting and graphic
letter from COLUMBUS * to his friend
Don Luis de Santangel, the Es-
cribano de Racion of the Catholic
sovereigns in 1493, is inserted here,
to show that from his own admis
sion, if he had, in attempting to discover a passage to
Eastern India, by the west^ — a short road to the gums and

* Don Christopher Columbus
To his friend, DON Luis de Santangel, on his arrival from his first voyage.
At the Azoi^es, Feb. 15, 1493.
Sir, — As I am sure you will be pleased at the great victory which the Lord
has given me in my voyage, I write this to inform you that in twenty days I
arrived in the Indies with the squadron which their Majesties had placed under
my command. There I discovered many islands, inhabited by a numerous popu
lation, and took possession of them for their Highnesses, with public ceremony
and the royal flag displayed, without molestation.
The first that I discovered I named San Salvador, in remembrance of that
Almighty Power which had so miraculously bestowed them. The Indians call it
Guanahani, To the second I assigned the name of Santa Maria de Concepcion,

X46 HISTORICAL COIIECTIONS OF [l493-
spices, the gold and gems, of imaginary regions — continued
his voyage directly west, instead of turning to the south
west, he would have been the first European navigator to
reach the continent of North America, and the coast of
Florida. The discover)- of the Antilles was soon after, however.

To the third, that of Fernandina. To the fourth, that of Isabela. To the fifth,
Jiiana ; and so on — to evei-y one a new name.
When I arrived at Juana, I followed the poast to the -westward, and found it
so extensive that I considered it must be a continent, and a province of Cathay,
And as I found no towns or villages by the sea-side, excepting some small settle
ments, with the people of which I could not communicate because they all ran
awav, I continued my course to the westward, thinking I should not fail to find
some large towns and cities. After having coasted many leagues without finding
any signs of them, and seeing that the coast took me to the northward, where I
did not wish to go, as the winter was already set in, I considered it best to follow
the coast to the south ; and, the wind being also scant, I determined to lose no
more time, and therefore returned to a certain port ; from whence I sent two
messengers into the country to ascertain whether there was any king there or any
large city.
They traveled for three days, finding an infinite number of small settlements
and an innumerable population, but nothing like a city ; on which account they
returned. I had tolerably well ascertained from some Indians whom I had
taken that this land was only an island, so I followed the coast of it to the east
for 107 leagues, to its termination. And about eighteen leagues from this cape,
to the east, there was another island, to which I shortly gave the name of
Espaiiola, I went to it, and followed the north coast of it, as I had done that of
Juana, for 17S long leagues due east.
This island is vei7 fertile, as well, indeed, as all the rest. It possesses numer
ous harbors, far superior to any I know in Europe, and, what is remarkable, plenty
of large inlets. The land is high, and contains many lofty ridges and some very
high mountains, without comparison of the island of Cetrefrey ; all of them very
handsome, and of different forms ; all of them accessible, and abounding in trees
of a thousand kinds, high, and appearing as if they would reach the skies. And
I am assured that the latter never lose their foliage, as far as I can understand.

I493-J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, I47
followed by that of Florida, by PONCE DE Leon ; and
although the real wealth and importance of the New World,
first discovered by COLUMBUS, could not be magnified
beyond their value, they were soon overlooked, and ambi
tion and cupidity pointed to other regions of more abound
ing riches and higher civilization, overflowing with all that
for I saw them as fresh and flourishing as those of Spain in the month of May.
Some were in blossom, some bearing fruit, and others in other states according
to their nature.
The nightingale and a thousand kinds of birds enlivened the woods with their
song, in the month of November, wherever I went. There are seven or eight
kinds of palms, of various elegant forms, besides various other trees, fruits, and
herbs. The pines of this island are magnificent. It has also extensive plains,
honey, and a great variety of birds and fruits. It has many metal mines, and a
population innumerable.
Espaiiola is a wonderful island, with mountains, groves, plains, and the country
generally beautiful and rich for planting and sowing, for rearing sheep and cattle
of all kinds, and ready for towns and cities. The harbors must be seen to be
appreciated ; rivers are plentiful and large, and of excellent water ; the greater
part of them contain gold. There is a great difference between the trees, fruits,
and herbs of this island and tliose of Juana. In this island there are many
spices, and large mines of gold and other metals.
The people of this island and of all the others which I have discovered or
heard of, both men and women, go naked as they were born, although some of
the women wear leaves of herbs, or a cotton covering made on purpose. They
have no iron nor steel, nor any weapons, not that they are not a well-disposed
people and of a fine stature, but they are timid to a degree. They have no
other arms excepting spears made of cane, to which they fix, at the end, a sharp
piece of wood, and then dare not use even these. Frequently I had occasion to
send two or three of my men on shore to some settlement for information
where there would be multitudes of them ; and as soon as they saw our people
they would run away every soul, the father leaving his child ; and this was not
because any one had done them harm, for rather at every cape where I landed
and been able to communicate with them, I have made them presents of cloth
and many other things without receiving anything in return; but because they

X48 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [l493-
the sordid covet or the ambitious desire. The discoveries of
the Portuguese had extended to the regions where the
harvest of the European adventurer was prepared before he
visited the field. This inflamed the avidity of the Spaniards ;
and the land discovered by COLUMBUS, after a time, came to
be regarded as almost an impediment to the progress of
are so timid. Certainly, where they have confidence and forget their fears, they
are so open-hearted and liberal with all they possess, that it is scarcely to be
believed without seeing it. If anything that they have is asked of them they
never deny it ; on the contrary, they will offer it. Their generosity is so great
that they would give anything, whether it is costly or not, for anything of any
kind that is offered them, and be contented with it. I was obliged to prevent
such worthless things being given them as pieces of broken basins, broken glass,
and bits of shoe-latchets ; although when they obtained them they esteemed
them as if they had been the greatest of treasures. One of the seamen for a
latchet received a piece of gold weighing two dollars and a half, and others, for
other things of much less value, obtained more. Again, for new silver coin
they would give everj-thing they possessed, ivhether it was worth tw-o or three
doubloons or one of two balls of cotton. Even for pieces of broken pipe-tubes
they would take them and give anything for them, until, w-hen I thought it
wrong, I prevented it. And I made them presents of thousands of things
which I had, that I might win their esteem, and also that thev might be made
good Christians and be disposed to the service of your Majesties and the whole
Spanish nation, and help us to obtain the things which "n-e require and of which
there is abundance in their country.
And these people appear to have neither religion nor idolatry, except that
they believe that good and evil come from the skies ; and they firmly believed
that our ships and their crews, -ivith myself, caine from the skies, and with this
persuasion, after having lost their fears, they always received us. And yet this
does not proceed from ignorance, for they are vei^ ingenious, and some of them
navigate their seas in a wonderful manner, and give good accounts of things, but
because they never saw people dressed or ships like ours.
And as soon as I arrived in the Indies, at the first island at which I touched,
I captured some of them, that we might learn from them and obtain intelligence
of what there was in those parts. And as soon as we understood each other

I493-J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA,

149

adventure which might be crowned with like rewards.
CORTEZ had not yet conquered Mexico; Peru and New
Spain were still unknown ; and though the few strange
animals, and beautiful birds, and the rich vegetable produc
tions brought home as the first fruits of his discovery in a
savage and unsettled country were admired as specimens
they were of great service tous; but yet, from frequen t conversation which I
have had with them, they still believe we came from the skies. These were the
first to express that idea, and others ran from house to house, and in the neigh
boring villages, crying out, " Come and see the people from the skies." And
thus all of them, men and women, after having satisfied themselves of their
safety, came to us without reserve, great and small, bringing us something to
to eat and drink, and which they gave to us most affectionately.
They have many canoes in those islands propelled by oars ; some of them
large and others small, and many of them with eight or ten paddles of a side,
not very wide, but all of one trunk, and a boat cannot keep way with them by
oars, for they are incredibly fast ; and with these they navigate all the islands,
which are innumerable, and obtain their articles of traffic. I have seen some of
these canoes with sixty or eighty men in them, and each with a paddle.
Among the islands I did not find much diversity of formation in' the people,
nor in their customs, nor their language. They all understand each other, which
is remarkable : and I trust your Highnesses will determine on their being con
verted to our faith, for which they are very well disposed.
I have already said that I went one hundred and seven leagues along the
coast of Juana, from east to west. Thus, according to my track, it is larger
than England and Scotland together, for, besides these one hundred and seven
leagues, there were, further west, two provinces to which I did not go, one of
which is called Cibau, the people of which are born with tails ; which provinces
must be about fifty or sixty leagues long, according to what I can make out from
the Indians I have with me, who know all the islands. The other island {Espa-
nold) is larger in circuit than the whole of Spain from the Straits of Gibraltar
(the Columns) to Fuentarabia in Biscay, as I sailed one hundred and thirty-eight
long leagues in a direct line from west to east. Once known, it must be desired,
and once seen, one desires never to leave if; and which, being taken possession
of for their Highnesses, and the people being at present in a condition lower

I50 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [l493-
and symbols, these were not the wealth which the Old
World valued, nor were the lands which produced them the
reeions which were to realize the romantic dreams of an
o
immediate and overflowing acquisition of the most rare and
precious commodities of the East. COLUMBUS had at first
mistaken the islands he discovered for those of Eastern
than I can possibly describe, the Sovereigns of Castile may dispose of it in any
manner they please. In the most convenient places in this Espaiiola, and the
best district, there are gold mines, and, on the other hand, from thence to terra
firma, as well as from thence to Ihe Great Khan, where everything is on a splen
did scale. I have taken possession of a large town, to which I gave the name
of La Navidaa, and have built a fort in it in every respect complete. And I left
sufficient people in it to take care of it, with artillery, and provisions for more
than a year, also a boat and coxswain, with the equipments, in complete friend
ship with the King of the island, — to that degree that he delighted to call me and
look on me as his brother. And should they fall out with these people, neither
he nor his subjects know anything of weapons and go naked, as I have said, and
they are the most timorous people in the world. The few people left there are
sufficient to conquer the country, and the island would thus remain without danger
to them, they keeping order among themselves.
In all these islands it appeared to me the men are contented with one wife, but
to their Governor or King they allow twenty. The women seem to work more
than the men. I have not been able to discover whether they respect personal
property, for it appeared to me that things were common to all, especially in the
particular of provisions. Hitherto I have not seen in any of thesfe islands any
monsters, as there were supposed to be ; the people, on the contrary, are generally
well formed, nor are they black like those of Guinea, saving their hair, and they
do not reside in places exposed to the sun's rays. It is true that the sun is most
powerful there, as it is only 26° from the equator. In this last winter those
islands which were mountainous were cold, but they are accustomed to it, with
good food and plenty of spices and hot nutriment. Thus I have found no
monsters nor heard of any, except at an island which is the seeond in going to
the Indies, and which is inhabited by a people who are considered in all the
islands as ferocious, and who devour human flesh. These people have many
canoes, which scour all the islands of India and plunder all they can. They are

I493-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, I5I
India. Cuba he fancied a part of Asia ; but, once con
vinced of his mistake, by the discovery of the continent of
America, and by further research, his bold genius and in
stinctive sagacity suggested the necessity of a sea farther
west, -washing the opposite side of the new continent ; and,
as previously shown, the northern shores of the new conti-
not worse formed than others, but they wear the hair long like women, and use
bows and arrows of the same kind of cane pointed with a piece of hard wood
instead of iron, of which they have none. They are fierce compared with the,
other people, who are in general but sad cowards ; but I do not consider them
in any other way superior to th'em. These are they who trade in women, who
inhabit the first island met with in going from Spain to the Indies, in which there
are no men whatever. They have no effeminate exercise, but bows and arrows,
as before said, of cane, with which they arm themselves, and use shields of
copper, of which they have plenty.
There is another island, I am told, larger than Espaiiola, the natives of which
have no hair. In this there is gold without limit, and of this and the others 1
have Indians with me to witness.
In conclusion, referring only to what has been effected this voyage, which
was made with so much haste, your Highnesses maj^ see that I shall find as much
gold as desired with the very little assistance afforded to me : there is as much
spice and cotton as can be wished for, and also gum, which hitherto has only
been found in Greece, in the island of Chios, and they may sell it as they please,
and the mastich, as much as may be desired, and slaves, also, who will be idola
ters. And I believe that I have found rhubarb and cinnamon, and a thousand
other things I shall find, which will have been discovered by those whom I have
left behind, for I did not stop at any cape when the vrind enabled me to navigate
except at the town of Navidad, where X was very safe and well taken care of.
And in truth much more I should have done if the ships had served me as might
have been expected. This is certain, that the Eternal God our Lord gives all
things to those who obey him, and the victory when it seems impossible, and
this evidently is an instance of it, for although people have talked of ttese lands,
aU was conjecture unless proved by seeing them, for the greater part listened and
judged more by hearsay than by anything else.
Since, then, our Redeemer has given this victory to our illustrious King and

152 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS [l493-
nent were reached and explored by English, French, Portu-
cruese, and Spanish navigators ; and while in search of one
of the wonders of the New Worid, the fabled fountain of
youth, in the Lucayan group of isles, opposite the great
western continent, JUAN PONCE DE LEON, an officer in the
second voyage made by COLUMBUS, discovered the coast of
Florida, and it was now clear to the mind of COLUMBUS
that an ocean washed the western shores of the new conti
nent, and the east coast of China, and the discovery made by
Nunez de Balboa, in 15x3, was the confirmation of his
theory. The shores of the new continent were soon after
explored from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to the Rio de la
Plata, to discover the strait which must form the channel of
communication with the East.
The search for this passage to the oriental islands was
the last labor in which COLUMBUS engaged — his final and
most disastrous voyage was undertaken for this especial
object. But the legacy of discovery was bequeathed to
spirits cast in similar mould with his own. From the mount
he had obtained a view of the Promised Land, but was
denied the felicity of reaching it, or tasting its fruits.
Queen (Ferdinand and Isabella), and celebrated their reigns by such a great
thing, all Christendom should rejoice and make great festivals, and give solemn
thanks to the Blessed Trinity, with solemn praises for the exaltation of so much
people to our holy faith ; and next for the temporal blessings which not only
Spain, but they, will enjoy in becoming Christians, and which last may shortly
be accomplished.

ilroclamation

PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ.

TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE COUNTRIES AND PROVINCES
FROM RIO DE PALMAS TO THE CAPE OF FLORIDA, 1527.

translated from a copy of the original in the archives of the indies,
seville, spain.

slim

^

m

^^^^

^

N behalf of the Catholic Csesarean Majesty
of Don Carlos, King of the Romans,
and Emperor ever Augustus, and
Dona Juana, his mother, sovereigns of
Leon and Castilla, defenders of the
church, ever victors, never vanquished,
and rulers of barbarous nations, I, Pamfilo DE Narvaez,
his servant, messenger, and captain, notify and cause ye to
know, in the best manner I can, that God, our Lord, one
and eternal, created the heaven and the earth, and one man
and one woman, of whom we and you and all men in the
world have come, are descendants and the generation, as
well will those be who shall come after us ; but because of
the infinity- of offspring that follow-ed in the five thousand

154

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [l527-

years, and more since the world was created, it has become
necessary that some men should go in one direction, and
others in another, dividing into many kingdoms and prov
inces, since in a single one they could not be sustained or
kept. All these nations God, our Lord, gave in charge to one
person called St. PETER, that he might be master and
superior over mankind, to be obeyed and be head of all the
human race, wheresoever they might live, and be of what
ever law, sect, or belief, giving him the whole world for his
kingdom, lordship, and jurisdiction.
And he commanded him to place his seat in Rome, as a
point most suited whence to rule the world ; so he likewise
permitted him to have and place his seat on any part of the
earth to judge and govern all people. Christians, Moors,
Jews, Gentiles, and of whatever creed beside they might be.
Him they call Papa, which means admirable, greatest father
and preserver, since he is father and governor of all men.
This Saint PETER was obeyed and taken for King, Lord,
and Superior of the universe by those who lived at that
time, and so likewise have all the rest been held who to the
Pontificate were afterwards elected ; and thus has it contin
ued until now, and will continue to the end of all things.
One of the popes who succeeded him to that seat of dig
nity of which I spake, as Lord of the world, made a gift of
these islands and main of the ocean sea to the said Emperor
and Queen, and their successors, our Lords in these king
doms, with all that is in them, as is contained in certain

I527-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. XS5
writings that thereupon took place, which may be seen if
you desire. Thus are their Highnesses King and Queen of
these islands and continent, and nearly all where they have
been proclaimed have received their majesties, obeyed and
served, and do serve them, as subjects should, with good will
and no resistance,' and immediately without delay, directly
as they were informed, obeying the religious men whom
their Highnesses sent to preach to them, and teach our holy
faith of their entire free will and pleasure, without reward or
condition whatsoever, becoming Christians, which they are ;
and their Highnesses received them joyfully and benignly,
ordering them to be treated as their subjects and vassals
were, and you are held and obliged to act as likewise.
Wherefore, as best as you can, I entreat and require you to
understand this well which I have told you, taking the time
for it that is just you should, to comprehend and reflect, and
that you recognize the church as mistress and superior of
the universe, and the high pontiff, called Papa, in its name,
the King and Queen our masters, in their place as Lords
Superiors and Sovereigns of these islands and the main, by
virtue of said gift, and you consent and give opportunity
that these fathers and religious men declare and preach to
you as stated. If you shall do so, you will do well in what
you are held and obliged ; and their Majesties, and I, in
their royal name, will receive you with love and charity,
relinquishing in freedom your women, children, and estates,
without service, that with them and yourselves you may do
with perfect liberty all you wish and may deem well ; you

156 HISTORICAL COLLECI IONS OF [l527-
shall not be required to become Christians except, when
informed of the truth, you desire to be converted to our
Holy Catholic faith, as nearly all the inhabitants of the
other islands have done, and when his Highness will confer
on you numerous privileges and instruction, with many favors.
If you do not this, and of malice )rou are dilatory, I pro
test to you, that, with the help of our Lord, I will enter with
force, making war upon you from all directions and in every
manner that I may be able, when I will subject you to obedi
ence to the church and the yoke of their Majesties ; and I
will take the persons of yourselves, your wives, and your
children to make slaves,* sell and dispose of you, as their
* From the first discovery of the continent of America, the Spaniards com
menced to carry off the natives to sell for slaves in the West India Islands.
Ponce de Leon, Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, and Pamphilo de Narv.\ez,
as well as others, continued this traffic for several centuries.
Bartholomew de las Casas, Bishop of Cliiapa, in a curious memoir entitled
" La Brevissima Relacion de la' DeStrUccion de las Indias," which, by order of
the Emperor Charles V., he transmitted in 1543 to the assembly of the prelates
collected at Valladolid, Spain, to reform abuses in the New World and the
West Indies, informs us that " Three merciless tyrants at different times invaded
the provinces of Florida (referring to the above expeditions), all animated with
the same spirit, and moved by the same designs. They all committed the same
outrages throughout Florida. But God was pleased to punish them after a veiy
signal manner, for they all came to a miserable end.
" These brutes would doubtless have committed yet more villainies, had not
the just judgment of the Almighty shortened their days.
" When they came into Florida they found it plentifully stored with people
who were wise and well disciplined both in civil affairs and in morals. They
began to cast a terror through the country by I know not how many massacres ;
so that the poor Indians, who had never known any thing like it, were put into
a great consternation.
" The Spaniards used them as beasts of burden to carry their arms, utensils,

I527-J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. XS7
Majesties shall think fit ; and I will take your goods, doing
you all the evil and injury that I may be able; as to vassals
who do not obey, but reject their master, resist and deny
and provisions. They put men and women, masters and .servants, all to the
sword without any respect to age, sex, or quality. They cut off their lips and
noses, and sent ihem away in this condition to terrify the rest of the country.
These cruelties hindered the success of the missions of our apostolic men in
this country, who had no good reasons to produce to these poor wretches to
excuse such barbarities as these. One may guess by these cruelties what love the
Indians must have for the Catholics, and what confidence they can put in their
promises. What idea they can have of God when he is described to them as
infinitely good and merciful ? What can they think of His law, which they are
told is so holy and just, when they see those who profess to observe it do not
scruple to commit all kinds of crime ?
" The Spaniards took away over a million of men from the coasts of these
provinces and transported them into the islands of St. John and Hispaniola,
where they perished in the mines, or by other hardships were made to suffer. It
would produce compassion in the hardest hearts to see these coasts that were
once so full of people now absolutely deserts.
"As for the continent, it is of what I know certain that the Spaniards have
ruinedten kingdoms there larger than all Spain by the commission of all sorts
of barbarity and unheard-of cruelties. They have driven away or killed all the
inhabitants, so that all these kingdoms are desolate to this day, and reduced to a
most deplorable condition. We dare assert, without fear of contradiction, that
in the space of these forty years in which the Spaniards exercised their intoler
able cruelty in this new world, they unjustly put to death many millions of people,
counting men, women, and children.
" The gold and silver these people had in their possession was the motive
that violently prompted the Europeans to persecute and destroy them. In a
word, their avarice and ambition were arrived to an excess beyond imagination.
The immense riches of the New World, the tractable, sweet, and good disposition
of the Indians, which rendered a descent into their country easy to attempt, have
occasioned all the ravage and spoil, all the horrid massacres and cruelties, which
the Spaniards have caused them to suffer. They had so little regard for the sal
vation of their souls, that they would not trouble themselves so much as to speak
of the Christian faith and sacrament to those numberless multitudes of men,

1 58 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. \M-7-
him ; and I declare to )-ou that the deaths and damages that
arise therefrom will be )-our fault, and not that of his
Majest)-, nor mine, nor of these cavaliers who come with
me.

women, and children, whom they sacrificed to their ambition and tj-ranny, until,
wearied out with repeated cruelties and massacres, they were compelled to arm
themselves and repel force by force,"

Manati\)t

Sea^'^

-R,-

03 LL '

FIRST VOVAGE OF JEAN DE RIBAULT, MADE IN THE REIGN
OF CHARLES IX., KING OF FRANCE, UNDER THE ORDERS
AND INSTRUCTIONS OF GASPARD DE COLIGNY,-» GRAND
ADMIRAL OF FRANCE, TO MAKE DISCOVERIES AND
FOUND A COLONY OF FRENCH PROTESTANTS (HUGUE
NOTS) IN FLORIDA, A. D. 1562.

CHAPTER I.

^m

HEREAS, in the year of our Lord 1562,
it pleased God to move your Lordship
to choose and appoint me to discover
and view a certain long coast of the
West Indies from the head of the land
called Florida, drawing toward the north

-* Gaspard de Coligny, Grand Admiral of France, Seigneur de Chatillon,
was born at Ckatillon-sur-Loing, February i5, 1516. He was distinguished for
his learning and accomplishments, and at the age of twenty-five was Major-
General of the French infantry, and afterwards created Grand Admiral of
France. After the death of Henry II. , he espoused the cause of the French
Protestants (Huguenots) against the Guises, who represented the Roman
Catholics of France, and during the religious wars which drenched that country
in blood, he distinguished himself as an able commander in several important
battles. His sense of religious obligation was deep and fervent ; and with him
the maintenance of the reformed religion was not to cover a factious ambition,
but was an object of the most serious importance, justified by his convictions :

l6o HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [X562.
part unto the head of Bretons,* distant from the said head
of Florida t nine hundred leagues, or thereabout, to the end

to which he sacrificed the best years of his life, and finally life itself, in the
Massacre of St. B.\RTH0L0MEW, 1572, in laboring to bring about peace. He was,
in trutli, always devoted to the great cause of human improvement, in all its forms,
laboring during a long life for the advancement of truth, and maintenance of
justice and order. He was, perhaps, one of the wisest statesmen that France
ever produced. In 1555, he projected the enterprise to found a French Protest
ant colony in Brazil, hoping to find the double advantage of opening a place of
refuge for the persecuted Protestants, not only of France, but all Europe, and
enriching his own country from a colonial establishment. But after fitting out
two expeditions, and founding the first European colony in Brazil, the whole
scheme came to an end by divisions and disagreements among the colonists, and
was finally subverted by the Portuguese, who, in 1560, sent out an armed expe
dition against it, and took possession of the colonial establishment in the bay of
Rio Janeiro. This attempt to found a French colony in Brazil is particularly
interesting, by the fact that Andre Thevet, a celebrated French traveler and
cosmographer, who accompanied the expedition, was afterwards induced to
visit the entire coast, both of North and South America, and particularly
described the eastern coast of Florida, as high up as St. Helena Sound, in 32°
north latitude. CoLiGNY may be styled the Sir W.ilter Raleigh of France ;
for, after the failure to found a colony in Brazil, he turned his attention to
¦ the eastern shores of North America, the whole of which had become known
to France, — from Denys, 1506, to Verrazzano, in 1534, and subsequent
explorers, C.VRTIER, RoBERV.\L, Du Monts, and especially the Spanish expe
ditions. He accordingly planned and fitted out the expedition of Jean de
RlB,\ULT, in 1562, to found a. colony of French Protestants (Huguenots) in the
reign of Charles IX., and who, after founding a colony, returned to France, and
wrote the above account of his expedition and description of the country, which
w-as followed by two other expeditions under himself and M. Rene Goulaine
de LAUDONlERE."(^5f<r First Series of the Historical Collections of Louisiana and
Florida, pp. 177-362.^
* The name of Cape Breton, in north latitude 46', is a memorial of the early
French navigators. Cartier, in 1534, found the capes and bays of Newfound
land already named by his countrymen.
f At the period when Ribault wrote this narrative of " the true and last
discoverie of Florida," and for a century or more after, the Spaniards applied

1562.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. x6x
we might certify and make you a true report of the climate,
fertility, ports, havens, rivers, and generally of all the com
modities that we have seen and found in that land, and also
to learn what people were dwelling there, which thing you
have long time ago desired, being stirred thereunto by this
zeal : That France might one day, through new discoveries,
have knowledge of strange countries, and also thereof to re
ceive by traffic rich and inestimable comrriodities, as other
nations have done by taking in hand such far voyages, both
to the honor and prowess of their kings and princes, and
also to the increase of profit and use to their countries and
dominions, which is most of all without comparison to be
considered and esteemed.
It seems well that you have been stirred hereunto even of
God, and led to it by the hope and desire you have that a
number of savage people, ignorant of Jesus Christ, may, by
His grace, come to some knowledge of His holy laws and
ordinances. So, therefore, it seems that it has pleased God,
by His good providence, to rescue the care which He has had
of their salvation until this time, and. will bring them to our
faith, by Himself, as foreordained.
For if it were heedful to show how many from time to
time have gone about to find out this great land and to set-
the name of Florida to all the coast line of country extending from the St. Law
rence to the " Rio Grande del Norte,'' which empties its waters into the Gulf of
Mexico. It was first translated into English, in 1582, by Hakluyt, whose black-
letter volume is extremely rare, and is now, for the first time, reprinted in the
United States, with notes and biographical sketch of the life of Admiral
Coligny. It is not known to exist in the original French.

1 62 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1562.
tie there, who, nevertheless, have alwa)-s failed and have
been thwarted in their purpose, some by fear of shipwrecks
and some b)' great storms and tempests, that drove them
back, to their marvelous grief. Of the which there was one,
a famous stranger named SEBASTIAN Gabotto,* an excellent
pilot, sent thither by King Henrv VII. in 1498, and many
others who could n^ver attain to any habitation nor take
possession thereof a foot of ground, nor yet approach or
enter those fair countries or rivers into which God has
brought us.
Wherefore, my Lord, it may be well said that the living
God hath reserved this great country for your poor servants
and subjects, as well to the end they might be made great
over this poor people and rude nation, as well as to approve
the former love which our kings have had for this discovery.
For the late King Fr.\NCIS I., a prince endued with
excellent virtues, sent, in the year 1524, a notable and dis-
* While Columbus and other Spanish and Portuguese navigators were prose-
, cuting their voyages in search of new countries, Henry VII. of England, regret
ting his indifference regarding the offers made to him by the brothers Columbus,
granted John and Sebastian Cabot (Gabotto), March 5, 1496, letters patent
for the discovery and conquest of new lands ; and in the month of June of the
following year (1497), they reached the coast of Labrador, in lat. 50° N., the
inhabitants of which were dressed in the skins of wild animals and armed with
clubs, spears, bows, and arrows. On the 3d of February, 149S, the King granted a
,econd patent to John Cabot alone, which is important in establishing the date
of the first discoveiy of North America by the Cabots. In 1499 Sebastian
C.VBOT made a third voyage to America, and in this voyage he discovered New
foundland. In all this time it was believed in Europe that these discoveries
formed a part of the continent of Asia ; but this error soon became manifest, in
1513, when Balboa discovered the Pacific Ocean.

1562.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 163
tinguished man, a Florentine, named John Verrazani
(Giovanni da Verrazzano),* to discover and explore the
western parts, as far as could be, who sailing from Dieppe
(France) with two vessels little differing in the make and
burden from those two pinnaces of the King's which your
excellency hath ordained for this present expedition. In
the which land they have found the elevation of the pole, in
the twenty-eighth degree north latitude.
The country which he describes is good and fruitful, and
of so good a climate that it is not possible to have any bet
ter ; being then as yet of no man seen or discovered. But
they not being able to bring to pass at this his first voyage
that which he had intended, nor to arrive in any port, by
numerous disappointments which commonly happen, were
* No exploring expeditions had been undertaken to the New World officially
by the French government prior to 1523. AH had been left to private enter
prise. But in that year Francis I. fitted out four ships and gave the com
mand to Giovanni da Verrazzano. The expedition was partly destined as a
hostile cruise against the Spaniards, as well as to make new discoveries. He
reached the east coast of North America in the latitude of Cape Fear about
34° N. He evidently explored the coast from Florida to Newfoundland, landed
in Chesapeake, New York, and Narragansett bays, and afterwards explored the
coasts of Maine and Newfoundland. He advanced the knowledge of the country,
and gave to France some claim to an extensive territory, which she availed
herself of, by establishing colonies in Canada and subsequently in Florida.
Jacques Cartier, of St. Malo, an experienced navigator, was commissioned
by the King of France to fit out two ships, neither of which exceeded sixty tons
burden, in the spring of 1534, with a crew not exceeding one hundred and fifty
men, and in tw-enty days after he set sail he reached the Gulf of St. Lawrence.
He coasted Newfoundland as far as Cape Ray, and landing at a point of land
between Chaleur Bay and Cape de Rosiers, he took ceremonial possession of the
country around in the name of Fr.\ncis L, and on the 24th of July he erected

X64 HISTORICAL COLIECTIONS OF [1562.
compelled to return into France ; where, after his arrival, he
never ceased to make suit until he was sent again, where at
last he died.
The which occasion gave small courage to send thither
again another expedition, which was the cause that this
laudable enterprise was postponed till X534, at which time
his Majesty, FRANCIS I., sent thither a pilot of St. Maloes, a
Breton, named James Cartier, well versed in the art of
navigation, and especially of the north parts, commonly
called the New Land (Newfoundland), led by some hope to
find a passage that goes to the South Seas; who being not
able at first to bring anything to pass, that he hoped to do,
was sent thither again, the following year, and likewise Le
Sire ROBERALL ;* and, as it is -well known, they did occupy
a cross with a shield bearing the arms of France. On the 25th of July he set
sail for France, and arrived at St. Malo on the 5th of September, 1534.
Cartier found his native land distracted with religious dissen.sions and
plunged in renewed war with CHARLES V. Severe laws were decreed against
the Protestants. Scaffolds were erected, and penal fires lighted up in all
parts of France. Amid the din of defensive war and intestine trouble, the
existence of Canada was almost forgotten ; and Cartier waited for better
times to return, which he afterwards effected. But the result of his several
expeditions was not encouraging to the King, as no rich mineral productions
had been discovered. But the pious Cartier strove to impress upon the King
the salubrity, beauty, and richness of the country, and the glory and merit of
extending the blessed knowledge of the Christian religion among the heathens
of the great West.
-* This name must be a misprint. It was meant for Fran(,"OIS de la Roche,
Sieur DE ROBERVAL, who was appointed Governor of Canada by Francis I. in
1540, and who sailed for America (Canada), with emigrants, and arrived in
Canada in 1542, just as war was about to recommence between Charles V. and
Francis L, which lasted about three years.

1562.J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 1 6

D

and build and plant the King's armies in the north part, a
good way inland, as far as Tuadu and Ochisaon. Where
fore, my Lord, believe that a thing so commendable, and
worthy to be attempted, that God would keep and guide us,
desiring always to fulfill your instructions.
When we had fulfilled your orders and made preparation,
we, through the favor of God, departed on the x8th Feb
ruary, 1562, with our two vessels, out of the harbor of Clave
de Grace (Havre de Grace), into the road Caur (Caux) ; and
the next day hoisted sail, the wind being east, which lasted
five days, that we could not arrive at the Nanche (the
Manche, or English Channel), that is, from between the
coast of Breton (Brittany), and England, and the Isles of
Surlinos (Scilly Islands), and Wesham (Ushant), so that the
wind blowing with great fury and tempest out of the west
and south-west altogether contrary to our course, and all
that we could do was of no effect, besides the great danger .
of losing our masts, as also to be hindered in other matters.
Wherefore, as well to escape other inconvenience which
might follow to the prejudice of our voyage, having regard
also to the danger of death, which some of our gentlemen
and soldiers, who, being troubled with fevers and other
sickness they might fall into ; also for other considerations,
we thought it best to sail into the roads of Brest, in Brit
tany, to put our sick on land until the tempest was
passed. From whence, after we had. remained there two
days, we went to sea again ; so that, my Lord, notwithstand
ing the sea and winds were against us, yet at the end God

l66 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1562.
giving us, through His grace and goodness, a most favorable
wind, I determined to sail a new course, which had not yet
been attempted ; traversing the seas of Oction * eighteen
hundred leagues at the least, which is indeed the true and
short course that hereafter must be kept to the honor of
our nation, rejecting the old, which so long time hath been
holden as true, which is, as it was thought, a thing impossi
ble to have the w-ind at E. N. E., and keep the race and
course we sailed, but that we should be driven towards
Africa, the Canary Isles, JNIadeira, and other lands adjacent.
And the cause why we have been the more provoked and
assured to take this new course hath been, because it seemed
to e\-er)- one that we might not pass, nor go in this naviga
tion, without the sight and touching at the Antilles and
Lucayos.t and other lands adjacent, and there stop to take
in fresh water and other necessaries, as the Spaniards do in
their voyage to New Spain : Whereof (thanks be God), we
have no need, nor entered the channel of BoJiam (Bahama), ;|:
which has been thought impossible.

* Supposed to be either " Les Mcrs d' Occident," the Western or Atlantic
Ocean ; or " La Mer Ocean," the Main Ocean.
f Antilles— the Caribbee Islands ; Lucayos— the Lucayos or Bahama Islands.
t This name is a misprint and must be Bahama ; the passage referred to
being through the old Bahama Channel and the Gulf of Florida.

X562.J

LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA,

167

CHAPTER II.

ORESEEING also that it was not ex
pedient for us to pass through the
islands, as well to shun many incon
veniences that might happen in pass
ing that way (whereof springeth noth
ing but innumerable quarrels, pleadings, confusions, and
breach of all worthy enterprises and good navigations,
whereof ensueth complaints and odious questions between
the subjects of the King and his friends and allies), and also
to the end they might understand that, in the time to corne
(God having showed us such graces as these his wonderful
benefits first showed to the poor people of this good people
of so gentle a nature, and a country so pleasant and fruitful,
lacking nothing at all that may seem necessary for man's
food), we would not have to do with their islands and other
lands, which (for that they first discovered them) they keep
with much jealousy ; trusting that if God will suffer the
King, through your persuasion, to cause some part of this
incomparable country to be peopled and inhabited with such
a number of his poor subjects as you shall think good, there

1 68 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1562.
never happened in the memory of man so great and good
commodity to France as this ; and, my Lord, for many
causes, whereof a man is never able to write too much,
under the assured hope that we have always had in execut
ing uprightly that which I had in charge of you, God would
prosper our ways and navigation.
After we had constantly and dihgently determined upon
the way, we should have thought tedious to our company
if it had been known unto any without turning or wavering
from their first intention. And notwithstanding that Satan
did often what he could to throw obstructions and troubles
in our way, according to his accustomed subtilties, so it is
come to pass that God, by his goodness, hath given us grace
to make the greatest traverse of the sea that ever was made
in the micmory of man, in longitude from east to west ; and,
therefore, it was commonly said, both in France and Spain,
and also among us, that it was impossible for us to safely
arrive thither where the Lord did conduct us. Albeit, that
all mariners' cards do set the coasts with shipwrecks, which
we have found otherwise, as follows :
Thursday, the last of April (30th), 1562, we discovered
and approached a fair coast, stretching a great length, cov
ered with an infinite number of high and large trees, we
being seven or eight leagues from the shore, the country
seeming to us a plain without any appearance of hills ; and,
arriving within four or five leagues of the land, we cast
anchor in ten fathoms of water, the bottom of the sea being
covered with osiers and fast hold on the south side, as far

1562.J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. X69
as a certain cape situated under the latitude of nine-and-
twenty degrees and a half, which we have named Cape
Frangois (now called Canaveral).
We could neither see river nor bay, wherefore we sent
our boats, manned with men of experience, to sound the
coast near shore, who, returning to us about one o'clock p. M.,
declared that they had found, among other things, eight
fathoms of water at the hard bank of the sea. Whereupon,
having diligently weighed our anchors and hoisted our sails,
with fair wind we sailed along the coast with unspeakable
pleasure of the odorous perfume and beauty of the scene.
And because there appeared unto us no appearance of any
port, about the setting of the sun we cast anchor again ;
which done, we did behold to and fro the goodly order of
the woods, wherewith God had decked every way the said
land. Then perceiving toward the north a leaping and
breaking of the water, as a stream falling out of the land
into the sea. for which we hoisted sails again to double the
same while it was yet day. And as we had so done and
passed beyond it, there appeared unto us a wide entry of a
fair river, which caused us to cast anchor again nearer to
land, to the end, next day, that we might see what it was ;
and though the wind blew for a time boisterously to the
shoreward, yet the hold and anchorage was so good that
one cable and one anchor held us fast without danger or
sliding. The next day, in the morning, being the xst of May,
1562, we set out with two barges and a boat well trimmed

X70 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1562.
to enter this river, which rnight have astonished and caused
us tp return to the ships if God had not speedily brought us
in, where finding thirty-six fathoms of water, we entered a
magnificent and great river,* which as we found it to in
crease in depth and width, boiling and roaring through the
inultitude of all kinds of fish. Having passed its mouth,
we began to see a great many of the natives, who ap
proached us without fear, pointing out to us tlie best land
ing-place, and on our part we gave them every assurance
of friendship. Forth^\-ith one of the best appearance among
them, a brother of one of the kings or chiefs, who ordered
one of the natives or Indians to enter the river and ap
proach our boats to show us the best place for landing.
Seeing this, and without any more doubting, we landed and
rewarded him with a looking-glass and other pretty things
of small value, and afterward he ran to his lord or king,
who forthwith sent me his girdle, made of red leather, in
token of friendship ; and I began to go toward him, when
he came toward me with all his men, who received me kindly
and modestly ; yea, more than our men did.
And after we had congratulated him kindly, we fell to the
ground on our knees a short distance from them, to give
thanks to God, and beseech him to continue still his good
ness towards us, and bring to the knowledge of our Saviour
Christ this poor people.

* This was probably the river now called St. John's, as there is no other near
the locality which corresponds with the author's description.

1562.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. l']\
While we were thus praying, they sitting upon the ground,
which was strewed with bay branches, they beheld and
hearkened to us attentively without speaking or moving ;
and as I made a sign unto their King, lifting up mine arm,
and stretching forth one finger, to make them look up heaven
ward ; he, likewise lifting up his arm towards heaven, put
forth two fingers, whereby it seemed that he wished to tell
us that he worshiped the Sun and Moon for their gods ; as
afterwards we understood it so.
In the meantime their number increased, and thither came
the King's brother who was first with us, then the sisters,
wives, and children, and being thus assembled, they caused
a great many bay boughs cut, and therewith a place too
dressed for us, distant from theirs two fathom ; for it is their
manner to talk and bargain sitting ; and the chief or king to
be separated from the common people ; with a show of great
obedience to their kings, elders, and superiors.
They are all naked, of good stature, well shapen of body
as any people in the world ; very gentle, courteous, and
good-natured. The most part of them cover their waists
and privities with hat^t (deer) skins painted with a variety of
colors ; and the forepart of their bodies and arms they also
paint with pretty devices in azure, red, and black, so well
and properly, that the best painters of Europe could not
amend (do) better.*

* " Dwelling under warm skies," says Jones on the antiquities of the Southern
Indians, " the Southern Indians passed the greater part of the year in a state
of almost entire nudity, and delighted in painting their bodies with the most

172 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1562.
The women have their bodies covered with a certain herb,
like unto moss, whereof the cedar and other trees are always
covered. The men also trim themselves after sundry
fashions. They are of tawny color, hawked nosed, and of
pleasant countenance. The women are well formed, and
will not suffer any one to approach too near them. But we
were not in their houses, nor were we near any of them.
After we tarried on the north side of the river (which we
have called May, because we discovered it on the first day
of May), for the most part of the day, we made alliance and
entered into amity with them, and presented the King and
his brethren with garments of blue cloth variegated with
yellow 7?«/r de luce. And they seemed sorry when we took
our departure, so. that most of them went into the water up
to their necks to set our boats afloat, putting into them
different kinds of fish,* which they took from their weirs,
built in the water with great reeds, so well and cunningly
set together after the fashion of a labyrinth, with many turns
and crooks, which it was impossible to construct without
much skill and industry.
But desiring to spend the rest of the day on the other

brilliant colors they could command ; and both men and women covered their
arms and bodies with ornaments of gold jewelry, pearls, beads, shells, etc., and
when the grave opened to receive them, these prized possessions were deposited
with them. The tumuli of the South are now the storehouses from whence are
obtained these ornaments " (as well as fine specimens of Indian pottery).
* " Trout, mullets, perch, bass, and a variety of other fish different from
ours.'' (See Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, p. 178, Vol. I.,
New Series.)

1562.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

173

side of the river, to become acquainted with those Indians
we saw, we went there without any difficulty, and landed
amongst them, who received us gently and kindly, giving us
of their fruits — mulberries, raspberries, and other fruits they
found in their way. Soon after this came the King with his
brethren, and others, with bows and arrows in their hands,
with their behavior soldierlike and warlike and bold as ma)^
be. They were naked and painted as the others ; their hair
was long and trussed up, with a lace made of herbs, to the
top of their heads, but they had neither their children nor
wives with them.
After we had lovingly entertained and presented them
tvith like gifts of haberdashery wares, cutting hooks, and
hatchets, and clothed the King and his brethren with like
robes as we had given to them on the other side, we entered
and explored their country thereabouts, which is the fairest,
fruitfulest, and pleasantest of all the world, abounding in
honey, venison, wild game, forests, woods of all sorts, cypress,
magnolia, cedar, palms, and bays the highest and greatest ;
and vines with grapes, which without art and man's help
¦ or trimming will grow to the tops of the oaks and other
trees of great height. And the sight of the fair meadows is a
pleasure not able to be expressed with speech ; full of herns,
bitterns, curlews, mallards, geese, woodcocks, and other
small birds ; with harts, hinds, bucks, swine, and other
kind of wild beasts which we saw by their tracks, and after
wards in other places by their cries and howling at night.
Also we saw conies and hares ; silkworms in great number.

174 HISTORICAI COIIECTIONS OF [1562.
and a great deal larger and better than our silkworms. To
conclude, it is marvelous to think of the things seen there,
and the incomparable land which never yet has been
plowed, that brings forth according to the first nature
wherewith the Eternal God hath indued it.
About their houses, they labor and till the ground, sowing
their fields with a grain called maize, whereof they make
their meals ; and in their grounds they plant beans, gourds,
citrons, cucumbers, peas, and many other fruits and roots un
known tous. Their spades and mattocks are made of wood
so well and fitly as it is possible, which they make with certain
stones, oyster shells and mussels, with which they also
make their bows and arrows and short lances, and cut and
polish all sorts of wood that they employ about their build
ings. They also grow man)- walnut-trees, hazel and cherry
trees, vei-y fair -and large.
And generally we have seen the same simples and herbs
in France, and of the like goodness and flavor. The people
here are of great strength and good archers. The strings to
their bows are made of leather, and their arrows are of reed,
which the)' head with the teeth of fish. As we now demand
of them concerning the country we call Sivola* {Cibola),

* The correct form of this name appears to be Sibola or Cibola, which is the
name of an Indian district, or province, on the river Gila, about one thousand
miles north-w-est from Mexico. The attention of the Spaniards was first
directed towards it by a missionary named Marcos de Ni(;.\, who, in the
year 1539, penetrated into this unconquered region ; and, on his return to Mex
ico, gave such a glowing description of its wealth and population, and also its
seven great cities, that an expedition was fitted out to conquer the country under

1562.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

175

whereof some have written not to be far thence, and be
some leagues situate within the land, and toward the sea
they called .the South, where they might go thither with
their boats, by rivers, in twenty days. They that have
written of this kingdom and town oi Sivola, and other towns
and kingdoms thereabouts, say that there is a great abun^
dance of gold and silver, precious stones, and other great
riches, and that the people had their arrows headed with iron,
and sharp-pointed turquoises. Thus, the night approach
ing, it was necessary for us to return on shipboard. We
accordingly took leave of them, much to their grief, but
more to ours, for we had no one to (pilot) enter the rivers
with our ships.
It was not their custom either to eat or drink from sunrise
till sunset : yet the King openly would needs drink with us,
praying us to give him the cup whereout we had drunk ; and
so, making him to understand that we would see him again
next day, we retired to our ships, which lay about six leagues
from the haven to the sea.

the command of RODRIGO DEL Rio, the Governor of New Biscay, without much
success. Recent explorations, however, in Arizona, by military expeditions of
United States troops, confirm in part the existence of those cities. The names
by which they are now most widely known, are Oryina, She-bo-pav-wee, She-pa-
la-wee, Mee-shom-o-neer, Moqui, Mo-guee-nah, and To-wah, still inhabited by
the descendants of the Aztecs, who were driven out of Mexico by Cortez.
Their government is a conservative republic. Power is vested in thirteen
caciques, or chiefs. Suffrage is universal, and the people are far advanced in
civilization. 13

176

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF

[1562.

CHAPTER III,

HE next morning we returned to land
again, accompanied with the captain's
gentlemen, and soldiers, and other per
sons, carrying with us a pillar or column
of hard stone, with the King's arms en
graved thereon, to plant and set the
sai-ne at the entry of the port, in some high place, where it
might be easily seen ; and being come thither before the
Indians were assembled, we discovered, on the south side of
the ri\-er, a place very suitable for the purpose, upon a little.
hill, compassed with cypress, bays, palms, and other trees,
with sweet-smelling and pleasant shrubs, in the middle
whereof we planted the first boundary or limit of his Maj
esty. This done, perceiving our first Indians assembling, not.
without showing some dislike of those on the south side,
where we had set the limit, tarried for us in the same place
where they met with us the day before, seeming to us there
was some enmity between them and others. But when they
perceived our long stay on this side, they ran to see what
we had done in that place, where we landed first, and had

1562.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 1 77
set our limit. They viewed it a great while without touch
ing it in any way, or ever speaking to us about it at any time
after. Howbeit we could scarcely depart from them without
great grief, and they continued to follow us along the river
from all parts, presenting us with hart skins-, painted and
unpainted ; meal, little cakes, fresh water, roots like rinbabe
(rhubarb), which they hold in great estimation, and make
use of for medicine. They also brought to us bags of red
colors, and some small spices like unto vire, perceiving among
them fair things painted- as it had been with grains of scarlet,
showing unto us they had in their land gold, silver, and copper,
of which we bought some ; also lead, turquoises, and great
abundance of pearls, which they told us they took out of
oysters along the river side ; and as fair pearls as are found
in any country of the world. For we saw on one of their
men, as we entered our boats, a pearl hanging to a collar of
gold about his neck, as great as an acorn. This man, as fast
as he had taken fish in one of their fishing packs (weirs),
brought them to our boats ; and one of our men, perceiving
the great size thereof, and pointing his finger towards it,
the Indian drew back, and would not come near our boats
for fear that if he did we would take his collar and pearl
from him, but which he would have given us for a looking-
glass or a knife. He was one of the best-looking men of all
the company. The day being well gone, which grieved us
very much, for the commodity of great riches to be obtained
here, and desiring to employ the rest of the day with the
Indians on the south side, which we talked with the day

X78 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF ['562.
before, who still remained to look at us, we crossed the
river to their shore, where we found them patiently waiting
for us quietly, and in good order, with new paintings upon
their faces, and feathers upon their heads.
The King, with his bow and arrows lying by him, sat on
the ground, covered with green boughs, among his followers,
who were fine-looking and well-formed men, very active, and
having upon their heads their hair trussed up, gathered, and
worked together with great cunning, and fastened after the
form of a diadem. One of them had, hanging about his
neck, a round plate of red copper, well polished, with a
smaller one of silver hung in the middle of it ; and on his
ears a small plate of copper, with which they wipe the sweat
from their bodies.
They pointed to us there was a great store of this metal
in the country, about five or six days' journey from thence,
both on the south and north side of this river, which they
went thither in their boats to collect, which boats they make
of one piece of a tree, working on it so cunningly that they
can put in these boats fifteen or twenty men.
When they row, they stand up, having short oars, after
the fashion of a peel ; and being thus among them, they
gave us meal dressed and baked, good and well-tasted ; also
beans and fish, crabs, lobsters, crevices, and many other kind
of good fish, and showing us their dwelhngs afar off. The
night now approaching, we returned to our ships with much
sorrow, for we durst not hazard our ship, by reason of a
bar of sand that was at the mouth of the river, notwith-

IS62.J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 1 79
standing at full tide there were at least two fathoms and a
half of water, and is but a leap over a surge to pass this
bar, not passing two cables in length, and then afterwards
six or seven fathoms of water everywhere ; so that it made a
very fair haven, and ships from four to six hundred tons may
enter therein at all floods, yea, of a far greater burden, if
there were Frenchmen that might pilot the entry as they do
in France.
The situation is in thirty degrees north latitude, a good
climate, healthful, good temperature, delightfully pleasant,
the natives of a good and amiable disposition, who willingly
obey, yea, content to serve those that shall, with gentleness
and humanity, go about to win them, as it is needful for
those that be sent thither hereafter so to do, and as I have
charged those that be left there to do, to the end that they
may ask and learn of them where they get their gold, cop
per, and turquoises, and other things yet unknown to us, by
reason of the short time we remained there ; for if any rude
or rigorous means should be used towards these people,
they would fly hither and thither through the forests and
country, and abandon their habitations.
The next day, being the 3d of May (1562), being desirous
to find out harbors to anchor in, we hoisted sail again, and
after we had ranged the coast as near shore as we could,
there appeared unto us, about seven leagues on this side of
the river May, a great opening or bay of some river,
whither we sent one of our boats, and there found one entry
almost like the fiver May, and within the same of as great

x8o HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1562.
depth, and as large, and dividing itself into great streams
stretching towards the highlands, with many others of less
size, which divide the country into beautiful and great lands,
and small and fair meadows.
Having, entered about three leagues, we found a place
commodious, strong, and pleasant of situation, and certain
Indians who received us friendly. Nevertheless, we ap
proached so near their houses, it seemed to offend them,
and that w-e went there contrary to their wish, for at the
noise and cries they made, their wives and children escaped
into the woods with all their household goods. We after
wards went to their houses, but none of the natives would
accompany us.
Their houses are made of wood, fitly and closely set up,
and covered with reeds, the most part after the fashion of a
pavilion. But there was one house among the rest very
long and wide, with seats round about made of reeds nicely
put together, which serve both for beds and seats, two feet
high from the ground, set upon round pillars painted red,
yellow, and blue, and neatly polished. Some of these people
observed at a distance that we did not, in any manner, injure
their dwellings nor gardens; they returned to us before our
leaving, seeming well satisfied, and gave us water, fruits, and
hart's skins.
It is a place of wonderful fertility, and the ground so rich
that it is likely that it would bring forth wheat and corn
twice a year ; and similar and like unto the land we found
upon the river May. Without coming into the sea, this arm

I 562. J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. x8l
doth divide and make many other Isles of May, as also man)-
great islands, by which we travel from one island to another,
between land and land ; and it seems that men may sail
without danger through all the country, and never enter the
great ocean, which is a great advantage.
This is the land of Checere,* whereof some have written,
and may have explored for the great riches they perceived
by some Indians to be found there. It is in so good a
climate that none of our men, though we were there in the
hottest season of the year, the sun entering Cancer, were
troubled with any sickness. The people there live long and
in great health and strength, so that the old men go without
staves, and are able to go and run like the youngest, and are
only known by the wrinkles in their face, and decay of sight.
We departed from them very friendly, and with their con
sent. But the night overtaking us, we were compelled to
lie in our ships all that night till it was day, floating upon
this river, which we have called the Seine, because the entry
of it is as broad as from Havre de Grace to Honfleur.
At the break of day we espied, out of the south side, one
of the most pleasant meadow grounds that might be seen,
into which we went, finding at the very entry a long, fair,
and great lake, and an innumerable number of footsteps of
the great harts and hinds, their steps being all fresh and
new, and it seemeth that che people nourish them like tame

* The adjacent district to Broad river, of Port Royal, South Carolina, now
called St. Helena, is the Chichora {Checere of Ribault) of the old Spanish maps.

1 82 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1562.
cattle, in great herds ; for we saw the steps of Indians who
followed them.
The channel and depth of the river Seine is on that side
of the meadow which is in the Isle of May ; and after re
turning to our ships we continued to sail along the coast as
near the shore as we could, to know more and more of the
coast. And after we had sailed six or seven leagues more,
there appeared unto us another bay, where we cast anchor,
and, stopping all night, in the morning we went thither, and
finding by our sounding at the entry many banks, we durst
not enter there with our great ship, having named the river
Somme,* which is eight nine, ten, eleven fathoms deep, divid
ing itself into many great islands and small meadow grounds
and pastures, and everywhere the greatest abundance of fish ;
and on the north-west side there is a great river that cometh
from the country of great extent, and another on the east
side, which return into the sea.
So that, my Lord, it is a country full of havens, rivers, and
islands of such fertility as cannot with tongue be expressed ;
and where, in .short time, great and precious commodities
might be found. And, besides this, we discovered seven
great rivers more, cutting and dividing the land into fair and
great islands.
* The river Somme appears to correspond most with the river St. Ilia and
Jy kill or St. Andrew's Sound.

1562.]

LOUIS1A.NA AND FLORIDA.

183

CHAPTER IV,

HE Indian inhabitants there are all alike
in appearance and manners, and the
country in fertility apt and extensive
throiughout to bear and 'bring forth
abundantly all that men would sow and
plant upon.itX There are everywhere
the highest and greatest pine trees that can be seen, good
smelling, and where might be gathered, cutting only the
bark, as much rosin, turpentine,, and frankincense as men
r
would desire. Wherefore, being not able to enter and lie
with our great vessels there, we could not remain any
longer, nor enter far into the rivers and countries as we
would have desired, for it is well known how many accidents
have happened unto men attempting iiew discoveries, but
also in all places by leaving their great vessels in the sea, far
from land. As for the other rivers, we have given them the
following names ; and to the islands adjoining them the same
name that the next river hath, as you will see by the maps or
sea-cards (charts) that I have made thereof. As to the fourth,
the name oi Loire ; to the fifth, Charnet ; to the sixth, Caro ;

1 84 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [15^2.
to the seventh. Belle ; to the eighth, Grande ; to the ninth,
Port Royal ; and to the tenth. Belle Voir.*
Upon Whitsunday, the 27th of May, 1562, after we had
considered that there was no remedy but to endeavor to find
a harbor for our ships, as well as to overhaul and trim them,
as well as to get fresh water, wood, and other necessaries,
whereof we were of the opinion there was no fitter place
than Port Royal, and when we had sounded the channel,
thanked be God, we entered safely therein with our ships,
against the opinion of many, finding the same one of the
greatest and fairest of the greatest havens of the world.
Howbeit, it mu.st not be forgotten, that in approaching
it within seven leagues of the land, that on the east side,
drawing towards the south-east, the land is flat, nevertheless,
at a full sea-tide there is everywhere four fathoms of water
keeping in the channel.
* The names of these rivers, as given by Laudonniere, in his history of the
first discovery and settlement of Florida, published in the first volume of the
Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, new series, 1869, are Loire,
Charente, Garonne, Gironde, Belle, Grande, and the last, Bellevoir. No indica
tions are given in the text by which these seven rivers can be distinguished at the
present day. More than one writer has offered conjectures on this point. The
same remark will apply to the two rivers named respectively, by M. Ribault,
Libourne and Chenonceau. The latter is probably Archer's or Scull Creek, about
six miles from the present town of Beaufort. The rivers discovered by Ribault
may perhaps correspond to those known to us at present, and the following may
be a correct classification of them, viz. : May to the St. John's ; Seine, the St.
Mary's; Somme, the Satilla ; Loire, the Altamaha; Charante, the Newport;
Garonne, the Ogechee ; Gironde, the Savannah ; Belle (voir), the May, in South
Carolina : Grande, the Broad ; Port Royal, the Port Royal. The Broad river,
says Cardenas, " Ensayo Chronologico de la Florida," is the Jordan of South
Carolina, and also by Vasquez de Ayllon, who visited it in 1520.

X562.J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 185
In this part there are many rivers, some large and some
small, where, without danger, the greatest ships of the world
may be harbored, and where we saw no Indians inhabiting
thereabouts. The port and river is nearly ten or twelve
leagues up in the country, although it is one of the most
fruitful countries that ever was seen, and where nothing
lacketh, and also as good as can be found in other places.
Here we found a great number of pepper-trees, the pepper
yet green, and not ready to be gathered. Also the best
water in the world, and so great a variety of fishes that you
may take them without net or fishing-rod, as many as you
will. Also an innumerable variety of wild game ; and on
the north-east and east side of the small islands there are
bushes of grapes which one may gather and carry away.
There are also to be seen a great number of herns, bit
terns, curlews, and small birds. We found the Indians here
more suspicious than others we had seen before ; yet after
we had been with them in their houses, and showed them
courtesies, and leaving with them knives, beads, and looking-
glasses, which they admire and esteem above pearls and
gold to give to their wives and children, they became less
suspicious. For some of them came to our boats, of which we took
two of them on board our ships, clothing and using them as
kindly as possible. But they ceased not day nor night to
lament, and at length they ran away. Although I was
willing to bring some of them with us, according to your
wishes on behalf of yourself and the Princes, yet I forbore

X86 HISTORICAI COLLECTIONS OF [1562.
to do so, for many considerations and reasons, for we were
in doubt that, leaving some of our men to settle in their
country, the men, women, and children would not have
ceased to pursue them till they returned to their country.
This is the river Jordan,* in my opinion, whereof so much
has been spoken, which is very fair, and the country good,
both for the convenience of habitation, and also for many
other things which would be too long to write.
On the 30th of May we planted another column or pillar,
engraved with the King's arms, on the south side, on high
ground, at the entrance of a great river, which we called
Libourne, where there is a lake of fresh water very good, and
on the same side, a little lower down towards the entrance
of the harbor, is one of the fairest fountains that a man may
drink of, which rushes down to the river from a high bankf
out of a red sandy soil, and yet, for all that, fruitful and good
air, where it would seem that some Indians have fair
houses. There we saw fair and great vines, with grapes hanging in
* The BroadiWei of Port Royal, South Carolina. " The nearest river,'- says
Brigstock, who traveled in Carolina, Georgia, and Florida, in 1623, to Virginia,
"was the Jordan, which lies in thirty-two degrees north latitude, from whence
twenty leagues farther south is the promontory of St. Helena, near Port Royal
where the French began their settlement. Between the Jordan and St Helena
are Oristanum and Cayuga; Oristanum lying four leagues from Cayuga. From
St. Heleiui to Dos Baxos is five leagues, and from thence to Bay Asapo is three
leagues ; thence to Copula, eight leagues ; thence to Alcamy is twenty-three
leagues, and to San Matteo (now called St. John's river) fifty-two leagues."
f Probably Hilton Head, where in after years (1863) the batteries of the
Southern Confederacy fired upon the war ships of the United States of America.

X562.] lOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 187
large clusters, and large and small trees ; which country
seemeth to be the pleasantest and convenient for settlement.
Wherefore, my Lord, trusting that you will not think it amiss,
considering the commodities that may be sent from thence,
if we leave a number of men there, to fortify and provide
themselves with necessary things ; for in all new discoveries
the chiefest thing to be done is to fortify and people the
country. I had no sooner proposed to make a settlement
there, than a large number with good feelings consented,
and we had much to do to restrain them from their impor
tunity. Especially many of our shipmasters and principal
pilots and others we could not spare. Nevertheless, we left
there thirty gentlemen, soldiers and mariners, and at their
own request and prayer, and- by the advice of the gentlemen
sent on behalf of the Prince and yourself.* And having left

* The political state of affairs in France at the time of Ribault's return.pre-
vented any further attention being directed towards this colony until 1564. But
on the return of peace, M. Laudonniere was sent with three ships to carry
succors to the infant colony. He arrived on the coast of Florida on the 22d of
June, 1564, and, finding the settlement at Charlesfort abandoned, he selected
another spot for the colony near the mouth of the river May, now called St.
John, where he erected a fort and gave it the name of Fort Carolin, in honor
of Charles IX. of France. He afterwards wrote a history of the Colonization
of Florida, which is printed in the first volume of the new series of the " His
torical Collection of Louisiana and Florida," 1869. It is somewhat remarkable
that several of the primitive North American colonies were settled by people
who repaired to them on account of religious oppression at home. New England
was colonized by Puritans exiled by Royal and Episcopal tyranny. Virginia was
replenished by Cavaliers and Episcopal fugitives from Republican and Puritan
ascendency ; while Maryland was founded by Catholics, who had left England
and Ireland to escape Protestant intolerance ;, and had the French Protestants

x88

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1562.

Captain ALBERT DE LA PlERRIA, an officer of experience,
the first that offered to establish a settlement, and further,
by their advice and choice fortified themselves on the north
side of an island,* upon a place of strong situation, upon
a river which we named Chenonceau, and named the fort
Charlesfort. After I had instructed and duly admonished them of what
they should do, as well for their manner of proceeding and
good behavior of the colony, on the 9th day of June, 1562,
we set sail from Port Royal and sailed along the coast to the
fortieth degree of north latitude. And forasmuch as there
came upon us stormy and cloudy weather, and very uncom
fortable for us, and considering, amongst other things, that
we had lost our cables, which is the principal thing for them
who go to discover new countries, where continually, both
night and day, they must lie at anchor; also our provisions
being damaged, and lack of- boatswains to direct our barges,
and have our ships supplied. The statement made by our
pilots and some others that had been at some places where
we purposed to visit, and the danger also and inconvenience
that might happen to us, and by reason of the great fogs on
the sea, that had already come, we concluded it was too
late in the season to undertake this thing. And having
weighed and considered also that it was important and
succeeded in Florida and South Carolina, those States would also have been
among the number which religious intolerance had forced into existence.
* It is generally supposed that Charlesfort was constructed on this island,
named in old Spanish maps " Santa Cruz," and near the present beautiful town
of Beaufort, one of the oldest settlements in North America.

1562.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 1 89
necessary that your Lordship should with diligence be in
formed of the result of the voyage, and through the help of
God we returned directly home, to render an account of our
voyage. Praying God may please to keep your Lordship in good
health, etc.
On his arrival in France, Ribault found the country in a state of
great commotion. The civil war between the Huguenots and the
Catholics was raging, and neither the King nor Coligny had time
to listen to Ribault's solicitations to send relief to the colonists left
in French Florida. These colonists remained, therefore, during the
remainder of 1562-3, without assistance from France ; and, after
many trials and sufi^erings, they were at last forced to abandon their
settlement and return to France.
At the close of 1563 peace was concluded between the Catholics
and Protestants, and Coligny reminded the King of the colony left
among the savages on a wild coast, and laid before him a plan for
another expedition for their relief. Thereupon, three vessels, with
permission of the King (Charles IX. ), -were fitted out, under the
command of Captain Rene de Laudonniere, one of Captain
Ribault's ofiScers on the first expedition, with instructions to make
an accurate description and map of the country.
The expedition was joined by several young noblemen of France,
who equipped themselves at their own expense. Some veteran soldiers
were added, and two of the most celebrated French mariners of the
age, the brothers M. and T. Le Vasseur, as pilots, and the fleet
arrived in Florida June 22, 1564. Taking into consideration that
" Port Royal," -vthere. Ribault had established his colony in 1562,
was not a desirable place, he proceeded to the river May {Si. John's),
took possession of that country in the name of his sovereign, and
built a fort, which he called, in honor of Charles IX., " Za Carolin,"
and sent a report of his proceedings to Admiral Coligny.

X90 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. [1562.
In the folio-wing year, after many delays, another expedition was
fitted out under the command of Captain Ribault, consisting of
seven ships with provisions, manned by several hundred soldiers, to
give relief and found a complete colony, and arrived off the mouth
of the river May August 27, 1565. Meanwhile, the Spanish govern
ment had been apprised of the expedition of Ribault, and dispatched
an expedition under Don Pedro Menendez de Aviles to drive the
colonists out of Florida, and take possession of the countn-, which
by right of first discovery, as well as for other reasons, was claimed to
be a part of the Spanish dominions ; and on the arrival of the Span
ish fleet, without giving any -tt-arning, at once made show of an attack,
and the French fleet finding resistance impossible, as Captain Ribault
was then paying a visit to the colony, the commander set sail for the
open sea to watch the movements of the commander of the Spanish
fleet, who set sail to take refuge in the harbor of Si. Augustine.
Meanwhile, Ribault rejoined his fleet and set sail to attack the Span
iards, but before he could reach them, the French fleet were wrecked
in a storm and drove ashore not far from Matanzas Inlet, where those
who effected a landing were barbarously butchered by the orders of
Don Pedro jNIenendez Adelantado, of Florida ; and, in the summer
of 1567, he returned to Spain to make report of his grand achieve
ments, and to receive the promised rewards from the King for the
capture of ' ' Fort Carolin, " on the river May, and the massacre of
the almost defenseless garrison, and expulsion of the French from
Florida. See Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, new series, pp. 178-
324 ; Collections of the Maine Historical Society, p. 432. The Narratives of
Mendoza and Solis are printed in this volume.

iWemoir

HAPPY RESULT AND PROSPEROUS VOYAGE OF THE FLEET
COMMANDED BY THE ILLUSTRIOUS CAPTAIN-GENERAL
PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES, WHICH SAILED FROM
CADIZ ON THE MORNING OF THURSDAY, JUNE 28-rH, FOR
THE COAST OF FLORIDA, AND ARRIVED THERE ON THE
28th of AUGUST, 1565.

FRANCISCO LOPEZ DE MENDOZA GRAJALES,
Chaplain of the Expedition*

CHAPTER I.

^3

HE Lord having granted us favorable
weather from the first, five days' sailing
brought us in sight of the Lanzarote
Islands and Fuerte Ventura. The fol
lowing Wednesday, July 5, 1565, we
reached the Canary Islands, which are
two hundred and fifty leagues from Cadiz, where we stopped
three days to lay in a supply of wood and water.

-* Menendez set sail from Cadiz on the 29th June, 1565, with eleven ships
leaving the smaller vessels of his fleet to follow. His whole force amounted to
two thousand six hundred and forty-six persons (in thirty-four vessels, one of
14

X92. HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-
The following Sunday, July 8, our fleet, composed of eight
ships, under the direction of our general, left the Canary
Islands, and proceeded to the Island of Dominica, which
was to be conquered from the Caribbee Indians. Unfor
tunately, the very evening we set sail, our first galley and a
patache became separated from us. For two days we
coasted up and down, hoping to rejoin them, but without
any success ; and our admiral, seeing that we should not be
able to accomplish it, gave the order for us to sail directly to
Dominica, where we were to await them in case they had
not arrived before us. During this voyage a shallop, or
boat, commanded by Capt. FRANCESCO SANCHEZ, sprung
aleak, and as it got beyond the control of the crew, he
asked assistance from us, but it was impossible to give him
an)-. The pilot wishing to continue to sail with the other
vessels until they should arrive at their destination, and
have the leak repaired there, the captain and a soldier had
recourse to their swords to oblige the pilot to return to
port, being fearful lest they should all be drowned. The
pilot declared himself unable to do this on account of the
rough weather, so they decided to make for the cape on the
south-west in order to reach the land as soon as possible.
Thus it happened that we were obliged to leave them, which
we did with deep regret and great anxiety as to what would

which was the flag-ship San Pelayo, of nine hundred and ninety-six tons),
among which were twelve Franciscans, eight Jesuits, and other ecclesiastics,
and many Knights of Galicia, Biscay, and the Asturias. {See Parkman's Pioneers
of France in tlie New World.)

1565-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

193

become of them. The five vessels which remained of our
fleet had a prosperous voyage the rest of the way, thanks to
our Lord and His blessed mother. Up to Friday, the 20th,
we had very fine weather, but at ten o'clock that day a
violent wind arose, which by two in the afternoon had
become the most frightful hurricane one could imagine.
The sea, which rose to the very clouds, seemed about to
swallow us up alive, and such was the fear and apprehension
of the pilot and other sailors, that I exerted myself to exhort
my brethren and companions to repentance. I represented
to them the passion of our Lord Jesus Christ, His justice
and His mercy, and with so much success that I passed the
night in confessing them.
Very often the sea washed completely over the deck
where we were gathered, one hundred and twenty men
having no other place to go, as there was only one between-
decks, and that was full of biscuit, wine, and other provisions.
We were in such great danger that it was found necessary
to lighten the vessel, and we threw a great many barrels of
¦ water into the sea, as well as our cooking apparatus and
seven millstones which we were taking with us. Most of
the reserve rigging and the great ship's cable were cast over
board, and still the waves continued to break over us.
The admiral then resolved to throw all the chests of the men
into the sea, but the distress of the soldiers was so great
that I felt constrained to throw myself at his feet and beg
him not to do it. I reminded him that we ought to trust to
the great mercy of our Lord, and, like a true Christian, he

X94 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-
showed confidence in God, and spared the luggage. When
Jesus Christ permitted the return of day, we looked at each
other as at men raised from the dead, and though our
suspense during Saturday was no less than that of the pre
ceding night, light itself was a consolation to us ; but when
night, however, found us again still in the same dangerous
situation, we thought we must surely perish, and during this
vhole night I preached to the crew, and exhorted them to
put their trust in God. Sunday morning came, and your
Lordship can fancy how we rejoiced to see daylight once
more, although the storm continued unabated all day, and
until noon of the following Monday, when our Lord deigned
to have compassion and mercy on us, and calmed the fury
of the winds and waves.
When the tempest arose our five vessels were sailing in
company, but during the night the hurricane was so
violent that they were driven in different directions,
and we lost sight of one another for three days. Finally,
one morning, we saw a ship approaching which we recog
nized as one of our fleet, although we had at first feared it
was French.
We were all so tired, and our minds so confused by
what we had suffered, that the pilots lost all calcula,tions
of reckoning as to what was our proper course ; but, inspired
by the Holy Ghost, they directed the men to steer W. S. W.,
and we came in sight of the Island of Desirade.
On Sunday, August 5, the day of Notre Dame des
Neiges, just as we were approaching the island, we were

1565-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. X95
assailed by a heavy swell and a westerly gale which drove us
back to the Island of Dominica, inhabited by Caribbee* In
dians, where we entered the harbor about nine o'clock in the
evening. As soon as we had cast anchor, the captain gave
orders to lower and arm the ship's boat, which the sailors
manned, and, being provided with jars, went ashore in search
of water, of which we were in the greatest need. An Italian
domestic whom I had went with them, and in the early
morning, while searching for water by a bright moonlight
he discovered at the foot of a tree the largest and most
frightful tortoise one could imagine. At the first movement
it made, they thought it was a serpent or some other deadly
animal, and cried to each other to fly to the shore where
their boat was ; but afterwards, as there were six of them,
they felt ashamed of their fears, and, each taking an oar or a
stick, they returned to where they had first heard the sound,
and, as I have said, discovered a tortoise. Armed with their
oars, they approached it and tried to turn it on its back.
* The Caribbee Indians were the natural inhabitants of the Antilles. They
flattened their heads, had small eyes, and wore their hair long, and generally
lived to a great age. Their skin was of a deep, swarthy copper color. They
painted it with rocou and oil, which defended them from the sun, and drove
away the mosquitoes. The women were of good figure, with round faces, long
black hair, and smiling countenances, and adorned their arms, neck, and
ankles with bracelets made of colored stones and shells. They spoke three
sorts of languages, one common to them all, a second pecuUar to the women, in
which they conversed among themselves ; aid a third, used only in their councils
and assemblies, which was not understood by the women. They regarded them
selves a superior race, and looked upon the negro imported from Africa by the
Spaniards with contempt. — Diction7taire langue des Caribe,par P. Breton.

X96 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-
The animal fled towards the sea, but they were at last suc
cessful in attacking it by one leg, and were able to bring it
on to the ship. It required six men next day to cut it up.
The creature was a female and contained more than five
hundred eggs, each about the size of a hen's egg, and having
a yolk and white, but quite round in shape. The meat,
especially when roasted, looks and tastes like veal. These
tortoises live principally in the sea, although they go on
shore to sleep. When they are filled with eggs, as this one
was, they deposit them on the ground and cover them with
earth, where after a certain time the young hatch out, and
then go into the sea to live. On Tuesday morning the
admiral fitted out the boat, in which the sailors were to go
in search of wood and water, and told me that if I wished, I
might accompany them, although he advised me to be very
careful. Anxious to go ashore, I did not stop to consider
all the danger to which I might be exposed. I called my
Italian servant and directed him to take a half dozen soiled
shirts and some other linen, and gave him a piece of soap
with which to wash them when we got on land, which he
did very well. I had fifty jars filled with excellent water, in
the forest, and then sent off" the boat. While my servant
and four other men were busy washing the clothing, I
climbed upon some rocks on the seashore and amused
myself collecting shells, of which there were a great number,
when, on raising my eyes, T perceived three entirely naked
men descending a hill. As we were in an enemy's country,
I thought they must of course be Caribbees, and ran as fast

1565.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. I97
as I could to join my companions. Each armed with a half
dozen stones, we then went to meet the men. When we came
within reach of their voices, we perceived that they were
some of our own people, which, considering the condition we
thought ourselves in, gave me the greatest pleasure. The
explanation of this adventure is this : only a certain number
of us were permitted by the admiral to go ashore, but the
poor wretches who remained behind, having also the greatest
desire to land, five soldiers agreed to swim after and join us.
The distance was greater than it appeared, however, and
the current being very rapid, two out of the five were
drowned. The other three crossed the mountain to where
I was, and as they wore no clothing, I thought it must be
an ambuscade of Caribbees. I had about a hundred Peru
jars filled with fresh water, and a large quantity of wood
gathered, and at about four o'clock we returned to the ship.
Just then, so fresh a breeze sprung up, that at daylight on
Wednesday, we found ourselves at the Island of Monserrat,
thirty-five leagues from there. It is said that from the
Canary Islands to Dominica there are about eight hundred
leagues sailing. Farther on are a great many other islands
which bear the, names of different saints, GuadaJoupe and
the Virgin Islands. This group appears to be about two
hundred leagues in circumference, but the ground is very
stony and uninhabitable.

X98

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF

[156 =

CHAPTER II.

N Thursday, August 9, about noon, we
came in sight of Porto Rico ; but at
nightfall, the pilot being fearful lest we
should run aground on the sand-banks
which surround the island and its harbor,
ordered all the sails to be brailed up.;
next morning, however, the breeze having stiffened a little,
we again set sail, and entered the port on Friday, St. Law
rence's Day, at about three in the afternoon. On entering
the harbor, we discovered our first galley anchored there,
with the San Pelayo, which had become separated from us
in a storm.* Loud cries of joy resounded on all sides,
and we thanked the Lord that he had permitted us to find
each other again, but it would be impossible for me to tell
how it all happened. The captains and ensigns came imme
diately to see us, and I regaled them with some confection
ery and other things which I had brought with me. That
same day I went ashore with the admiral, and we visited

* Five of the scattered ships had now rejoined company, comprising, exclusive
of officers, about five hundred soldiers, two hundred sailors, and one hundred
colonists. {See Letter of Menendez to the King, Sept. 11, 1565.)

1565-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. I99
the general, who received us handsomely and with great
demonstrations of affection. In the evening, seeing that I
did not present myself at supper because he had not invited
me, he sent for me. On the day followin.g he gave me
quarters in a beautiful house, and cordially invited me to
dine with him, for which, of course, I returned my thanks.
We remained four days in port, during most of which time
it rained. On Wednesday, the 15th, about ten o'clock,
more than thirty men deserted and concealed themselves
around the harbor, among them, three of the seven priests
who accompanied the expedition. It was impossible to find
them, dead or alive, which distressed the general very much,
and me, too, as it added greatly to my labors. At this sea
port I was offered a chaplaincy where I should have received
a peso for every mass said, and I should have had plenty to
do all the year round, but I feared to accept, lest I should
be talked about as the others were, and then it is not a city
where one is likely to receive promotion ; and besides I
wanted to see if by refusing a personal benefit for the love
of Jesus, He would not grant me a greater, since it is my
desire to serve our Lord and His blessed mother. The
rich persons in that country have made their money in
cattle, some of the wealthy land-owners having twenty to
thirty thousand cows, and others as many mares, each worth
only about forty pesos of base coin, or about one hundred
and twenty Spanish reals. The mares are not worth more,
because they do not know how to make use of them, unless
occasionally to draw loads or produce colts. As to the

200

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [IS^S-

cattle, only their hides are profitable, each hide being worth
eleven or twelve reals of that country. I mention these
things, because they wished to persuade me to remain in
that city. Sefior Valverde and I paid eight reals for an
aziimbre of wine, and even at that price it was not very
good. We replenished our little stock of provisions for the
voyage across, with such things as exdellent salt meat,
oranges, lemons, sweet potatoes, sugar-canes, and a dozen
beefs tongues, and salt ribs. We took these precautions,
because on our outward trip we had learned by experience
what one is likely to suffer at sea.
It appears that the storm above described had injured
also our first galley, which, being near the shore when the
hurricane began, suffered so considerably that all the ship's
company made their last confessions, and expected every
minute to be their last. A severe gust of wind snapped off
their foremast, and blew it overboard with the sail and
rigging ; and, as many of the ropes were fastened to the
sheets, it caused the ship to lean so, that twice they saw
th'eir topmast dip under the waves. At the same time parts
of the top-sides were broken, as well as the mainmast. The
ship's company being unable any longer to control the sails,
and finding themselves likely to perish, gave themselves up
to the will of the waves, until God, in His good mercy, per
mitted them to reach this haven, where they repaired their
disasters as best they could.
In the port of St. John's of Porto Rico, the general pur
chased twenty-four horses, and a ship to transport fifty men.

1565.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 201
whom the King had commanded to be taken from this
island. The very day we set sail, this ship sprung aleak,
and the danger of foundering was so imminent, that, in order
to save the men, it became necessary to lighten her by
throwing overboard a large quantity of merchandise. See
ing that this produced but little effect, it became necessary
also to throw over the horse§. Twenty-three were either
lost in this way or died during the voyage, so that but one
arrived in Florida. The same day, the general sent a large
ship to St. Domingo, with orders to take on board the
four hundred men who, by his Majesty's orders, had
been assembled there, and have them join us with all
haste. Before our fleet left Spain, three caravels had been sent
out by his Majesty's directions, as dispatch-boats, each at a
different time, to transmit to St. Domingo and to Havana
his Majesty's orders in regard to what should be done on
our arrival. The second of these caravels took with her a
great many sealed dispatches concerning arrangements to be
made, and a great many valuable objects. When she
arrived off Mona Island, which forms already a part of St.
Domingo, she was attacked and compelled to surrender to a
French vessel — one of those who were in our neighborhood.
The enemy boarded her, possessed themselves of all her
papers, read the plans for the conquest of Florida, took
off" all the other things they saw fit to take, and then
told the ship's company to go as fast as they could
to St. Domingo to notify their countrymen, but that

202 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF \M^':>-
they hoped to be there as soon as the caravel, and with this
they left them.
On Friday, August 17, about four in the afternoon, we
arrived in sight of St. Domingo. Our general, trusting to
good luck and the mercy of God, instantly ordered the
admiral's ship to proceed northward, and pass throiigh a
ver}- dangerous channel, which no navigator had as yet
explored. Although the admiral, as well as all of us, was
very much distressed by this order, he could not do other
wise than obey the commanding general. At the time we
entered the strait, the waves were so high and the swell so
strong we thought we were about to perish, the danger
being caused by the surge which we had to brave, and yet
resist. The admiral told me to encourage the soldiers
with some good prayers and exhortations, and they did
become calm, although during the whole night we were
exposed to this danger.
Saturday, the i8th, daylight having reappeared, we took
courage ; but as we were sailing along, well out at sea, we
all at once saw breakers ahead. All the pilots hastened to
throw their sounding-lines, and find out if it would do to
proceed in the course our maneuver demanded. In some
places they found four fathoms of water, and in others less.
Two hours before nightfall we discovered a low desert
island, named Aguana. Providence permitted us to come
near these banks and this island by daylight, so that we
could see and avoid their dangers, for, had we approached
them by night, we must surely have perished. In considera-

1 565 -J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 203
tion of the great danger of our surroundings, and supposing
that none of our pilots were familiar with those parts, we
resolved to reef our sails, and not venture to proceed by
night, lest we should be wrecked. Sunday morning, the
19th, at daybreak, the first ship which set sail was the
flag-ship, on which I was, since the pilot on this ship knew
his duty perfectly. The first galley joined us, and the
general was spoken to and told that we were pursuing a bad
course, but he only reiterated the orders to the captains and
pilots to continue in the route which was laid out for them.
All obeyed, although very unhappy about the frightful
danger to which the constantly-appearing breakers exposed
them. That day we perceived another low island, called
Capuana, uninhabited, like the other, and surrounded by
dangerous shoals and rocks. God permitted us to pass it
by day, and thus avoid its perils. At nightfall the flag-ship
and the first galley approached each other, and the general
had a long interview with the admiral and his pilot, who
explained to him the uncertainty of their being able to con
tinue their voyage by this route. Persistently obstinate,
how-ever, the general directed the captain and pilot to
navigate ahead of the first galley, to avoid the dangers of
shallow waters.
During the following night all the ships, of which all the
officers and crews were dissatisfied to be navigating
in unknown waters, profited by the darkness to brail up
their sails and fall behind the first galley, in order that they
might shield themselves from danger, by keeping in her wake.

204

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-

Monday, the 20th, found us all at anchor at break of
day, for the galley, like the rest, fearful of the shallow
waters, had cast anchor at midnight, and when it be
came quite light we beheld another low, flat island
right ahead of us. After passing this place, navigation
became easier, so far as shoals were concerned, for we met
them less frequently, which was somewhat encouraging.
Sunday morning, a boat from the galley came alongside of
us with men to visit some of my friends. We learned from
them that the (governor) general had made eight new cap
tains, with their ensigns, sergeants, etc., besides the four who
had accompanied us from Spain. Each company was to be
composed of fifty men and a certain number of horsemen
to scout the country. Every one was well pleased to learn
this piece of news.
On the same day, about nine o'clock in the morning, the
admiral approached the galley to salute, according to
custom, when the general directed the captain to distribute
arms to all the soldiers and hold them in readiness for action.
Reflecting on the determination which he had shown in
regard to the navigation, I felt sure that the general knew
perfectly well what he was about, but did not wish to be
communicative. Your Lordship will remember that when
the fleet was in preparation in Spain, I went to see the
captain-general at the harbor of St. Mary, and, as I told
you, he showed me a letter from his Royal Highness PHILIP
II. , signed with his name. In this letter his Majesty told
him that, on May 20, some ships had left France carrying

1565-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 205
seven hundred men and two hundred women.* As I have
stated, we learned at St. John's of Porto Rico that our dis
patch-boat had been captured. This fact, joined to the
reflection that our fleet was much injured by the storm, and
that of the ten vessels which left Cadiz only four remained,
besides the one bought at the last port to transport the
horses and troops — all this made it evident to our captain-
general, a man of arms, that the French would likely be
waiting for him near the harbors, a little farther on ; that is,
off Monte Christi, Havana, and the Cape of Las Canas, which
lie on the same side, and precisely on our route to Florida.
This was all the more to be expected since the French had
come in possession of our plan to unite our forces at Ha
vana. Not wishing, however, to encounter the French,
having now lost our ships, and having but feeble means of
defense, the general decided to take a northerly course, and
pursue a new route, through the Bahama Channel, leaving
the enemy to the windward. When I suggested this route
to the admiral and the pilot, they said it was important 'and
necessary to abandon the usual route, by way of Havana.
Following this dangerous navigation, the Lord permitted
the admiral to arrive safely in port on Sunday, the 20th of
August. We saw two islands, called the Bahama Islands.
The shoals which lie between them are so extensive that the

* This is a mistake ; there were but few families who accompanied this expe
dition of Ribault to Florida, of which Menendez seemed to be well informed
by the King of Spain before he sailed with orders from lire King to hang and
behead all Lutherans (Huguenots) whom he should find in Florida.

2o6 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [IS^S-
billows are felt far out at sea. The general gave orders to
take soundings. The ship purchased at Porto Rico got
aground that day in two and a half fathoms of water. At
first, we feared she might stay there ; but she soon got off
and came to us. Our galley, one of the best ships afloat,
found herself all day in the same position, when suddenly
her keel struck three times violently against the bottom.
The sailors gave themselves up for lost, and the water com
menced to pour into her hold. But as we had a mission to
fulfill for Jesus Christ and His blessed mother, two heavy
waves, which struck her abaft, set her afloat again, and soon
after we found her in deep water, and at midnight we
entered the Bahama Channel.

iS65.]

LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

207

CHAPTER III.

N Saturday, the 25th, the captain-genera
(Menendez) came to visit our vessel
and get the ordnance for disembark-
ment at Florida. This ordnance con
sisted of two rampart pieces, of two
sorts of culverins, of very small caliber,
powder and balls ; and he also took two soldiers to take care
of the pieces. Having armed his vessel, he stopped and made
us an address, in which he instructed us what we had to do
on arrival at the place where the French were anchored. I
will not dwell on this subject, on which there was a good
deal said for and against, although the opinion of the gen
eral finally prevailed. There were two thousand (hundred)
Frenchmen in the seaport into which we were to force an
entrance. I made some opposition to the plans, and begged
the general to consider that he had the care of a thousand
souls, for which he must give a good account. Then fol
lowed a fine address, which I shall not repeat here, as it
would make my report too long. Please the Lord and.the
Blessed Virgin, I will, however, report it on my return.
15

2o8

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-

On ]\Ionday, August 27, while we were near the entrance
to the Bahama Channel, God showed to us a miracle from
heaven. About nine o'clock in the evening, ^ comet
appeared, which showed itself directly above us, a little
'eastward, giving so much light that it might have been taken
for the sun. It went towards the west — that is, towards
Florida, and its brightness lasted long enough to repeat two
Credos. According to the sailors, this was a good omen.
. On Tuesday, the 28th, we had a calm more dead than
anvthing we had yet experienced while at sea. Our vessel
was about one and a half leagues from the first galley and
the other vessels. We were all tired, and especially I, from
praying to God to give us weather which should put an end
to all trials and disappointments. About two o'clock He had
pity on us, and sent so good a wind, that we came under full
sail to rejoin the galley. One thing happened which I regard
as miraculous. While we were becalmed, and after we had
joined the other vessels, none of the pilots knew where we
were; some pretending we were as much as a hundred
leagues from Florida. However, thanks to God and the
prayers of the Blessed Virgin, we soon had the pleasure of
seeing land. We steered in that direction, anchored near a
point of land, and found ourselves actually in Florida,* and
not very far distant from the enemy, which was for us an
* The Spanish fleet came in sight of land upon the same day, August 2S
(called, in the calendar of the Roman Catholic Church, St. Augustine), that the
French fleet, under Ribault, cast anchor at the mouth of the May, now called
St. John's river, being within fifty miles of each other.

X565.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 209
occasion of great joy. That very evening our general
assembled the pilots on the galley to discuss what was to be
done. Next day, the 29th, at daylight, the galley and all
the other ships weighed anchor, and coasted along in search
of the enemy or a harbor favorable for disembarking.
On Monday, the 30th of August, we were assailed by bad
weather, which obliged us to anchor. For four days con
trary winds continued to blow, or else it was so calm we
could not move ; during all of which time we remained at
anchor, about a league and a half from the shore. The
captain-general, seeing that neither the pilots nor the two
Frenchmen, whom we had taken prisoners, and who belonged
to the French colony, could give us any information in
regard to the port ; and the coast being so flat that we could
only recognize a few objects, the general, under these cir
cumstances, decided to send ashore fifty arquebusiers, with
some captains. They built fires in order to excite the
curiosity of the Indians, and attract them ; but they were
so stupid that they paid no attention to us, and none came
to see us. Our people then decided to penetrate the
interior.; and after having gone four leagues, they arrived at
a village of Indians, who kindly received them, gave them
food in abundance, embraced them, and then asked them for
some of their things, and the soldiers were generous enough
to make them a number of presents. In return, the natives
gave them two pieces of gold, of low standard, but it showed
that they had some, and were in the habit of giving it in
exchange. The Frenchmen whom we had with us told us

2XO HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-
they had been in communication with them for a long time.
The Indians wanted the soldiers to pass the night with them,
in order that they might feast them ; but the latter declined
their offers, being anxious to report the good news to our
captain-general. As soon as he had learned the news, he
-resolved to disembark on Saturday morning, September xst,
and go among these Indians. He took with him a quantity
of linen, knives, mirrors, and other little things of that sort,
to gain their good will, and get some information as to
where the French were. One of the Frenchmen of whom I
have spoken understood their language. They told us we
had left the French about five leagues behind us; precisely
at the same spot to which God had conducted us when we
arrived in sight of land ; but we could not then find them,
because we had not sent any one ashore.
On Tuesday, the 4th, the fleet left the place of which I
have been speaking, and we took a northerly course, keep
ing all the time close to the coast. On Wednesday, the 5th,
two hours before sunset, we saw four French ships at the
mouth of a river.* When we were two leagues from them,
the first galley joined the rest of the fleet, which was com
posed of four other vessels. The general concerted a plan
with the captains and pilots, and ordered the flag-ship, the

* The French expedition commanded by Ribault, consisting of seven sail and
five hundred men and some families of artisans, arrived on the coast of Florida
and entered the river May {St. John's) on the 2gth August, 1565, four of which
vessels were lying outside of the bar, disembarking the emigrants, when Menen
dez arrived.

1565-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 2X1
San Pelayo, and a chaloupe to attack the French flag-ship,
the Trinity, while the first galley and another chaloupe
would attack the French galley, both of which vessels were
very large and powerful. All the ships of our fleet put
themselves in good position ; the troops were in the best of
spirits, and full of confidence in the great talents of the
captain-general. They followed the galley ; but as our
general is a very clever and artful officer, he did not fire,
nor seek to make any attack on the enemy. He went
straight to the French galley, and cast anchor about eight
paces from her. The other vessels went to the windward,
and very near the enemy. During the maneuvers, which
lasted until about two hours after sunset, not a word was
said on either side. Never in my life have I known such
stillness. Our general inquired of the French galley, which
was the vessel nearest his, " Whence does this fleet come ? "
They answered, " From France." " What are you doing
here ? " said the Adelantado. " This is the territory of
King Philip II. I order you to leave directly ; for I
neither know who you are, nor what you want here." The
French commander then replied, " I am bringing soldiers
and supplies to the fort of the King of France." He then
asked the name of the general of our fleet, and was told,
" Pedro Menendez de Aviles, Captain-General of the
King of Spain, who have come to hang all Lutherans I find
here."* Our general then asked him the name of his com-
* The following is the version of Menendez in a MS. letter written to the
King of Spain, Sept. 11, 1565 : "I answered them, says Menendez, who was

2X2 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-
mander, and he replied, " Lord Gasto.'" While this pariey-
ing was going on, a long-boat was sent from the galley to
the flag-ship. The person charged with this errand managed
to do it so secret!)-, that we could not hear what w-as said ;
but we understood the reply of the French to be : "I am
the admiral ; " which made us think he wished to surrender.
as they were in so small a force. Scarcely had the French
made this reply, when they slipped their cables, spread their
sails, and passed through our midst. Our admiral, seeing
this, followed the French commander,* and called upon him
to lower his sails, in the name of King Philip ; to which he
received an impertinent answer. Immediately our admiral
gave an order to discharge a small culverin, the ball from
which struck the vessel amidships, and I thought she was
going to founder. We gave chase, and, some time after, he
again called on them to lower their sails. " I would sooner
die first than surrender ! " replied the French commander.
The order was given to fire a second shot, which carried off"
five or six men ; but as these miserable devils are very good
sailors, they maneuvered so well that we could not take one
of them ; and, notwithstanding all the guns we fired at them,
we did not sink one of their ships. We only got possession
going by his Majesty's order to the coast of Florida to burn and destroy the
Lutheran French who should be found there, and that in the morning I would
board their ships to find out whether they belonged to that people, because, in
case they did, I could not do otherwise than execute upon them that justice which
your Majesty had ordered." — Parkman's Pioneers of France in the New JVorld.
* Ribault had at this time gone to pay a visit to Laudonniere, at Fort
Carolin, on the river May {St. John's).

1565-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 21 3
of one of their large boats, which was of great service to
us afterwards. During the whole night, our flag-ship (the
{San Pelayo) and the galley chased the French flag-ship
{Trinity) and galley.
Wednesday morning, September 5th, at sunrise; so great
a storm arose that we feared we should be shipwrecked ;
and as our vessels were s.o small, we did not dare to remain
on the open sea, and regained the shore ; that is, three of
our vessels anchored at about a league and a half from it.
We had double moorings, but the wind was so strong that
one of them broke loose. We prayed the Lord to spare the
others, for we could not have prevented them from being
driven on to the coast, and lost. As our galley was a large
vessel, and busy following up the enemy, she could not come
to our assistance ; so we felt ourselves in danger of being
attacked. The same evening, about sunset, we perceived a
sail afar off", which we supposed was one of our galleys, and
which was a great subject of rejoicing ; but as the ship
approached, we discovered it was the French flag-ship
(Trinity),* which we had fired at the night before. At
first, we thought she was going to attack us ; but she did
not dare to do it, and anchored between us and the shore,
about a league from us. That night the pilots of our other
ships came on board, to consult with the Admiral as to what
* Distrusting the intentions of the Spaniards, one of the French fleet put
to sea, and sailed to the southward, and came to anchor opposite the river Seloy,
called by the French "Dolphin," where they saw the Spaniards land their
1
troops and provisions.

2X4 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-
was to be done. The next morning, being fully persuaded
that the storm had made a wreck of our galley, or that, at
least, she had been driven a hundred leagues out to sea, we
decided that so soon as daylight came we would weigh
anchor, and withdraw in good order, to a r'w&r {Seloy*) which
was below the French colony, and there disembark, and
construct a fort, which we would defend until assistance
came to us.

"" This was the first landing made by Laudonniere, in 1564, which he named
the river "Dolphin." The two arms of the river running to the north and south
are the North River and the Matanzas. The old town of Si. Augustine was
built here ; also the first Roman Catholic church and monastery on the Atlantic
coast of North Americti. The bigoted Philip II. was proclaimed monarch of
all North America. It is by more than forty years the oldest city in the United
States — the first town in this country that sprung from the bigotry of the
Spanish king. " Its origin," says Bancroft, " should be carefully remembered,
for it is a fixed point from which to measure the liberal influence of time, the
progress of modern civilization, the victories of the American mind in its con
tests for the interests of humanity." The French government heard of the
massacre of the French colony with apathy, which, if it had been protected,
would have given to France a flourishing empire in the South before England
had planted a single spot on the new continent.

1565-]

LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

2IS

CHAPTER IV.

psi

N Thursday, just as day appeared, we
sailed towards the vessel at anchor,
passed very close to her, and would cer
tainly have captured her, when we saw
another vessel appear on the open sea,
which we thought was one of ours. At
the same moment, however, we thought we recognized the
French admiral's ship. We perceived the ship on the open
sea ; it was the French galley of which we had been in pursuit.
Finding ourselves between these two vessels, we decided to
direct our course towards the galley, for the sake of deceiv
ing them and preventing them from attacking us, so as not
to give them any time to wait. This bold maneuver having
succeeded, we sought the river Seloy and port, of which I
have spoken, where we had the good fortune to find our gal
ley, and another vessel which had planned the same thing
we had. Two companies of infantry now disembarked ; that
of Captain x'^.NDRES SOYEZ Patino, and that of Captain
Juan de San Vincente, who is a very distinguished gen
tleman. They were well received by the Indians, who gave

2X6 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [l5^5-
them a large house belonging to a chief, and situated near
the shore of the river. Immediately Captain Patino and
Captain San Vincente, both men of talent and energy,
ordered an intrenchment to be built around this house, with
a slope of earth and fascines, these being the only means of
defense possible in that country, where stones are nowhere
NARRATIVE OF
Don SoLis DE LAS Meras, brother-in-law of Don Pedro Menendez de
Aviles, Adelantado of Florida, translated from Barcia, '-Ensayo chronolo
gico para la Historia General de la Florida," Madrid, 1723.

N his arrival in Florida, Don Pedro Menendez de Aviles, Ade
lantado of Florida, devoted himself to the fortifying of St. Augus
tine with a fort, as best he could to defend himself from an attack
of the French fleet, commanded by Captain Ribault, Viceroy of
the King of France, should an attempt be made to land a colony in Florida.
A few days after the Adelantado arrived, some Indians came to him at St .
Augustine, to inform him that there were a great many Christians four leagues
distant, who could not pass the river or arm of the sea (supposed by recent
surveys to be lifatanzas inlet), whereupon he took with him forty men in boats,
to reconnoiter the country, and arrived on the bank of the river after midnight,
where he halted until morning ; and after hiding his soldiers among the bushes
and trees, he surveyed the country from the top of a tree, and saw many people
on the opposite side of the river with banners flying ; and, thinking how he
should prevent them from crossing over, he drew so near to them that he could
count them. Presently he saw a Frenchman swimming over the river, and, as
he approached the Adelantado, he called out that the people on the other side
were Frenchmen who had been shipwrecked in a hurricane. The Adelantado
asked him how many were on the opposite side ? He replied. About two
hundred followers of Captain Ribault, Viceroy and Captain-General of Florida
for the King of France (Charles IX.).
He again asked him, are they Roman Catholics or Lutherans? He replied.

1 5^5 -J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 2x7
to be found. Up to to-day we have disembarked twenty-
four pieces of bronze guns of different calibers, of which the'
least weighed fifteen hundredweight. Our fort is at a dis
tance of about fifteen leagues from that of the enemy {Fort
Caroliti). The energy and talents of those two brave captains,
joined to the efforts of their brave soldiers, who had no tools
" They are all Lutherans," of which the Adelantado had been previously informed
by the women and children whom lie had recently captured at Fort Carolin
(afterwards called by Menendez Fort Matteo, because it was captured on St.
Matthew's Day, September 15, 1665), together with six cases of Lutheran books,
which were afterwards burned. Pie again asked him what he came across the
river for. He said Captain Ribault sent him to find out who were the people
he saw-. The Adelantado then inquired if he wished to return -to his people.
He answered, yes. You may then go back and report to Captain Ribault that
" I am Captain-General for Philip II. , King of Spain, and came to find out what
your people are doing here." The Frenchman went back the same day with
the message to Captain Ribault, who sent him back, asking an interview for
himself and four officers, and requesting that a boat might be sent for them,
which the Adelantado granted, and guaranteed on his honor that they should
not be molested going or coming, and at the same time ordered a boat to be
sent for them. On the boat returning, they were cordially received by the
Adelantado and his men, who were afterwards ordered to retire at some
distance to the rear, and scatter themselves among the bushes, so as not to be
seen by the French. One of these Frenchmen said that he was a captain, and
that four galleons had been lost in the recent storm, together with several
smaller vessels belonging to the King of France ; and some of the people who
had escaped wished to be assisted with boats, to take them to a fort, twenty
leagues distant. (This was Fort Carolin, which the Adelantado had captured
some days before from the French.) The Adelantado then asked him, Are they
Catholics or Lutherans? He replied, We are all Lutherans. He then said:
Gentlemen, your fort has been taken, and all the peojile in it put to death
except the wonien, and children under fifteen years of age ; and if you wish to
be certain of it, there are some soldiers here who can tell you all about the
capture. I have two French soldiers, Roman Catholics, who were captured at the
fort ; and will send for them if you will take a seat here, and you can question

2l8 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-
zvith zvhich to ivork the earth, accomplished the construction
of this fortress of defense ; and when the general disem
barked, he was quite surprised witJt zvhat had been done.
On Saturday, the 8th, the general landed with many ban
ners spread, to the sound of trumpets and salutes of artil
lery. As I had gone ashore the evening before, I took a
cross and went to meet him, singing the hymn Te Deum
them. They replied. We are satisfied with your statement, and begged as a
favor that he would give them some ships to take them back to France. The
Adelantado said that he had no ships to spare, but he would do so willingly,
and if he had some to spare, if they were Catholics ; that he had recently sent
one to Fort San Alatteo (Fort Carolin), to bring the artillery ; one to St.
Domingo, with the women and children he had captured ; and one with
dispatches to Spain. The Frenchmen then begged the Adelantado to let his
people remain with him until he could furnish them with ships and provisions
to take them back to France, as there was then no war between the two
nations, and tlie Kings of France and Spain were friends and brothers. The
Adelantado replied that this was true, but that, as they were Lutherans, he
looked upon them as enemies, and would wage war against them with fire and
sword, whether on sea or land, for the King ; "as I have come here to establish
the Holy Roman Catholic faith in Florida. But if you will surrender yourselves
and arms, and trust to my mercy, you may do so, and I will act towards you as
God may prompt me ; otherwise, do as you please, for I will not make any truces
or treaties with you."
One of the Frenchmen then said he would first go back to consult w-ith his
people what was best to be done, and that within two hours he would return
with an answer. The Adelantado then said you can do as you please, and I will
remain here until your return. In two hours he returned, and said there were
many noblemen among them, who would give him fifty thousand ducats, if he
would spare their lives. He replied, I am a poor man, but I would not be
guilty of such a weakness, nor do I wish to be thought avaricious, and when
I wish to be liberal and merciful, it must be without reward ; nor will I
offer any other terms. Thereupon the Frenchman returned to his people ; and
in less than an hour after he came back, and said to the Adelantado " that all
the Frenchmen would trust to his mercy and surrender on his terms," and

1565.] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 2x9
laudamus. The general marched up to the cross, followed
by all who accompanied him, and there they all kneeled and
embraced the cross. A large number of Indians watched
these proceedings and imitated all they saw done. The
same day the general took formal possession of the country in
the name of his Majesty, and all the captaitis took the oath of
allegiance to him,, as their general and governor of the country.
brought back in his boat all their flags, arquebuses, pistols, swords, bucklers,
helmets, and breast-plates.
The Adelantado then ordered twenty soldiers into the boats, to bring over
the river ten at a time, and not to treat them ill ; he then withdrew from the
banks of the river to some bushes behind the sand-hills, where he could not be
seen from the boat that was to bring them over, and when they landed, he said
to the French captain and other Frenchmen with him, " Gentlemen, I have but
few men, and they are not well known to me, and as you are many, and are at
liberty, it will be easy for you to revenge yourself upon me for the people I
have put to death, when we took your fort ; it is therefore necessary that you
should march with your hands tied behind your backs four leagues, where I
have my camp ; to which they consented, and as they crossed over the Spaniards
tied their hands behind their backs, and marched them off in squads of ten
until they amounted to two hundred and eight Frenchmen ; when the Adelan
tado asked if there were any Roman Catholics among them. Eight of them said
they were Roman Catholics, and he had them put into a boat and sent to St.
Augustine, but the remainder, who were Lutherans, he ordered, after giving
them something to eat, to be marched to St. Augustine to be put to death. A
few days after the Adelantado returned to St. Augustine, the same Indians
came to inform him that more Christians had arrived on the same side of the
river where they found the others. He then began to surmise that they must
be Captain Ribault's party, whom they called the French King's Viceroy of
Florida ; and Menendez set out with one hundred and fifty soldiers well '
equipped, and halted at the same place as before. He scattered _his soldiers
along the river bank, and behind the sand-hills and bushes ; and, as day dawned
he saw a crowd of men with a lighter for the purpose of earrying over the men
to the other side of the river. But on seeing the Spaniards, they sounded their
drums and trumpets, and unfurled the Royal Standard, together with two cam-

220 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1565.
When this ceremony was ended, he offered to do everything
in his power for them, especially for Captain Patino, who.
during the whole voyage had ardently served the cause of
God and of the King ; and, I think, will be rewarded for his
assiduity and talents in constructing a fort in which to
defend ourselves until the arrival of help from St. Domingo
paign flags, and, upon playing their fifes and drums, showed battle to the Span
iards. The Adelantado ordered his men to sit down, and take their breakfast,
whilst he walked up and down the shore with his admiral and two other cap
tains, taking no notice of the French. Afterwards the French hoisted a white
flag, to which the Adelantado replied, and sounded his bugle, which he always
carried with him, and, taking a white handkerchief, he waved it in sign of peace.
A Frenchman then entered a canoe and called out to the Spaniards to cross
over, but he was answered that he must come where the Adelantado was. He
replied that it was difficult to cross over the river, as the current was strong. A
French sailor then swam across the river, and spoke to the Adelantado, who
ordered him back to inform Captain Ribault that, if he wished anythin"-, he
must write to him. The sailor returned, and shortly after brought back with
him an officer with a message 'from Captain Ribault, Viceroy of the King of
France, that his fleet had been wrecked in a storm at sea, and that he had with
him about three hundred and fifty men, who were marching to the French fort
(Cai-olin), about twenty leagues distant, with a request to furnish him with two
boats to cross the river. The Adelantado sent him back a message that he
had captured the French forts on the river May, and put all the garrison to
death. The officer, making no demonstration of sorrow at what he said, asked
the privilege of sending back one of the gentlemen with him to Captain Ribault,
so as to treat for a surrender with a guarantee of safe return. The French gen
tleman departed immediately with this message, and returned within an hour
with the message from Captain Ribault to the Adelantado, accepting his guar
antee of safety. He then crossed over with eight gentlemen, whom the Ade
lantado received cordially, for they were all distinguished persons, and he
offered them refreshments with wine and preserves. Captain Ribault said that
he was grateful for so kind a reception, but their hearts were so sorrowful on
account of hearing of the death of their companions, that they could not par
take of their hospitality, except to take some wine and preserves. He then said

IS^S-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 22,1
and Havana. The French nurnber about as many as we
do, and perhaps more. My advice to the general was not to
attack the enemy, but to let the troops rest all winter and
wait for the assistance daily expected; and then we may
hope to make a successful attack.
God and the holy Virgin have performed another great

to the Adelantado that he might some day find himself in the same situation
that he was, and hoped that he would treat with him in a friendly and magnani
mous spirit, and furnish him with ships and provisions to return to France, and
urged upon the Adelantado the reasonableness of this request. He replied that
he would not change his mind. Captain Ribault then passed to the other side
of the river to consult with his people, among whom were many noblemen.
After several hours elapsed, he returned, and said to the Adelantado his people
were of different opinions about the terms of surrender, but that one-half would
surrender, on the terms of his being merciful, and pay a ransom of one hundred
thousand ducats ; and the other half would pay still more. The Adelantado
replied that, as much as it grieved him that such a large ransom was offered,
which he stood in need of to effect a settlement in Florida, and establish the
Holy Catholic religion there, which had been intrusted to him by the King of
Spain, still he must refuse their offer. Captain Ribault then, as night was
advancing, returned once more to consult with his people, and in the morning he
returned among the Spaniards, and delivered to the Adelantado two Royal Stand
ards of the King of France, and the banners of the companies ; also a sword,
dagger, pistol, gilt helmet, and a seal which Admiral Coligny, of France, had
given him to seal dispatches, and writs which might be issued. At the same
time, he said that, out of three hundred and fifty persons, one hundred and fifty
only were willing to surrender on the terms of being mercifully treated, and
the remainder departed that night in another direction. Thereupon, the Ade
lantado ordered Captain Diego Flores de Valdez, Admiral of the fleet, to
bring them over in boats, ten at a time, and distribute them among the bushes
behind the sand-hills, with their hands tied behind their backs, and afterwards
marched them four leagues by land at night, taking with them Captain Ribault
and his officers, with their hands tied behind their backs. Before they set out
for St, Augustine, the Adelantado asked Captain Ribault if they were Luther
ans or Roman Catholics, and he replied they were Lutherans, and commenced

222 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-
miracle in our favor. The day after our general came into
the fort, he told us he was very much annoyed that his gal
ley and another vessel were anchored about a league out at
sea, and were not able to enter the harbor on account of the
sandbanks. He felt uneasy, and feared the French would
capture or ill-treat them. As soon as this idea took posses-
to sing a psalm, "Domine memento mei" and, after they finished it, he remarked
that " they were made of earth, and to earth they must return, and that twenty
years, more or less, were of no consequence." Then the Adelantado ordered
all of them to be put to death, except the fifers, drummers, trumpeters, and
four others who were Catholics, making in all sixteen persons ; and the same
night the Adelantado retui-ned to St, Augustine, where some taunted him
with being cruel, and others that he had done right, as they would have died
from starvation by reason of the scarcity of provisions at the fort ; or the French,
being more numerous, would have put the Spaniards to death for their cruelty.
[Thus ended the efforts of the French to establish a colony on the southern
coast of North America. The lily of France was trampled in the dust, and the
flag of Spain waved over St. Augustine, San Mateo, and San Lucia, The de-
stniction of the Huguenots excited the utmost gratification at the Court of Spain,
and the conduct of JIenendez was approved and commended by the bigoted
Philip II., and drew forth a letter of gratulation from Pope Pius V.]

TRANSLATION OF A LETTER
FROM
POPE PIUS V. TO ADELANTADO PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES.
O our beloved son and nobleman, Pedeo Menendez de Aviles,
Viceroy in the Province of Florida, in the Indies :— Beloved son
and nobleman, grace and benediction of our Lord be with you.
Amen.
" We greatly rejoice that our much-beloved, dear son in Christ, Philip II. ,
the jMost Catholic King, had appointed and honored you by the government of

IS^S-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 223
sion of him, he left with about fifty men, to go on board
another galley. He gave the order for three of the ship's
boats, which were anchored in the river, to go and get the
food and troops from on board the galley. The next day
our ship went to sea loaded with provisions, and one hun
dred men besides, and, when about half a league from the
bar, it became so becalmed that it could not advance at all ;
Florida, making you Adelantado of the country ; for we had received such
accounts of your person, and the excellencies of your virtues, your worth, and
dignity were so satisfactorily spoken of, that we believed, without doubt, that
you would not only fulfill faithfully, and with care and diligence, the orders and
instructions which had been delivered to you by so Catholic a King, but we
also fully trusted that you would, with discretion, do all that was requisite, and
see carried forward the extension of our Holy Catholic faith, and the gaining
of souls for God. I would that you should well understand that the Indians
shall be governed in good faith and prudently, that those who may be weak in
the faith, being newly converted, be strengthened and confirmed, and the idol
aters may be converted and receive the faith of Christ ; that the first may praise
God, knowing the benefits of His divine mercy, and the others, who are yet
infidels, by the example and imitation of those who are already freed from
blindness, may be led to the knowledge of the faith.
" But there is one thing more important for the conversion of the Indian
idolaters which is, to endeavor, by every means, that they shall not be scandalized
by the vices and bad habits of those who pass from our western shores to those
parts. This is the key of this holy enterprise, in which are included all things
requisite. Well understand, most noble man, that I declare to you that a great
opportunity is offered to you .in the carrying-out and management of these mat
ters, which shall redound, on the one hand, to the service of God, and, on the
other, to the increase of the dignity of your King, esteemed of men as well as
loved and rewarded by God.
" Wherefore, we give you our paternal and Apostolical benediction. We seek
and charge you to give entire faith to our brother, the Archbishop of Rossini,
who, in our name, will signify our wishes in more ample words.,
" Given in Rome, at St. Peter's, with the ring of the Fisherman, the first of
August, 1569, the third year of our Pontificate."
16

224

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-

SO

they cast anchor, and passed the night in that place. The
next morning, as the tide rose, they weighed anchor, and, as
da)-light advanced, they found themselves astern of two
French vessels that had been watching them. The enemy
prepared immediately to attack us, but when our people
recognized the French, they addressed a prayer to Our Lady
of Utrera, begging for her to send a little wind, for the
French were already quite close upon us. One would
have said that the spirit of Our Lady immediately
descended upon our ship, for the wind freshened,
blowing directly towards the ehannel, so that our
galley could take refuge. The French soon followed us,
but as the water is very shallow on the bar, their large
ships could not pass over, and our people and provisions
got safely into port. Under these circumstances, God
o-ranted us tw-o great favors. The first was that on the
same evening, after we had landed our troops and provisions,
the two vessels sailed away at midnight without being seen
by the enemy. One went to Spain, and the other to
Havana, so that neither was captured. The second favor,
and that by which God rendered us a still greater service,
happened the next daj-. A great hurricane came up, and
was so severe that, I think, almost all of the French vessels
must have been lost, for they were assailed on the most
dangerous part of the coast. Our general was very bold in
all military matters, and a great enemy of the French. He
immediately assembled his captains and planned an expe
dition to attack the French settlement and fort on the

I 56 5 -J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 22 5
river with five hundred men, and, in spite of the opinion of
a majority of them, and of my judgment and of another
priest, he ordered his plan to be carried out. Accord
ingly, on Monday, September 17, he set out with five hun
dred men, well provided with fire-arms and pikes, each soldier
carrying with him a sack of bread and supply of wine for the
journey. They also took with them two Indian chiefs, who
were the implacable enemies of the French, to serve as
guides. In a letter received from the captain-general to-day, the
19th, he wrote me " that the very shallowest of the streams
which they forded reached up to the knees ; that he has
passed through very dense forests, and to-morrow, the 20th
(Thursday), he hoped to attack the enemy's fort at day
break." His courage and great zeal make me hope that he
will succeed ; but he ought to have been a little less eager
to carry out his projects, which would really have more
advanced the service of his Majesty. Since the departure
of the troops, we have suffered the worst weather and the
most horrible tempests that I ever saw. May his Divine
Majesty be with and protect us, for Heaven knows we have
need of it. Yesterday evening, Wednesday, the 19th, we
sent from the fort twenty men laden with provisions —
bread, wine, and cheese — but the rain has fallen in such
abundance that I am not sure they have been able to join
the general and his army. I hope God, however, will do all
he can for us, which will enable us to propagate his religion,
and destroy the heretics.

226

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF

[1565.

CHAPTER V.

HIS morning, Saturday, the 22d, just after
I had finished the mass of Our Lady,
the admiral, at our request, sent some
soldiers to fish, that we priests might
have something to eat, it being a fast-
day. Just as they had arrived at the
place for fishing, and were going to throw out their nets,
they perceived a man advancing towards them. He un
furled a white flag, which is a sign of peace, when our
men surrounded and captured him. He proved to be a
Frenchman, one of our enemies, so they made him a pris
oner, and brought him to our admiral. The man, thinking
we were going to hang him, shed tears and appeared to be in
great distress. I asked him if he were a Catholic, and he
told me he was. and recited some prayers ; so I consoled
him, and told him not to fear anything, but to answer all
questions put to him with frankness, which he promised me
to do. He said there were about seven hundred men in the
fort (Carolin, on the river May), of which one-third were
Lutherans, and two priests, who preached the Lutheran doc-

1565-] lOUISIANA AND FIORIDA. 227
trines, and in camp, eight or ten Spaniards ; three of who'm
were found among the Indians, quite naked, and painted like
the natives, who had been wrecked on the coast, and as
no vessel had come into the country for a long time,
they had remained with the Indians, some of whom had
joined the French, whose fleet had arrived twenty days
before. On Monday, September 24th, about nine o'clock in the
morning, the admiral came into port with his frigate,.and as
soon as I recognized him, I had the bells rung and great
rejoicings made in the camp.
An hour after he arrived, we saw a man approach
ing with loud cries. I was the first to run to him and
get the news. He embraced me with transport, crying :
"Victory! victory! the French fort {Carolin) is ours!" I
promised him the gift due to the bearer of good news, and
have given him the best I was able to give. I have related
how our brave general was determined, in spite of the
opinions of many of his officers, to attack the French by land
with fiiVe hundred men ; but as the enterprise we are engaged
in is for the cause of Jesus Christ and His Blessed Mother,
the Holy Spirit has enlightened the understanding of our
chief, so that everything has turned to our advantage, and
resulted in a great victory. He has shown an ability and an
energy unequaled by any prince in the world. He has been
willing to sacrifice himself, and has been sustained by his
captains and his soldiers, w-hom he has encouraged by his
valor and his words more than by any distribution of rewards

228 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [IS^S-
or' other inducements, so that every soldier has fought like a
Roman. I have previousl}- stated that our brave captain-general
set out on the X7th of September with five hundred arque
busiers and pikemen, under the guidance of two Indian
chiefs, who showed them the route to the enemy's fort.
They marched the whole distance until Tuesday evening,
the I Sth of September, 1565, when they arrived within a
quarter of a league of the enemy's fort {Caroling, where they
remained all night up to their waists in water. When
daylight came, Captains LoPEZ, Patino, and MARTIN
OCHOA had already been to examine the fort, but when they
went to attack the fort a greater part of the soldiers were so
confused they scarcely knew what they were about.
On Thursday morning, our good captain-general, accom
panied by his son-in-law, Don PEDRO DE Valdes and
Captain FATING, went to inspect- the fort. He showed so
much vivacity that he did not seem to have suffered by any
of the hardships to which he had been exposed, and seeing
him march off so brisk, the others took courage, and with
out exception followed his example. It appears the
enemy did not perceive their approach until the very mo
ment of the attack, as it was very early in the morning and
had rained in torrents. The greater part of the soldiers of
the fort were still in bed. Some arose in their shirts, and
others, quite naked, begged for quarters; but, in spite of that,
more than one hundred and forty were killed. A great
Lutheran cosmographer and magician was found among the

'S^S-j LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 229
dead. The rest, numbering about three hundred, scaled the
walls, and either took refuge in the forest or on their ships
floating in the river, laden with, treasures ; so that in an
hour's time the fort was in our possession, without our
having lost a single man, or even had one wounded. There
were six vessels on the river at the time. They took one
brig, and an unfinished galley and another vessel, which
had been just discharged of a load of rich merchandise,
and sunk. These vessels were placed at the entrance
to the bar to blockade the harbor, as they expected
we would come by sea. Another, laden with wine and
merchandise, was near the port. She refused to surrender,
and spread her sails, when they fired on her from the fort,
and sunk her in a spot where neither the vessel nor cargo
will be lost. The taking of this fort* gained us many valu-
* Menendez now changed the name of Fort Carolin to San Mateo, in honor
of the apostle whose festival occurred on the day subsequent to its capture. He
also changed the name of the river May to San Mateo. He garrisoned the fort
with three hundred men, and left it under the command of Don Gonzales de
V1LLARE.A.L. Subsequently he undertook a voyage to the north, along the coast
of Georgia and South Carolina, and is supposed to have sailed as far north as
Chesapeake Bay. The points especially mentioned by him are Guale, Avistas,
and St. Helena, where he built a fort, planted a cross, and took possession of the
country in the name of his sovereign, and afterwards set out on an expedition
to South Florida, and visited the Indian tribes of the southern provinces.
The earliest and most energetic explorers of the New and much of the Old
World have been pious priests of the Roman Catholic religion. While others
sought for gold, they labored for souls among the natives, and, witli the same
zeal that distinguished them everywhere else, did they labor in the unfruitful
vineyard of Florida. The earliest explorers, De Leon, Narvaez, De Soto,
and Menendez, took with them zealous and learned priests, to whom we are
indebted for what we know of the Indian languages of North and South

230 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-
able objects, namely, two hundred pikes, a hundred and
twenty helmets, a quantity of arquebuses and shields, a
quantity of clothing, linen, fine cloths, two hundred tons of
flour, a good many barrels of biscuit, two hundred bushels of
wheat, three horses, four asses, and two .she-asses, hogs.

America, and it was not until the expedition of Menendez that the Christian
religion took deep root in Florida.
In 1567, he sent the two learned missionaries Rogel and Villareal to the
Cahosas ; and in the following year ten other missionaries arrived. The
majority worked with small profit in the southern provinces, but Padre Sedeno
settled in the island of Guale, sometimes called St. Mary's, now Atiielia Island
(Georgia), and was the first to draw up a grammar and catechism of any original
tongue north of Mexico. At this period the Spanish settlements consisted of
three colonies : St. Augustine, built south of Avhere it now stands on St. Nicholas
Creek ; San Mateo, on the St. John's river ; and San Felipe, in the province of
Orista or St. Helena, now South Carolina.
In addition to tlrese, were two missionary stations at Carlos and Tocobajo, on
the western coast ; one at its southern extremity, Tegesta ; one in the province
oi Ais or St. Lucia; and a fifth, founded by Father Pardo, one hundred and
fifty leagues inland, at Aixacan, at the foot of the mountains (Georgia).
Ill 1592, twelve Franciscans were sent to Florida, and in less than two years
twenty mission houses were established. In addition, in i5i2, thirty-two Fran
ciscans were sent out under Geronimo de Ore, by Philip IIL, and so great was
the success" that the captain-general petitioned the King to erect the colony
into a bishopric.
The colony of Pensacola, or Santa Maria de Galve, on the west, and St.
Augustine, San Alaieo, Santa Cruce, and San Marco, and others, were described
as scrupulous in their observance of the rites of the Catholic religion. The
Franciscans built school-houses, and gave instruction to the children of the
natives. But at the close of the seventeenth century, the Indian tribes and
English of the North drove out the colonists, broke up and demolished the
¦work of the holy fathers of two centuries, which accounts for the remains of
churches, convents, and stately edifices now to be seen along the old Spanish
highways, from St. Augustine io Pensacola. (See Brinton's Floridian Peninsula .
First Series French's Historical Collections of Louisiana, vols. 3 and 6, pp. 20-36.^

IS^S-J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 231
tallow, books, furnace, floitr-mill, and many other things of
little value. But the greatest advantage of this victory is
certainly the triumph which our Lord has granted us, and
which will be the means of the holy Gospel being introduced
into this country, a thing necessary to prevent the loss of
many souls.
On Monday, the 24th September, 1565, at the vesper
hour, our captain-general arrived with fifty foot-soldiers.
He was very tired, as well as those who accompanied him.
As soon as I learned that he was coming, I ran to my room,
put on a new cassock, the best I possessed, and a surplice ;
and, taking a crucifix in my hand, I went a certain distance to
receive him before he arrived in port ; and he, like a gentle
man and a Christian, knelt, as well as all those who came
with him, and returned a thousand thanks for the great
favors he had received from God. My companions and I
walked ahead in a procession, singing the Te Deum lauda
mus, so that our meeting was one of the greatest joy. Our
general's zeal for Christianity is so great that all his troubles
are but repose for his mind. I am sure that no merely
human strength could have supported all that he has suf
fered, but the ardent desire which he has to serve
our Lord in destroying the Lutheran heretics, the enemies
of our holy Catholic religion, causes him to be less
sensible of the ills he endured.
On Friday, the 28th September, and while the captain-
general was asleep, resting after all the fatigues he had
passed through, some Indians came to the camp, and

232 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS 01 [^S^S-
made us understand, b}- signs, that on the coast towards
the south there was a French vessel which had been
wrecked. Immediately our general directed the admiral
to arm a boat, take fifty men, and go down the river
to the sea, to find out what was the matter. About two
o'clock, the captain-general sent for me, and as he is
very earnest, especially about - this expedition, he said,
" !Mendoz.\, it seems to me I have not done right .in
separating m}-self from those troops." I answered, " Your
Lordship has done perfectly right ; and if you wanted to
undertake a new course, I and your other servants would
oppose it, and shield )-ou from the personal dangers to
which you would be exposed." And, notwithstanding I
sought to gain him over by such speeches, he would not
abandon his project ; but told me, in a decided tone, that
he wished to set out, and that he commanded me and the
captains who remained at the port to accompany him. He
said there should be in all twelve men to go in the
boat, and two of them Indians, who would serve as guides.
We set off immediately to descend the river to the sea, in
search of the enemy ; and to get there, we had to march
more than two leagues through plains covered with brush,
often up to our knees in water, our brave general always
leading the march. When we had reached the sea, we went
about three leagues along the coast in gearch of our com
rades. It was about ten o'clock at night when we met them,
and there was a mutual rejoicing at having found each other.
Not far off, we saw the camp fires of our enemies, and our

1565-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 233
general ordered two of our soldiers to go and reconnoiter
them, concealing themselves in the bushes, and to observe
well the ground where they were encamped, so as to know
what could be done. About two o'clock the men returned,
saying that the enemy was on the other side of the river,
and that we could not get at them. Immediately the
general ordered two soldiers and four sailors to return to
where we had left the boats, and bring them down the
river, so that we might pass over to where the enemy was ;
then he marched his troops forward to the river, and we
arrived before daylight. We concealed ourselves in a hollow
between the sand-hills, with the Indians who were with us ;
and when it became light, we saw a great many of the
enemy go down to the river to get shell-fish for food. Soon
after, we saw a flag hoisted, as a war-signal. Our ' general,
who was observing all that, enlightened by the Holy Spirit,
sai"d to us, " I intend to change these clothes for those of a
sailor, and take a Frenchman with me (one of those whom
we had brought with us from Spain), and we will go and
talk with these Frenchmen. Perhaps they are without
supplies, and would be glad to surrender without fighting."
He had scarcely finished speaking, before he put his plan
into execution. As soon as he had called to them, one of
them swam towards and spoke to him ; told him of their
having been shipwrecked, and the distre'ss they were in;
that they had not eaten bread for eight or ten days ; and,
what is more, stated that all, or at least the greater part of
them, were Lutherans. Immediately the general sent him

234 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. [1565.
back to his countrymen, to say they must surrender, and
gi\-e up their arms, or he would put them all to death. A
French gentleman, who was a sergeant, brought back the
reply that they would surrender, on condition their lives
should be spared. After having parleyed a long time, our
brave captain-general answered, '''¦that he would make no
promises ; that they must surrender unconditionally, and lay
dozvn their arms ; because if lie spared their lives, he zvanted
them to be grateful for it ; and if they zvcre put to death,
that there should be no cause for complaint." Seeing that
there was nothing else left for them to do, the sergeant
returned to the camp ; and soon after he brought all their
arms and flags, and gave them up to the general, and
surrendered unconditionally. Finding they were all Lu
therans,' the captain-general ordered them all to be put
to death ; but as I was a priest, and had bowels of
mercy, I begged him to grant me the favor of sparing those
whom we might find to be Christians. He granted it ; and
I made investigations, and found ten or twelve of the men
Roman Catholics, whom we brought back. All the others
were executed, because they were Lutherans and enemies
of our Holy Catholic faith. All this took place on Saturday
(St. Michael's Day), September 29, X565.
I, Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales, Chaplain
of His Lordship, certify that the foregoing is a statement
of what actually happened.
FRANCISCO LOPEZ DE MENDOZA GRAJALES.

;Mtmoh

HERNANDO D'ESCALANTE FONTANEDO,*
ON THE COUNTRY AND ANCIENT INDIAN
TRIBES OF
FLORIDA.

TRANSLATED FROM TERNAUX COMPAn's FRENCH TRANSLATION FROM THE
ORIGINAL MEMOIR IN SPANISH.

CHAPTER I.

Monseigneur : HAVE the honor to inform you that
Florida and the Lucayan Islands are
situate on one side of the Bahama (old)
Channel, which passes between Havanna
(Cuba) and Florida. But nearer the
mainland, extending from east to west,
lie other islands, called the Martyrs (Los Martires), on
account of the great number of men who have been put to

* The writer of this memoir was born in Carthagena, in 1538, and was ship
wrecked and captured off the coast of Florida by the Indians. Ite was spared
and brought up among them, and learned to speak four Indian languages, and
calls attention to what has since been termed their " polysynthetic " structure.
He afterwards returned to Spain, and accompanied the expedition of Don
Pedro Menendez. to Florida, in 1565, as interpreter. "This memoir," says
Brinton, " is particularly valuable in locating the ancient Indian tribes of
Florida, and was written after the death of Menendez."

236 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [IS^S-
death there ; and on the rocks of the coast, where a great
many have been shipwrecked. These islands are inhabited
by a tall race of men and women graceful and well-featured.
There are two Indian villages on these islands, one of which
is called Guaragunve or the Village of Tears {Pueblo de
Llante) ; and the other, smaller in size, Cuchiyaga, which sig-
NARRATIVE OF
The voyage made by Guido de L.-iS Baz.^res, to discover ports and bays on
the coast of Florida, for the safety of the troops to be sent there, in the
name of his Majesty, Philip IL, King of Spain, under the orders of Don
Luis de Velasco, Viceroy of Mexico, 1558.

T was about four dr five months ago that Don Luis DE Velasco,
Viceroy of Mexico, ordered, in the name of his Majesty, Philip
II. , King of Spain, GuiDO DE LAS Bazares to proceed with the
marines and other persons to explore the coasts and harbors of
Florida, for the greater safety of all persons who should go there, in the name
of his Majesty, to colonize Florida. He was accordingly commissioned, and
ordered to set sail from the port of San-Juan-de-Lua, New Spain, on the 3d
of September, 1558, to explore the coast of Florida, with a large bark, galley,
and shallop, manned with sixty seamen and soldiers. On the loth of September,
he arrived at Panuco, and from thence he departed, and arrived on the coast of
Florida, in ii\ degrees of north latitude. Continuing along the coast, he
discovered a bay in 28^ degrees north latitude, which he named San Francisco,
and took possession of it in the name of his Majesty, and from thence to the
Alacranes, the coast of which extends from north-west to south-east ; but contrary
winds having prevented him from approaching the coast where he desired, he
landed in 29^ degrees of north latitude, and discovered an island, which was,
perhaps, four leagues from the mainland ; he passed within this island [supposed
to be Dauphin, Bay of Mobilel and the mainland, and other islands, and after
having explored all the coast, he observed that it was bordered by marshy
grounds, and was not in a favorable situation to begin a colony, as it was liable

1565-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 237
nifies the place where martyrdom has been suffered. These
Indians possess neither gold nor silver, and still less clothing,
for they go almost naked, wearing only a sort of apron. The
dress of the men consists of braided palm-leaves, and that of
the women of moss, which grows on trees, and somewhat
resembles wool. Their common food consists of fish,

to be submerged in many places ; nevertheless, he took possession of the country
in the name of his Majesty,*and gave it the name of Bay oi Bas-Fonde. From
thence he sailed ten leagues further to the east, where he discovered a bay Which
he named Filipina,* it being the largest and most commodious bay on the coast.
The entrance is in 303- degrees ; and on entering the bay, he passed the point of
an island [now called Santa Rosa'] seven leagues long, and steered E. S. E.
On the other side of the bay lies the mainland, which is, perhaps, half a league
wide from point to point. Of all the discoveries made from east to west, there
is no bay so accessible and commodious as this. The bottom is of mud, and
the harbor is from four to five fathoms deep at low tide. The channel is three .
to four fathoms deep, and at high water near one fathom more. The climate is
very healthy, and similar to that of Spain. It abounds in all kinds of fish and
oysters. The pine forests are extensive, and can be used for ship-building.
There are, besides, live oak, cypress, ash, palmetto, laurel, cedar, and other trees,
one of which yields a fruit resembling the chestnut. All of these trees com
mence to grow near the shore, and extend for many leagues into the interior of
the country.
Small rivulets of water fall into the bay, where there is a large opening
which appears to be the mouth of a great river. While in this bay, he went to
examine the water on the north side, where the trees are not so dense, and
where cavaliers might hold their tournaments, and find grass for their horses.
In the rear of this bay, in an easterly direction, are high hills of a reddish clay,
from which earthenware can be maanufactured. Here can at all times be seen

•* The present Bay of Pensacola, sometimes called by the Indian name, Ochuse
{HocK Ushi, Choctaw), or Ucliuse by Spanish navigators in the sixteenth
century. It was discovered by Maldonado, one of De Soto's officers ; and is
about eleven miles from the Gulf of Mexico.

238 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-
turtles, snails, tunny-fish, and whales, which they catch in
their seasons. Some of them also eat the wolf-fish, but this
is not a common thing, owing to certain distinctions which
they make between proper food for the chiefs and that of
their subjects. On these islands is found a shell-fish known
as the langosta, a sort of lobster, and another known in
a great variety of wild game, such as eagles, turkeys, geese, ducks, partridges,
doves, etc. On the shores of this bay, he observed a large number of canoes
which the Indians use when they go to fish and hunt game, as well as Indian
huts, surrounded with maize, beans, and pumpkins. He took possession of this
country in the name of his Majesty, which is dista-nt about two hundred and
sixty leagues from the port of San-Juan-de-Lua [Vera Cruz].
Contraiy winds now prevented him from advancing any farther, although .
he returned twice to the bay of Filipina, which he afterwards named Velasco.
As the winter was now approaching, the pilots and sailors were of the opinion
the weather would not be favorable for 'further explorations of the coast, and
he deemed it advisable to return to New Spain to report the discoveries he had
made, with the intention of returning again to the coasts of Florida to make
further discoveries. He accordingly left the coast on the 3d of December, and
arrived at San-Juan-de-Lua on the 14th ; and herewith certifies that the above
statement is a true account of what took place. And this declaration having
been read to him, he has approved the same, and signed it with his name.
GUIDO DE LAS BAZARES.
Signed and sworn to, before me, first notary of the government of New
Spain, Antonio de Furcios.
And confirmed in all its particulars by us, who made the voyage with him,
Hernand Perez.
Constantino Oreja de S.\'n Remon.
Bernoldo Peloso.
Juan Munos Arvaez.
The above statement was made and read in presence of Father Pedro de
Feria, Vicar-General of the province of Florida ; Domingo de Salazar, his

IS^S-j LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

239

Spain as the chapin (trunk-fish), of which they consume not
less than the former. There are also on the islands a great
number of animals, especially deer ; and on some of them
large bears are found. These islands extend from west to
east, and as the mainland of Florida lies'at no great distance
to the eastward, these animals could easily pass over from

friend, and Francisco de Aguilar, notary, who accompanied the expedition to
the coast of Florida. To which is herewith added the following account of the.
voyage of Don Angel de Villafane, Governor and Captain-General of the
provinces of Florida,* that terminate at a point (on the Atlantic coast) called
St. Helena (South Carolina), in 32 degrees north latitude.
On the 27th of ¦ May, 1561, the Governor, with two frigates and a caravel,
arrived at St. Helena (sound), and sailed up the river (Jordan) four or five
leagues, and took possession of the country in the name of his Majesty Charles
IX. ; but, not discovering a convenient port or land suitable for a colony, he
returned to sea, and followed the coast in search of a port ; and having doubled
Cape San Roman (Fear), in 34 degrees north latitude, he landed on the 2d
of June, and ordered a ship to make soundings, and found the bottom good ;
and from thence he went into the interior until he came to a large river which
discharged its waters near the cape (San Roman), and took possession of the
country and called it " Jordan," and proceeded to sea. On the Sth of June,
he returned and re-entered the river Jordan (St. Helena Sound), with two frig
ates, but, not finding a suitable harbor, he again returned to sea, and v.'as annoyed
with the discovery that the frigate San Juan had fouled her anchor, and lost it near
Cape San Roman. He continued his exploration along the coast with two frigates,
and sent the treasurer, Don Alonzo Velasquez, with one of them to the river
of Canoes (De las Canoas), in latitude 341 degrees north, which he ascertained
to be one and a half fathoms deep at one and a half leagues from its mouth.
He afterwards rejoined the Governor, who continued to examine the coast until
_the 14th of June, when he reached Cape Trafalgar (L,oa\o\A), in 35 degrees
north latitude.
At ten o'clock at night, a tempest arose, and the caravel was near being lost,
* Sent out by Don Francisco de Garay, Viceroy of Jamaica, with instruc
tions to make an examination of the coasts of Florida.
17

240 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [IS^S-
the peninsula, and thence from island to island. To us,
however, who found ourselves prisoners there, it seemed
strange to see deer in the island of Cuchiyaga, and also to
hear them frequently spoken of elsewhere. There are many
other things which I could tell about, but must omit them
for the present, for those of more importance. On these
as well as both frigates. 'They w-ere surrounded by slioals and a submerged
coast, and, being far away from any port, the Governor and pilots decided to pro
ceed on their voyage, until they reached the port of Monte Christo, in the island
of Hispaniola, where the Governor landed on the gth of July, 1561 ; and at the
request of Governor Don Angel Villafane, I, the undersigned notary, being
informed of all the facts of the voyage made by him, have written the foregoing
statement at the port of Monte Christo, St. Domingo, this tenth day of July, 1561.
To which I affix the seal of my office to the original, this fifth day of May, 1565,
and transmit the same to the King's Council of the Indies.
(Signed,) TELLO DE SANDOVAL ;
le licencie Don GOMEZ DE ZAPATA ;
le licencie Don ALONSO MUNOS ;
Don LUIS DE MOLINA.
Don Gonzalo Perez, Secretary of the Council of the Indies, at the same time
he presented the above to the President, laid before him a memorandum from
the King requesting the Council to give him their definition of the rights of the
King to Florida, and whether the French can take possession of that country and
build forts there. The Council informed the King that his title to the countiy of
Florida is clear and indisputable, and founded on the gift of Pope Alexander
VI.,* and the taking possession of that country by Governor-General Don Angel

* In 1496, the English, emulous of the discoveries and maritime glory of
Spain and Portugal, and indifferent to the Pope's charter of donation, fitted out
an expedition under letters patent from Henry VII. to John Cabot and his
three sons, to seek for a western passage, to the north of the new Spanish dis
coveries, to Cathay (India.) In the prosecution of this scheme, the Cabots dis
covered Newfoundland, and probably explored the coast of North America

1565-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

241

islands also are found a species of tree or wood, which we
call guaiacum or ligniim-vitcB (Guaiacum Officinale), and
which physicians know is useful for many purposes ; also
fruit trees of different kinds. It is useless to speak of the
great variety of fruits found there. Westward of these
islands lies a great channel, through which no pilot dares to
de Vill.\fanb, is the same country which the French have recently taken pos
session of and built a fort there called Carolin ; and the same country which
Guido de las Bazares took formal possession of in 1558 ; and which the
fleets and ships of the King of Spain have at different times explored and
taken possession of. Juan Ponce de Leon was the first to discover and take

south as far as Florida. While state policy and ambition were thus powerfully
seconded by individual entei-prise, the New World became the grand lottery of
of the Old. Spain and Portugal reacted upon each other in their successive
discoveries ; and now that COLU.MBUS and Vespucius had planted the Cross as
the insignia of conquest and possession on many a barbarous coast in Africa and
America, and though those unexplored countries may be thought to have lain
too far apart to produce clashing interests, still they begot great international
jealousies. And as Rome was still the Court of final appeal to Christendom, and the Pope
the source whence all new rights of sovereignty were derived, the Pope was
called upon by Spain and Portugal to decide this knotty- question, and the
famous Alexander VI. issued in 1496 a bull of donation fixing as limits of par
tition a meridian drawn 100 leagues west of the Azores and Cape de Verd
Islands ; and assigned to Spain the dominion of all lands newly discovered, or to
be discovered, as far as 180 degrees to the west of this line ; and to Portugal all
that lay within the same extent eastward of the meridian assumed. Neither
England nor France, however, acknowledged any right in the Pope to make
such magnificent gifts of unknown territory, and sent out expedition after expe
dition to make discoveries without asking leave of his Holiness. And as nei
ther Spain nor Portugal questioned the inherent right of the Pope to gift the
world to them as a theater for plunder and spoliation, the limits of partition
became a long and fertile subject of difference between themselves and others.

242 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-
pass with a large vessel, because, as stated elsewhere, exist
towards the west a number of treeless islands. Formerly
they were probably covered with earth which the tides have
carried off, leaving only barren shores of sand about seven
miles in circumference. They are called The Tortugas,
because of the great number of tortoises that collect there
possession ; after him, Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon ; and after him, Pamfilo
DE Narvaez; and after Narvaez, Hernando de Soto. All of whom, and
many others, were commissioned by your Majesty to explore and take posses
sion of Florida. And therefore the French have no right to interfere, as they
might hereafter build forts, interrupt commerce, and capture the ships of your
Majesty coming from the Indies.

EARLY EXPLORATIONS
OF THE
GULF OF MEXICO AND ATLANTIC COAST OF FLORIDA.
The name of America was first given to the New World in 1507. " La
Denomination d'Amerique a ete proposee loin de Seville en Lorraine en
1507. Les mappe Monde qui portent le nom d'Amerique n'ont paru que
8 ou 10 ans apres la mort de Vespuce." Humboldt's Geogr. du Nouveau
Continent, vol. ^, p. 206.

UAN Ponce de Leon, in 1513, with his pilot, Alaminos, in coast
ing the Gulf of Mexico, occasionally landed and gave names to
several places along the Florida Keys as far as the present " Char
lotte Bay," and after cruising among the Lucayan Islands, in search
of the fountain of youth, he discovered the mainland of Florida, in about latitude
30.^, near the mouth of the present St. John's river.
DiEGO Miruelo, a celebrated pilot, sailed from Cuba in 1516, with a single
vessel, to the Fbrida coast, and obtained^from the Indians pieces of gold, and
without further exploration he returned to Cuba, and gave the most glowing
account of the country.
Hernandez de Cordova, in 1517, sailed west from Cuba in three small

'S^S-J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

243

to rest during the night. These tortoises are about the size
of a large shield, have as much flesh as a cow, are all meat,
and still they are fish. Going northward, betwaen Havanna
and Florida, and towards the islands, the Tortugas are first
met. The Martyr Islands are forty leagues from Havanna,
twenty from the Tortugas, and twenty leagues more to

vessels with Antonio Alaminos, who had been with Columbus as chief pilot,
and relying upon the opinion of Columbus, who maintained that a westerly
course would lead to important discoveries, he sailed west from Cuba and struck
Cape Catoche, Yucatan. As he approached the shore, five canoes full of people
clad in cotton garments — an astonishing spectacle to the Spaniards, who had
only seen naked Indians in other parts of America. Without losing sight of the
coast he discovered the river Potonchan, near Campeachy, where he landed his
troops to collect water, when the natives attacked him with such fury, that after
losing half his men, and sinking under the wounds he received, he returned to
Cul)a, where he died soon after he landed
Juan de Gri;alva, by order of Velasquez, Governor of Cuba, explored the
coast of the Gulf of Mexico, with Antonio Alaminos as pilot, in 1518, as far as
Cabo Rosso, in latitude 2i°45', near Tampico, a.n& brought home with him a
large amount of gold ; and in his admiration of the countiry, which resembled
Spain, he called it New Spain (Mexico). Fie continued to sail west beyond
Tabasco, and was received by the natives as superior beings, with incense and
choice offerings of ornaments of gold of curious workmanship.
He finally reached San Juan de Ulloa, and after sending dispatches to Velas
quez, with an account of his discoveries, he returned to Cuba ; and in the fol
lowing year, the famous Hernando Cortez, burning for conquest, took with
him Antonio Alaminos as pilot, which resulted in his invasion and conquest
of Mexico.
Antonio de Alaminos was dispatched by Herando Cortez, in 1519, with
treasures from Vera Cruz to the King of Spain, and passed into the Atlantic
Ocean through the Florida channel, which he had previously discovered, as the
chief pilot of Ponce de Leon.
Alonzo Alvarez de Pineda was ordered by Francisco de Garay, Gov
ernor of Jamaica, in 1519, to explore the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, and in sail
ing along the coast he discovered the mouths of the Mississippi, and explored all

244 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-
Florida, — that is, to arrive at the Indian province of Carlos*
(or Calos), of which the name signifies "cruel village." It
is thus named because the inhabitants are barbarous and
very adroit in the handling of arms. They are masters of a
part of the country extending as far as the village of
¦* Probably so called from the name of its chief, who, hearing from his Span
ish captives of the grandeur and power of Charles V. (Carlos V.), in emu
lation appropriated the name to himself. " It is still preserved," says Brin
ton, "in the Seminole appellation of the Sanybal river, Carlosa-hatckie, Cayo-
Hueso (Key West), and Cayo- Vacas, names of the latest residences of the
Caloosas, before they were driven from Florida, and went to Havana''
the shore irora Panuco to Cape Florida, and directing his course north, he found
that Florida was not an island, hut a peninsula, joined to a great continent
(Navarrete Viages Menores) in the north, and afterward returned to Vera Cruz.
Still Cortez believed there might be found in the interior of the country another
Mexico, and hence two expeditions were fitted out ; one under Pamfilo- de
Narvaez, in 1528, and one under Hernando de Soto, in 1538-1543.
Lucas V-^squez de Allyon dispatched two vessels from San Domingo, in
1520, on an expedition to capture the natives in the Lucayan group to sell as
slaves to the planters of that island and Cuba ; but on reaching the Lucayan
islands he found them almost depopulated, and pursued their voyage along the
coast of Florida north of Savannah as far as Cape St. Helena, and after discover
ing an inhabited counti-y, " called by the natives Chicora," and extremely fertile,
they returned to San Domingo with captured natives. In 1523, de Allyon
obtained from the King of Spain a royal grant, with the title of Adelantado, and
fitted out an expedition of four vessels in 1526, with five hundred men, to estab
lish a colony in " Chicora," South Carolina. On entering the country he took
possession in the name of the King, and explored it as far as " San Miguel
Guadalpe" where he spent a winter, and where many of his men sickened and
died ; and in attempting to capture the natives to carry them into slavery, he lost
his life, and left his nephew, don Juan Ramirez, as Governor.
Francis I., King of France, fitted out an expedition of four ships in 1524,
under the command of Giovanni Da Verrazano, to make discoveries as well as

1565-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 245
Giiasaca, near the Lake Mayaimi, thus named on account
of its great size.
In going from Havanna to the opposite shore, the chain
of the Martyr Islands commences near the coast of Florida.
Here one finds himself about sixty leagues from the islands
explore the coast of Florida, and arrived in sight of land March 24, 1524, in lati
tude of 34° north, which brought him north' of Port Royal, St. Helena sound.
At this point, instead of exploring the southern coast of Florida, he sailed north,
and landed at different points along the coasts of Carolina, Virginia, New York,
Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and Maine ; and with untiring zeal, searched
every bay and river for a passage to the westward, until he reached Newfound
land, and gave to the whole coast discovered, the name of New France.
On his return to France he fitted out another expedition vi'ith the sanction of
Francis I., for the establishment of a colony in the newly-discovered countries :
but the bold navigator never returned to France, and nothing certain is known
of his fate. It is somewhat remarkable that three Italians should have directed
the discoveries of France, Spain, and England, and thus became the instrum.ents
of dividing the dominions of the new world among alien powers, while their own
classic land reaped neither glory nor advantage from the genius and courage of
her sons. And that in less than three centuries after, neither France nor Spain
held a foot of territory on the Atlantic coast or Gulf of Mexico.
Pamfilo de Narvaez was duly commissioned to fit out a fleet in 1527 to
conquer and govern the country on the Gulf of Mexico, extending from the
river of Palms (near Tampico) to Cape Florida. He sailed from the port of St.
Lucar on the 17th June with five vessels, carrying six hundred men, to establish
a colony ; but, owing to detentions, he did not reach the bay of Espiritu Santo
(Tampa Bay), Florida, until Holy Thursday, April 14, 1528. He took formal
possession of this vast territory on the Gulf of Mexico on Good Friday, and
issued a proclamation to the Indians that unless they acknowledged the sove
reignty of the Pope and the Emperor (Charies V.) they, their wives, and children
shall be made slaves of, and sold as they shall think fit, {See proclamation pub
lished in this volume, p. 153.) The natives met him with a bold front on his land
ing, and motioned to him to go back to his ships. He left one hundred men on
board of his ships, and with the remainder he set out to explore the country, de
termined to proceed to the head-waters of the Apalachee, where he expected to find

246 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-
of the other extremity of the group. There are several
channels, of which the principal one is very wide, and of
variable depths. The greatest width, as nearly as I can
remember, from the report of the Indians, is towards the
Bermuda Islands. I shall now say no more on this subject.

the treasures of gold and silver he came in search of. But, after disastrous wander
ings over a vast country without finding any gold, and greatly discouraged as to
the nature and resources of the country, he turned his expedition toward the sea,
and after nine days of fighting with the natives, whom he represented as men of
fine proportions, tall, and great strength, who discharged their arrows with great
force, he finally reached Ante, on the sea-coast, now known as St. Marks (San
.Marco d'Apalachee), and near the Bay of Apalachicola. Utterly dispirited, he
embarked the remnant of his half-starved troops in rude and hastily-built boats
for Panuco on the 22d September, 1528 ; and after entering the sea, and encoun
tering violent storms, he and most of his companions were swallowed up in
the waters of the Gulf of Mexico. The survivors, Cabeca de Vaca and three
others, remained six years in the country among the coast Indians, and finally
found their way back, after incredible hardships, to Mexico ; and, on his return
to Spain, de Vaca published an interesting narrative of his adventures.
After the death of Narvaez, the vast country comprehended under the name
of Florida still remained unexplored, when Hernando de Soto obtained per
mission from the King of Spain to conquer Florida. Arriving at Cuba from
Spain, he sailed from Havana on Sunday, May 18, 1539, with four ships, three
caravels, and three transports with horses, twelve priests, eight assistants, and
four friars ; six hundred and twenty soldiers and two hundred and twenty-three
horses ; with the title of Adelantado and Alguazil Mayor ever two hundred
leagues of the coast he should discover betwefn the province of Rio de las
Palmas and Florida ; and after a prosperous voyage he landed at the Bay of
Espiritu Santo (Tampa Bay) on Whitsunday, the 25th May, 1539, and the name
of Espiritu Santo was given in honor of the day.
It is not the purpose of this sketch to describe all the bloody battles of
De Soto with the natives of Florida, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Arkan
sas, through which he marched ; but, cutting his way from Tampa Bay, he
arrived at Anaica Apalache, in the neighborhood of the present town of Talla
hassee, about thirty miles from the present St. Marks, where he discovered the

1565-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 247
but describe the group of the Martyr Islands lying to the
northward. These islands terminate near an Indian village called
Tegesta,* built on the borders of a river, which takes its rise
in the interior. It runs through fifteen leagues of country,
* The province of Tegesta is situated to the west of the Caloosa, and
embraced a string of villages stretching from Cape Canaveral to the southern
extremity of Florida. The more northern portion was, says Brinton, called
Ais, from the native word aisa, deer. The residence of the paracoussi, or chief,
was near Cape Canaveral (Corientes).

remains of N.arvaez' encampment, and learned here that a country to the north
(Georgia) abounded in gold. He marched in the direction of the Savannah
river to its head-waters, and from thence to Guaxule on the Conasauga, and down
its western bank to Chiaha, now the site of the present town of Rome. About this
time he was informed by an Indian chief that in the mountains of the north, at a
place called Chisca, there were copper mines. On the 2d July, after a march of
ten days, he reached the town of Costa (Alabama). The expedition now began
to enter the province of Cooca, whose fertility was known to all the Indians,
which now embrace the counties of Cherokee, Benton, Talladega, and Cooca. At
the town of Cooca he was met by a thousand warriors, tall and admirably pro
portioned, dressed in splendid mantles of marten skins, their heads adorned with
brilliant feathers of different colors, and armed with bows and arrows.
On leaving Cooca he arrived at Tallassee September 15, where he found ex
tensive fields of corn, beans, and pumpkins. Having remained here twenty
days, he crossed the Tallapoosa, and proceeded towards Maubila on Choctaw
Bluff, where he arrived October 18, 1540. Here he had a battle with the natives,
which lasted nine hours, and where De Soto lost more than one hundred of his
men, including officers. Having suffered so severely, he proceeded on his march
to the Pafallaya country, now embraced in Clark, Marengo, and Green counties,
where he was attacked by fifteen hundred Indians, which he drove back into the
Black Warrior river. He now led his troops across the river, and continued his
march to the town of Chickasa, now embraced in Yalobusha county. The cold
weather now set in, and the Chief of the Chickasa Nation became his constant
visitor. Upon the appearance of Spring (1541), Ae Chickasa Indians pressed

248 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [iS^S-
and flows from a fresh-water lake, which the Indians visit
and pretend it forms a part of Lake Mayaimi (Okechobee).
This lake is situated in the midst of the country, and is sur
rounded by a great number of villages of from thirty to forty
inhabitants each, who live on bread made from roots during
most of the year. They cannot procure it, however, when
upon him with several thousands of armed men, but at length they fled from the
field of battle, pursued by De Soto and his army.
On the 25th April, 1541, De Soto marched northwest through a champagne
country thickly populated, and attacked the Indian fortress oi Alibamo, situated
upon the Yazoo river, in the county of Tallahatchie, which he captured. In
May, 1541, he reached the Mississippi river, and was the first to cross it, unless
Cabeza de Vaca had crossed it twelve years before.
De Soto now consumed a year in exploring what is now called Arkansas, and
returned to the Mississippi at Guachayo, below the mouth of the Arkansas river,
in May, 1542. Here he became sick, and died on the last of May, 1542. And
to conceal his death from the Indians, he was silently plunged, by the dim light
of the stars, into the muddy waters of that river ; and the remainder of his army,
after having consumed several years in wandering over the vast regions of
Florida, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Arkansas, built brigantines, sailed
down the Mississippi , and reached Mexico in September, 1543.
Francisco Maldinado, who had been sent from Apalachicola by De Soto
with the brigantines to look for a port to the westward, discovered the Bay
of Pensacola (Ochuse) in 1539, and returned to Cuba: and in the summer of
1541-2, touched again at Ochuse and at other points on the Gulf of Mexico.
He and his distinguished associate, Gomez Ariaz, in the spring of 1543, deter
mined not to give up the search for De Soto, touched at Vera Cruz, where they
learned of the death of De Soto upon the Mississippi, and that only three hun
dred of his men had reached Mexico. Notwithstanding the failure of De
Soto to establish a colony in Florida, the religious zeal of the Franciscans still
remained unabated, to plant a colony and Christianize the natives. They con
sequently addressed a memorial to the Emperor, setting forth the great richness
of Florida, and the immense benefits which would result to the cause of religion
and the empire from its acquisition. The Viceroy of New Spain (Mexico) was
accordingly instructed by the Emperor to fit out an expedition, which sailed from

1-565 •] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 24g
the waters of the lake rise very high. They have roots
which resemble the truffles of this country (Spain), and have
besides excellent fish. Whenever game is to be had, either
deer or birds, they eat meat. Large numbers of very fat
eels are found in the rivers, some of them as large as a man's
thigh, and enormous trout, almost as large as a man's body ;
although smaller ones are also found. The natives eat
lizards, snakes, and rats, which infest the lakes, fresh-water
Vera Cruz in 1559, under the command of Don Tristan de Luna y Avellano
with fifteen hundred soldiers, and a large number of friars burning with zeal to
convert the natives ; and on the 14th August they reached the bay of Santa
Maria Filipina (Pensacola), and six days after he arrived, a terrific gale wrecked
a part of his fleet. He dispatched, however, four companies, with two friars,
to penetrate the country as far as the province of Coca, and with the remainder
of the expedition he established himself at the port {Pensacola). The expe
dition reached an Indian town on the river (supposed to be the Alabama river),
which they named Santa Cruz Napicnoca, where it was afterwards joined by Don-
Tristan DE Luna, and from thence they proceeded on their march to other
Indian towns on the banks of a river called Olibaka (supposed to be the Coosa).
where they procured a supply of provisions, and some days after they reached
the famous province of Coca. Here they remained some weeks, but the obstacles
they encountered with the natives, and scarcity of provisions, so discouraged
them that they abandoned the expedition and returned to the bay of Santa
Maria (Pensacola), and afterwards to Vera Ci-uz. This expedition establishes
the fact that the whole of this region was visited by the Spaniards from 1539 to
1566, and was the last of the exploring expeditions sent to Florida by the
Spaniards prior to the landing of Ribault and Laudonniere to found a French
colony of Protestants on the Atlantic coast of Florida. See Historical Collections
of Louisiana, Narratives of Hernando de Soto and Biedma, Vol. 2, pp. 177-362,
Garcilasso de la Vega, pp. 2i2-'i2(>, Fairbanks' Florida, p. 81-3, Picket's
Alabama, Vol. i,pp. 5-52, Cardenas {Barcia) Ensayo Chronologico Historia Gene
ral de la Florida, pp. 20-52, Naufragios de Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca y
Relacion de la lornada que hizo a la Florida, con el Adelantado Pamfilo de
Narvaez,//. 12-36.

250 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF \M^h-
turtles, and many other animals which it would be tiresome
to enumerate. They live in a country covered with swamps
and cut up by high bluff's. They have no metals, nor any
thing belonging to the Old World. They go naked, except
the women, who wear little aprons woven of shreds of palm.
They pay tribute to CARLOS, composed of all the objects I
have spoken, such as fish, game, roots, deer-skins, etc.

156s.]

LOUISIANA AND FIORIDA.

251

CHAPTER II.

1^1

THINK from what I was told by some
Indians from the islands of Jeaga, at the
beginning of the Bahamas, that the au
ditor Lucas Vasquez d'Ayllon,* of
San Domingo, accompanied by six of
his planters, came in vessels to visit"
this country and the river St. Helena, situated seven leagues
to the northward, on the banks of which is a village named
Orista, but which by mistake they called Chicora. They
saw another village, named Quale, but called by them Gual-
dape : these are all they visited, as they did not explore
the interior. The truth is, there is neither gold nor silver

* To Ayllon was given the title of Adelantado, to aid him in the con
quest of Chicora (South Carolina), which he discovered, and described as a
rich and fertile country, abounding in valuable productions, and inhabited with
natives of a clear understanding, governed by a king. One of his ships was
commanded by Jordan, with Miruelo as pilot, and reached the latitude of 34
degrees ; the other, Cabo de St. Elena (Cape St. Helena) ; and it is said he
also reached Bahia Santa Maria (Chesapeake Bay) in 1526. On the chart of
Ribero, 1529, all the countries discovered by Ayllon are indicated under the
name of " Tierra de Ayllon,'' which covers all the territory south of the States
of Virginia, N. and S. Carolina, and Georgia. One of the objects of his several
expeditions was to capture slaves to sell in St. Domingo and Cuba. He died
in October, 1526, from wounds received in a battle with the natives.

252 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [1565-
within sixty leagues of this place, although I am in
formed there are both gold and copper mines* in the
interior, towards the north. On the banks of a river and
of some of the lakes, are the Indian villages of Otopali,
Olgatano, and many others. The people are not of the
Chichimeque race, nor are they of the same race 'as the
inhabitants of the river Jordan. Their principal king is
called, in the language of the Carlos Indians, Zertepe,
and is superior to all the other chiefs, as MONTEZUMA was.
In that portion of the country which LuCAS VASQUEZ
d'Ayllon and other Spaniards visited, the inhabitants are
very poor. Some small pearls are found there, however, in
the shell-fish. The natives live on fish, large oysters, roasted
or raw, deer, roe-buck, and other animals. When the men
go out to hunt, the women collect wood and water to boil
or broil their food. If the Spaniards found gold there at
any time, it must have been brought there from a great
distance, probably from the mountains of the domains of the
king of whom I have just spoken. It has been said the
Indians of Cuba worshiped the river of Jordan, but that is
not true.
JUAN PONCE de Leon, believing the reports of the

* On the return of De Soto's expedition to Mexico (New Spain), the soldiers
reported that gold, silver, and copper mines were found and worked by the
Indians in the Apalachian mountains, and subsequently by the Spaniards in
Northern Georgia. De Bry- and also other writers state that the Indians gathered
gold and silver to a limited extent from the streams of the auriferous moun
tains of Carolina and Georgia, and worked them into ornaments, which they
w-ore as pendants.

1565-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

253

Indians of Cuba and San Domingo to be true, made an
expedition into Florida to discover the river Jordan.* This
he did either because he wished to acquire renown, or, per
haps, because he hoped to become young again by bathing
in its waters. Many years ago, a number of Cuban Indians
went in search of this river, and entered the province of
Carios (Calos),t but Sequene, the father of Carlos, took
them prisoners, and settled them in a village where their
descendants are still living. The news that these people
had left their own country to bathe in the river Jordan,
spread among all the kings and chiefs of Florida, and as
they were an ignorant people, they all set out in search of
this river, which was supposed to possess the power of reju
venating old men and women. So eager were they in their
search, that they did not pass a river, a brook, a lake, or
even a swamp, without bathing in it ; and, even to this day,
they have not ceased to look for it, but always without any
success. The natives of Cuba, braving the dangers of the
sea, became victims to their faith, and thus it happened that

* Of all the historic names connected with Florida, none stand out more
prominently than that of Ponce de Leon. The romantic character of his
expeditions has won for him a name which will be kept in everlasting remem
brance as a bold and adventurous cavalier and navigator. With the pilot
Alaminos he discovered the Atlantic shore of Florida, near the mouth of the
St. John's river, in latitude 30^ degrees ; and the Gulf shore in latitude 24
degrees. The exploration of the Gulf of Mexico was spread over a period of
twenty years.
f All the tribes north of the province of Carlos, throughout the country
around the Hillsborough river, and probably from it to the Withlacooche, and
easterly to the Ocklawaha, appear to have lived under one chief or king.

254 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [l565-
they came to Carios, where they built a village. They
came in such great numbers, that although many have died,
there are still many hving there, both old and young.
While I was a. prisoner in those parts, I bathed in a great
many rivers, but I never found the right one. It seems
incredible that JUAN PONCE DE LEON should have gone to
Florida to look for such a river.
Let us now speak of the Abolachi country, not far
distant from Panuco, where, it is reported, so many pearls
are found, and really do exist.
Between Abolachi and Olagale * is a river which the
Indians call Guasaca-Esgui, which means, translated into our
language. Reed river. It is on the sea-coast, and at the
mouth of this river, the pearls are found, in oyster and other
shells ; and from thence they are carried into all the provinces
and villages of Florida ; especially to Tocobajo, which is the
nearest place, and where the greatest cacique or king of this
country resides. This village is situated on the right, coming
from Havanna. The name of the chief is TocO-Baja- CHILE.
He has a great many subjects, is. an independent chief, and
dwells on the other side of the river ; which extends more
than forty leagues into the interior of the country, where
Ferdinand de Soto intended to establish colonies, but was
prevented by death, when his followers disbanded and
returned to Spain. On their way back they hung the chief
of the Abolachi country, because he refused to provide them
* Olagale is probably the Ocale of De Soto, and Etocale of Biedma. (Histor
ical Collections of Louisiana, vol. 2, pp. 92-130.)

1565-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA,

255

with maize for their journey, or, as the Indians say, for the
sake of some large pearls which he wore on his neck, one of
which was as large as a ring-dove's egg. The natives say
there are no gold or silver mines in this country, at least
none known to them. They live on maize, fish, deer, roe
bucks, and other animals ; but fish constitutes their principal
food. They make bread from roots which grow in the
swamps, and have a variety of fruits. The men and women
go almost naked. The former wear no other clothing
than aprons made of prepared deer skins, while the latter
make theirs of moss which grows on trees, and is not much
unlike hemp or wool.
Let us now leave Tocobajo, Abolachi, Olagale, and Mogozo,
which are distinct kingdoms, and speak of the villages and
market-towns of King CARLOS,* who was afterwards put to
death by Captain Reynoso for some hostile demonstration.
The most important of these villages are Tampa, Tomo,
Tuchi, Sogo, No {which, means " beloved village"), Sinapa,
Sinacsta, Metamapo, Sacaspada, Calaobe, Estame, Yagua,
Guaya, Guevu, Muspa, Casitoa, Talesta, Coyovea, Jutun,
Teguemapo, Comachica, Luiseyove, besides two other villages
* The tribes of Calos or Carlos spoke different dialects, and resided in the
southern portion of Florida. The Timuquans Jived along the coast north and
south of St. Augustine, the Timuquan dialect being used at San Mateo, Asila,
Machua, San Pedro, etc. Father Pareja, one of the founders of the Franciscan
Order in St. Helena, Florida, and guardian of the first convent established
there in 1578, published " Gramatica de la Lengua Timuiquana de Florida,
1614," "Catecismo de la Doctrina Christiana en. Lengua Timuiquana, 1617," and
the " Confesonario en lengua Timuiquana, Mexico, 1612."
18

256 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [l565-
whose names I do not recollect, as it is now ten years since
I was there. In the interior, on Lake Mayaimi, there are
Cutespa, Tavagueme, Tonsobe, Enempa, and others whose
names I have forgotten. In the Lucayan Islands there are
two Indian villages, subjects of King CARLOS, one of which
is called Guaragunve, and the other Cuchiaga. CARLOS was
sovereign of fifty villages, as his father had been up to the
time of his death. The power is now in the hands of his
son Sebastian, who bears this name, because Don Pedro
Menendez de Aviles conferred it upon him when he took
him to Havanna to be educated, and ordered him to be
called thus. Nothwithstanding the good treatment the
Indians received from MENENDEZ, they revolted a second
time, which was more serious than the first. It would still
have been more unfortunate if they had been baptized, for I
have heard them say Christianity was forbidden among them.
Most of our strategy was known to them. They are athletic,
and use the bow and arrow adroitly. No one knows that
country as well as I do, for I was a prisoner there from the
age of thirteen to thirty years, and I speak four of the
languages of its people. There is only the language of the
Ais and Jeaga which I am not acquainted with, because I
have never lived among them.
"Yhe Abolachi* 2.x?^ a powerful nation, rich in pearls; but
* " The early French and Spanish writers vai-y in the orthography of this
name. The old Spanish writers write it Abolache, Apalache, Appallatcy ; the
French, Apalaches. CoxE drops the A and writes it Palache, Palatcy, etc.
Apaliche in the Tamanaca dialect signifies man. They were a most united.

'S65-J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA, 257
they have no gold, except what is brought from the mines of
Onagatano, situated in the Snowy Mountains ofOnagatan;,
the farthest of the Abolachi possessions, and still farthc:
from the nations of Olacatano, Olagale, Mogoso, and Canogd-
cole. The last are said to be a numerous and warlike peopk ,
who go entirely naked, excepting a few who wear dressed
skins. They are artists, and can paint everything they sec
They are called Canogacole, which mea^ns " zvicked people)'
and are adroit in drawing the bow. The Spaniards could
only conquer them with their superior arms, such as cross
bows, muskets, bucklers, large .and strong swords, good
horses, and escanpils.* They only speak their native lan
guages, are an honorable and faithful people, and not like
the Biscayan who wanted to sell Menendez to the Indians,

bold, and valorous race, and much more civilized than the adjacent tribes.
When De Soto arrived in their country he found their fields cultivated, bear
ing plentiful crops of com, beans, pumpkins, and fruit of all kinds ; having good
store of gold, silver, and pearls, which they collected from the lofty mountains of
Onagatano (Georgia), abounding in precious metals. Their country was divided
into six provinces, interspersed with towns and villages, and lived in houses
built of oval shape, plastered with mud, and thatched with reeds and straw.
The women manufactured their own clothing from wild hemp and the inner
bark of the mulberry tree, lined with skins. Their priests offered up daily morn
ing prayers to the glorious sun ; and were regarded as more civilized than the
Carlos, Tegesta, Ais, and other tribes of Florida. In the beginning of the
eighteenth century they were almost destroyed by other tribes, and driven
across the Mississippi, By tradition they came originally from Northern.
Mexico." — See Brinton's Florida; Historical Collections of Louisiana, vol. 2,
p. 261.
* A sort of armor made of cotton, which the ancient Mexicans used to pro
tect themselves from the arrows of the natives in time of war.

2S8 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [lS65-
and had not a mulatto and I prevented him, by exposing his
treachery, we should have all been put to death ; and PEDRO
Menendez, instead of dying at Santander, would have
perished in Florida. If he had conducted himself as I did,
and as he ought to have done, the Indians would to-day
have been the obedient subjects of our powerful King,
Philip IL, whom I pray the Lord will protect for many
years to come.
I have elsewhere said that this chief was sovereign of the
''River oi Reeds," where the pearls and the mines of lapis-
lazuli are found ; but farther on, the village of Olagale is
subject to him, where also gold is found.
A Biscayan named Don PEDRO, whom his Majesty had
deigned to name Guardian of the Swans, was a prisoner in
this country, and had he shown a courage proportionate to
the favors which he had received from his Majesty, the
Indians of Ais, Guacata, and of Jeaga would long ago have
.submitted, and many of them would already have been
Christians. He spoke perfectly the language of Ais, and
all those I have mentioned above ; and also that which
is spoken at Mayaca, and Mayajuaca, on the other side
towards the north. PEDRO MENENDEZ ordered him to be
hung on account of the calumnious accusation brought
against him and his companion, DOMINGO .RuiZ. I think
he was frightened, and, after returning to Spain, he drew
up his report about Florida. He did not desire to go
there, but finally decided to do so, to get his son out of
the hands of .the Indians, who had heaped cruel treatment

1565-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

259

upon him. As for ourselves, we have never to this day
received any pay, or obtained any promotion, and returned
with our health so impaired, that we have gained but little
by going to Florida.
The country of the kings of Ais* and of Jeaga is very
poor. It contains neither gold nor silver mines, and, to tell
the truth, it is only the sea which enriches it, since many
vessels laden with precious metals are shipwrecked there ;
such as the Farfan, and the Howker. On board of the
latter was Anton Granado and Captain JUAN Chris-
TOBAL, whom the natives made slaves ; and killed Don
Martin de Guzman, Captain Hernando de Andino,
and Juan Orvis. On board of this ship were the two
sons of Alonso de Mesa and their uncle. They were
all rich, and I the poorest among them, yet I had
twenty-five pesos of fine gold. My father (who was a com
mander) and my mother, had both served his Majesty
in Peru, and subsequently in Carthagena, where they estab
lished a colony. I, as well as one of my brothers, was born
there. They were sending us to Spain to be educated when
we were shipwrecked on the Florida coast ; as well as the
fleet from New Spain, commanded by the son of Don
Pedro Menendez (Adelantado of Florida).

* The kings and chiefs of Florida took their title, or public name, from the
place or territory they governed.

26o

HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF

[1565.

CHAPTER III.

AFTERWARDS talked with a Span
iard whom the Indians had kept in a
starving condition. He told me that he
came from Nicaragua, in one of the
Mexican vessels bound for Spain,
which was commanded by an Asturian,
a son of Don Pedro Melendez. That he was only a
sailor on one of the shipwrecked vessels of the fleet, and
ignorant of the fate of the rest until after he had talked
with the Indians who went armed to the coast of Ais and re
turned with very considerable riches, in the form of ingots of
gold, sacks of Spanish coins, and quantities of merchandise.
As this man had been a prisoner there only for a short time,
and knew nothing of the Indian languages, and as J UAN
Rodriguez knew them well, we served as interpreters for
him and others. It was a great consolation for those
who were afterwards shipwrecked there, to find some
Christians who could aid them in their misfortunes, and
help them to make themselves understood by the na
tives ; for, when the Indians captured them and com-

1565-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 261
manded them to dance and sing, and they would not ; and as
the Indians of Florida are cruel as well as ill-natured, they
thought the Christians refused from obstinacy, and did not
wish to comply with their request ; so they massacred them on
the spot, and reported to the chief that they had killed them
because they were rogues and rebels, and refused to obey.
One day when a negro, two Spaniards, and I were speaking
to the chief, in presence of the great men of his court, about
what I have just stated, the chief said I was the most
deceitful of them all. " Escalante," said he, "tell me the
truth, for you know I am a great lover of it ; why, when
we commanded your countrymen to dance or sing, or do
anything, they were obstinate and refused to obey. Is it
because they are indifferent to death, or because they did
not wish to obey the enemies of their religion ? Answer
me, and, if you do not know, ask those new prisoners who
are slaves by their own misfortune. Formerly we took them
for gods descended from the heavens." I answered, " My
lord, as I understand the matter, they are not rebelious, nor
do they refuse from any motive of ill-will, but do not com
prehend your wishes. They would only need to under
stand your language to perform their duty." The chief
replied that this was untrue, as he often gave them com
mands which they sometimes obeyed, and sometimes did
not, although they were repeated over and over. " Notwith
standing that, my lord," I replied, " they do not act thus
from disobedience, but because they really do not under
stand you. I wish your lordship would speak to them in

262 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [I56S-
presence of this negro and me." The chief began to laugh,
and said to them, " Se-le-te-ga J " They then asked what
the chief said, and the negro, who stood near them, laughed
and said to the chief, " Sire, what ESCALANTE has told you
is true, they do not understand you." Then the chief, having
perceived that I had told him the truth, said, " ESCALANTE,
now I believe you." I then explained to them what
Se-le-te-ga meant, which is, to go and see if there is any one
on the look-out; if any one is coming hither. The in
habitants of Florida always abbreviate their words much
more than we do in speaking.
The chief, having perceived the true state of things, told
his subjects that when they made prisoners of shipwrecked
Christians hereafter, they must give them no orders without
his knowledge, so that he might send them a person who
understood their language.
I will say no more now on this subject, but proceed to
speak of the wealth which the Indians found in bars of gold
and Alexican jewelry belonging to the shipwrecked passen
gers, amounting to more than a million. The chief retained
the best part of it for himself, and divided the remainder
among the Indians of Ais, of Jaega, of Guacata, of Maya
juaca, and of Mayaca. Most of the vessels or caravels,
as I stated before, which had been shipwrecked there were
from Cuba and Honduras, and going in search of the river
Jordan, which explains how the Indians'of .^w, of Jaega, and
the Guardgumve Islands became so enriched by the sea and
not by the land.

^565 -J LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA. 263
From Tocobaga to St. Helena there are about six hundred
leagues of coast. This country produces neither gold nor
silver, nor are any metals found except those which accident
brings to Florida from over the sea. I do not need to say
that it is a habitable country, since we know the Indians
live there, raise flocks and herds of animals, and cultivate
the land. I cannot positively say that sugar can be made
there. I know they planted cane and it grew, but I did not
remain long enough to see the result. The inhabitants of
all the provinces which I have named, from Tocobaga to St.
Helena, are much given to fishing, and are always to be had.
They are very adroit at drawing the bow, and also very
treacherous, and I am convinced they can never be made
submissive and become Christians. I am willing to sign my
name to this statement, as a thing of which I am positively
certain ; and I give it as my opinion, that if it is not
followed, matters will grow worse and worse. They should
all be taken, men and women, after terms of peace have been
offered them, placed on ships, and scattered throughout the
various islands, and even on the Spanish main, where they
might be sold as his Majesty sells his vessels to the grandees
in Spain. By such clever means they might become civilized,
and Spaniards established here. These latter could then
form settlements, raise cattle, and give assistance to numbers
of vessels which are lost on the coast of the province of Sa-
toriva, at, or near St. Augustine, San Matheo (St. John's),
where the French Lutherans established a fort for the pur
pose of plundering all vessels that arrive from the mainland.

264 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF [l565-
whether from Mexico, Peru, or any other country. They have
already done this thing, and taken refuge on the San Matheo
river, where dwell in villages the perfidious chiefs, SatoRIVA,
Alimacany. On the banks of the San Matheo (St. John's), sixty
leagues further inland, reside other independent chiefs, Car-
decha, Encappe, Utina, Saranay, and Moloa, who
govern other villages reaching as far as Mayajuaca, in the
Ais country, near the district planted with reeds, which our
guides said was the place where Don Pedro DE MENENDEZ
made terms of peace with them. They possess, however,
neither gold, silver, nor pearls, and are great rascals and
beggars. They use bows and arrows, and, like those before
described, wear no clothing. In ascending the river San
Matheo, one can go as far as Tocobaga on the west side of
Florida, but I do not advise any one to go so far as this
river. After having passed the bar of the river, one might
go on as far as Agacay, which is fifty or sixty leagues from
the coast, or even as far as Utina, where he could disembark
and proceed from village to village until, arriving at Ca?io-
gacola, the inhabitants of which are subjects of TOCO-BAGA.
Thence he could go on to the very farthest known point,
situated on another great river (Mississippi), zvhither DE
Soto went, and where he died. And now I shall say no
more, for if there were any question of making a conquest of
this country, I could not furnish any more details than those
I have already given. The conquest of this country would be
advantageous to his Majesty for the security of his fleets going

^565-] LOUISIANA AND FLORIDA.

265

to Peru, New Spain, and- ports of the West India Islands.
These fleets must necessarily pass through the Bahama
Channel, and close to this coast, where many people are ship
wrecked and lose their lives, because the Indians are our
enemies, and handle the bow skillfully. It would, therefore,
be well to have a small fort erected to protect the channel.
To support this fort, and pay the soldiers who should garri
son it, a fund might be established by levying taxes on Peru,
Mexico, Cuba, and other parts of the Indies. This is all that
can be done, unless peari-fishing is engaged in, as pearis are
the only treasures the country offers. With this expression
of opinion, I close my description of Florida and herewith
subscribe my name to it.
Hernando D'Escalante Fontanedo.

LA REPRINSE DE LA FLORIDE,
PAR LE CAPPITAINE GOURGUE. (^fi-ouro ue£.)

introduction.
T was not until after the overthrow and expulsion of the French Prot
estants (Huguenots) from Florida, in 1565, that the Catholics no
less than the Protestants of Europe felt how atrocious it was to put
to death hundreds of innocent persons, in time of peace, which the
laws of nations as well as humanity should have protected. Such conduct would
not, however, have been ventured upon by the Spaniards towards France,
but for the strength of the Catholic party and their hostility to the Protestants

266 LA REPRINSE DE LA FLORIDE. [X568.
of France and of the Netherlands who wished at that time to prevent the
establishment of the Inquisition among them.
In vain had Captain Ribault and his shipwrecked companions urged upon
the Captain-General (Menendez) that the kings of France and Spain -ivere
not only at peace but in alHance. The plaint of humanity was stifled in the
interests of the Roman Catholic religion, as the kings of France and Spain
were then preparing for the bloody tragedy of St. Bartholomew's Day, which was
to crush out Protestant heresy. For several years this horrible tempest devastated
the finest provinces of France. There was still, however, a chivalrous feeling left
which showed itself superior to the exactions of sect or party, and brooded over
with intensity the cold-blooded massacre of the French colony in Florida ; and
the avenger arose in due season, to satisfy the demands of justice.
It was at this period that Chevalier Dominique de Gourgue, a retired
ofiicer in Guyenne, who had served vi-ith distinction in the wars of France, heard
of the news of the massacre of the French colony ; and after the King had
neglected to punish the brutal conduct of the Spaniards, he undertook to carry
out his singular and chivalrous enterprise to punish the Spaniards and repair
the honor of France. He secretly fitted out an expedition of three small ships
and one hundred and fifty soldiers, with funds furnished by himself and
friends, and sailed for Florida in 1567, where he arrived, but not without
detention from storms, in 1568 ; and so entirely were the Spaniards unsuspi
cious of an attack, that he passed their forts on the river May, and was saluted
by them. He sailed on fifteen leagues further to the north, to the Altamaha or
St. Mary's river, where he landed his troops and called together the Indian
chiefs and warriors of that country ; and Avith their aid, he successfully carried
out his plans of capturing the Spanish forts on the river May (now St. Johns),
manned by three hundred men or more, and hung all the men who did not
escape (or were not killed) to the same trees on which the Spanish Governor
Menendez, three years before, had hung the French colonists ; and sailed back
to France, where he arrived on the day of Pentecost, 1568, and was received
with great applause. The Spanish minister on hearing of his arrival, offered a
reward for his head, but he found an asylum among his numerous friends, and
lived for many years in obscurity. At length he was tendered by Don Antonio
the command of his fleet to defend his right to the crown of Portugal against
Philip the Second, which he promptly accepted ; but on his way to join the
Portuguese prince, he died at Tours of a sudden illness. The French nation
mourned his loss ; and still hold in high respect the memory of one of the
bravest men that ever graced her annals.

iippenlrtAJ,

LA REPRINSE DE LA FLORIDE,
PAR LE CAPPITAINE GOURGUE,^

' NTRE plusieurs singularitez intougneues aux siecles passez que
Dieu a reservees pour les hommes de ce temps, la plus admirable
k mon advis est une quatreiesme partie de la terre descouverte
depuis quatre-vingts ans aussi grande ou plus que les trois ja
congneus et descrites par les anciens, et une infinite de belles isles qui sont
autour de ceste nouvelle terre, dont nous sont advenuz infinies commoditez : et
entre autres ceste-cy, que les hommes studieux n'estimeront la moindre.
Que la geografie auparavant manque de moitie, par ce moien h'a maintenant
receu son accomplissement et perfection : et I'histoire naturele des animaux, des
plantes, de la pierrerie, et des metaulx en a este de beaucoup augmentee. Plu
sieurs belles choses que les anciens avoient plustost conclues par ratiotination,
que congneues par experience, en ont este confermees, comme qu'il y a des
antipodes i.et ce qn'k peine eust-on ose esperer qu'on peult y aller et venir,
negotier, trafflquer et contracter avec eulx. Beaucoup d'erreurs inveterees en
ont aussi este convaincues, comme que la terre entre les deux tropiques fust
* There are two MS. narratives entitled "La Reprinse de la Floride,''
preserved in the Bibliotheque Imperiale, Paris. With trifling variations, the
above narrative is identical with the De Gourgue MS. in the possession of
VicOMTE de Gourgue's family.

268 ¦ APPENDIX.
inhabitable, sterile et bruslee : ou elle s'est trouvee tres peuplee et plus fertile
et temperee qu'elle n'est es regions mesmes que jusques icy ont eu la reputation
et le nom de temperees.
Ceste descouverte aiant este faicte par Christofle Colomb genevois en I'an
mil quatre cens quatre-vingts et douze, les princes qui pour lors en furent les
premiers advertiz et qui en estoient les plus pres, envoierent tout aussi tost
chacun en son endroict pour s'emparer de ce pays le plus qu'ils pourroient, et
jouir seulz ou les premiers des grandes richesses dont on leur avoit foict rapport,
lesquelles ont depuis surmonte leur expectation et celle de tous les hommes.
Mais ce pays estant si grand comme nous avons dit tout ce qu'ls ont peu faire
c'a este d'en avoir une grande partie, et descouvrir les meilleurs endroictz pour
s'y arrester, et y peupler. Et apres en avoir occupe aultant qu'ils ont peu, il est
reste du pais encores plus que tous les princes de I'Europe n'en pourroient tenir.
En ce pais vuide et non occupe par eulx estoit la Floride. Au commencement
du regne du roi Charles IX. a present regnant que les Fran9ois y allerent et en
prinrent possession pour le Roy y erigeant deux collonnes de pierre avec la
devise de sa majeste. Et y aians basti ung fort sur la riviere de May pres de la
mer, et s'y estans accomodez de maisons pour le nombre qu'ils estoient, y com-
manderent au gre mesmes des Indiens jusques en I'an mil cinq cens soixante-
quatre, que les Espaignols jaloux de ce que les Franjois vouUoient part en ce
nouveau monde, se delibererent d'executer sur eulx en trahison ce qu'ils n'espe-
roient pouvoir faire en gens de bien. Et sous couUeur de la paix et alliance
qui estoit entre les rois tres chrestien et catholique, estans descenduz a la coste
de la Floride avec grand nombre de navires au mois de septembre dudit an
1564, demandent a parler au cappitaine Jehan Ribault, lieutenant du roy, et
nouvellement arrive en ce pais de la Floride avec puissance et commission de sa
majeste, lequel estant venu a eulx i la bonne foy est massacre par eulx traitre-
usement et cruellement avec toute sa compaignie, puis ces traistres et meurtriers
vont vistement trouver les autres Frangois qui estoient au tour du fort en peu de
nombre, ne se doubtans d'aucune trahison, et les tuent, entrent dans le fort et
s'en emparent, et quand ils ne trouvent plus d'hommes se jectent sur les pauvres
femmes, et apres avoir par force et violence abuse de la pluspart, les assoment
toutes et couppent la gorge aux petits enfans indifferamment. Or, il faut noter
que quant ils se veirent au dessus des Frangois, ils en prinrent en vie le plus
qu'ils peurent, et les aiant gardez trois jours sans leur rien donner a manger et
les aiant faict endurer tous les tourmens et toutes les mocqueries dont ils
se peurent adviser, ils les pendirent a des arbres qui estoient aupres du fort.
Mesmes ils escorch^rent le lieutenant du roy, et en envoierent la peau au roy

APPENDIX. 269
d'Espaigne, arrach^rent les yeulx qu'ils avoient meurtris, et les aiant fichez a la
poincte de leurs dagues faisoient entre eulx a qui plus loing les jetteroit.
Les nouvelles de ce cruel massacre estans apportees en France, les Frangois
furent merveilleusement oultrez d'une si lasche trahison et d'une si detestable
cruaulte ; et principalement quant ils entendirent que les traistres et meurtriers
en lieu d'estre blasmez et punis en Espaigne, y estoient louez et honnorez des
¦plus grands estats et honneurs. Tous les Frangois s'attendoient qu'une telle
injure faicte au roy et a toute la nation frangoise seroit bien-tost vengee par
authorite publique : mais ceste attente les aiant frustrez I'espace de trois ans, ils
souhaictoient qu'il se trouvast quelque particulier qui enterprist un acte si neces-
saire pour le honneur et reputation de la France. II n'y avoit celuy qui n'eust
bien voulu avoir la louange d'avoir paracheve une telle entreprise ; mais il y
avoit tant de difflcultez et si grandes que I'amertume d'icelles degoustoit un cha
cun de la doiilceur de ceste louange ; la chose ne se pouvoit faire sans une
grande despence, tant pour la construction et equipage des navires, que pour les
armes, vivres et paiement des hommes de guerire et mariniers qu'il y falloit ; peu
de gens peuvent, moins encores veullent faire de si grands fraiz ; davantage
I'evenement pour infinies considerations en estoit fort incertain, hazardeux et
perilleux, et qui pis est, on ne voioit poinct que ceste entreprise estant mesmes
conduicte et executee sagement et heureusement peust estre exempte de quelque
calomnie. Ainsi il estoit fort difficile de trouver qui voulust racheter ceste
calomnie avec la perte de ses biens, et avec une infinite d'aultres incommoditez
et perils. Touttefois le cappitaine Gourgue gentilhomme gascon, incite du zele
qu'il a tousjours eu au service de son roy, oil il s'est continuelement employe des
son jeune aage tant en France qu'en Ecosse, Piemont et Italic, selon que les
affaires se sont presentez soit par mer ou par terre, ferniant les yeulx i toutes
ces difflcultez qu'il prevoioit bien, entreprit d'executer ceste si juste vengeance,
ou de mourir i la poursuicte.
Le cappitaine Gourgue doncq au commencement de l'annee mil cincq cens
soixante sept volant que son service n'estoit requis de par dega le royaulme
estant paisible dedans et dehors, et n'y aiant encores aucune apparence des
guerres civiles qui se renouvellerent ncuf mois apres, resolut d'aller a la Floride,
tenter s'il pourroit venger I'injure faicte au roy et i toute la France. Et encores
qu'il commengast a faire ses preparatifz des le commencement de l'annee, toutes-
fois il ne fut prest a partir jusques au mois d'aoust. C'estoit une execution qui
ne consistoit pas seulement en vertu et experience, mais (comme nous avons
dit) elle requeroit aussi une grande despence, a laquelle le revenu d'un simple
gentilhomme ne pouvoit suffire, et de luy moins que de tout autre, qui toute sa

2/0 APPENDIX.
vie s'est estudie plus i acquerir honneur et reputation qu'a amasser des biens de
fortune. Par quoy se trouvant court de ce coste-li il vent son bien et em-
pruncte de ses amis tant pour faire bastir, armer et equipper deux petites navires
' '^ en forme de roberge et une patache en fagon de fregatte de Levant, qui i faulte
de vent peussent voguer k rame, et feussent propres pour entrer en la bouche
des grandes rivieres, qu'aussi pour achapter la provision d'une annee de vivres et
autres choses necessaires pour les hommes de guerre et mariniers qu'il enten-
doit mener. Et aiant faict toutes ces choses et bien pourveu a tout, il s'embar-
qua a Bourdeaux le second jour d'aoust:, avec permission de monsieur de
Montluc lieutenant pour le roy en Guyenne (touteffois son conge ne faisoit
mention d'aller a la Floride, mais d'aller 4 la coste du Benin en Afrique faire la
guerre aux negres), et descend le long de la riviere a Royan a vingt lieues de
Bourdeaux, oil il fait sa monstre, tant de soldats que de mariniers. II y avoit
cent harquebouziers aians tous harquebouze de calibre et morrion en teste, dont
plusieurs estoient gentishommes, et quatre vingtz mariniers qui au besoing
sgavoient bien faire I'office de soldats, aussi avoit-il des armes propres pour eulx
comme arbalestre, picques et toutes sorte de long bois. Apres la monstre faicte,
le cappitaine Gourgue donne le rendezvous accoustume en telles expeditions.
Mais ainsi qu'il estoit prest a partir, se leve ung vent contraire qui le contrainct
de sejourner huict jours a Rojan, ce vent estant ung peu remis il se meit sur
mer pour faire voille ; mais bien-tost apr^s il fut repousse vers la Rochelle, et ne
pouvant mesmes estre a la radde de la Rochelle pour la violance du temps, il
fut contrainct de se retirer a la bouche de la Charente et sejourner la huict
jours a quoy il avoit grand regret pour les vivres qui se consomment, et pour la
craincte qu'il avoit que ses gens ne prinsent ce retardement pour ung mauvais
presaige, et n'en perdissent I'allegresse qu'il y avoit trouvee du comjiencement.
— Le vingt-deuxiesme jour d'aoust, le vent estant cesse, et le ciel donnant appa
rence d'un plus doulx temps pour I'advenir, il se remect sur mer et faict voille,
le temps ne luy est gueres propice, et avec grande difficulte il parvient au cap de
Finibus-Teri-JE, oil de rechef il fut assailly du vent ouest, qui souffla par I'espace
de huict jours pendant lesquels il fut en grand danger de naufraige, et en toutes
les peines du monde pour ses gens qui le prierent instamment de s'en retourner.
La navire oil estoit son lieutenant s'esgara et ne peust-on sgavoir de quinze jours
si elle estoit sauve ou perie. A la parfin elle se rendit au lieu du rendezvous,
qui estoit en la riviere de Lor en Barbaric, oil le cappitaine Gourgue I'attendoit :
lequel faict icy reposer et rafraischir ses gens si travaillez et recreuz qu'ils n'en
pouvoient plus, il les console et conforte par tous les moiens dont il se pouvoit
adviser ; et quant il les a bien remis et r'asseurez, il faict lever les ancres, et

APPENDIX. 27 X
costoiant une partie de 1' Afrique recongnoit le pais en passant, pour y pouvoir
mieux faire service a sa majeste, si la commodite se presentoit quelquefois. Et
comme il sejournoit au cap Blanc pour faire peu a peu accoustumer I'air a ses
gens, et par ce moien les entretenir en sante, trois roys de negres les viennent
assaillir suscitez par les Portugois qui ont ung chasteau 's. dix lieues de Ii, n'osans
y venir eulx-mesmes. Ces negres sont si bien receuz par deux fois qu'ils n'y
veullent retourner pour la troisieme, et abandonment le port au cappitaine
Gourgue : lequel touteffois bien-tost apres partit de la et costoiant encore
I'Affrique vint surgir au cap Vert ; de la prenant la routte des Indes il singla en
hautte mer ; et aiant traverse la mer de Nort, la premiere terre oil il aborda fut
une isle appellee la Dominicque habitee de sauvaiges seulement, oil il demeura
h-uict jours pour les bonnes eaues qui s'y trouvoient. Apr& lequel temps poiir-
suivant ses erres il vint i une autre isle qu'on appelle Sainct-Germain de Porte-
ricque, que les Espaignols tiennent ou ils trouverent d'une sorte de figues fort
grosses et longues qui naissent 6s buissons, elles sont vertes et espineuses par
dehors et rouges au dedans comme escarlatte. lis en mangerent sous I'asseur-
ance d'un qui avoit este a la Floride du temps que les Frangois y commandoient
que le cappitaine Gourgue menoit avec soy pour luy servir de trompette et de
truchement, elles sont ung peu aigrettes, au reste de fort bon goust, et desalte-
rent fort. Mais quant on en a mange une demie douzaine elles font uriner a
force et rendent I'eaue rouge comme leur dedans est rouge. Nos gens pensoieht
faire du sang et estre morts, et crioient contre le trompette qui se rioit d'eulx, et
comme on se vouloit ruer sur luy, il les asseura qu'il n'y avoit aucun danger, et que
c'estoit le naturel de ce fruict de colorer ainsi I'urine sans faire aucun mal n'y
apporter aucun dommage. Partans de la, ils vinrent a la Monne, isle non habi
tee que de souvaiges, fort fertile et plantureuse, oil entre autres fruicts on trouva
des plus beaulx et meilleurs oranges, citrons, et melons qu'on eust jamais mange,
et d'une sorte de .figues longues de demy-pied en forme de cocombres aians la
peau verte et le dedans jaiilne iort bonnes a manger qu'on appelle platanes a la
mode du pais. ' On y use aussi d'une espece de racine semblable a des naveaux,
laquelle cuitte a I'eaue ou sur la breze h'a le goust de chastaignes cuittes, les
gens du pais I'appellent patattes. Les habitans y sont bonnes gens et fort sim
ples, leur roy vint veoir les navires du cappitaine Gourgue et y passa deux
nuicts : puis le mena en terre veoir ses jardins, et sa maison faicte en forme de
caverne et sa fontaine qu'il appelloit paradis, dans ung creux de rocher fort pro-
fond, oil I'on descendoit par degrez, et disoit que I'eaue de ceste fontaine gueris-
soit des fiebvres. Au partir de ceste ysle, le roy donna une grande quantite de
fruictz au cappitaine Gourgue, en recompence de quelque toile pour faire des
19

'.']2 APPENDIX.
hemises que le cappitaine Gourgue luy avoit donnee, dont ils n'ont I'usaige par
leli. Au partir de la, il alia costoier la terre ferme vers le cap de la Belle, pour
ousjours descouvrir pais, dont le vent contraire les repoulsa, et les jetta a I'isle
i^spaignolle autrement appellee St. Dominique, que est pour le jourd'huy habi-
ee des Espaignols seulement, apres qu'ils ont faict mourir tous les Indiens
:aturels qu'ils y avoient trouvez, qui estoient plus d'un million ; car, ou ils les
nt tuez avec le cousteau, ou, pour le continuel travail qu'ils leur faisoient
irandre, fe mines d'or et d'argent sans leur donner aucun relasche, et pour
nfiniz autres mauvais traictemens, ils les ont contraincts de se deffaire eulx-
lesmes de leurs mains propres, ou de s'empoisonner, ou de se laisser mourir de
lim, sans vouloir rien manger; et mesmes les pauvres femmes indiennes ont
ste reduites jusques i poulcer leur fruict hors de leur ventre avant le temps
our r'acheter par ce moien leurs enfans de la servitude des Espaignols-mesmes ;
t ne les laisser venir en une vie pire que la mort.
Chose incroiable si les Espaignols-mesmes n'avoient escrit tout cecy de point
n point en leurs histoires. Voila comment ils ont converti les Indiens k la foy
hrestienne dont ils se vantent : et touteffois ces pauvres Indiens estoient si
ocilles avant qu'avoir experimente la cruaultfi des Espaignols, lorsque Christo-
hle Colomb y alia la premiere fois, que seullement a veoir faire les chrestiens,
s se mettoiant a genoulx d'eulx-memes, adoroient la croix, se frappoient la
oictrine et faisoient tous actes devotion qu'ils voioient faire aux chrestiens,
usquels oultre tout cela ils servoient avec une promptitude incroyable, de quoy
ussy rendent tesmoignage les Espaignols-mesmes en leurs histoires. En ceste
le done ainsi tenue par les Espaignols, il n'estoit pas permis au cappitaine
rourgue prandre seulement de I'eau s'il ne I'avoit par force, lequel se trouva la
n tres grand dangler estant la mer agittee de tourmente horriblement et la
irre luy estant encores plus ennemie, car les Espaignols enragent tout aussitost
u'ils veoient un Frangois aux Indes, et encores que cent Espaignes ne pourroi-
nt fournir assez d'hommes pour tenir la centiesme partie d'une terre si large et
spacieuse ; neantmoings il est advis aux Espaignols que ce nouveau monde ne
it jamais cree que pour eulx, et qu'il n'appartient a homme vivant d'y marcher
u d'y respirer sinon a eulx seuls ; toiitteffois le cappitaine Gourgue contrainct,
arresta la attendant que la mer fust appaisee, s'asseurant qu'il se deffendroit
lus aisement des Espaignols que des vents et de la tempeste. Autour de ceste
de et d'autres prochaines ils trouvoient des tortues si grandes que la chair
'une suffisoit a plus de soixante personnes pour ung repas, et la coquille pour-
ait servir de targe au plus grand homme qui soit, qui au reste est si dure qu'a

APPENDIX.

273

bien grand peine une pistolle la pourroit percer. Ces tortues demeurent le jour
en la mer, et la nuict paissent en terre, et font leurs ojufz en une fosse dedans le
sablon mille ou douze cents chacune : .aussi bons 4 manger qu'oeufz de poulle, il
en fut prise une entre autres, qui aiant quatre soldats sur soy ne laissoit pourtant
a chemyner. La mer estant deveniie calme, le cappitaine Gourgue part de la, et va surgir
au cap de Sainct-Nicolas, oii il feit calfeutrer sa navire que la tempeste avoit
ouverte, dont luy advint la perte de tout le pain qui estoit dedans pour ce qu'il
s'estoit mouille, et peu s'en fallut que tout le reste qui estoit en ceste navire ne
fust perdu, et la navire-mesme. Mais elle arriva tout i temps au cap de Saint
Nicolas, oil elle fut si bien reparee que oncques dupuis n'en advint faulte.
Ceste perte de pain fut au cappitaine Gourgue et a sa compagnie ung dommage
inestimable, car il fallut retrancher les vivres de moitie, et celuy qui auparavant
mangeoit deux biscuits le jour n'en prenoit qu'ung. Et les isles par oil il falloit
passer apres estoient tenues par les Espaignols, comme I'isle de Coube qu'ils
trouverent la premiere estans partiz du cap de Sainct-Nicolas, en la quelle les
Espaignolz ne voulurent jamais bailler des vivres pour des toiles de Rouen, ny
pour autres choses qu'a ceste fin le cappitaine Gourgue avoit portees au cas que
sa provision luy deffaillist. lis ne vouloient pas seulement permettre qu'on print
de I'eau ; mais on en prenoit malgre eulx. Environ ceste isle se leva ung vent
le plus violent et impetuieux qu'ils eussent poinct encores eu ; mais il ne dura
que six heures. Que s'il eust este de plus longue duree, c'estoit faict d'eulx ;
car il les gectoit a la coste ; oil leurs navires s'alloient perdre, et eulx quant et
quant. Le cap de Sainct-Anthoine est au bout de I'isle de (Joube oil ils vindrent
surgir bien-tost apres que la tempeste fut passee, loing ae la Floride environ
_\ deux cents lieues de mer. Icy le cappitaine Gourgue aiant assemble tous ses
gens, leur declare ce qu'il leur avoit teu jusques-la, comment il avoit entrepris
ce voiage pour aller a la Floride vanger sur les Espaignols I'injure qu'ils avoient
faicte au roy et a toute la France, s'excuse de ce qu'il ne leur a communique son
enterprise plustost: leur ouvre les moiens par lesquels il esperoit venir au bout
de son desseing ; les enhorte et prie de les suivre d'aussi bon cueur comme il h'a
espere d'eulx lors qu'il les a choisiz d'entre plusieurs, comine les plus propres a
une telle execution. II leur met au devant la trahison et la cruaulte de ceulx
qui avoient massacre les Frangois, et la honte que c'estoit d'avoir si longtemps
laissi impuny ung acte si meschant et malheureux. II leur propose I'honneur et
I'aise qui leur reviendra d'un si bel acte ; bref ii les anime si bien qu'encores
¦que du commencement ils trouvassent la chose presque impossible pour le peu

274 APPENDIX.
de gens qu'ils estoient, et pour estre ceste coste des plus dangereuses qui soient
en toutes les Indes ; neantmoings ils promisrent ne I'abandonner poinct, et de
mourir avec luy, mesme les gens de guerre devindrent si ardens qu'a peine pou-
voient-ils attendre la pleine lune pour passer le canal de Bahame qui est fort
dangereux et les pillotes et mariniers qui estoient froids du commencement
furent bien tost eschauffez par ceste ardeur des soldats. La lune done estant
pleine, ils entrent au canal de Bahame, et bien-tost apres ils descouvrent la
Floride. Quand les Espaignols qui estoient au fort veoient les navires du cappitaine
Gourgue, ils les saluent de deux coups de canon pensant que ce feussent des
Espaignols. Le cappitaine Gourgue, pour les entretenir en ceste erreur leur
respond de mesmes, et faisant semblant d'aller ailleurs passa oultre jusques k ce
que la nuict fust venue, et qu'il eust perdu la Floride de veiie. Quant la nuict
est venue il tourneu voille, et vient descendre a quinze lieues du fort oil les
Espaignols ne pouvoient rien descouvrir, devant une riviere que les sauvaiges
appellent Tacatacourou, qui est aussi le com du roy de ce pais, les Frangois luy
avoient donne le nom de Seine pour ce qu'elle ressemble a nostre Seine.
Aussy-tost que le jour est venu, le cappitaine Gourgue estant k la radde,
veoit, que la rive de la mer est toute bordee de sauvaiges armez de leurs ares et
flesches pour I'empeschei de prandre terre pensant qu'il fust Espaignol. Le
cappitaine Gourgue qui avoit bien preveu ceci en son esprit, avoit aussi advise
de faire en sorte qu'il ne fust point empesche ains aide par eulx, et pourtant il
faict tous signes d'amitie, et envoie vers eulx son trompette qui leur estoit bien
congneu, et scavoit bien parler leur langage pour avoir converse avec eulx
lorsque les Frangois y estoient et qu'ils y bastirent le fort. Tout aussi-tost qu'ils
eurent recongneu le trompette, ils commencerent a danser qui est ung signe ordi
naire de joye entre eulx, et luy demanderent pourquoy il avoit tant tarde a re
tourner vers eulx. II respond qu'il n'avoit term a luy qu'il ne fust retourne plus
tost ; mais je n'eusse perevenir en seurete (dist-il) jusques a present que voicy
des Frangois qui sont venuz ici pour renouveller leur amities avecques vous et
vous apportent des choses de la France qui vous sont les plus necessaires, et que
vous aymez le mieulx. lis commencerent a danser plus que devant : et leur
plus grand roi nomme Satiroua envoia avec le trompette ung de ses gens vers le
cappitaine Gourgue, pour luy offrir ung chevreuil, et s'enguester plus avant de
I'occasion de sa venue. Le cappitaine Gourgue respond a celuy qui luy avoit
este envoie, qu'il remerciast le roy Satiroua et I'asseurast que ce que le trompette
luy avoit dit estoit vray, qu'il n'estoit la venu que pour s'associer avec luy et
avec les autres roys, et leur donner des belles choses qui se faisoient en France

APPENDIX.

27s

dont ils^voient faulte par dela. II ne vouloit rien dire de son enterprise plus
avant, jusques k ce qu'il eust veu qu'il n'y eust aucun Espaignol parmy eulx, et
sonde le cueur des sauvaiges, et advise comme le tout alloit. ¦ Les sauvaiges
apres avoir ouy ceste responce se prennent k danser plus que par avant. Et
quelque temps apres renovoierent au cappitaine Gourgue, pour luy dire qu'ils
s'en alloient advertir tous les rois, parens et alliez du roy Satiroua, qu'ils eussent
a eulx trouvei le lendemain en ce lieu pour s'associer avecques les Frangois ; k
quoy ils ne fervient faulte, et ainsi s'en allerent pour ce jour la. Or pendant
toutes ces allees et venues, le cappitaine Gourgue avoit envoie son pilote pour
sonder I'entree de la riviere: et avoit entendu de luy qu'elle estoit aisee ; par
quoy il entre en la rivoir plus facilemeut traicter avec l^s sauvaiges.
Le lendemain vindrent au mesme lieu le grand roy Satiroua, les roys Tacata
courou, Halianacani, Atore, Harpaha, Helmacape, Helicopile, Monloua et
autres ; tous parens et alliez du roy Satiroua. Quand ils furent venuz ils en
voierent prier le cappitaine Gourgue de decendre, ce qu'il feit accompaigne de
ses soldats portans leurs harqubouzes. Quand les roys veirent venir les Frangois
armez ils eulrent quelque frayeur, et feirent dire au cappitaine Gourgue pour
quoy venoit-il a eulx ai-me, attendu qu'ils vouloient s'associer avec luy? II leur
•respondit qu'il les voioit avec leurs armes, et qu'il portoit les siennes. Tout
aussi-tost ils commanderent a leurs subjects de poser leurs arcs et fleches, et les
feirent enlever a gros faisseaulx et les porter chez eux : et le cappitaine Gourgue
faict poser les harqaebouzes a ses gens et retenir les espees, et ainsi s'en va
trouver le roy Satiroua, qui luy vient au devant, et le faict seoir a son coste
droict en ung siege de bois de lantisque convert de mousse qu'il luy feit faire
semblable ' au sien. Quand eux deux furent assis, deux des plus anciens
d'entr'eulx vindrent arraches les ronces et toute I'herbe qui estoit devant eulx,
et apres avoir bien nettoye la place tous s'assirent k terre en rond. Et comme
le cappitaine Gourgue vouloit parler, le roy Satiroua (qui n'est point fagonne a
la civilte de par dega) le devanga, luy disant que depuis que les Espaignols
avoient prins le tort basti par les Frangois, la Floride n'avoit jamais eu ung bon
jour, et que les Espaignolz leur avoient faict la guerre continuelement, les
avoient chassey de leurs maisons, avoient couppe leurs mils, avoient viole leurs
femmes, ra-vy leurs filles, tue leurs petits enfans, et encores que luy et les autres
rois eussent souffert tous ces maulx, a cause de I'amities qu'ils avoient contractee
avec les Frangois, par qui la terre avoit este habitee premierement ; toutefiois ils
n'avoient jamais cesse d'aymer les Frangois, pour le bon traictement qu'ils en
avoient regeu lors qu'ilz y commandoient. Que apres le massacre que les
Espaignols avoient faict des Frangois, il avoit trouve ung enfant qui s'en estoit

276 APPENDIX.
fuy dans les bois, lequel il avoit tousjours depuis nourrj' comme son enfant
prompre ; que les Espaignols avoient faict tout ce qui estoit possible pour I'avoir
affin de le tuer, mais il I'avoit tousjours garde pour le rendre quelque jour aux
Frangois, quand ils viendroient a la Floride, et puis que vous estos icy (dist-il
au cappitaine Gourgue) teney, je vous le rends. Le cappitaine Gourgue tres
aise de ce qu'il trouvoit les Indiens si bien disposez pour I'execution de son
desseing. et mesmes de ce que le roy Satiroua estoit de luy mesmes entre le
premier au propos des Espaignols, le remercia bien affectueusement de la bonne
amitie qu'il portoit aux Frangois, et particulierement de ce qu'il avoit conserve
ce jeune homme, les prie tous de perseverer tousjours en ceste bonne affection ;
leur proposant la grandeur et la bonte du roy de France. Quand aux Espai
gnols que le temps s'approchoit qu'ilz seroient punis des maulx qu'ils avoient
comniis tant contre les Indiens que contre les Frangois, et si les rois et leurs
sujects avoient este maltraictez en haine des Frangois que aussi seroient-ils
vengez par les Frangois-mesmes. Comment ? dist Satiroua, tressaillant d'aise,
vouldriez-vous bien faire la guerre aux Espaignols? Et que vous en semble-t-il?
(dist le cappitaine Gourgue dissimulant son affection et son enterprise pour les
mettre en jeu quant et soy). II est temps murhoy de venger I'injure qu'ils ont
faicte a nostre nation : mais pour ceste heure je ne m'estois propose que de -
ronouveller nostre amitie avecques vous et veoir comme les choses se passoient
par dega pour revenir incontinent apres contre eulx, avec telles forces que je
verrois estre besoing : touteffois quand j'entends les grands maulx qu'ilz vous
ont faicts, et font tous les jours, j'ay compassion de vous, es me prend envie de
leur courir sus, sans plus attendre, pour vous delivrer de leur oppression plustost
buy que demain. Helas, (dist Satiroua) le grand bien que vous nous feriez ! he
que nous serious heureux ! Tous les autres s'escrierent de mesmes. Je pense
(dist le cappitaine Gourgue) que vous seriez voulontiers de la partie, et ne
vouldriez que les Frangois eussent tout I'honneur de vous avoirs delivrez de la
tirrannie des Espaignols. Ouy, dist Satiroua, nous, et nos subjets irons avecques
vous, ef mourrons quantetvous si besoing est. Les autres roys firent aussi
pareille responce. Le cappitaine Gourgue qui avoit trouve ce qu'il chercheoit,
les loue et remercie grandement, et pour battre le fer pendant qu'il estoit chault
leur dist : Voire-mais si nous vouUons leur faire la guerre, il fauldroit que ce
fust incontinant. Dans combien de temps pourriez-vous bien avoir assemble
vos gens prets a marcher? Dans trois jours dist Satiroua, nous et nos subjects
pourrons nous rendre icy, pour partie avec vous. Et ce pendant, (dist le cappi
taine Gourgue) vous donnerez bon ordre que le tout soit tenu secrect : affln que
les Espaignols n'en puissent sentir le vent. Ne vous soulciez, dirent les rois,

APPENDIX. 277
nous leur voullons plus de mal que vous. Et volant le cappitaine Gourgue que
les fondemens de son enterprise estoient jectez assez bien et heureuaement,
pensa qu'il ne falloit differer plus long-temps k ces bonnes gens ce qu'il leur
vouloit donner ; et commence i leur deppartir de ce qu'il avoit laict porter a
ceste fin expressement, choses dont nous ne faisons poinct de cas par dega pour
I'habomdance tant de la matiere que des maistres qui en scaven faire ; et pour y
estre accoustumey de tout temps. Mais eulx a qui ces choses sont nouvelles, et
qui n'ont n'y matiere, ny artisans pour en faire, les estiment infiniment comme
cousteaux, dagues, hachez, cizeaux, poinsons, esguillettes, bources, miroirs, son
nets, patenostres, de voire et autres telles choses. Et apres leur en avoir departi
a tous selon ce qu'il pouvoit juger de la qualite et merites d'un chacun : il dist
au roy Satiroua, et aux autres rois : Advisez s'il y a quelq a'aiiltre chose que vous
veuilliez avoir ; ne I'espargnez poinct. Eulx, encore qu'ils fussent plus que
contens de ce qu'ils avoient des-ja ; touteffois voians la bonne volante du cappi
taine Gourgue, respondent qu'ils vouldroient bien avoir chacun une de ses
chemises, lesquelles ils demandoient non pour les vestir si ce n'est quelquefois
par grande singiilarite, mais pour apres leur trespass les faire enterrer avec
eulx, comme aussi ils font de toutes les plus belles choses qu'ils ont peu amasser
en leur vie. Le cappitaine Gourgue, tout aussi-tost en donna une a chacun des
rois, y adjoustant encores tout ce qui luy vint a la main qu'il pensa leur pouvoir
estre agreable. Le roy Satiroua qui avoit deux cordes de grain d'argent au col,
en donna I'eune au cappitaine Gourgue, les autres roys luy donnerent des peaulx
de cerf accoustrees a la mode du pais.
Pendant que les sauvaiges s'amusoient k leurs presens, le cappitaine Gourgue
qui ne pensoit a aultre chose qu'a executer son entreprise et ne voulloit perdre
une minute de temps, interroge le jeunne homme Frangois que le roy Satiroua
luy avoit donne, et entendit de luy comme les Espaignols pouvoient estre
environ quatre cens de nombre : et comment ils avoient basti deux petis forts a
I'entree de la riviere de May oultre le grand fort que les Frangois avoient basty
sur la mesme riviere une lieue au dessus. Ce jeune homme estoit natif du
Havre-de Gra,ce, de I'aage de seize ans, nomme Pierre Debre, lequel pour I'intel-
ligence et usaige qu'il avoit des deux Ungues a este forte utile au cappitaine
Gourgue en ce voiage : ju retour duquel il a este rendu a ses parens. Le cappi
taine Gourgue, deliberant d'envoier recongnoistre les forts, dist au roy Satiroua :
Dans trois jours comme vous m'avez dit, vous serez de retour icy avec vos sub
jects. Dans pareil temps pourront aussi estre revenuz ceulx que renvoieray
pour recongnoistre les ennemis ; mais pour les guider il est besoin de quelqu'un
de vos gens homme fidelle et seur. Le roy Satiroua tout aussytost bailie un sien

278 APPENDIX.
nepveu nomine Olotoraca homme fort vaillant et loyal, en la conduicte duquel
ung gentilhome Commingeoys nomme Estampes avec deux autres, s'en vont
recongnoistre les forts. Apres que le cappitaine Gourgue eust pais des ostages
du roy Satiroua pour ceulx qu'il envoiat sous sa parole, qui luy furent baillez
tout aussitost que demandez. Je vous bailleray mon fils unique, dist Satiroua,
et eelle de mes femmes que j'ayme le mieulx, afiin que vous congnoissiez que
nous ne .sommes point menteurs n'y traistres, comme sont ces Espaignols, qui
nous trompent tousjours, et ne font rien de ce qu'ils nous promettent. Le cap
pitaine Gourgue est bien aise de ce que ses affaires s'acheminent si bien, et pour
envoier les sauvaiges, a ce que plustost ils feussent de retour, il leur dist : lis
vous ont bien faict du mal les meschans, mais nous en aurons la raison a ceste
fois et. affin que nous les puissons mieux attraper, je vous prie ne tarder plus que
des trois jours que m'avez dit, et tenir le cas bien secrect, ce que le roy Satiroua,
et tous les autres promisrent de faire et sur cela ils s'en allerent chez eulx dan-
sans et saultans d'aise, et le cappitaine Gourgue se retira en ses navires avec ses
ostages ; le fils du roy estoit tout nud comme aussi sont tous les autres hommes ;
la femme du roy estoit vestue de mousse d'arbre aagee d'environ dixhuict ans.
lis furent trois jours es navires du cappitaine Gourgue, attendant que Ton feust
retourne de recongnoistre les forts, et a trois jours de la presqu'a mesme heure,
voicy d'un coste le gentilhomme Commingeois qui faict son rapport de ce qu'il
avoit veu, et d'autre coste les rois avec bon nombre de leurs subjects, bien armez
d'arcs et de flesches, tous prets a marcher.
Avant que partir de Ii, les sauvaiges feirent ung certain bruvage nomme par
eulx cassive qu'ils ont accoustume de prendre touteffois et quantes qu'ils vont
pour combattre en lieu oil il y du danger. Ce breuvage faict de certaine herbe
et beu tout chault les garde d'avoir faim ni soif pai I'espace de vingt-quatre
heures ; ils presenterent premierement au cappitaine Gourgue, qui feit semblant
d'en boire, et n'en avalla point, puis le roy Satiroua en print et apres luy tous
les autres chacun selon son degre. Cela faict avec plusieurs ceremonies, ils
levant tous la main, jurent et promettent qu'ils feront leur debvoir de bien com
battre, et qu'ils n'abandonneront le cappitaine Gourgues.
Avant que tout ceci fust faict, la plus part du jour s'estoit passee. Neantmoing
on n'arresta de partir ce jour mesmes, et dirent les sauvages qu'ils chemine-
roient bien toute nuict, priant le cappitaine Gourgue de les faire mettre de la
la riviere de Tacatacourou avec ses vaisseaulx, car le lieu oil estoient les Espai
gnols estoit de la la riviere.
<• Le cappitaine Gourgue, les voiant ainsi deliberez, leur assigne un lieu selon
qu'il pouvoit juger par le rapport qu'on luy avoit faict pour s'y rendre tous

APPENDIX. 279
ensemble ; qui fut k la bouche d'une riviere nommee par eulx Halimacani, et
par les Frangois qui avoient harbite le pais estoit appelee la Somme, puis il les
feit tous mettre de Ii la riviere, excepte Olotoraca le nepveu du roy qu'il retint
avec soy pour guide, qui oncques depuis ne I'habandonna. Et pour ce que son
arc ne luy avoit este r'apporte depuis qu'il fut porte au village avec les autres, il
demanda des armes, et lors luy fut baillee une picque de laquelle il se sceut bien
ayder contre les Espagnols, Quand les sauvaiges eulrent passe la riviere, le cap
pitaine Gourgue commenga i enhorter ses gens, leur remonstrer la bonne dispo
sition des sauvages, et. I'ardeur dont ils marchoient contre les Espagnols,
s'asseurant qu'ils feroient d'autant mieux que leur nourriture et education, leur
police et religion est meilleure que celle de ces pouvres sauvaiges, et comme il
vouloit continue!-, ils se prindrent i crier, Allons, allons : comme ceulx qui y
eussent voullu estre de.sji, et qui estoient tous resoluts d'y mourrir. A done le
cappitaine Gourgue, avec tous ses soldats et soixante mariniers s'en va par mer
en deux barques qu'il avoit oultre les trois navires, la garde desquelles avec le
reste des navires il laissa i Frangois Lagne Bourdelois, patron et maistre de sa
navire, homme aussi experimente au faict de la hiarine qu'il en soit de ce temps,
lui recommandant de les bien faire recalfeutrer et de tenir le tout prest pour
.eulx en retourner au plustost si Dieu leur donnoit bon succez' ; que si Dieu veult
(dist-il) que je meure a une poursuicte si juste, je vous laisse tout ce que j'ay icy
et vous prie de reconduire' et remener mes soldats en France, comme je me fie
de vous, et en disant cela luy bailla les clefs de ses bahutz et de tout ce qu'il
avoit la. Cecy attendrist fort le cueur de tous, et mesmement des mariniers qui
demeureoient pour la garde des navires, lesquels ne peurent contenir leurs,
larmes, et fut ceste departie plaine de compassion d'ouir tant d'adieux d'une part
et d'aultre, et tant de charges et recommendations de la -part de ceulx qui s'en
alloient a leurs parents et amis, et i leurs femmes et alliez au cas qu'ils ne
retournassent. Car, au partir de leur pais, ils ne pensoient aller a la Floride
comme dit a este, et cependant parmy tout cela vous eussiez admire I'allegresse
de ces gens ; lesquels encor' qu'ils pensassent aller i une mort presque certaine :
touteffois ils ne craignoient sinon de n'y arriver assez a temps pour I'honneur
qu'ils esperoient d'avoir seulement pretendu i ung si bel acte.
Quand ils furent i la bouche de la riviere de Halimancani oil les sauvages les
attendoient, qui estoit environ la poincte du jour, le vent de nord-est commenga
k souffler si fort qu'il s'en fallut bien peu qu'ils ne perissent, et cela apporta tel
retardement que les sauvaiges ne peuvent de ce jour Ii passer la riviere ; toute
ffois le cappitaine Gourgue la passa i grand' difiiculte environ les huict heures
du matin, et laissant Ii ung de ses vaisseaux pour-.les aider k passer, print son

28o APPENDIX.
chemin par terre pour les aller attendre a la riviere de Sarabay qui estoit i
quatre lieues de la. Mais le chemin se trouva si mauvais, il y eut tant d'eaues et
marescages a passer, tant de bois a traverser ; qu'i faire ces quatre lieues ilz
furent depuis les huict heures de matin jusques a cinq heures du soir : le cappi
taine Gourgue, aiant toujours son corps de cuirasse sur le doz, et ne trouverent
rien a manger tout le jour, sinon quelques racines de palmiers sauvaiges, au
moien de quoy ils estoient si las et se affamez qu'ils n'en pouvoient plus.
Quand ils furent a la riviere de Sarabay, ils y trouverent trois rois souvaiges
qui les attendoient, conduisans chacun cent hommes. Or depuis ceste riviere
de Garabay jusques au lieu oil estoient les deux premiers forts, il y pouvoit avoir
deux lieues. Le cappitaine Gourgue qui voioit que Tissue de son desseing con
sistoit en diligence et celerite, encores qu'il n'eust rien mange de tout le jour,
pour ce que les mariniers n'avoient encor conduit la barque, oil il avoit faict
mettre de ses provisions partant de la riviere de Tacatacourou ; touteffois il
partit avec dix de ses harqaebouziers et sa guide pour aller recongnoistre le
premier fort, affin de I'assaillir le lindemain au matin. Ce chemin se trouva
aussi fascheux et difficile que I'aultre, la nuict estoit obscure et sombre, une
petite riviere qui est joignant le fort, enflee (pour ce que la mer commengoit i
monter) ne peut estre passee, de soite que le cappitaine Gourgue est contraint .
de s'en retourner i la riviere de Sarabay trouver ses gens, las du chemin et plus
fasche de n'avoir rien faict. Ung des roys nomme Hilicopile les voiant
retourne tout pensif demande au fruchement en son langage : Qu'a ton roy ?
Le truchement luy respond, qu'il estoit marri de ce qu'il n'avoit nu recongoistre
le fort. Dis-luy dist Hilicopile, que je le meneray le long de la mer sans
trouvex boue ny marest ; mais le chemin en est plus long. Le cappitaine
Gourgue entendant cela, voulut que Ten y allast incontinant, et accompaigne de
ce roy Hilicopile ; part avec tous ses gens, et envoye les deux autres roys par
le bois pour se trouver au matin au passaige de la petite riviere qu'il n'avoit peu
passer tout joignant le premier fort, il faict haster ses gens et marche en grande
diligence pour estre la a la poincte du jour avant qu'il nuisse estre apperga. Et
ainsi que le jour commengoit i poindre, il arriva i ceste riviere que estoit grosse
et enflee pour la mer qui estoit montee ; neantmoings il faict sonder le gue par
quelques-ungs de ses mariniers, qui trouvent qu'elle ne se peult passer, dont il
est bien fasche ; car il estoit arrive bien a poinct pour surprandre les Espaignols
qui dormoient encores, et pourtant il se delibere de se retirer dans le bois tout
joignant la riviere, attendant que la mer fust descendu, et tout aussi-tost les aller
assailUr. A peine estoit il encores dans le bois qu'il commenga i plouvoir si fort
qu'ils degouttoient de toutes parts, et les soldats eurent bien fort i faire a garder

APPENDIX. 28 X
leur feu. Le jour s'e.stant esclarci le cappitaine Gourgue voioit le fort k son aise
du lieu oil il estoit, et aiant bien regarde de coste et d'aultre et recongneu le
tout, il s'advisa qu'il n'y avoit que quelque commencement de fossez, et pourtant
fut conferme en la resolution qu'il "avoit faicte entrant dedans le bois, de
I'assaillir aussi-tost qu'il pourroit passer la riviere. Cependant il voioit les
Espaignols qui travailloient dans le fort, qui le mettoit en quelque doubte
que sa venue ne fust descouverte ; mais I'evenement monstra qu'il ne se doub-
toient de rien ; car aprfe la prinse du fort on veit que c'estoit une fountaine i
quoy ils travailloient.
Sur les dix heures la mer estant basse, il alia passer la riviere ung peu plus
hault oil il avoit veu ung petit bois entre la riviere et le fort, qui luy serviroit
pour n'estre point appergeu tant i passer la riviere qu'a mettre ses gens en ordre,
et pour ce que I'eaue de la riviere passoit la ceinture, il commanda aux soldats
de attacher leurs fournimentz aux morrions, et prendre en I'une main leur
harquebouze avec leur mesche, et I'epe'e en I'aultre.
Et au passage de la riviere il y avoit si grande quantite d'huistres que les
souliers des soldats en furent couppez et la pluspart d'eulx blesses aux pieds
pour ce que les huistres sont la plus grandes et leurs escoilles plus trenchantes-
vue de celles que nous voions ordinairement par dega. Touteffois on ne fut pas
plustost de la la riviere qu'ils remettent leurs armes et d'eulx-mesmes s'ap-
prestent au combat. Le cappitaine Gourgue bailla vingt soldats a son lieutenant
et dix mariniers portans pots et lances a feu pour mettre le feu i la porte, et
derriere le petit bois oil ilz ne pouvoient estre veuz, il rengea ses gens en
bataille et les voiant bien disposez et asseurez il conquent qu'il n'estoit besoing
de grande exhortation : aussi le poinct, oil il estoit, requersit plustost une
prompte execution qu'une longue harangue ; et partout il le feit court.
Je veoy bien mes amis (dist-il) que le cueur vous croist au besoing, aussi
vous ay-je choisiz pour telz, vostre contenance asseuree me predit que nous
vengerons aujourd'huy I'injure faicte au Roy et a nostre pais ; et leur mon-
trant le fort qu'ils pouvoient entreveoir a travers les arbres, voila (dist-il) les
volleurs qui ont voile ceste terre a nostre roy, voili les meurtriers qui ont
massacre nos frangois. Allons, allons, revenchons nostre roy, revenchons la
France, montrons-nous Frangois ; et aussy-tost il commande a son lieutenant
de donner a la porte avec sa trouppe, et luy avec la sienne va contre une terrasse
enforme de platteforme, fort basse qui estoit i coste du fort, oil il n'y avoit
qu'ung petit commencement de fossez. Les Espaignolz ne faisoient que venir
de disner et curvoient encores leurs dentz quand nos gens marchans a grandz
pas, la teste baissee furent apperceuz, ideux cens pas du fort, par le canonnier

282 APPENDIX.
qui venoit de monter sur cesse terrasse, lequel se meit incontinent i crier en
espaignol, arme, arme, voicy des Frangois, voicy des Frangois ; et quant et quant
deslache sur eulx une rosse couUerrine, qui estoit sur la trasse ^t en tira par
deux fois, et comme il vouloit charger pour la troisieme Olotoraca plus viste a la
course que nul autre, et qui n'estoit instruict i garder son renz, s'avanga et
monta sur la terrasse qui n'estoit gueres haulte et le transpercea de sa picque de
part en part. Les Espaignols s'estans mis en armes au eri du cannonier,
sortent hors le iort ou pour combattre, ou pour se retirer vers leurs compaignons
selon ce qu'ils verroient quand ils seroient dehors. Le cappitaine Gourgue i
leur sortie estoit arrive tout i poinct au pied de la platteforme, et son lieutenant
pres de la porte, et comme il montoit i la platteforme son lieutenant s'escrie
que Espaignols se sauvoient, et lors le cappitaine Gourgue retournant vistement
vers la porte les enferme entre son lieutenant et luy, si bien que de soixante
qu'ils estoient, il n'en es chappa pas ung qui ne fust mort ou pris, on en print en
vie le plus qu'on peust par commandement du cappitaine Gourgue, pour leur
faire comme ils avoient faict aux Frangois.
Le premier fort ne fut pas plustost pris que I'on s'en va assaillir le second,
lequel estoit de I'autre coste de la riviere de May vis i vis du premier pour
s'entre secourir ; aussi ne cessa-t-il de tirer i grands coups de canon pendant
qu'on prenoit le premier et incommodoit nos gens grandement : lesquels bra-
querent contre trois pieces d'artillerie qu'ils avoient trouves dans le premier
fort, et la coullevrine qui avoit este trouvee sur la platforme, qui estoit marquee
tout au long des armoiries du feu Roy Henry, a quoy I'on congneut quelle avoit
este prise sur les Frangois au temps du massacre, ce qui irrita encores plus nos
frangois, et de ces quatre pieces on ne cessa de tirer contre-eulz, pendant que le
cappitaine Gourgue avec quartrevingts harquebouziers passoient vistement la
riviere en sa barque qu'on venoit de conduire la tout a poinct. Lequel va
descendre enfre le fort et ung bois qu'il y avoit tout apres. Se doubtant de ce
qui advint que les Espaignols s'enfuiroient dans les bois pour puis apres se
retirer au grand fort qui estoit i une lieue de Ii.
A peine le cappitaine Gourgue estoit de la la riviere quand les sauvaiges ne
pouvant attendre qu'on leur r'amenast la barque pour passer saultent dans
I'eaue et nageans d'un bras et tenans leurs arcs de I'aultre couvrent tout la
rivierie de bord a autre. Les Espaignols qui estoient en nombre de soixante
voians une si grande multitude et si deliberee, et pour I'estonnement dont ils
estoient saisiz ne discernants entre frangois et sauvaiges, se cuidans' sauver es
bois se vont precipiter entre les Frangois qui dischargent sur eulx si dru que la
pluspart en sont estenduz sur la place, les autres voulans tourner le dos se

APPENDIX. 283
trouvent enfermez par les sauvaiges. Ausi ne pouvans ne combattre, ny fuir
ruent, les armes bas, et supplient .pour la vie, qui leur est ostee plustost qu'ils
n'ont achave de la demander.
A grand peine le cappitaine Gourgue en peult faire garder quinze en vie pour
leur estre faict selon ce qu'ilz avoient faict aux Frangois. Apr^^s ceste depesche
le cappitaine Gourgue entra au second fort, d'oii il feit incontinent transporter
tout cequ'il y avoit trouve, et repassant la riviere avec ses prisonniers retourna
au premier fort pour s'y fortiffier ne sachant quel cueur auroient les autres, ny en
combien de temps il pourroit venir i bout du grand fort qui estoit i une lieue de
Ii sur la mesme riviere du coste oil estoit le second fort. Parmy les prisonniers
qu'il tenoit il y avoit ung sergent de bande vieux soldat duquel il sceut. la
haulteur des remparts du grand fort, et le lieu par oil il luy seroit plus aise de
le prandre.
Ces deux premiers forts furent pris la veille de Quasimodo 1568. Le cappi
taine Gourgue sejourna le dimenche et le lundy : et cependant faict faire huict
eschelles de la haulteur qui luy avoit este monstree, et ung pourtraict de tout le
fort en quoy ce vieux soldats s'entendoit bien. Au reste il avoit si bien pourveu
i son cas que tout le pais estoit leve en arm.es contre les Espaignolz, de sorte
que ceulx du grand fort n'avoyent moien de sortir pour rien descouvrir, toute
ffois ils desguiserent un Espaignol en sauvage, et I'envoierent le lundy pour
recongnoistre quelles gens c'estoient et combien. Le cappitaine Gourgue estant
a I'entour dudict fort avec Olotoraca qui tousjours le suivoit, c'est Espaignol est
recongneu par Olotoraca, et quant et quant empoigne, il voulut faire le fin du
commencement, disant qu'il estoit ung de ces soldats qui gardoient le premier
fort qui ne s'estant peu retirer au grand fort pour la multitude des sauvaiges,
s'estoit ainsi deguise de peur d'estre troue par eulx et avoit mieux ayme se venir
rendre a la mercy des Frangois, qui se mettre en danger d'estre massacre par
les sauvaiges, mais quand le sergent de bande qu'on feit venir tout incontinant
luy eut maintenu qu'il estoit de la garde du grand fort, et espion, il confessa
qu'il estoit envoie par le Gouverneur du grand fort, pour scavoir qui estoit ce
nouveau venir et quelles gens il avoit. Le cappitaine Gourgue luy demanda ce
qu'on estimoit de luy au grand fort ; il respond que I'on avoit donne i entendre
au Gouverneur qu'il avoit deux mil frangois -dont le Gouverneur et ses gens en
nombre de deux cens soixante estoient si estonnez qu'ilz ne scavoient ce qu'ils
faisoient. Le cappitaine Gourgue est bien aise de ces nouvelles et se delibere de les
aller assillir le lendemain en cest effroy ; et de faict ce jour-la mesme il faict tous
ses preparatifz, ordonne de ceulx qu'il devoit laisser pour la garde de la bouche

284 APPENDIX.
de la riviere et du fort, de quoy il donne la charge au cappitaine Mesmes son
enseigne avec quinze harquebouziers. Et la nuict ensuivant il faict partir les
sauvaiges pour s'aller embuscher dans le bois partie de gi partie de la riviere.
Et le lendemain au matin il part avec ses gens menant avec soy le sergent de
bande et I'espion attachez ensemble pour luy monstrer i I'oeil ce qu'ils luy avoi
ent dit de parole et faict veoir en paincture. En allant, Olotoraca, nepveu du
roy Satiroua celuy qui avoit tue le canonnier au premier fort homme courageux
et vaillant a merveilles dist au cappitaine Gourgue duquel il ne s'esloignoit
jamais, qu'il I'avoit bien servi jusques la, et qu'il avoit faict tout ce qu'il luy
avoit promis, qu'il scavoit bien qu'il mourroit a la prinse du grand fort, mais
pour la vie il ne vouldroict faillir i s'y trouver, et vous prie, dist-il, de donner i
ma femme ce que vous me donneriez i moy si je vivois ; affin qu'elle I'enterre
avec moy et que j'en sois mieux venu quand j'arriveray au village des esprits.
Le cappitaine Gourgue dist qu'il aymoit mieux le recompenser et honorer vif
que mort, et esperoit le ramener vivant et victorieux.
Cependant ils descouvrent le fort, et tout aussi-tost que les Espaignols les
voient, ilz commencent i tirer sur eul.x de deux doubles coullevrines qui estoient
sur ung boulevert, qui commandoit le long de la riviere. Le cappitaine Gour
gue gaigne vistement une montaigne couverte de bois et forests ; au pied de
laquelle estoit le fort, et qui s'estendoit depuis le lieu oil il avoit este appergeu,
jusques de Ii le fort bien loing. Et au moien des arbres qui le couvroient il
s'approcha du fort aussi pres qu'il voulut sans pouvoir estre offense, n'y veu. II
s'arresta en ung lieu d'oii il pouvoit veoir i son aise dans le fort, et n'avoit
intention de I'assaillir de ce jour la: mais de leur donner I'escalade le lendemain
au matin du coste-mesmes de la montaigne, oil le fosse n'estoit flanque, et dont
partie de ses gens pourroient battre ceulx qui vouldroient deffendre le rempart
pendant que les autres monteroient. Mais il advint que les Espaignolz feirent
une sailliede soixante harquebouziers pour recongnoistre ses forces, il les veoit
ainsi qu'ils sortoient, et alloient courbez le long du fosse, et tout aussi-tost com
manda i son lieutenant d'aller (avecq vingt harquebouziei-s) de I'aultre coste se
mettre entre le fort et eulx, et quand il veit son lieutenant en lieu d'oii il
pourroit les empescher de rentrer, il va droit a eulx, et commanda a ses gens de
ne tirer qu'ils ne fussent fort pres pour incontinent apres avoir tire mettre la
main a I'espee. Quand les Espaignols furent hors du fosse prestz a entrer en la
montaigne, le cappitaine Gourgue avec ses harquebouziers se trouvent au pied,
qui les choisirent de si pres qu'il n'y eut pas ung coup de perdu, dont plusieurs
furent portez par terre, et quant et quant mettans la main a I'espee commence
rent i chamailler ceulx qui restoient debout ; et comme ilz tournoient le dos

APPENDIX. 285
pour se retirer au fort, voicy le lieutenant qui charge sur eux de I'autre coste, de
sorte qu'il n'y eut pas ung d'entr'eulx qui eust moien de r'entrer dans le fort, et
furent tous Ii tuez : ceulx de dedans voians qu'ils avoient en ung moment
perdu le plus beau et le meilleur de leurs gens, et pensans que ceulx qui avoient
faict ceste deffaicte ne feussent qu'une petite partie d'un plus grand nombre,
desesperent de pouvoir resister : et d'ailleurs ne pouvans esperer aucune compo
sition de ceulx qu'ils avoient injuriez si oultraguesement, abandonnent le fort, et
sortent pour s'aller sauver dans les bois, qui estoient de I'autre coste du fort, oii
le cappitaine Gourgue avoit faict mettre une grande multitude de sauvaiges, .qui
tout aussi-tost descocherent leurs flesches sur eulx, et entre autres il y en eut ung
qui d'un coup traversa la rondelle d'un cappitaine Espaignol et lay entra la
flesche bien' avant dans le corps par le tetin gauche, et I'abattit mort par terre.
Le cappitaine Gourgue qui les avoit veuz sortir et estoit accouru apres eulx, les
arresta entre les bois et le fort ainsi qu'ilz fuyoient -les traicts des sauvaiges, et Ii
ils furent tous tuez et taillez en pieces, sinon ceulx qu'i grand difiiculte il peust
reserver pour les faire mourir en volleurs.
Dans ce grand fort furent trouvees cinq doubles coullevrines, quatre moyennes
et d'aultres petites pieces de fer et de fonte, avec dix-huict grosses cacques de
pouldre, on y trouva aussy force armes comine harquebouzes, corcelets, rondelles,
picques et autres. Le lendemain le cappitaine Gourgue aiant faict charger
I'artiUerie en deux vaisseaulx, ung sauvaige faisant cuire du poisson meit le feu
i une trainee de pouldre que les Espaignols avoient faicte dont personne ne
s'estoit encores appergeu. Le feu se print aux pouldres qui renversa les maga-
zins de fons en comble, et brusla entierement les maisons qui estoient de bois de
sappin, les hommes n'eurent poinct de mal pour ce qu'ilz estoient tous dehors
gi et la : mais tout ce qui estoit dedans fut brusle et perdu, en sorte que le
cappitaine Gourgue n'en raporta rien sinon I'artiUerie qu'il avoit ja faicte
charger. Les Espaignols qui avoient este prins en vie en ce dernier fort, furent menez
au lieu oil ils avoient penduz les Frangois, apres que le cappitaine Gourgue leur
eust remonstre I'injure qu'ils avoient faicte au roy, luy mas.sacrans ses subjects, et
luy vollans la terre que sa majeste avoit conquise, et le fort qu'il y avoit faict
bastir : et qu'ilz devoient avoir pense qu'une si lasche trahison, et une si detes
table cruaulte exercee contre ung si puissant roy et contre une nation .si gene-
reuse, ne demeurei-oit impunie, que luy, qui estoit ung des moindres, gentilhommes
que le roy eust en son royaume en avoit entrepris la vengeance a ses propres cousts
ft despens. Quand les rois tres chrestien et cathoUque eussent este ennemis et
en guerre niortelle, encores ne se pourroient-ils excuser de trahison et cruaute

286 , APPENDIX.
extreme : Maintenant que leurs Majestez estoient amis et alliez si estroictement,
leur faict ne pouvoit trouver nom assez abominable, et moins encores peine qui
luy fust correspondante ; Mais encores que vous ne puissez (dist-il) endurer la
peine que vous avez meritee, il est besoin que vous enduriez celle que I'ennemy
vous peult donner honnestement : affin que par vostre exemple les autres appre-
ignent i garder la paix et alliance que si meschamment et malheureusement
vous avez violee. Cela dit, ils sont branchez aux mesmes arbres oil ils avoient
penduz les Frangois, et au lieu d'un escriteau que Pierre Melendes y avoit faict
mettre, contenant ces mots en langage Espaignol : Je ne faicts cecy comme a
Franfoys mais comme ii LuthMens, le cappitaine Gourgue faict graver en une
table de sapin avec ung fer chault : Je ne faicts cecy comme a Espai
gnolz, n'y comme i Marannes ; mais comme i traistres, volleurs et meur
triers. Ceste execution estant ainsi faicte, le cappitaine Gourgue qui avoit faict ce
pourquoy il avoit entrepris le voiage delibera de s'en retourner, et n'aiant assez
d'hommes pour laisser i la Floride qui peuissent tenir les forts, il delibera de
les miner de peur que les Espaignols qui tiennent d'autre terre assez pres de la,
survenans ne s'en emparassent de rechef, et mesme que ce ne fust une occasion
pour les y attirer, ou que les sauvages mesme ne s'y fortifiiassent, et que par ce
moien I'accfe et I'entree en fust plus mal-aisee au roy quand il plairoit k sa
Majeste y envoier de ses subjects pour y peupler, ausquels seroit plus aise de
bastir de nouveau que de prandre les forteresses qui se trouveroient basties, bien
emparees et bien munies contre eulx ; mais affin que les sauvaiges ne trouvas
sent mauvais que les fortz fussent ruynez, ains qu'en estans bien aises ils les
ruynassent eulx-mesmes, il assemble les rois et leur aiant remonstre du com
mencement comment il leur avoit tenu prommesse, et les avoit vangez de ceulx
qui les avoient tirannisez si cruellement, il vint tomber puis apres sur le propos de
ruiner les forts, emploiant tout ce qui pouvoit servir i leur persuader que tout ce
qu'il en vouloit faire estoit pour leur profflt et en haine de tant de meschancetez
et cruaultez que les Espaignols y avoient commises. A quoy ilz presterent si
voulontiers I'oreille, que le cappitaine Gourgue n'eust pas plustost acheve de
parler, qu'ils s'en coururent droict au fort, crians et appellans leurs subjects
apres eulx, oil ilz feirent telle diligence qu'en moings d'ung jour ils ne laisserent
pierre sur pierre.
Apres cela, on part pour retourner aux deux premiers forts, lesquels furent
abbatuz de pareille ardeur que le premier, et y pendit-on trente Espaignols
prisonniers qu'on y avoit laissez ; I'ung desquels confessa avoir pendu cin,q
Frangois de sa main, et s'accusoit grandement, disant en son langage que Dieu

APPENDIX. 287
estoit veritable et juste, qui I'avoit k la parfin conduict au supplice dont il
menace les inhumains et cruelz.
Ainsi, ne restant plus rien a faire, le cappitaine Gourgue, voulant retourner i
ses navires, qu'il avoit laissez i la bouche de la riviere de Tacatacourou, aultre-
ment appelee la Seine, i quinze lieues de la, il envoie par mer avec I'artiUerie
son lieutenant le cappitaine Casenauve, et luy avec quatre-vingts harquebouziers
et quarante mariniers portans jjicques, s'en va par terre, menant tousjours ses
gens en bataille i toutes adventures pour les sauvaiges, desquelz il ne se vou
loit fier trop. Par tout oil ils passoient, ils trouvoient les chemins converts de
bonnes gens du pays qui luy venoient au devant de toutes parts comme a
leur liberatenr, portans du poisson cuyt et autres vivres pour les soldatz, et en
tre autres une vielle, femme qui leur dist qu'elle ne se soulcioit poinct de mourir
maintenant, puisqu'elle avoit veu une aultrefois les Frangois i la Floride.
Quand le cappitaine Gourgue est arrive a la riviere de Tacatacourou oil
estoient ses navires, il trouve que le maistre pilote avoit recalfeutre ses navires,
change les eaues, et appreste toutes choses, si bien qu'il ne falloit que s'embar-
quer. Icy done il print conge des Roys, les admoneste de persister en la devo
tion qu'ilz ont tousjours eue au roy de France, qui les deffendra contre les
Espaignolz et contre tous autres. Et attendant que sa Majeste y envoie ung
bon nombre d'hommes pour leur protection et deffiense ; qu'ilz se tiennent bien
sur leurs gardes, et advisent de n'estre poinct surprins. Ces bonnes geps sont
les plus marriz du Monde, et se mettent i pleurer quand ils veoient que le cap
pitaine Gourgue les veult laisser, et mesmes Olotoraca qui avoit mieulx combattu
que pronostique de soy. Mais furent remis tout aussi tost quand il leur eust
dit qu'il reviendroit i douze lunes de la (car c'est ainsi qu'Uz content) et leur
porteroit force miroirs, baches et cousteaulx, qui sont les choses qu'ils ayment le
mieux, et dirent qu'ilz s'en alloient faire danser leurs femmes, qui est le plus
grand signe de rejouissance dont ilz usent entre eulx.
Apres que le cappitaine Gourgue eust prins conge des Roys, il feit appeler ses
gens pour rendre graces a Dieu tous ensemble de la victoire qu'U leur avoit
donnee, et pour le prier de leur estre guide et conducteur i leur retour en
France. Quand ils furent assemblez : Mes amys (dit-il), rendons graces a Dieu
du.bon succez qu'U a donne i nostre entreprise; c'est luy qui nous a preservez
du danger de la tempeste au cap de Finibus-Terrte, a I'isle Espaignolle, i I'isle
de Coube et i la riviere de Halmacani ; c'est luy qui a ploye Je cueur des
sauvaiges i s'associer avec nous ; c'est luy qui a aveugle I'entendement des
Espaignolz, en sorte qu'Us n'ont jamais peu descouvrir noz forces, ny cognoistre
et emploier les leurs. lis estoient quatre pour ung en places fortes bien rem-
20

288 APPENDIX.
parees et bien poun'eues d'artillerie, de munitions, d'armes et de vivres. Nous,
pour toutes choses, n'avions que le bon droict ; et touteffois nous les avons
vaincuz en moins d'un rien.
Par ainsi ce n'est a nos forces, mais a Dieu seul que nous devons la victoire.
Remercions-le done, mes amys, et recognoissons toute nostre vie le grand bien
qu'il nous a faict et le prions de continuer tousjours. sa faveur envers-nous, nous
gyidant i nostre retour, et nous preservant de tous dangers. Prions-le aussy
qu'U lui plaise disposer le cueur des hommes, en sorte que tant de dangers oil
nous nous sommes, mis et tant de travaulx que nous avons endurez trouvent
grace et faveur devant nostre Roy et devant toute la France. Comme aussi
nous ne nous sommes proposez autre chose que le service du Roy et I'honneur
de nostre pays.
Apr^s avoir remercie et prie Dieu, ung lundi, troisieme jour de may, le rendez
vous fut donne comme Ton a accoustume de faire sur mer, et les ancres levees
firent voille et eurent le vent si propre qu'en dix-sept jours ils feirent unze cens
Ueues de mer, et depuis continuantz leur navigation arriverent i La Rochelle le
lundy sixi^me jour de juing, qui estoit le propre jour de Penthecouste. Ainsi ils
nemeirent au revenir que trente-quatre jours ; touteffois une si grande naviga
tion ne fut sans quelques traverses ; car la patache avec huict hommes dedans
fut perdue ; comme aussi i la prinse des ports, et i la deffaicte des Espaignols
en la Floride, estoient demeurez quelques gentilshommes de bon lieu et de
bonne part, hardiz et vaillans au possible ; comme Lautome de Limosin, Biere,
Carrau, Gaschie, gascons ; Pons de Xaintonge, et quelques soldats ; tous lesquels
moururent combattans vaillamment, apres avoir faict des plus beaux exploitz et
actes de prouesse que I'on eust peu attendre d'ung cueur noble et geenereux
dedie au service de son prince et a I'honneur de sa patrie.
Au retour, oultre la patache qui se perdit, la rp^berge oil estoit ung cappitaine
nomme Deux s'esgara a la haulteur d'une isle qu'on appelle la Vermude, et ne
vint d'ung mois aprJs que le cappitaine Gourgue fust arrive. Peu s'en fallut que
eeulx qui estoient en ceste navire ne perissent de la tempeste premierement et
puis de la faim. Car lors mesmes que le cappitaine Gourgue partit, ils n'avoient
tous ensemble i manger que pour vingt jours a raison d'un biscuit le jour de
quatre en quatre. Mais Dieu voulut que le cappitaine Gourgue estant a cinq
cens lieues de France rencontra ung navire d'un Basque sien amy, qui luy donna
dix quintaulx de biscuits, qui leur fut ung bien et plaisir incroiable ; et ce d'au
tant plus qu'Us ne demeurerent gueres-moins a faire ces cinq centz lieues qu'ils
avoient faict en tout le reste. Or apres que le cappitaine Gourgue eut sejourne
quelques jours i La Rochelle, oil il regeut tout honneur, toute courtoisie, et tout

APPENDIX.

289

bon traictement des citoyens, U feit voUle vers Bordeaux, oii il print la poste
pour aller vers M. de Montluc luy rendre compte de son voiage. II ha seen
depuis, que les Espaignolz advertiz par quelqu'ung, de ceulx qui I'avoient veu
arriver i la Rochelle de ce qui avoit este faict a la Floride, avoient envoye dix
huict pataches avec une roberge de deux cens thonneaulx pour le surprendre, et
estoient arrivez i la radde de La Rochelle le jour-mesmes qu'il en estoit parti.
Et entendans qu'il avoit faict voille I'avoient suivy jusques a Blaye. S'il en eust
ete adverti a temps, il n'eust pour rien du monde refuse de parier a eulx : et
selon leur demande il leur eust faict la responce telle, qu'ilz eussent eu grand
occasion de s'en contenter.

MEMORIA DE JOAN DE LA VANDERA.
EN QUE SE HACE RELACION DE LOS LUGARES T TIERRA
DE LA FLORIDA POR DONDE EL CAPITAN JUAN PARDO
ENTRO L DESCUBRIR CAMINO PARA NUEVA ESPA5fA POR
LOS ANOS DE 1566, 1567.

el original en archivo de SIMANCAS — COPIA en la coleccion de munoz.

EMORIA de los lugares i que tierra es cada lugar de las provincias
de la Florida por donde el Capitan Juan Pardo entro a descubrir
camino para Nueva Espafia desde la punta de Sancta Elena de las
dichas provincias los anos de 1566 i 1567, que todo eS como se sigue.
Primeramente salio de Sancta Elena con su compania prosiguiendo el dicho
efecto, y el dia que salio fue a dormir a un lugar que se dice Uscamacu ; aqui es
isla cercada de rios, tierra arenisca i de mui buen barro para ollas i teja i otras
cosas que scan necessarias : hai en esta tierra buenos pedazos de tierra para
maiz i mucha cepa de viiia.
Desde Uscamacu salio derecho a otro luguar que se llama Ahoya, a do hizo auto
i durmio : este Ahoya es isla, algunos rincones della cercados de rios i los
demas como tierra firme, i razonable tierra para maizes i tambien muchas cepas
de vinas con muchos sarmientos. Desde Ahoya salio derecho a otro lugar que
se llama Ahoyabe, pueblo pequeno subjeto a Ahoya i la misma tierra que es

290 APPENDIX.
Ahoya. Desde Ahoyabe salio derecho a otro lugar que se llama Cogao, ques un
Cacique algo grande i tiene mucha tierra buena como las demas dichas, i
muchos pedazos de tierra pedrisca donde se puede cultivar el maiz, el trigo, la
cevada, la viiia, todo genero de frutas i huertas, porque hai rios, i arroyos dulces
i razonable tierra para todo.
Desde Cozao salio derecho a otro lugar pequiio ques de un mandador del
mismo Cozao ; la tierra deste lugar es buena, pera poca. Desde este lugar salio
derecho a otro que se dice el Enfrenado ; tierra es misera aunque hai muchos
rincones de mui buena tierra como las demas dichas. Desde el Enfrenado salio
derecho a otro lugar que se llama Guiomaer, desde donde hasta la punta de
Sanca Elena hai quarenta leguas ; el camino por donde se fue algo trabajaso, pero
tierra que se puede cultivar todo lo que en Cozao i aun mejor ; hai algunos pan-
tanos grandes i hondables, pero causalo la muhca llanura de la tierrra.
Desde Guiomaer salio derecho a Canos, que los indios Uaman Canosi, i por
otro nombre Cofetagque ; hai en el termino desta tierra tres o quatro rios razona-
bles, i euno mui caudaloso i aun los dos ; hai algunos pantanos pequenos que
qualquier persona aunque sea muchado los puede pasar por su pie ; hai en este
trecho valles altos de mucha piedra i peiia i bajos ; es tierra bermeja mui buena
en efeto mui mejor que todas las dichas.
Canos es tierra que pasa uno de los dos rios caudalosos cabe el, i otros arroyos ;
tiene mui grandes vegas i mui buenas, i aqui i desde aqui adelante se coje
mucho maiz i hai mucha uva gruesa i mui buena, i mala gruesa i menuda i de
otras muchas maneras ; al fin es tierra que se puede situar pueblo principal. Hay
hasta Sancta Elena cinquenta leguas, i hasta lamar como veinte leguas ; puedese
ir hasta el por el rio dicho cursando la tierra i mucho mas adelante por el
mismo rio, i asimismo por el otro que pasa junto a Guiomaer.
Desde Canos salio derecho a otro lugar se llama Jagaya, mui principal tierra
sin pantanos, tierra rasa, de poca arboleda, prieta i bermeja mui buena, i de
mucha buen agua, fuentes i arroyos. Desde Jagaya salio derecho a otro lugar
que .se llama Gueza, tierra ni menos ni mas que la de arriba, mui abundante de
buena. Desde Gueza salio derecho a otro lugar que se llama Arauchi, tambien
tierra mui buena. Desde Aracuchi salio derecho a otro lugar que se llama
Otariyatiqui, ques Cacique i lengua de mucha tierra adelante, tierra mui abun
dante de buena.
Desde este Otari a otro lugar que se llama Guatari hai como quinze o diez i
seis leguas, a la mano derecha mas debaxo del norte que este otro, en este ha
havido i hai dos Caciquas que son serioras i no poco en conparacion de los demas
Caciques, porque en su traje se sirven con pajes i damas ; es tierra rica ; hai en

APPENDIX. 291
lodos los lugares mui buenas casas i buhios terreros redondos i mui grandes i
mui buenos ; es tierra de sierra i campina buena todo lo del mundo : este lugar
le vimos i estovimos veinte dias de buelta : junto a este lugar pasa un rio mui
caudaloso que viene a dar a Sauxpa i Usi, donde se hace sal junto con la mar
sesenta leguas de Sancta Elena. Desde Sancta Elena a este Guatari hai ochenta
leguas, i por este mismo rio se puede entrar mas de veinte, segun dicen, qual
quier navio.
Desde Otariyatiqui salio derecho a otro lugar que se llama Quinahaqui, donde
pasa otro rio mui caudaloso ; es tierra mui buena i mui buena. Desde el lugar
atras declarado la mano izquierda doze leguas del hai otro lugar que se llama
Tssa, que tiene mui lindas vegas i toda la tierra mui linda i muchos rios i
fuentes ; en la jurisdicion deste Issa hallamos tres minas de cristal mui bueno ;
estas estan registradas en feto como si luego se oviera de sacar provecho dellas.
Todo esto vimos i entendimos a la buelta que bolvimos a Sancta Elena.
Desde Quinahaqui salio derecho a otro lugar que se llama Aguaquiri, ques
tierra mui acabada de buena i fertil. Desde Aguaquiri salio derecho a otro
lugar que se llama Joara, questa junto a la sierra i es donde Juan Pardo a la
primera Jornada que hizo Uego i qnedo su sargento- ; se decir que es tan linda
tierra como la hai en la mejor de toda Espana, para todos quantos generos de
cosas los hombres en ella quieran cultivar ; hai hasta Sancta Elena cien leguas.
Desde Joara salio para la sierra adelante derecho a otro lugar que se llama
Tocax, donde en la pasar tardamos tres dias : en esta sierra hai mucha uva,
mucha castafia, mucha iiuez, mucha cantidad de otras frutras ; es mejor que
Sierra Morena, porque hai en ella muchas vegas i la tierra muy poco fragosa.
En Tocax es mui buena tierra, donde se pueden hacer grandes labranzas de
qualquier suerte. Desde Tocax salio derecho a otro lugar que se llama Cauchi,
muy principal tierra ; desde aqui adelante compare esta tierra con el Andaluzia,
porques mui rica tierra toda ella. Desde Cauchi salio derecho a Tanasqui, que
tardamos en Uegar a el tres dias por despoblado ; es una tierra tan rica que no
se como me lo encaresca. Desde Tanasqui salio derecho a otro lugar que se
llama Solameco, i por otro nombre Chiaha ; es tierra mui rica i anchurosa, lugar
grande cercado de rios mui lindos : hai en derredor deste lugar, a legua i a dos
leguas i a tres leguas i menos i mas, muchos lugares pequeiios, todos cercados
de rios ; hai unas vegas de vendicion, mucha uva i mui buena, mucho nispero ;
en efeto es tierra de Angeles.
Desde Solameco salio derecho al Poniente a un lugar que se dice Chalaume, a
donde tardamos en Uegar tres dias por despoblado, i a donde hallamos sierras
mas asperas que la sierra que nombramos ; en estos fuertes por donde pasamos

292 APPENDIX.
es tierra mui rica i agradable i fresca : al subir cfe una sierra destas hallamos
humo de metal, i preguntando a los alquimistas dixeron con juramento que era
de plata ; llegamos a Chalaume, que tiene tan buen sitio de tierra en comparacion
como tiene la ciudad de Cordova, mui grandes vegas i mui buenas : halli halla
mos uvas tan buenas como las hai en Espana ; se decir ques tierra que paresce
que Spaiioles la ban cultivado segun es buena.
Desde Chalahume salio derecho a otro lugar questa dos leguas de alii i se
dice Satapo, desde donde nos bolvimos : es pueblo razonable de buenas casas i
mucho maiz i muchas frutas silvestres, pero la tierra rica i mui agradable, i todos
estos lugares i los de atras situados cabe mui lindos rios. Desde Satapo havi-
amos de ir derechos a Cosaque : creo yo segun me informo de indios i de un
soldado que Uego alia desta compatlia i bolvio i dio cuenta de lo que vido, hai
cinco jornadas 0 seis hasta Cossa, tierra mui poco poblada, porque no hai mas de
tres lugares pequenos, el primero questa dos jornadas de Satapo que se dice
Tasqui : en estas dos jornadas hai buena tierra i tres rios grandes, i un poco
mas adelante otro lugar que se dice Tasquiqui, i desde alii a otra Jornada mas
adelante otro lugar destruido que se dice Olitifar, todo buena tierra liana ; i
desde alii a otras dos jornadas del despoblado mas adelante esta un lugar pequerio,
1 mas adelante deste como una legua. Cossa es pueblo grande, el mayor que hai
desde Sancta Elena por donde fuimos hasta Uegar a el ; tendra como hasta 150
vecinos, esto segun el grander del pueblo ; es lugar mas rico que ninguno de los
dichos ; hai en el de ordinario gran cantidad de indios ; esta situado en tierra
baxa a la halda de una sierra ; hai en derredor de la media legua i a quatro de
legua i a legua mui muchos lugares grandes ; es tierra mui abundante ; esta su
sitio al sol de medio dia i aun a menos de medio dia. Desde Cossa haviamos
de ir derecho a Trascaluza, ques el fin de lo poblado de la Florida : hai desde
Cossa a Trascaluza siete jornadas, i creo que hai en todas elias dos Ingares o tres ;
todo lo demas es despoblado. Trascaluza se dice questa al sol de medio dia, i
que desde aqui a tierra de Nueva Spana hai, unos dicen que nueve jornadas,
otros que once, otros que treze, i lo mas comun nueve jornadas, todo de des
poblado ; i en el medio de todo este camino hai un l\igar de quatro o cinco
¦ casas, i despues prosiguiendo en el dicho efeto la primera poblacion que hai es
de Nueva Espaiia, segun dicen. Ruego a Nuestro Seiior lo provea como se le
haga servicio amen. Fecha en la punta de Sancta Elena veinte tres dias del
mes de Enero afio de mil i quinientos i sesenta i nueve anos.

APPENDIX.

293

CARTA QUE SE DA NOTICIA,
DE UN VIAJE HECHO Y LA BAHIA DE ESPIRITU SANTO, TEXAS ;
Y DE LA POBLACION QUE TENIAN AHI LOS FRANCESES.

el original en archivo de SIMANCAS— COPIA EN LA COLECCION DE MUNOZ.

' A, gracias a Dios, bolvimos de nuestro viaje, el qual hicimos en cin
quenta dias con mucha felicidad, i el dia de S. Marcos descubrimos
la bahia del Espiritu Santo i la poblacion que tenian los franceses,
la qual se componia de una casa fuerte de madera con sus pernos
de fierro i el techo de tablazon clavado, i una capilla pegada del de dicha ma
dera, i otras cinco casas de madera aforradas con barro, con muchas troneras,
orilla de un riachuelo mili hondo que entra en la bahia del Espiritu Santo : el
sitio es mui llano ; la tierra mui amena i fertil ; mucha abundancia de civolas i
pescado, i es cierto que causava lastima ver )a ruina considerable que sucedio en
dicha poblacion, pues haviendo una peste de viruelas, en que murieron mas de
cien franceses, segun supimos de los pocos que havian quedado vivos, habra
tres meses los mataron los indios, con dos religiosos Recoletos i un clerigo, que-
brando mas de cien arcabuces, frasqueras i caxas, Uevandose ornamentos y cali-
zes, i trecientos arcabuces, mas de docientas pistolas, docientos alfanges, des-
pedazando i rompiendo mucha cantidad de libros, que hallamos desparramados
por los patios, i tres cuerpos que hallamos de un hombre, un muchacho i una
muger con sus vestiduras, los quales los enterramos i se les canto una misa, y
otra en hacimiento de gracias a Neustra Seiiora de Guadalupe por haver descu-
bierto dicha poblacion i bahia : hallamos ocho piezas de artilleria, las quales
dexe enterradas en parte seiialada, tres pedreros que los dos truxe, aunque sin.
recamaras: truxe dos franceses, que remito al Exc."" S."' Conde de Galve, los
quales halle con el governadbr de los Texas, i otros de ellos cerca de sus pobla-
ciones, que es gente muy politica, i siembran mucho mahiz, frixoles, calabazas,
sandias y melones : dicen tienen nueve poblaciones, digo pueblos, el mayor de
ellos de quince leguas de largo i ocho u diez de ancho, en que tendra dicho
pueblo ochocientos vecinos, i cada uno de ellos con una casa muy grande de

294 APPENDIX.
madera, aforrado en barro i techada de cal, con su simentera i puerta pegada a
dicha casa, i de esta forma se van siguiendo unas con otras. En la parte donde
hallamos al indio Governador con los dos franceses tenian un oratorio mui enra-
mado con flores con mucho aseo, i un altar con un tabernaculo de varas, donde
tenian imagines i un SantoChristo i un rosario sobre el altar, con algunos
instrumentos de musica para festejar a los santos: tenia en medio del oratorio
unas brazas, en que echan pedazos de cebo por las maiianas para sahumar el
altar : tenian un cerro grande de leria bien apilada, i en frente de la puerta
del oratorio una luminaria de dia i jioche encendida para alumbrar a los santos ;
dos indios de edad, santeros que Uaman, que cuidan solo del oratorio, i estos
quando matan civolas 6 algun genero de caza, hasta que ellos le echan la bendi-
cion no comen de ella : tienen mucho conocimiento que hai un solo Dios verda-
dero, que esta en los cielos, i que nacio de la Virgen Santissima, i hacen muchos
actos de cristianos, i me pedia el indio Governador Ministros que le ensenasen,
que ha muchos aiios que una seiiora entrava a verlos i a enseiiarlos, i que esta
ha muchos tiempos que no va: que es cierto es lastima que gente de tanta razou
que siembran i tienen conocimiento de que hai Dios, no tengan quien les
enserie la ley evangelica. mayormente quando es una provincia la de los Texas
tan grande i tierra tan fertil i de Undo temple. Se sirven con ollas i cantaros
de barro: ponen sus ollas, i con tamales de maiz comen a uso de nosotros. Es
gente mui trabajadora, i hacen muchas curiosidades de petates, chiquiquites,
fajas de Iana de civola, i las tienen coloradas, i plumeros tambien teiiidos.
Tienen muchos caballos i los estiman mucho, en que matan civolas. Los
franceses tienen reconocidas todas sus poblaciones, i tenian amistad con
ellos. Adelante de los Texas en otros pueblos dicen esti un frances, digo
un fraile de los franceses, con otros tres 6 quatro : un clerigo hermano del
Governador frances Mons. Sale paso por los Texas al Canada por haber niuerto
un ingles al dicho Governador Mons. Sale para venir con mas gente a dicha
poblacion, por haver muerto los mas de viruelas, i no haver vuelto un navio de la
armada del Rey de Francia que truxo cien hombres pagados por el Rey, ciento
i cinquenta barriles de polvora, ocho piezas de artilleria de bronce, quatrocientos
arcabuzcs, docientas pistolas, docientos alfanges i muchos instrumentos i pertre-
chos de guerra, como son balas, palanquetas, granadas i otras municiones, que
todo lo dexo al Mons. Sale en la bahia del Espiritu Santo, i que las ocho piezas
de bronce que venian en otro navio lo hicieron varar en el puerto, sacando lo
mas que se pudo de el, i que el navichuelo pequeiio al cabo de seis meses se
perdio en la bahia con un Norte grande : la nao de la armada se bolvio i
Francia i no ha buelto : podra ser buelva con mas gente. Estos ha cinco anos

APPENDIX. 295
que entraron a esta bahia en busca de la primer poblacion que hicieron havra
nueve anos, donde era el primer frances que truxe, la qual por diligencias que
hicieron, ni por mar ni por tierra ban podido descubrir, ni tienen razon, ni de
los indios, aunque en la boca del rio Mons. Sale quando fue a Francia a dar
quenta a el Rey, para traer mas gente, dexo una cruz por seiial con un escudo, i
en el las armas del Rey de Francia : esta la pudieron los indios quitar, i como
entran tantos riachuelos i esteros en la mar, no han atinado con la entrada hasta
Uegar a la poblacion, que estava rio arriba distante de la mar ; puede ser haya
sido permision, pues siendo tan grandes marineros no hayan podido conseguir
el descubrirlo, aunque han hecho por tierra i por mar muchas diligencias. Dice
el frances primero que desde donde esta la poblacion que vimos 'a, la otra que
tenian, por tierra, pasando unos rios mui caudalosos a nado i a la ligera, se ponia
un indio que el embiava quando venia colando ppr estas partes en diez dias : i
que por mar a la bahia, que lo anduvo el en dos 6 tres ocasiones, se ponia en
quatro dias en un barco. El trato que querian asentar los franceses era de
pieles i Una de civolas, cebo i manteca i palo de Brasil, que de todo hai mucha
abundancia : tenian ya mucha cria de marranos ; sembravan maiz, calabazas,
sandias i melones i legumbres, como son escaroUs i esparragos i otras cosillas,
que por no cansar a Vm. no doi mas razon por menudo : solo si digo que es de
las tierras mas fertiles i de Undo temple que yo he visto, i hai muchisima uba,
que estando en agras es mas gruesa que la de parras, i quando madura es mui
dulce, segun dicen los franceses. Guarde Dios a Vm. muchos alios. CuahuiU
i Mayo diez i ocho de milseiscientos ochenta i nueve aiios. Remiti mapa i
diario al Exc.""> S."'^ Conde de Galve de donde esta la bahia dei Espiritu Santo,
con el islote en medio de su entrada, que tendra cerca de un quarto de legua en
contorno : la bahia dicen tiene veinte leguas de largo i diez li doce de ancho :
esta en veinte i nueve grades i tres minutos, aunque el astroUbio estava algo
vencido : la poblacion cae de la entrada al Sudueste Nordeste como doce leguas
de la boca, dos leguas arriba por un riachuelo que desemboca en dicha bahia. —
CuahuUa, 18 de Mayo do 1689.

HISTORICAL ACCOUNT
OF WORKS ON TH I LANGUAGES OF FLORIDA
 EXAS.
From the discovery of North and South America, the languages of the natives
have always been, as they still are, an object of the highest interest to the scholar
and the missionary ; and wherever the scientific world has been drawn to them,
it has been mainly by the investigation of the pious missionaries, who, inspired
by rehgious zeal, imperilled their lives to teach them Christianity, we are
indebted for our knowledge of their languages, and to learned philologists for
their classification and comparative view of the aboriginal languages of this
continent. With true love for this branch of phUological studies, it has ever
been the purpose of the author of this and previous volumes of the " Historical
Collections of Louisiana and Florida" to note the works published in this
and other countries to aid the student in the investigation of American Indian
languages, which must in time lead to most interesting results.
Father Francisco P.areja, a native of Spain, one of the founders of the
Franciscan Order in St. Elena, Florida ; and guardian of the first convent estab
lished there, has published the following works on the Timuaca {Timuquand)
language of Florida, viz. : Confesionario en lengua Castellana y Timuquana,
Mexico, 1612 ; Catechismo y Examen para los que comulgan en lengua Castel
lana y Timuquana, Mexico, 1617 ; Gramatica de la lengua Timuquana de
Florida, Mexico, 1614. Father Gregorio Morilla published " Doctrina
Cristiana," a book on the administration of sacraments, in the Tinqua language
of Florida, Mexico, 1635. In a letter addressed by Mr. Kidder, of Boston, to
the Indian Bureau, at Wcishington, he informs the Secretary that he has in his
possession a manuscript vocabulary of five hundred or more words of the Semi
nole language. Vocabularies of the Seminole and Mickastike Indians have like
wise been published by B. Smith and M. Cohen.
A. Pike has recently deposited in the " Smithsonian Institute " a rare MS.
containing over eleven hundred ivords of that remarkable semi-civilized nation,
the Natchez, of which but few words have heretofore been published or known
to exist by early writers.
In the Museo Mexicano, tomo 3, p. 537, mention is made of a work entitled
" Manuel para administrar los S. S. Sacramentos a los Indios de las Naciones
de Texas;" Compuesto por el P. Fray Bartolomeo Garcia, Predicador
Apostolico ; Franciscano de la Mission de San Antonio de Texas, 1769, 4to.

CONTENTS

COLONIAL HISTORY OF LOUISIANA, WITH HISTORICAL AND
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES.
PAGE
Introduction  v
Memoir of Sieur Cavalier de la Salle, addressed to Monseig
neur de Seignelay : translated from the French, -with notes
Official account of M de la Salle's exploration of the Missis
sippi (Colbert) River to its mouth, 1682: translated from
the French, -with notes  .¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ 17
Historical Journal of the Expedition ordered by the King of
France, under the command of M. Pierre Le Moyne
d'Iberville, in 1698, to take possession of and colonize
Louisiana; -with an account of the numerous Indian tribes
of that country : translated (and printed'for the first time)
from a copy of the original manuscript, -with notes  5^
Addenda.— Historical summary  116
Note. — Biographical sketch of M. P. Le Moyne d'Iberville .... 31
Note. — Extract from a letter addressed to Father Jean de Lam
berville, by Father Jacques Gravier, -who descended the
Colbert (Mississippi) River to meet M. d'Iberville, Gover
nor-General, on his arrival to take possession of Louisiana,. I 79

298 CONTENTS.

PAGE

Memoir (Proces verbal) of the taking possession of the country
of the Upper -Mississippi, in the name of the King of
France, 1 689  122
Historical memoir sent by Louis XIV., King of France, to ls\.
de Denonville, Governor-General of New France, i568,
wiih notes  i2j
Note. — Biographical sketch of Sieur Louis Joliet, one of the
explorers of the INIississippi River, 1672  14c
Note. — Letter from Louis de Buade, Comte de Fiontenac, Gov
ernor-General, to M. Colbert, 1674, on the e.xploration of
the Mississippi as far as the .Arkansas River, by Father
Marquette and Sieur Joliet  ( 141
COLONIAL HISTORY OF FLORIDA, WITH HISTORICAL AND
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES.
Introduction  145
Note. — Letter from Don Christopher Columbus to Don Luis de
Santangel on his fiist discoveries, 1493  i45
Proclamation of Pamfilo de Narvaez, Governor-General, to
the inhabitants (Indians) of the Provinces of Florida, 1327 153
Note. — Extract from the memoir of De las Casas on the barbarous
treatment of the Indians of Florida by the Spaniards  156
Narrative of the first voyage made by Captain Jean de Ribault,
by order of Charles IX., King of France, to take possession
of, and found a colony of French Protestants (Hugueno's),
in Florida, 1562 : -with notes  159
Note. — Biographical sketch of Gaspard de Coligny, Grand Ad
miral of France  1 60

CONTENTS. 299
PAGE
Note. — Historical Summary  189
Memoir of the Spanish E: :ion made' by order of Philip II.,
in 1565, under the cominand of Don Pedro Menendez de
Aviles, to take possession of, and colonize the eastern
coast ¦ of Florida, and to expel the French Protestants
(Huguenots), established there in 1564, by Francisco
Lopez de Mendoza Grajales, chaplain of the expedition :
translated from the French, with notes  191
Note. — Narrative by Don Solis de las Meras, of the massacre of
the shipwrecked French colonists, and officers and men of
the expedition sent out under the command of Captain
Ribault, in 1565, to reinforce the colony : translated from
the Spanish, with notes  216
Note. — Letter from Pope Pius V. to Don Pedro Menendez de
Aviles, on the expulsion of the Fiench colonists, in 1565,
from Florida, on his return to Spain  222
Note. — Roman Catholic missions and missionaries in Florida. . 230
Memoir on the country and ancient Indian tribes of Florida,
by Hernando d'Escalante Fontanedo : translated from the
French translation of the original memoir, with notes  235
Note. — Extract from the narratives of Guido de las Bazares and
Don Angel de la Villafane, describing the bays and ports
of the east and west coasts of Florida : translated from the
French translation of the original memoirs, 1559  . 236
Historical summary and geographical account of the early voy-
age.=i and explorations of the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlan
tic coast of Florida, by the French and Spaniards  242

300 CONTENTS.
APPENDIX. PAGE
Historical Summary of the remarkable expedition of Chevalier
Dominique de Gourgue to the eastern ¦ coast of Florida, to
punish the Spaniards for the massacre of the French Prot
estant (Huguenot) colony in Florida, 1565  265
LA REPRINSE DE LA FLORIDE : par Cappitaine Gourgue. 266
Memoria de Joan de la Vandera en que se hace relacion de los
lugares y tierra de la Florida por dondo el Capitan Juan
Pardo entro a descubrie camino para Nueva Espana por los
Anos de 1566-1567  289
Carta en que se da noticia de un viaje hecho a la bahia de
Espiritu Santo, Tejas (Texas) ; y de la poblacion que tenian
ahi los Franceses, 1689  293
Historical notice of works published on the Indian languages of
Florida and Texas  296

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