SsSS

° iLniaKiwsy •

THE

LIFE AND PONTIFICATE

LEO THE TENTH.

BY WILLIAM EOSCOE.

JMratf; (Haitian,
REVISED BY HIS SON,
THOMAS EOSCOE.

IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. L

LONDON: GEORGE BELL & SONS, YORK STREET,
COVENT GARDEN.
1888.

LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.

ADVERTIS EMENT

-The preseut edition has been printed from that of 1827,
the last which underwent the immediate revision of the
author. It contains many and important corrections and
additions, the fruits of his own researches, or of those contri
buted by the Italian, German, and French critics, including
Count Bossi, of Milan, who had devoted considerable attention
to the subject, and translated the whole work into Italian.
After great labour in investigating and condensing all these
materials, the author, to use his own words, " finally delivered
the Work to the public in the form in which he intended it
should remain."
This REVISED STATE of Mr. R,OSCOE's LlFE AND PONTI
FICATE of Leo the Tenth is the copyright property of the
Publisher, and cannot honestly be appropriated by others ;
nevertheless it is found necessary to caution the public against
an unprincipled assumption of it now in progress, under the
colourable pretext of resorting to the same original authorities.
The most interesting of the Documents and State Papers
referred to in the course of the work, especially where they
exist only in Manuscript, are given as Appendices, while such
as are readily to be found in books of easy access are merely
cited. The whole of the elegant and chivalrous Episode in
defence of Lucretia Borgia, one of the most finished and mas^
terly productions of the author, is likewise subjoined.

PREFACE.

For almost three centuries the curiosity of mankind has
been directed towards the age of Leo the Tenth. The
history of that period has not, however, yet been attempted
in a manner in any degree equal to the grandeur and variety
of the subject. Nor is this difficult to be accounted for.
Attractive as such an undertaking may at first appear, it will
be found on a nearer inspection to be surrounded by many
difficulties. The magnitude of such a task ; the trouble of
collecting the materials necessary to its proper exeeution ; the
long devotion of time and of labour which it must unavoidably
require, and, above all, the apprehensions of not fulfilling the
high expectations which have been formed of it, are some of
those circumstances which have perhaps prevented the .accom
plishment of a work which has often been suggested, some
times closely contemplated, but hitherto cautiously declined.
The same considerations which have deterred others from
engaging in so laborious and hazardous an attempt, would in
all probability have produced a similar effect on myself, had I
not been led by imperceptible degrees to a situation in which
I could scarcely, with either propriety or credit, have declined
the task. The history of the Life of Lorenzo de' Medici, the
father of Leo X., had opened the way to a variety of researches.
not less connected with the events of the ensuing period, than
vol. i. ft

vi preface.
with those of the times for which they were immediately in-
tended; and even that work was considered by many, perhaps
not unjustly, as only the vestibule to a more spacious building,
which it would be incumbent on the author at some future
period to complete. Since that publication the friendship and
liberality of several distinguished characters, both at home and
abroad, have supplied me with many valuable communications
and original documents, which without their countenance and
favour, it would not have been in my power to obtain. To
have withheld these materials from the public, would have
defeated the purpose for which they were communicated ; and
to have shrunk from the task under such circumstances, would
have given occasion for a construction almost as unfavourable
to myself as the failure of success. These reflections have
induced me, amidst the constant engagements of an active life,
to persevere in an undertaking, which has occasionally called
for exertions beyond what my time, my talents, or my health
could always supply ; and I now submit to the public the result
of the labour of many years, in the best form in which, under
all circumstances, it has been in my power to offer it to their
acceptance. Although I have entitled the following work The Life and
Pontificate of Leo X., yet I have not only thought it ex
cusable, but even found it necessary to enter into the general
history of the times ; without which it would have been impos
sible to give so full an idea of the character and conduct of this
celebrated pontiff, as it was my wish to communicate. Nor
can I regret the opportunity which has thus been afforded me,
of examining more fully than has perhaps hitherto been done,
a period productive of great and important events, and which
exhibits almost every diversity of human character. Respect
ing the propriety of this union of individual biographv with
general history, I am well aware, that doubts have been enter-

PREFACE. Vll
tained by persons of considerable eminence in literature. That
there are certain limits between the province of the historian,
and that of the biographer, may readily be admitted ; yet, as
these branches of study are equally conversant with the indi
viduals of our own species, it will unavoidably happen, that
each of them will at times encroach upon the precincts of the
other. In perusing the pages of Livy or of Tacitus, of Hume
or of Gibbon, we find no parts which interest us more than the
private and personal memorials of those great and illustrious
men who have acted a conspicuous part in the public events of
the age ; whilst, on the other hand, it would be impossible to
form a correct idea of the character of an individual, without
considering him in those relations, by which he stands con
nected with the general transactions of the times in which he
lived, and which in truth have not only displayed, but in some
measure formed his character. That these mutual concessions
may admit of abuse, cannot be doubted ; yet, if the great ob
jects of pleasure and utility be obtained, that criticism would
perhaps be too rigid, which would narrowly restrict so advan
tageous an interchange. In tracing the history of a people
through any considerable portion of time, the attention is
weakened, and the feelings are blunted, by the rapid succession
of events and characters, in which we might have been more
deeply interested, if our information respecting them had been
more minute. The history of mankind may be compared to
the surface of the earth, which is composed of wild woods and
trackless deserts, interspersed, however, with cultivated spots,
and peculiar appearances of nature. The traveller passes
heedlessly over the undiversified prospect, and dwells only on
such parts as, for their beauty, sublimity, or singularity, he
deems most worthy of his regard.
These observations, it is hoped, may serve as an apology
for my having entered so much at large into the history of
a2

PREFACE.

many transactions, which, although they were not influenced
in any eminent degree by the personal interference of Leo X.,
greatly affected the fortunes of his early years. Of this nature
is the narrative of the irruption of Charles VIII. into Italy ;
an enterprise which, as Mr. Gibbon asserts, changed the face
of Europe, and of which he at one time meditated a distinct
and separate history. The siege of Pisa, as long and as event
ful as the celebrated siege of Troy, is so closely connected
with all the political events and negotiations of the time, and in
particular with the fate of the three brothers of the Medici, as
unavoidably to obtrude itself upon our frequent notice. In
adverting to the pontificate of Alexander VI. it is impossible
to avoid being forcibly struck with the energy, or rather the
atrocity of character by which that pontiff and his son Caesar
Borgia were distinguished ; and the singular transactions re
corded of them must occasionally give rise to doubts, which
the labours of the most industrious and impartial inquirer will
scarcely be adequate to remove. With the fortunes of the
Medici, the effects of the memorable league of Cambray, which
alone has been the subject of several volumes, are still more
closely connected ; whilst the conquest of Naples, and the
expulsion of the royal family of Aragon by the united arms of
Louis XII. and of Ferdinand of Spain, and the subsequent dis
agreement and contests of those monarchs for the dominion
of that kingdom, claim our attention, no less on account of
their connection with our principal subject, than by their
intrinsic importance.
An opinion has of late been very generally advanced, both
in this country and abroad, that notwithstanding the improve
ment which took place in Italy, in the age of Leo X., a very
moderate portion of it is to be attributed to the personal exer
tions, talents, and patronage of that pontiff; and that bv
giving to this period the ostentatious title of The Age oj>

PREFACE.

Leo X. we deprive the other eminent patrons of liteiature
who flourished during the same asra, of that praise to which
they are justly entitled. I ought not very earnestly to oppose
an opinion, which, if espoused by my readers, would relieve
me from a great part of my responsibility. Yet, that Leo,
during his short pontificate of less than nine years, exerted
himself with considerable effect in the promotion of literature
and the restoration of the fine arts, cannot be doubted ; and
as his services have never yet been sufficiently appreciated, or
collected into one point of view, an attempt to supply what
has hitherto been wanting in this respect, may be entitled at
least to pardon. The effects produced by Leo on the character
of the times will, however, be better estimated when the
transactions of his life shall have been more fully unfolded.
I shall afterwards return to this important and essential part
of my subject, and endeavour to ascertain the amount of the
obligations due from posterity to Leo the Tenth.
The earliest professed history of Leo X. is that of Paolo
Giovio, better known by his Latin appellation of Paulus Jovius.
This author, the character of whose various productions is suffi
ciently known, had every opportunity of obtaining the most
exact and authentic information on the subject of his history.
His Life of Leo X.. written, like the rest of his works, in Latin,
is one of the most valuable of his productions, containing much
authentic information, and being perhaps less tinctured than
the generality of his labours with that satirical spirit, which
its author on many occasions evinced.
With this history of Leo X. by Jovius, and the Italian
translation by Dominichi, printed at Florence in 1549, the
learned world seems to have remained satisfied for upwards of
two centuries. Many incidental anecdotes and brief memoirs
Df this distinguished pontiff were in the mean time given to
the public ; but the first serious intention of connecting the

t PREFACE.
Life of Leo X. with the history of the revival of learning,
appears to have arisen in our own country, where the elegant
and pathetic poet William Collins, about the middle of the
last century, is said to have published proposals for such a
history. " I have heard him speak with great kindness," says
Dr. Johnson, " of Leo X., and with keen resentment of his
tasteless successor ; but probably not a page of the history
was ever written." Much as we may regret the failure of this
enterprise, those whom nature has endowed with the capacity
of feeling the charm of the tender and impassioned productions
of this author will regret still more those calamities that pre
vented him from increasing the number of his poetical works,
which have justly been characterized, as exhibiting " a lux
uriance of imagination, a wild sublimity of fancy, and a felicity
of expression so extraordinary, that they might be supposed
to be suggested by some superior power, rather than to be the
effect of human judgment or capacity."
Among the friends of Collins, who seem to have shared his
confidence and his studies, was Mr. Thomas Warton, by whom
the design of giving a history of the restoration of Letters in
Europe was continued, or revived. In the excellent Essay of
his brother, Dr. Warton, on the life and writings of Pope, is
the following passage : " Concerning the particular encou
ragement given by Leo X. to literature and the fine arts, I
forbear to enlarge ; because a friend of mine is at present en
gaged in writing the History of the Age of Leo the
Tenth. It is a noble period, and full of those most important
events which have had the greatest influence on human affairs.
Such as the discovery of the West Indies by the Spaniards,
and of a passage to the East by the Portuguese ; the invention
of printing ; the reformation of religion ; with many others ;
all of which will be insisted upon at large, and their conse
quences displayed." As the E.say which contains this pas-

PUE1 ACE. XI
sage was first published in 1756, the same year in which Col
lins died, it is possible that this notice was intended to refer
to his undertaking; but it is also certain, that on his death,
the design was not abandoned by his surviving friends. In a
conversation which I had the pleasure of enjoying with Dr.
Warton, in the year 1797, the progress made in an under
taking which had been so long announced to the public be
came an object of my inquiry. By him I was informed that
it had been the intention of himself, his brother, and several
of their literary friends, to give a history of the revival of
letters, not only in Italy, but in all the principal countries of
Europe ; and the history of English Poetry by Mr. Thomas
Warton was only a part of this great design. When we
advert to the various and excellent critical productions of
these liberal and learned brothers, and consider that among
the names of their coadjutors, would probably have been found
those of West, of Walpole, of Mason, and of Gray, we cannot
sufficiently lament the want of public encouragement which
was, in all probability, the chief cause that prevented this
noble and extensive undertaking from being carried into com-
lete execution.
In Italy the life and transactions of Leo X. have within these
few years been the subject of a work of no inconsiderable
merit. To the writings of the late much lamented and learned
Monsignore Angelo Fabroni, Proweditore, or Principal, of the
university of Pisa, I have before been indebted for many im
portant facts in the Life of Lorenzo de' Medici ; some of which
I have examined with that freedom which, to some authors,
would have been a cause of offence, but which a liberal mind
will always prefer to the vain homage of indiscriminate ap
plause. The attempt which I then made to illustrate a period
of history, which had been the peculiar object of his inquiry,
had the good fortune to obtain his approbation. Under his

Xll PREFACE.
auspices, the English Life of Lorenzo de' Medici was elegantly
translated into Italian by the Cavaliero Mecherini, and pub
lished at Pisa in the year 1799. I was afterwards honoured
by the correspondence of Monsignore Fabroni, which was con
tinued until the time of his death, in the latter part of the year
1803; and in the course of which he transmitted to me his
" Life of Leo X.," written in Latin, and published at Pisa in
the year 1797. In this work the learned author has not con
fined himself to the account given of Leo X. by Jovius, but
has collected much original information respecting this pontiff,
and the age in which he lived. By the aid of these resources
he was enabled to throw additional light on his subject ; whilst
the valuable collection of documents published by him at the
close of his work, not only confirms his narrative, but supplies
important materials for future historians. As the work was
not, however, intended by the author, so it must not be
expected by the public, to contain a very full and extensive
account of the progress made during the pontificate of Leo X.
in the departments of science, of literature, or of art ; or of
those very numerous and distinguished men, to whose writings
and labours the reign of that pontiff is indebted for its prin
cipal lustre.
But besides these professed histories of Leo X., several
works have appeared which are chiefly confined to the elu
cidation of some particular parts of. his life, or of those of
the times in which he lived. Among these are the history of
the League of Cambray, by some attributed to the pen of
Cardinal Polignac, but more generally thought to be the work
of the Abbe Du Bos ; the narrative of the battle of the Taro.
between Charles VIII. and the allied army of Italy, by Bene-
detti ; the lives of Alexander VI. and his son Csesar Borgia,
by Gordon ; the dialogue of Raffaello Brandolini, entitled
Lko j ana the commentary of Galeazzo Capella, on the efforts

PREFACE. nil
made for the restoration of Francesco Sforza to the duchy of
Milan : with many other publications of a similar nature, of
which it will appear that I have frequently availed myself ic
the course of the following work.
The detached and particular histories to which I have before
adverted contain, however, but a small portion of that im
mense mass of information which remains to the present
times, respecting the public and private character and conduct
of Leo X. From the high dignity which he enjoyed, both as
a secular and an ecclesiastical potentate, and from the active
part which he took in all the transactions which affected the
state of Europe, his life is intimately connected with the
general history of the age ; insomuch, that there is not
an author who has had occasion to treat on the events of
this period, in whose work he does not occupy a conspicuous
station. To these, the recorders of the political, civil, and military
events of the times, I might add a long train of literary
historians, to whom I have been greatly indebted for that
department of the following work, which is intended to
illustrate the state of letters and of science; among these
must be distinguished the immortal work of Tiraboschi ; the
noblest specimen of that species of composition which any
age or country has produced ; and the accurate and compre
hensive account of the writers of Italy, by Mazzuchelli, who,
in grasping at an object too extended for human talents or
human life, has executed in six volumes in folio, a compara
tively small portion of his colossal undertaking.
I shall not, on this occasion, weary the reader by enumerat
ing the many other various and excellent authors, either in
this department or in that of the fine arts, in which the Italiana
abound beyond any other country, who have afforded their
assistance in the following pages ; but I must avail myself of

XI V PREFACE.
this opportunity finally to observe, that I have made it an in
variable rule, in the accounts which I have found it necessary
to give of the writings and characters of men of literary
eminence, to resort for information to their own works, as far
as my opportunities would permit ; and to found my opinions,
and draw my deductions from them, rather than from those of
any subsequent writer. How far I have been enabled thus to
derive my intelligence from its primitive channels, will suffi
ciently appear in the course of my work ; in which it has been
my practice to refer to the author from whom I have actually
quoted ; and who must be considered as answerable for the
accuracy of the citation when the original has not fallen in
my way.
Such are the works relating to the life of Leo X., and the
times in which he lived, which have already been published,
and of which I have availed myself in the course of the
ensuing narrative ; but, besides these more ostensible sources
of information, I have, during a series of years, been enabled
to collect many original documents, which have served to
throw considerable light on the times to which the following
pages relate. Of these, one of the most important acqui
sitions consists of a series of letters and papers, copied from
the originals in the archives of the Palazzo Vecchio, at Flo
rence, and forming two volumes, in folio, of about three
hundred pages each. For this valuable collection I am
indebted to the obliging and disinterested interference of a
nobleman, who adds dignity to his station, not only by the
firm and consistent tenour of his public conduct, but by his
encouragement of those literary studies, in which he has him
self made so distinguished a proficiency. The liberal views of
Lord Holland were seconded by the kind assistance of Mr.
Penrose, late chaplain to the British embassy at Florence, and
wsre carried into complete effect by the generosity of the

PREFACE. XV
Grand Duke, who directed that access should be had at all
times to the original state papers, and every possible facility
given to these researches. The first part of this collection con
sists chiefly of letters written by the great Lorenzo de' Medici,
father of the pontiff, relating principally to the promotion of
his son to the rank of cardinal. From these letters, which
have enabled me to place this event in its fullest light, I might
have given much larger extracts, but as they elucidate only
this single circumstance, it will perhaps be thought that I have
been sufficiently copious in my authorities on this head.
This collection also comprises a series of letters written by
Balthazar Turini, commonly called Balthazar, or Baldassare da
Pescia, then at Rome, to Lorenzo de' Medici, the nephew of
the pontiff, who resided at Florence during the early part of
the pontificate of Leo X. From these, none of which have
heretofore been printed, it appears that the writer was appointed
assistant Datary, or Secretary, to transmit to Florence the
fullest information on every event that took place at Rome,
not only with respect to public transactions, but to the private
concerns of every branch of the family of the Medici. In the
execution of this office he seems to have acted under the
immediate directions of the cardinal Giulio de' Medici, after
ward Clement VII., who was intrusted by Leo X. with the
superintendence of the government of the Florentine state,
and to whose suggestions Lorenzo was expected implicitly to
conform. These letters, although they extend only from the
month of March to the month of September, in the second
year of the pontificate of Leo X. (1514). throw considerable
light on the characters of the persons there mentioned, and
suggest or illustrate many curious and important circum
stances ; but, besides these, the most material subjects, this
collection of papers is interspersed with other documents of
considerable interest, not heretofore published, and which will

XVI PREFACE-
be more particularly noticed in the course of the following
work. In adverting to the assistance which I have derived from
the city of Florence, that cradle of the arts in modern times,
I must not omit to notice the favours conferred on me by the
late venerable and learned Canonico Angelo Maria Bandini,
principal librarian of the Laurentian library there. Of a cha
racter so well known in the literary world, any commendation
of mine would be superfluous ; yet I cannot avoid remarking it
as an extraordinary circumstance, that he maintained a high
rank among the scholars of Italy during the long space or
sixty years, and that some account of him and his early pro
ductions was given in the great work of Mazzuchelli, the
publication of which he survived nearly half a century.
During this period he continued to enrich the republic ol
letters by many other works ; some of which, as they bear a
particular reference to the history of the Medici, will be
referred to in the following pages. To this eminent man, who
retained his early and ardent love of literature to the close ot
his days, I am also indebted for the communication of several
scarce and valuable documents, both printed and manu
script, as well as for various letters, indicating to me, with
the utmost attention and minuteness, those sources of infor
mation which his long and intimate acquaintance with the
subjects of the following volumes had enabled him to point
out. In the prosecution of this work, I was, however, well aware
that the most important information for my purpose might be
derived from the immense collections of the Vatican, and
could not but regret, that from the calamitous state of public
affairs, the distance of my own situation from these records,
and other circumstances, there was little probability that f
should be able to surmount the formidable obstacles that pre

PREFACE. XVII
gented themselves to its attainment. From this state of
despondency I was, however, fortunately relieved, by the unso
licited kindness of John Johnson, Esq., then on his travels
through Italy, who, with a liberality which demands my
warmest acknowledgments, obtained for me, by means of his
acquaintance with the Abate Gaetano Marini, the learned
Prefect of the Archives of the Vatican, a considerable number
of important documents, copied as well from the manuscripts
in that collection as from printed works of extreme rarity,
which relate to the affairs of the Roman court in the time of
Leo X., and which are, for the most part, to be found only in
that collection. Among the former is the fragment of an
unpublished life of Leo X., written in Latin, with considerable
elegance, and brought down to the year 1516. The printed
works consist principally of letters and orations of the ambas
sadors of foreign states to Leo X., and were probably only
printed for the exclusive use of the Roman court. Besides
these, I had also the pleasure of receiving an entire copy of
the very scarce and curious tract of Jacopo Penni, containing
the most particular account which now remains of the cere
monies and splendid exhibitions that took place in Rome on
the elevation of Leo X., with many other pieces from the
same authentic quarter.
To the continued favour and friendly recommendations of
the same gentleman during his progress through Italy, I am
also indebted for my literary intercourse with the celebrated
Abate Jacopo Morelli, librarian of S. Marco at Venice, well
known to the learned world as the author of many estimable
works. From him I have received much useful information
respecting the publications necessary for my purpose, accom
panied by some scarce tracts, and by his own judicious and
interesting remarks. I am sensible that in thus paying the
tribute of gratitude to the most illustrious scholars, cf Italy, I

XV111 PREFACE.
may be suspected of attempting to support my own weak
endeavours upon the established reputation of their names;
but I have not been deterred by this consideration from dis
charging what I esteem to be an indispensable obligation to
the living, and a sacred duty to the dead : being well con
vinced that the favours conferred upon me can no more excuse
the imperfections of my work, than those imperfections can
detract from the high character which the persons to whom I
have referred have so justly and so universally obtained.
Respecting the private lives of Leo X. and his predecessors
Alexander VI. and Julius II. , considerable information is
derived from the diaries of the successive officers of the Roman
court, who were styled Masters of the Ceremonies of the
pope's chapel, and who seem to have considered it as part of
their duty to keep a register of such transactions as occurred
under their own eye, or came to their knowledge. The first
of these officers whose labours appear to have been preserved.
is Giovanni Burcardo, Broccardo, or as he is more usually
called, Burchard, a native of Strasbourg, and dean of the
church of St. Thomas, in that city. He afterwards transferred
his residence to Rome, where he obtained several ecclesiastical
preferments, and was appointed master of the ceremonies on
the twenty-first day of December, 1483, under the pontificate
of Sixtus IV. A few months afterwards he commenced his
journal, which during the life of Sixtus IV. was confined to
a few slight and unimportant minutes. On the death of that
pontiff he extended his plan, and has opcasionally enriched it
with anecdotes, and adverted to circumstances not strictly
confined to the limits of his office. His diary is written in
Latiu, in a pedestrian and semi-barbarian style, but with an
apparent accuracy and minuteness as to facts, which, notwith
standing the singular circumstances related by him, give it an
air of veracity. Such part as adverts to the life of Alex-

PREFACE. HJ
ander VI. has been published almost entire. Large extracts
from it have also been given by several authors, who have
been inclined to expatiate on the enormities of this pontiff,
and particularly by Gordon, in his Life of Alexander VI. and
his son Caesar Borgia, printed at London in 1729. After the
death of Alexander, Burchard was appointed, by Julius II.,
bishop of Horta, in the possession of which dignity he died on
the sixteenth day of May, 1506.
About two years before the death of Burchard, he had a
colleague or assistant in Paris de Grassis, who also succeeded
him as master of the ceremonies. This officer has also kept
a diary, which commences on the twelfth day of May, 1504,
and is continued throughout the rest of the pontificate of
Julius II. and the whole of that of Leo X. It has never been
printed entire, but some detached parts have been published ;
and it has also been consulted by several writers, who have
given extracts from it in their works.
From the narrative of Paris de Grassis, it appears that
he was a native of Bologna, of a respectable family. His
brother Achilles was, in the year 1511, raised by Julius II.
to the dignity of the purple, and was one of the most learned
and respectable members of the college. Another brother,
Agamemnon (for the family names seem to have been sought
for in Homer, rather than in the books of the Old and New
Testament), was, in the year 1510, ambassador from the city
of Bologna to the pope. The assiduities of Paris, as master
of the ceremonies, could not conciliate the favour of that
austere pontiff, Julius II., but in the vacancy of the holy see,
which occurred on the death of that pope, he obtained from the
sacred college, as a reward for his services, the promise of the
bishopric of Pesaro, united with the abbey of Santa Croce.
These dignities were afterwards confirmed to him by Leo X., who
also nominated him a prelate of the palace, and appointed his

XX PREFACE.
nephew to be his coadjutor in the office of master of the
ceremonies. He survived that pontiff, and died at Rome on
the tenth day of June, 1528.
The style of Paris de Grassis, like that of his predecessor,
has little pretensions to elegance. It is, however, rendered
interesting by its simplicity, which gives to his narration a
character of fidelity. In the exercise of his functions he seems
to have been a more rigid disciplinarian than even Burchard
himself, and it is somewhat amusing to observe the import
ance which he frequently attaches to his office, and the seve
rity with which he reproves those relaxations from the dignity
of his high rank, in which Leo, on some occasions, indulged
himself. Among the objects of my earnest inquiry, was the unpub
lished part of the diary of Paris de Grassis, which yet exists
in the library of the Vatican, and of which copies are also
found in the National Library at Paris. Of this diary, as well
as of that of Burchard, some of the most interesting particu
lars have already been given to the public, in the work enti
tled, " Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliothfeque
du Roi," which has been continued under the title of " Notices
et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Nationale;"
but, as the extracts thus made are not in general given in
the original Latin, but are for the most part abridged, and
translated into French, I have not derived from this work the
advantages which I might otherwise have obtained. It hap
pened, however, fortunately for my purpose, that in the
summer of the year 1802, my particular friend and neighbour,
the Rev. W. Shepherd, well known as the author of " The
Life of Poggio Bracciolini," paid a visit to Paris. On this
occasion I scrupled not to request his assistance in examining
for me the different manuscripts of the diary of Paris de
Grasiis, and making such extracts from them, in the original,

PREFACE. XXI
as he conceived would be most interesting. As no one can ae
better qualified for such a task, so no one could have entered
upon it with greater alacrity. During his stay at Paris, a con
siderable portion of his time was passed in these researches, in
which he met with every possible facility from the librarians ;
and on his return, he brought with him several curious ex
tracts, which have enabled me to throw additional light on the
history of Leo X., and particularly on the singular circum
stances attending his death.
Nor have I, in the course of my inquiries, wholly omitted
the opportunities which even this country affords, of collect
ing information from unpublished documents respecting the
times in question. Among the Cottonian Manuscripts in the
British Museum, are contained many original letters from
the Roman court, and the English ambassadors resident there,
to Henry VIII. and his ministers, explanatory of the political
transactions of the age. I had not an opportunity of exa
mining these papers until my work was considerably advanced ;
but by the kind assistance of my highly respected friend, John
Walker, Esq., of Bedford-square, and by the obliging atten
tion of Mr. Planta, principal librarian of the British Museum,
I have been enabled to inform myself of such documents as
were more particularly applicable to my purpose, some of
which the reader will find, either given entire in the Appendix,
or referred to in the course of the work.
Although I have for several years endeavoured, at great
expense, and with considerable success, to collect such printed
works as appeared to be necessary for the present undertak
ing, yet I have not neglected to solicit the assistance, or to
avail myself of the offers of several persons, on whose friend
ship and liberality I could rely, to furnish me with such publi
cations as I had not had the good fortune elsewhere to obtain.
To the very obliging liberality of Richard Heber, Esq., of
vol. I. b

XXU PREFACE.
Hodnet, whose library is particularly enriched by the early
editions of the works of the modern writers of Latin poetry, I
am indebted for the use of many of the scarce publications in
that department, referred to in the following volumes, which
have enabled me to discuss the subjects to which they relate,
with greater confidence than I could possibly have done
through the secondary medium of other writers. The very
select library of my early literary associate, and long valued
friend, William Clarke, Esq., of Everton, has also been of fre
quent use to me in the course of my researches, during which
I have derived additional assistance from his extensive learn
ing and very particular acquaintance with the literary history
of Italy. My acknowledgments are also due for the use of
scarce books and manuscripts, or for other favours in the
course of my work, to Dr. James Currie, late of Liverpool,
but now of Bath, well known by his many valuable publica- '
tions, both on scientific and literary subjects, and whom I am
proud to record on this occasion as my long esteemed and
excellent friend ; ^ie Rev. Wm. Parr Greswell, author of
" Memoirs of Italian Scholars who have written Latin poetry; "
Sir Isaac Heard, Knight, Garter principal King of Arms ; Mr.
Wm. Smyth, Fellow of Peter House, Cambridge; Henry
Brown, Esq., of Liverpool ; the Rev. Mr. Hincks, of Cork ;
the Rev. Mr. Crane, Vicar of Over, in Cheshire ; the Rev.
John Greswell, of the college, Manchester; and to several
other persons, who will, I hope, excuse a more particular ac
knowledgment, in the confidence that I am not insensible of
their favours.
With respect to the execution of the following work, I can
not but be well aware, that many circumstances and characters
will be found represented in a light somewhat different from
that in which they have generally been viewed, and that I may
probably be accused of having suffered myself to be induced

PREFACE. XXUl
by the force of prejudice, or the affectation of novelty, to re
move what have hitherto been considered as the landmarks
of history. To imputations of this kind I feel the most per
fect indifference. Truth alone has been my guide, and when
ever she has steadily diffused her light, I have endeavoured to
delineate the objects in their real form and colour. History
is the record of the experience of mankind, in their most im
portant concerns. If it be impossible for human sagacity to
estimate the consequences of a falsehood in private life, it is
equally impossible to estimate the consequences of a false or
partial representation of the events of former times. The
conduct of the present is regulated by the experience of the
past. The circumstances which have led the way to the
prosperity or destruction of states will lead the way to the
prosperity or destruction of states in all future ages. If those
in high authority be better informed than others, it is from
this source that their information must be drawn ; and to
pollute it, is therefore to poison the only channel through
which we can derive that knowledge, which, if it can be ob
tained pure and unadulterated, cannot fail in time to purify
the intellect, expand the powers, and improve the condition
of the human race.
As in speaking of the natural world, there are some persons
who are disposed to attribute its creation to chance, so in
speaking of the moral world, there are some who are inclined
to refer the events and fluctuations in human affairs to acci
dent, and are satisfied with accounting for them from the
common course of things, or the spirit of the times. But as
chance and accident, if they have any meaning whatever, can
only mean the operation of causes not hitherto fully in
vestigated, or distinctly understood, so the spirit of the times
is only another phrase for causes and circumstances which
b2

XXIV PREFACE.
have not hitherto been sufficiently explained. It is the pro
vince of the historian to trace and to discover these causes,
and it is only in proportion as he accomplishes this object,
that his labours are of any utility. An assent to the former
opinion may indeed gratify our indolence, but it is only from
the latter method that we can expect to acquire true know
ledge, or to be able to apply to future conduct the information
derived from past events.
There is one peculiarity in the following work, which it is
probable may be considered as a radical defect. I allude to
the frequent introduction of quotations and passages from
the poets of the times, occasionally interspersed through the
narrative, or inserted in the notes. To some it may appear
that the seriousness of history is thus impertinently broken
in upon, whilst others may suppose, that not only its gravity,
but its authenticity is impeached by these citations, and may
be inclined to consider this work as one of those productions,
in which truth and fiction are blended together, for the pur
pose of amusing and misleading the reader. To such impu
tations I plead, not guilty. That I have at times introduced
quotations from the works of the poets, for the elucidation of
historical facts, I confess ; nor, when they proceed from con
temporary authority, do I perceive that their being in verse in
validates their credit. In this light I have frequently cited the
"Decennale" of Machiavelli, and the " Vergier d'Honneur "
of Andre de la Vigne, which are in fact little more than ver
sified annals of the events of the times ; but, in general, I
have not adduced such extracts as evidences of facts, but for a
purpose wholly different. To those who are pleased in tracing
the emotions and passions of the human mind in all ages,
nothiug can be more gratifying than to be informed of the
mode of thinking of the public at large, at interesting periods.

PREFACE. XXV
and in important situations. Whilst war and desolation stalk
over a country, or whilst a nation is struggling for its liberties
or its existence, the opinions of men of genius, ability, and
learning, who have been agitated with all the hopes and fears
to which such events have given rise, and have frequently
acted a personal and important part in them, are the best and
most instructive comment. By such means we seem to become
contemporaries with those whose history we peruse, and to
acquire an intimate knowledge, not only of the facts them
selves, but of the judgment formed upon such facts by
those who were most deeply interested in them. Nor is
it a slight advantage in a work which professes to treat
on the literature of the times, that the public events,
and the works of the eminent scholars and writers of
that period, thus become a mutual comment, and serve
on many occasions to explain and to illustrate each
other. The practice which I have heretofore adopted of designating
the scholars of Italy by their national appellations, has given
rise to some animadversions. In answer to which I beg to
remark, that whoever is conversant with history must fre
quently have observed the difficulties which arise from the
wanton alterations, in the names of both persons and places,
by authors of different countries, and particularly by the
French, who, without hesitation, accommodate every thing to
the genius of their own language. Hence, the names of all
the eminent men of Greece, of Rome, or of Italy, are melted
down, and appear again in such a form as would not in all
probability have been recognized by their proper owners •-
Dionysius is Denys, Titus Livius Tite Live, Horatius Horace .
Petrarca, Petrarque, and Pico of Mirandola Pic de Mirandolc
As the literature which this country derived from Italy was

JtXVl PREFACE.
first obtained through the medium of the French, our early
authors followed them in this respect, and thereby sanctioned
those innovations which the nature of our own language did
not require. It is still more to be regretted that we are not
even uniform in our abuse. In the instance of such names as
are familiar to our early literature, we adopt with the French
the abbreviated appellation ; but in latter times we usually
employ proper national distinctions, and instead of Arioste, or
Metastase, we write, without hesitation, Ariosto, or Metastasio.
This inconsistency is more sensibly felt when, the abbreviated
appellation of one scholar is contrasted with the national dis
tinction of another, as when a letter is addressed by Petrarch
to Coluccio Salutati, or by Politian to Ermolao Barbaro, or
Baccio Ugolini. For the sake of uniformity, it is surely
desirable that every writer should conform as much as possible
to some general rule, which can only be found by a reference
of every proper name to the standard of its proper country.
This method would not only avoid the incongruities before
mentioned, but would be productive of positive advantages, as
it would in general point out the nation of the person spoken
of, without the necessity of further indication. Thus, in
mentioning one of the monarchs of France, who' makes a
conspicuous figure in the ensuing pages, I have not denomi
nated him Lodovico XII. with the Italians, nor Lewis XII.
with the English, but Louis XII. the name which he himself
recognized. And thus I have also restored to a celebrated
Scottish general, in the service of the same monarch, his
proper title of d'Aubigny, instead of that of Obigni, usually
given him by the historians of Italy.
I cannot deliver this work to the public without a most
Dainful conviction, that notwithstanding my utmost endea
vours, and the most sedulous attention which it has been

PREFACE. XXV11
In my power to bestow upon it, many defects will still be dis
coverable, not only from the omission of much important
information, which may not have occurred to my inquiries,
but from an erroneous or imperfect use of such as I may have
had the good fortune to obtain. Yet I trust, that when the
extent of the work, and the great variety of subjects which it
comprehends, are considered, the candid and judicious will
make due allowance for those inaccuracies against which no
vigilance can at all times effectually guard. With this publi
cation, I finally relinquish all intention of prosecuting, with a
view to the public, my researches into the history and litera
ture of Italy. That I have devoted to its completion a consi
derable portion of time and of labour, will sufficiently appear
from the perusal of the following pages, and it may therefore
be presumed that I cannot be indifferent to its success. But,
whatever inducements I may have found in the hope of conci
liating the indulgence or the favour of the public, I must finally
be permitted to avow, that motives of a different, and perhaps
of a more laudable nature, have occasionally concurred to in
duce me to persevere in the present undertaking. Among
these, is an earnest desire to exhibit to the present times an
illustrious period of society ; to recal the public attention to
those standards of excellence to which Europe has been in
debted for no inconsiderable portion of her subsequent improve
ment ; to unfold the ever-active effect of moral causes on the
acquirements and the happiness of a people ; and thereby to
raise a barrier, as far as such efforts can avail, against that
torrent of a corrupt and vitiated taste, which, if not continually
opposed, may once more overwhelm the cultivated nations of
Europe in barbarism and degradation. To these great and
desirable aims I could wish to add others, yet more exalted and
rommendable ; to demonstrate the fatal consequences of an ill-

XXV111 PREFACE.
directed ambition, and to deduce, from the unperverred pages
of history, those maxims of true humanity, sound wisdom, and
political fidelity, which have been too much neglected in all
ages, but which are the only solid foundations of the repose.:
the dignity, and the happiness of mankind.
AHERTOZ,
8.A March, 1 805.

PREFACE TO
THE THIRD EDITION.

After the lapse of several years, another edition of " The
Life and Pontificate of Leo the Tenth " is now offered to
the public. In the mean time the work has been frequently
reprinted in other countries, and translated into the principal
languages of Europe. In Germany, where the taste for Italian
literature has been cultivated to a greater extent than in any
other of the northern states, it was translated by Professor
Glaser, accompanied by valuable notes and dissertations by
M. Philip Henry Conrad Henke, and published at Leipzig,
in the years 1806, 1807, and 1808, in three volumes 8vo.
A translation, by M. P. F. Henry, appeared at Paris, in the
year 1808, in four volumes 8vo., of which another and more
correct edition was published in 1813. A few additional notes
by the French translator accompanied these last- mentioned
publications. In Italy, a translation of the work was undertaken by the
Conte Cavaliero Luigi Bossi, of Milan, a person in every
respect qualified for the purpose, which made its appearance
at various intervals, in the years 1816 and 1817, in twelve
volumes 8vo., ornamented with numerous plates of portraits,
medals, &c. Earnestly devoted to the subject, and thoroughly
acquainted with the history of his country (which he has

XXX PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION.
illustrated by a work of his own in nineteen volumes 8vo.),
he has given additional interest to his translation of Leo X. by
numerous notes and additions,, and by various dissertations on
subjects connected with the work. The situation of Count
Bossi at Milan, his acquaintance with books and manuscripts
relating to the times in question, and his connection with
persons of high literary eminence in Italy, have also enabled
him to make considerable additions to the proofs and docu
ments which I had before adduced in confirmation of my
narrative. The dispersion of an edition of 2,800 copies of
this translation in Italy may be considered as a sufficient in
dication of the public opinion ; but, if any thing further were
wanted, it might here be added, that his Holiness, Leo XII.,
has thought proper to prohibit the further circulation of this
history of the most illustrious of his predecessors, and has
consigned the Life and Pontificate of Leo X. to the Index
ExPURGATORIUS. The notes and observations by which the before-mentioned
translations, and particularly the German and Italian, are
accompanied, are the production of persons who have thought
for themselves on the various subjects there discussed, and
have examined as well the general spirit and tendency of the
work, as the particular facts and circumstances which are there
related. On this account the present history has undergone
an ordeal to which few works of a similar nature have been
subjected ; and as the different annotators have not scrupled
to bring forward their objections on some occasions, with the
same freedom that they have stated the reasons for their assent
on others, the author has found it incumbent on him, in giving
the present edition (the last he will probably ever revise), to
examine their remarks with diligence and impartiality, and
eithe* to admit their validity, or to shew the grounds of his
adherence to his former opinions. The task he has thus under-

PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. XXX1
taken is not only due to the labours of those who have devoted
to the examination of his work so great a portion of their time
and attention, but is indeed such as ho could not in justice to
himself avoid. Some of the subjects to which the before-
mentioned criticisms relate are, in his estimation, of the first
importance to the character and credit of his work, and to
have passed over such objections without a reply, would
have amounted to no less than a confession of his inability
to maintain his statements, or to defend his opinions. He
hopes he shall therefore stand excused in referring so fre
quently to the remarks of the different translators of the
present work, which he is happy to do with those feelings
which ought always to accompany a debate on literary sub
jects, and with that satisfaction which must naturally arise,
from finding that very few instances have occurred in which
he has thought it incumbent on him to make any alteration in
his narrative.
In finally submitting the present work to the indulgence
of the public, it has not been thought necessary to republish
the preface to the second edition, the only object of which
was, to vindicate the statements in the first edition respect
ing the date of a letter from Luther to Leo X. against the
unfounded objections of the Edinburgh Review. As that
vindication has not been controverted, and as the evidence,
as well external as internal, for the date assigned to the
letter will be found condensed in that part of the present
work where the contents of it are noticed, it is presumed
that the preface to the second edition may now be dispensed
with. Juma-y \, 1827.

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6>

THE
LIFE OF LEO THE TENTH.

CHAPTER I.
1475—1493.
Birth of Giovanni de* Medici, afterwards Leo X. — Sovereigns of Chris
tendom — Political state of Europe — Peculiarities of the Papal Govern
ment—Temporal power of the Popes — Union of the spiritual and tem
poral authority — Advantages of the papal Government — Destination of
Giovanni de' Medici to the Church — His early preferments— His
father endeavours to raise him to the rank of a Cardinal — Marriage of
Francesco Cibd and Maddalena de' Medici — Giovanni raised to the
dignity of the purple — Education of Giovanni de' Medici — Bernardo
Dovizio da Bibbiena — Defects in the character of Giovanni accounted
for— Studies in the Academy at Pisa — His father endeavours to shorten
the term of his probation — Giuliode' Medici, afterwards Clement VII.
—Giovanni invested with the insignia of his rank — Quits Florence to
reside at Rome— Eminent Cardinals then in the college — Zizim, bro
ther of the Sultan Bajazet, delivered into the custody of the Pope —
Rumours of approaching calamities,
Giovanni de' Medici, afterwards supreme pontiff by the
name of Leo the Tenth, was the second son of Lorenzo de'
Medici, called the Magnificent, by his wife Clarice, the
daughter of Giacopo Orsino. He was born at Florence, on
the eleventh day of December, 1475 ; and most probably
received his baptismal name after his paternal great uncle,
Giovanni, the second son of Cosmo de' Medici, who died in
the year 1461 ; or from Giovanni Toniabuoni, the brother
of Lucretia^ mother of Lorenzo de' Medici, who was then
living. At the time of the birth of Giovanni, the age of portents
was not yet past; and it has been recorded with all ike gra
vel., i. B

2 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
vity of history, that, prior to that event, his mother dreamed
that she was delivered of an enormous, but docile lion ; which
was supposed to be a certain prognostic, not only of the future
eminence of her son, but also of the name which he was to
assume on arriving at the papal dignity.* Whether the
dream gave rise to the appellation, or the appellation to the
dream, may admit of doubt ; but although nothing appears in
his infancy to justify his being compared to a lion, in his
early docility he seems at least to have realized the supposed
prognostics of his mother.
The year in which Giovanni was born is distinguished in
the annals of Italy as a year of peace and tranquillity, whilst
almost all the rest of Europe was involved in the calamities
of interna] commotions, or of foreign war. It was also solem
nized as the year of Jubilee, which was then cefor wards cele
brated once in twenty-five years.
At this period the pontifical chair was filled by Sixtus. IV.,
who had not yet evinced that turbulent disposition which was
afterwards so troublesome, not only to the family of the Me
dici and the city of Florence, but to all the states of Italy.
The kingdom of Naples was governed by Ferdinand, the ille
gitimate sou of Alphonso, king of Naples, Aragon, and Sicily ;
who had bequeathed the first of these kingdoms to his son,
but was succeeded in the two latter by his brother John II.,
the father of another Ferdinand, who now enjoyed them, and
by his marriage with Isabella, the sister of Henry IV. of
Castile, united the kingdoms of Arragon and Castile under
one dominion. The states of Milan were yet held by Gale-
azzo Maria, the son of the great Francesco Sforza. Frede
rick III. had long worn the imperial crown. Louis XI. was
king of France ; Edward IV. of England ; and the celebrated
Mattia Corvino had lately been elected, by the free voice of
his countrymen, to the supreme dominion of Hungary.
The political system of Europe was as yet unformed. The
•despotic sovereign, governing a half-civilized people, had in
general only two principal ends in view; the supporting
of his authority at home by the depression of his powerful
* Jovii, vita Leonis X. lib. i. Ammirato, Ritratto di Leone X. in
Opusc. iii. 62. 'I he same story is related by Plutarch, of Agaiistis tho
mother of Pericles.

NATURE OF THE PAPAL GOVERNMENT. 3
nobles, and the extending of his dominion abroad bv the
subjugation of his weaker neighbours. Devoted to " there
objects, which frequently required all their talents and all
their resources, the potentates of Europe had beheld with the
utmost indifference the destruction of the eastern empire, and
the abridgement of the Christian territory, by a race of
barbarians, who were most probably prevented only by their
own dissensions from establishing themselves in Italy, and
desolating the kingdoms of the west. It was in vain thai
Pius II. had called upon the European sovereigns to unite in
the common cause. The ardour of the crusades was past
A jealousy of each other, or of their own subjects, was an
insuperable obstacle to his entreaties ; and the good pontiff
was at length convinced, that his eloquence would be better
employed in prevailing on the Turkish Emperor to relinquish
his creed and embrace Christianity, than in stimulating the
princes of Europe to resist his arms.*
The establishment and long uninterrupted continuance of
the papal government, may justly be considered as amongst
the most extraordinary circumstances iu the history of man
kind. To the sincere catholic this indeed is the great
evidence of the truth of the religion which he professes, the
perpetual miracle which proves a constant extension of the
divine favour to that church, against which the gates of hell
shall not prevail ; but they who conceive that this pheno
menon, like other events of the moral world, is to be
accounted for from secondary causes, and from the usual
course of nature, will perhaps be inclined to attribute it to
the ductility and habitual subservience of the human mind,
which, when awed by superstition, and subdued by here
ditary prejudices, can not only assent to the most incredible
propositions, but act, in consequence of these conviction*,
with as much energy and perseverance, as if they were the
clearest deductions of reason, or the most evident dictates of
truth. Whilst the other sovereigns of Europe held their
dominions by lineal succession^ by choice of election, or by
what politicians have denominated the right of conquest, the
* Pii II. -Enei Sylvii Epist. ad Illustrissimum Mahumetum Turcorum
principem. Mediolan. 1487. From its internal evidence this letter is
¦apposed to have been written in 1460 or 1461.
B2

* THE LIFE OF LEO X.
Roman pontiff claimed his power as the immediate vicegerent
of God ; and experience has shewn, that, for a long course
of ages, his title was considered as the most secure of any
in Europe. Nor has the papal government, in latter times,
received any great trouble from the turbulence of its sub
jects, who, instead of feeling themselves degraded, were
perhaps gratified in considering themselves as the peculiar
people of a sovereign whose power was not bounded by the
limits of his own dominions, but was as extensive as Chris
tianity itself.
Without entering upon a minute enquiry into the origin of
the temporal authority of the Roman Pontiffs, it may be
sufficient to observe, that even after they had emerged from
their pristine state of poverty and humility, they remained
for many ages in an acknowledged subordination to the
Roman emperors, and to their delegates, the exarchates of
Ravenna ; to whom, when the seat of empire was transferred
to Constantinople, the government of Italy was intrusted.
As the power of the emperors declined, that of the popes
increased ; and in the contests of the middle ages, during
which the Huns, the Vandals, the imperialists, and the
Franks, were successively masters of Italy, a common vene
ration among these ferocious conquerors for the father of the
faithful, and the head of the Christian Church, not only
secured his safety, but enlarged his authority.1 From the
time of the emperor Constantine, various grants, endow
ments, and donations of extensive territories, were conferred
by different princes on the bishops of Rome ; insomuch, that
there is scarcely any part of Italy to which they have not at
some period asserted a claim. That many of these grants
are supposititious, is generally acknowledged ; 2 whilst the
validity of others, which are admitted to have existed, fre
quently rests merely on the temporary right of some intruder,
whose only title was his sword, and who, in many instances,
gave to the pontiff what he could no longer retain for him
self. Under the colour, however, of these donations, the
popes possessed themselves of different parts of Italy, and
among the rest, of the whole exarchate of Ravenna, ex
tending along a considerable part of the Adriatic coast, to
which they gave the name of Romania, or Romagna.8 The

TEMPORAL POWER OF THE POPES. 5
subsequent dissensions between the popes and the emperors,
the frequent schisms which occurred in the church, tho
unwarlike nature of the papal government, and above all,
the impolitic transfer of the residence of the supreme pontiffs
from Rome to Avignon, in the fourteenth century, combined
to weaken the authority which the popes had in the course
of so many ages acquired ; and, in particular, the cities ol
Romagna, throwing off their dependence on the papal see,
either formed for themselves peculiar and independent
governments, or became subject to some successful ad
venturer, who acquired his superiority by force of arms.
No longer able to maintain an actual authority, the Roman
pontiffs endeavoured to reserve at least a paramount or con
finnatory right ; and as the sanction of the pope was not a
matter of indifference to these subordinate sovereigns, he
delegated to them his power on easy conditions, by investing
them with the title of vicars of the church.4 It was thus the
family of Este obtained the dominion of Ferrara, which they
had extended, in fact, to an independent principality. Thus
the cities of Rimini and Cesena were held by the family of
Malatesta ; Faenza and Imola by the Manfredi ; and many
other cities of Italy became subject to petty sovereigns, who
governed with despotic authority, and by their dissensions
frequently rendered that fertile, but unhappy countrv, the
theatre of contest, of rapine, and of blood.
From this period, the temporal authority of the popes was
chiefly confined to the district entitled the patrimony of St.
Peter, with some detached parts of Umbria, and the Marea
d'Ancona.5 The claims of the church were not, however,
suffered to remain dormant, whenever an opportunity of
enforcing them occurred, and the recovery of its ancient pos
sessions had long been considered as a duty indispensably
incumbent on the supreme pontiff. But, although for this
purpose he scrupled not to avail himself of the arms, the alli
ances, and the treasures of the church, yet, when the enter
prise proved successful, it generally happened that the con
quered territory only exchanged its former lord for some near
kinsmar of the reigning pontiff, who, during the life of his
benefactor, endeavoured to secure and extend his authority
by all the means in his power.

8 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
The Roman pontiffs have always possessed an advantage
over the other sovereigns of Europe, from the singular union
of ecclesiastical and temporal power in the same person ; two
engines, which long experience had taught them to use with
a dexterity equal to that, with which the heroes of antiquity
availed themselves by turns' of the shield and the spear.
When schemes of ambition and aggrandizement were to be'
pursued, the pope, as a temporal prince, could enter into
alliances, raise supplies, and furnish his contingent of troops,
so as effectually to carry on an offensive war ; but no sooner
was he endangered by defeat, and alarmed for the safety of
his own dominions, than he resorted for shelter to his pon
tifical robes, and loudly called upon all Christendom to
defend from violation the head of the holy church.6 That
these characters were successively assumed with great ad
dress and advantage, will sufficiently appear from the fol
lowing pages ; and although some difficulties might occa
sionally arise in the exercise of them, yet, notwithstanding
the complaint of one of the ablest apologists of the Roman
pontiffs, the world has, upon the whole, been sufficiently
indulgent to their situation; nor has even the shedding of
Christian blood been thought an invincible objection to the
conferring on a deceased pontiff the honour of canonization,
and placing him in the highest order of sainthood in the Rod
man church.*
It is not, however, to be denied, that the papal govern
ment, although founded on so singular a basis, and exercised
with despotic authority, has been attended with some advan
tages peculiar to itself, and beneficial to its subjects. Whilst
the choice of the sovereign, by the decision of a peculiar
body of electors, on the one hand preserves the people from
those dissensions which frequently arise from the disputed
right of hereditary claimants ; on the other hand, it prevents
those tumultuous debates which too frequently result from
the violence of a popular election. By this system the dan
gers of a minority in the governor are avoided, and the sove
reign assumes the command at a time of life, when it may be
presumed that passion is subdued by reason, and experience
* Pallavacini, c. i. p. 47

ADVANTAGES OF THE PAPAL GOVERNMENT. 7
matured into wisdom. The qualifications by which the pope
is supposed to have merited the supreme authority, are also
such as would be most likely to direct him in the best mode
of exercising it. Humility, chastity, temperance, vigilance,
and learning, are among the chief of these requisites ; and
although some of them have confessedly been too often dis
pensed with, yet few individuals have ascended the pontifical
throne without possessing more than a common share of intel
lectual endowments. Hence the Roman pontiffs have fre
quently displayed examples highly worthy of imitation, and
have signalized themselves in an eminent degree, as patrons
of science, of letters, and of art. Cultivating, as ecclesiastics,
those studies which were prohibited or discouraged among
the laity, they may in general be considered as superior to the
age in which they lived ; and among the predecessors of
Leo X. the philosopher may contemplate with approbation
the eloquence and courage of Leo I. who preserved the city
of Rome from the ravages of the barbarian Attila ; the bene
ficence, candour, and pastoral attention of Gregory I., unjustly
charged with being the adversary of liberal studies ; the
various acquirements of Silvester II., so extraordinary in the
eyes of his contemporaries, as to cause him to be considered
as a sorcerer ; the industry, acuteness, and learning of Inno
cent III., of Gregory IX., of Innocent IV., and of Pius II. ;
and the munificence and love of literature so strikingly dis
played in the character of Nicholas V.
Notwithstanding the extensive influence acquired by the
Roman see, that circumstance had not, for a long course of
time, induced the princes of Europe to attempt to vest the
pontifical authority in any individual of their own family.
Whether this forbearance was occasioned by an idea, that the
long course of humiliation by which alone this dignity could
be obtained, was too degrading to a person of royal birth, or
by a contempt for every profession but that of arms, may be
a subject of doubt ; but from whatever cause it arose, it
appears to have been, in the fifteenth century, completely
removed : almost every sovereign in Italy, and perhaps in
Europe, striving with the utmost ardour to procure for their
nearest relations a seat in the sacred college, as a necessary
step to the pontifical chair. What the European princes

8 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
endeavoured to accomplish in the persons of their own kin
dred, the popular governments attempted in those of their
most illustrious citizens ; and the favour betowed by Paul II.
upon his countrymen the Venetians, may reasonably be sup
posed to have operated upon the sagacious and provident
mind of Lorenzo de' Medici, to induce him to attempt the
establishment of the chief ecclesiastical dignity in one of his
own family. Nor is it improbable, that whilst he was actu
ated by this motive, he was impelled by another of no less
efficacy. By the resentment of the papal see he had lost a
much-loved brother ; and although he had himself escaped
with his life from the dagger of the assassin, yet he had ex
perienced, from the same cause, a series of calamities, from
which he was only extricated by one of the most daring expe
dients recorded in history. To prevent, as far as possible,
the recurrence of a circumstance which had nearly destroyed
the authority of his family, and to establish his children in
such situations as might render them a mutual support and
security to each other, in the high departments for which they
were intended, were doubtless some of the motives which
occasioned the destination of Giovanni de' Medici to the
church, and produced those important effects upon the reli
gion, the politics, and the taste of Europe, which are so con
spicuous in the pontificate of Leo X.
That it was the intention of Lorenzo, from the birth of his
son, to raise him eventually to the high dignity which he
afterwards acquired, cannot be doubted; and the authority
which he possessed in the affairs of Italy enabled him to
engage in this undertaking with the fairest prospects of suc
cess. Soon after he had attained the seventh year of his age,
Giovanni de' Medici had received the tonsura, and was
declared capable ef ecclesiastical preferment. At this early
period his father had applied to Louis XI. to confer upon him
some church living. In the reply of the French king, which
bears date the seventeenth day of February, 1482, he thus
expresses himself : — " I understand from your letter of the
thirtieth of January, the intentions you have formed re
specting your son, which if I had known them before the
death of the cardinal of Rohan, I should have endeavoured
to accomplish ; but I have no objection on the next vacancy

APPOINTED ABBOT OF FONTE-DOLCE. 9
of a benefice, to do for him whatever lies in my power"*
Accordingly, Giovanni was in the following year, appointed
by the king, abbot of Fonte-dolce ; and this was speedily
followed by the investiture of the rich monastery of Passig-
nano, bestowed upon him by Sixtus IV., who, towards the
close of his days, seemed desirous of obliterating from the
minds of the Medici the remembrance of his former hostility.
The particulars of this singular instance of ecclesiastical pro
motion, and of the additional honours bestowed upon Giovanni
de' Medici, are given by Lorenzo himself, in his Ricordi, with
great simplicity. "On the nineteenth day of May, 1483,"
says he, " we received intelligence, that the king of France
had, of his own motion, presented to my son Giovanni, the
abbey of Fonte-dolce. On the thirty-first, we heard from
Rome, that the pope had confirmed the grant, and had ren
dered him capable of holding a benefice, he being now seven
years of age. On the first day of June, Giovanni accom
panied mefromPoggiot to Florence, where he was confirmed
by the bishop of Arezzo, and received the tonsura; and from
thenceforth was called Messire Giovanni. The before-men
tioned circumstances took place in the chapel of our family.
The next morning he returned to Poggio. On the eighth
day of June, Jacopino, a courier, arrived with advices from the
king of France, that he had conferred upon Messire Giovanni
the archbishoprick of Aix, in Provence ; on which account a
messenger was despatched, on the same evening, to Rome,
with letters from the king to the pope and the cardinal di
Macone. At the same time despatches were sent to count
Girolamo, which were forwarded by Zenino the courier, to
Forli. On the eleventh, Zenino returned from the count,
with letters to the pope and the cardinal S. Giorgio, which
were sent to Rome by the Milanese post. On the same day,
after mass, all the children of the family received confirma
tion, excepting Messire Giovanni. On the fifteenth, at the
sixth hour of the night, an answer was received from Rome,
that the pope had some difficulty in giving the archbishoprick
to Messire Giovanni, on account of his youth. This answer
was immediately despatched to the king of France. On the
* Fabronii, vita Lanr. Med. in adnot, 298.
t Poggio a Cajano, a seat of Lorenzo de' Medici.

10 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
twentieth, we received news from Lionetto, that the arch
bishop was not dead! On the first day of March, 1484,
the abbot of Passignano died, and a message was despatched
to Giovanni Vespucci, the Florentine ambassador at Rome,
that he should endeavour to prevail on the pope to give the
abbey to Messire Giovanni. On the second, he took posses
sion of it under the authority of the state, by virtue of the
reservation granted to him by Sixtus IV., and which was
afterwards confirmed by Innocent VIII., when my son Piero
went to pay him obedience at Rome, on his elevation to the
pontificate." It would not be difficult to declaim against the
corruptions of the Roman see, and the absurdity of con
ferring ecclesiastical preferments upon a child ; but in the
estimation of an impartial observer, it is a matter of little
moment whether such preferment be bestowed upon an infant
who is unable, or an adult who is unwilling, to perform the
duties of his office, and who, in fact, at the time of his
appointment, neither intends, nor is expected, ever to bestow
upon them any share of his attention.
The death of Sixtus IV., which happened on the thirteenth
day of August, 1484, and the elevation to the pontificate of
Giambattista Cibd, by the name of Innocent VIII., opened
to Lorenzo the prospect of speedy and more important advance
ment for his son. Of the numerous livings conferred on this
young ecclesiastic, a particular account has been preserved ;7
but the views of Lorenzo were directed towards still higher
preferment. In the month of November he despatched his
eldest son Piero to Rome, accompanied by his uncle Giovanni
Tornabuoni, with directions to promote as much as possible
the interests of his brother Giovanni. In the instructions of
Lorenzo to his envoys at Rome, the same object was strongly
insisted on ; and such arguments were constantly suggested,
as were most likely to induce the pope to nominate Giovanni
de' Medici, on the first opportunity, a member of the sacred
college. In the mean time Lorenzo thought it advisable to
strengthen the friendly connexion which already subsisted
between himself and the pope, by an union between their
families. Before his adopting an ecclesiastical life, Innocent
had several children ; the eldest of whom, Francesco Cibo,

GIOVANNI APPOINTED CARDINAL. 11
was married, in the year 1487, to Maddalena, one of the
daughters of Lorenzo, a woman of great beauty aud accom
plishments, and who lived to share the honours enjoyed by
her family in the elevation of her brother. Besides the in
ducements to this measure, which the pope probably found
iu the increasing influence and authority of Lorenzo de'
Medici, the near relationship which subsisted between Madda
lena and the family of the Orsini, was a powerful motive
with him to conclude the match. The event was such as
the pope expected. The hostility between him and the
Orsini speedily subsided ; and he found, on many subsequent
occasions, the high importance of their attachment and their
services. As the advancement of Giovanni de' Medici to the dignity
of the purple was the fortunate event which led the way to
his future elevation, and to the important consequences of that
elevation to the Christian world, it may not be uninteresting
to trace the steps by which he acquired, so early in life, that
high rank. This we are enabled to do with great accuracy,
from the letters of Lorenzo, and his confidential correspond
ents, the originals of which are preserved in the archives of
Florence, and which exhibit such a degree of policy and assi
duity on the part of that great man, as could scarcely fail of
success. From these it appears, that early in the year 1488, the
pope, who had not before received any additional members
into the college, had formed the intention of making a promo
tion of cardinals, and had communicated his purpose to Lo
renzo, to whom he had also transmitted a list of names, for his
remarks and approbation. Such however was the inactivity
of the pontiff, that he delayed from time to time the execu
tion of his plan. From the age and infirmities of the pope,
Lorenzo was fearful that this measure might be wholly frus
trated ; and as he had already formed the design of procur
ing the name of his son to be included among those of the
new cardinals, he directed his envoy at Rome, Giovanni Lan-
fredini, to lose no time in prevailing upon the pope to carry
his intentions into effect. " I observe," says he, in a letter
which bears date the sixteenth day of June, 1488,* what you
* MSS. Florent.

12 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
mention respecting the promotion of cardinals, to which I
shall briefly reply, that this event ought not to be delayed
longer than can possibly be avoided ; for when his holiness
has completed it, he will be another pope than he has hitherto
been — because he is yet a head without limbs, surrounded by
the creatures of others ; whereas, he will then be surrounded
by his own. You will therefore importune and exhort him
to adopt this determination as soon as possible, because there
is danger in delay. * * As to the persons nominated, I ap
prove all those whose names are marked with a point ; they
are the same as you before mentioned to me. It seems better
to lay before him many, that he may have an opportunity of
selection. He may also gratify me if he thinks proper."
A few months afterwards, when a promotion of cardinals
was positively determined on, Lorenzo became more strenuous
in his exertions, and omitted no solicitations or persuasions
which might obtain the favour, not only of the pontiff him
self, but of the cardinals, whose concurrence was, it appears,
indispensable.8 In a letter to the pope, which bears date the
first day of October, 1488, he most earnestly entreats, that if
he is ever to receive any benefit from his holiness, it may be
granted to him on that occasion, and requests his favour with
no less fervency than he would from God the salvation of his
soul.* With equal eagerness, and to this, or a similar effect,
he addressed himself to all the members of the sacred college,
whose interest he thought essential to his success. Where
he could not obtain an absolute promise of support, he consi
dered it as of great importance to have prevented opposition.
" You appear to me," says he to Lanfredini, " to have done
no little in removing the objections of * * *. If you cannot
induce him to proceed further, I wish you to thank him for
this ; and assure him, that knowing his inclination, I shall
owe to him the same obligation for it, as I shall to others for
their positive favours. At the same time, if it were possible,
I should be highly gratified by his assistance." On this im
portant occasion Lorenzo availed himself greatly of the ser
vices of the cardinal Ascanio, brother of Lodovico Sf orza, and
of Roderigo Borgia, then vice-chancellor of the holy see,
"I reply," says he, addressing himself to Lanfredini, "in a
* Fabr. in vita Leon. X. adnot. 245, et App. No. I.

GIOVANNI APPOINTED CARDINAL. 13
letter under my own hand to the vice-chancellor and Monsig.
Ascanio. The letter which they have written to me, and the
trouble which, as you inform me, Monsig. Ascanio takes every
day in my behalf, merit other returns than words. I well
know, both from your information and my own reflections,
where my honour and my hopes would have remained, had
they not been brought to life by him, and by those whom his
relationship, friendship, and connexions, have obtained for
me. The difficulty of this business, and his constant diligence
and attention, render the benefits he has conferred on us so
important, that they oblige not only me and M. Giovanni,
but all those who belong to us ; for I consider this favour in
no other light than if I were raised from death to life." He
expresses himself respecting the vice-chancellor with equal
gratitude, desiring Lanfredini to assure him of the sense he
entertains of his favours, which he cannot do himself, " be
cause in effect he feels the obligation too strongly, and is
more desirous of repaying it, when in his power, than he can
possibly express."
At this critical juncture, when every hour was pregnant
with expectation, the hopes of Lorenzo were cruelly, though
unintentionally, disappointed by Lanfredini, who, having a
confidence of success, wished to be informed by Lorenzo in
what manner he should announce the great event. To this
end he inclosed to Lorenzo the form of a public letter, which
it might be proper to send, on such an occasion, for the in
spection of the citizens at large. Lorenzo replies,* " You
will have time enough to send for the form in which it may
be proper to announce the news. The method you took had
however nearly given rise to a great error ; for, as I read your
inclosure before your letter, and there did not appear either
the word copy, or any other indication to that effect, I thought
the information true, and was very near making it public.
It seems to me of little consequence in what manner you
communicate it. The business is here so publicly spoken of,
that it cannot be more so. You can therefore send no intel
ligence that is not expected by every one except myself; for
I know not how it is, but I have never been able to confide
in the event." This however seems to have been the last
* MSS. Florent. App. No. VII.

14 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
agony which Lorenzo had to sustain in this long conflict ; for,
on the ninth day of the same month, he received the consola
tory intelligence, that his son was elevated to the dignity of
a cardinal, under the title of S. Maria in Domenica.9 His
feelings on this occasion are best expressed in his own words,
addressed to his envoy at Rome :* — " Thanks be to God for
the good news which I received yesterday at the ninth hour,
respecting Messire Giovanni, and which appeared to me so
much the greater, as it was the less expected, it seeming so
far above my merits, and so difficult in itself, as to be esteemed
impossible. I have reason to hold in remembrance all those
who have assisted me in this business, and shall leave a charge
that they be not forgotten by those who may succeed me ;
this being the greatest honour that ever our house expe
rienced." * * * " I know not whether his holiness may be
displeased with the demonstrations of joy and festivity which
have taken place in Florence on this occasion ; but I never
saw a more general, or a more sincere exultation. Many
other expressions of it would have occurred, but I did all in
my power to prevent them, although I could not wholly suc
ceed. I mention this, because the elevation of M. Giovanni
was intended to have remained for the present a secret ; but
you have made it so public in Rome, that we can scarcely
incur blame in following your example ; nor have I been able
to decline the congratulations of the city, even to the lowest
ranks. If what I have done be improper, I can only say that
it was impossible for me to prevent it, and that I greatly wish
for instructions how to conduct myself in future, as to what
kind of life and manners M. Giovanni ought to observe ; and
what his dress and his attendants ought to be ; for I should
be extremely sorry to begin to repay this immense debt, by
doing any thing contrary to the intentions of his holiness. In
the mean time, M. Giovanni remains with me in the house,
which from yesterday has been continually full of people.
Advise me therefore what is to be done with him. Inform
me also, when you next write, what signature or seal he ouo-ht
to use. In expediting the bull, you will, I am sure, use all
due diligence, and will transmit it as soon as possible, for the
satisfaction of our friends. I send you herewith the n easure
* Fabroni,

EDUCATION OF GIOVANNI. 15
of his height, but in my eyes he appears to have grown and
changed since yesterday. I trust in God you will receive due
honour for your exertions, and that his holiness will be pleased
with what he has done. I wish for your opinion whether I
should send my son Piero, as I intended ; because it seems to
me that a favour of this magnitude calls for no less than that
I should pay a visit to Rome myself."10
Politiano, to whom the early education of Giovanni de
Medici had been entrusted, thought it also incumbent on
himself upon this occasion, to address to the pope a letter,
in which he has exhibited the character and early acquire
ments of his pupil in a very favourable light.11 Some allow
ance must however be made for the partiality of the tutor,
and perhaps for the blandishments of the courtier ; nor are
we implicitly to believe, either that Louis XI. was the most
pious of kings, or that Giovanni de' Medici, although from
various circumstances his proficiency was beyond his years,
had realised in himself
" That faultless monster which the world ne'er saw "
It must however be acknowledged, that if Lorenzo de'
Medici was indefatigable in obtaining for his son the honours
and emoluments of ecclesiastical preferment, he displayed an
equal degree of assiduity in rendering him worthy of them.
The early docility and seriousness of Giovanni, the pro
ficiency which he had made in his studies, and the distinc
tions with which he had been honoured, entitled him to rank
as an associate in those meetings of men of genius and
learning, which continnally took place in the palace of the
Medici. Among the professors of the Platonic philosophy,
the chief place was held by ilarsilio Ficino ; the authority
of Aristotle was supported by his countryman and warm
admirer, Joannes Argyropylus ; in classical and polite litera
ture, Politiano had revived the age of Augustus; whilst
Giovanni Pico of Mirandula, united in himself the various
kinds of knowledge which were allotted to others only in
distinct portions. Conversant as Giovanni de' IVIedici was
with these men, and residing under the eye of his father, to
whom every production of literature and of art was sub
mitted, as to an infallible judge, it was impossible to sow

16 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
seeds of knowledge and of taste, if indeed they existed,
should not be early developed in his mind. Hence it is pro
bable that the business of education was to him, as indeed it
ought to be to every young person, the highest amusement
and gratification ; and that he never experienced those
restraints and severities which create a disgust to learning,
instead of promoting it. Amidst the extensive collections of
pictures, sculptures, medals, and other specimens of ancient
and modern art, acquired by the wealth and long-continued
attention of his ancestors, he first imbibed that relish for pro
ductions of this nature, and that discriminating judgment of
their merits, which rendered him, in his future life, no less
the arbiter of the public taste in works of art, than he was
of the public creed in matters of religion.
The youthful mind of Giovanni de' Medici was not, how
ever, wholly left to the chance of promiscuous cultivation.
Besides the assistance of Politiano, who had the chief direc
tion of his studies, he is known to have received instructions
in the Greek language from Demetrius Chalcondyles and
Petrus iEgineta, * both of whom were Greeks by birth.
His education was also promoted by Bernardo Michelozzi,
who was one of the private secretaries of his father, and
eminently skilled both in ancient and modern literature ; but
his principal director in his riper studies was Bernardo
Dovizi, better known by the name of Bernardo da Bibbiena.
This elegant scholar and indefatigable statesman was born of
a respectable family at Bibbiena, in the year 1470, and was
sent, at the age of nine years, to pursue his studies in Flo
rence. His family connexions introduced him into the house
of the Medici, and such was the assiduity with which he
availed himself of the opportunities of instruction there
afforded him, that at the age of seventeen he had attained a
great facility of Latin composition, and was soon afterwards
selected by Lorenzo as one of his private secretaries. When
the honours of the church were bestowed on Giovanni de"
Medici, the principal care of his pecuniary concerns wag
intrusted to Bernardo ; in the execution of which employ
ment he rendered his patron such important services, and
* Menck. vita Poli. . p. 98. Lettres de Langius. ap. Bayle, Diet. Art
Leo X.

DEFECTS IN THE CHARACTER OF GIOVANNI. 17
conducted himself with so much vigilance and integrity, that
some have not hesitated to ascribe to him, in a considerable
degree, the future eminence of his pupil. Notwithstanding
the serious occupations in which Bernardo was engaged, in
his temper and manners he was affable, and even facetious
as appears by the representation given of him by CastigUone
in his " Libro del Cortegiano," in which he is introduced as
one of the interlocutors. Nor did he neglect his literary
studies, of which he gave a sufficient proof in his celebrated
comedy, " La Calandra," which, although not, as some have
asserted, the earliest comedy which modern times have pro
duced, deservedly obtained great reputation for its author,
and merits, even at this day. no small share of approbation.
The high rank which Bernardo obtained in the church, and
the distinguished part which he acted in the political trans
actions of the times, will frequently present him to our
notice. Of his character and talents, different opinions have
been entertained : bat his tide to eminent merit must be
admitted, whilst he claims it under the sanction of Ariosto. *
But whilst it may be presumed that the subsequent
honours and success of Giovanni de* Medici are to be
attributed in a great degree to his early education, and to
the advantages which he possessed under his paternal roof,
it must be allowed that those defects in his ecclesiastical
character, which were "afterwards so apparent, were probably
derived from the same source. The associates of Lorenzo de*
Medici were much better acquainted with the writings of the
poets, and the doctrines of the ancient philosophers, than
with the dogmas of the Christian faith. Of the followers of
Plato, Lorenzo was at this time considered as the chief.
He had himself arranged and methodized a system of theo
logy which inculcates opinions very different from those of
the Romish church, and in a forcible manner points out the
object of supreme adcation as one and indivisible.1- Hence
it is not unlikely that the young cardinal was induced to
regard with less reverence those doctrinal points of the
established creed, the i-dief of which is considered as indis
pensable to the clerical character; and hence he might have
acquired such ideas of the Supreme Being, and of the duties
* Orland. Fnrioso, Cant. xrvi. st. 48.

18 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
of his intelligent creatures, as, m counteracting the spirit of
bigotry, rendered him liable to the imputation of indifference
in matters of religion. A rigid economy in his household
was certainly not one of the first qualifications of Lorenzo,
and the example of the father might perhaps counteract his
precept in the estimation of the son; whose liberality in
future life, too often carried to profusion, reduced him to the
necessity of adopting those measures for the supplying his
exigencies, which gave rise to consequences of the utmost
importance to the Christian world. From the splendid
exhibitions which were frequently displayed in the city of
Florence, he probably derived that relish for similar enter
tainments which he is supposed to have carried, during his
pontificate, to an indecorous, if not to a culpable excess ;
whilst the freedom and indecency of the songs with which
the spectacles of Florence were accompanied,* of many of
which Lorenzo was himself the author, could scarcely have
failed to banish at intervals that gravity of carriage which
the young cardinal was directed to support, and to sow those
seeds of dissipation which afterwards met vt ith a more suita
ble climate in the fervid atmosphere of Rome.
The nomination of Giovanni de' Medici to the dignity of
cardinal, was accompanied by a condition that he should not
assume the insignia of his rank, or be received as a member
of the college, for the space of three years. This restriction
was considered by Lorenzo as very unfavourable to his views.
His remonstrances were however ineffectual ; and as the
pontiff had expressed his wishes, that during this probationary
interval, Giovanni should pursue the studies of theology and
ecclesiastical jurisprudence, the young cardinal left Florence,
and repaired to Pisa, where, by the exertions of Lorenzo, the
academy had lately been reestablished with great splendour.
At this place he had the advantage of receiving instructions
from Filippo Decio and Bartolommeo Sozzini, the most
celebrated professors of civil and pontifical law in Italy.
Whilst resident in Florence, he had frequently visited the
monastery of Camaldoli, where he formed an intimacy with
Pietro Delfino, and Paullo Justiniano ; the former of whom
* The Canti Carnascialeschi, and Canzone a ballo, of which noma
account is given in the Life of Lorenzo de' Medici.

GIOVANNI AT THE ACADEMY OF PISA. 19
he regarded as his model and instructor, the latter as a
second parent. ls The advantages which he received in his
youth from this society, were not forgotten in his riper years,
when he conferred many favours on the monastery, acknow
ledging with great satisfaction, that " he had not only spent
much of his time, but had almost received his education
there." Whilst Giovanni de' Medici, by a constant intercourse
with men of rank, talents, and learning, was thus acquiring
a fund of information, and a seriousness of deportment much
beyond his years, his father was indefatigable in his endea
vours to prevail on the pope to shorten the period of his
probation. Piero Alamanni, one of the Florentine envoys at
Rome, in a letter which bears date the eighth day of January,
1490,* thus addresses Lorenzo. " I made my acknowledg
ments to his holiness for the favours received from him in the
person of M. Giovanni, giving him to understand how agree
able they were to all the citizens of Florence, and how highly
they esteemed the obligation. I then ventured, in terms of
the utmost respect and civility, to touch upon that part of the
business, the accomplishment of which is so earnestly desired,
the public assumption of M. Giovanni ; alleging all the
reasons which you suggested to me, but at the same time
assuring him that the city of Florence, and you in particular,
would be perfectly satisfied with his determination. In reply
he spoke at considerable length : in the first place observing,
that the mode which he had prescribed was intended to
answer the best purposes, as he had before explained by
means of Pier Filippo (Pandolfini). He then entered on the
commendation of M. Giovanni, and spoke of him as if he had
been his own son, observing, that he understood that he had
conducted himself with great propriety at Pisa, and had obtained
the superiority in some disputation, which seemed to give his
holiness great pleasure. At last he expressed himself thus :
' Leave the fortunes of M. Giovanni to me, for I consider him
as my own son, and shall perhaps make his promotion public
when you least expect it ; for it is my intention to do much
more for his interest than I shall now express.' " In order to
promote this business, and to try the temper of the cardinals,
* Fabr. in vita Laur. Med. in adnot. p. 301.
C 2

20 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
Lorenzo despatched to Rome his kinsman Rinaldo Orsini,
archbishop of Florence, but he derived no advantage from
this measure ; and indeed, from the letters of the good prelate
on this subject, it appears that he was but ill qualified for the
intrigues of a court. The motives which induced Innocent to
persevere in the terms which he had prescribed, are more fully
disclosed in a letter from Pandolfini to Lorenzo, dated the
nineteenth day of October, 1490 ;14 from which it appears,
that the pope could not admit Giovanni into the college of
cardinals without either giving offence to others who had not
been received, or receiving the whole, which he did not think
proper to do ; as he considered the state of suspense in
which the college was kept, as favourable to his views and
interests. During the early years of Giovanni de' Medici, he had a
constant companion and fellow student in his cousin Giulio,
the natural son of Giuliano de' Medici, who had been assas
sinated in the horrid conspiracy of the Pazzi. The dispo
sition of Giulio leading him when young to adopt a military
life, he had been early enrolled among the knights of Jeru
salem ; and as this profession united the characters of the
soldier and the priest, he was soon afterwards, at the solici
tation of Lorenzo de' Medici, endowed by Ferdinand, king of
Naples, with the rich and noble priory of Capua. Grave in
his deportment,, steady in his family attachments, and vigilant
in business, Giulio devoted himself in a particular manner to
the fortunes of Giovanni, and became his chief attendant and
adviser throughout all the vicissitudes of his early life. On
the elevation of Giovanni to the pontificate, the services of
Giulio, who was soon afterwards raised to the rank of car
dinal, became yet more important; and he is, with great
reason, supposed not only to have carried into execution, but
to have suggested, many of the political measures adopted
by Leo, and to have corrected the levity and prodigality
of the pope by his own austerity, prudence, and regularity.
It did not, however, appear, on the subsequent elevation of
Giulio to the pontificate, by the name of Clement VII., that
he possessed in so eminent a degree those qualities for which
the world had given him credit ; and, perhaps, the genius
and talents of Leo had contributed no less towards establish--

GIOVANNI RECEIVES THE INSIGNIA. 21
ing the reputation of Giulio, than the industry and vigilance
of the latter had concurred in giving credit to the adminis
tration of Leo X.
The long-expected day at length arrived, which was to
confirm to Giovanni de' Medici his high dignity, and to admit
him among the princes of the Christian Church. The cere
monial of the investiture was intrusted to Matteo Bosso, supe
rior of the monastery at Fiesole, whose probity and learning
had recommended him to the favour of Lorenzo de' Medici,
and who has thus recorded the particulars of the investiture,
which took place on the ninth day of March, 1492. " On
the evening of the preceding day, Giovanni ascended the hill
of Fiesole to the monastery, simply clad, and with few com
panions. In the morning, being Sunday, Giovanni Pico, of
Mirandula, and Jacopo Salviati, who had married Lucretia,
one of the daughters of Lorenzo, arrived at the monastery
with a notary, and accompanied the young cardinal to the
celebration of mass, where he took the holy sacrament with
great devotion and humility. The superior then bestowed ~
his benediction on the sacred vestments, and receiving the
bull or brief of the pope, declared that the time therein limited
for the reception of the cardinal was expired ; expressing at
the same time his most fervent vows for the honour of the
church, and the welfare of the cardinal, his father, and his
country. He then invested him with the pallium, or mantle,
to which he added the biretum, or cap, usually worn by car
dinals, and the galerus, or hat, the distinctive emblem of their
dignity, accompanying each with appropriate exhortations,
that he would use them to the glory of God, and his own sal
vation ; after which the friars of the monastery chaunted at
the altar the hymn, Veni Creator." The cardinal having
thus received a portion of the apostolic powers, immediately
' tried their efficacy, by bestowing an indulgence on all those
who had attended at the ceremony, and on all who should,
on the anniversary of that day, visit the altar of Fiesole.
The company then retired to a repast ; after which Piero de'
Medici, the elder brother of the cardinal, arrived from the
city, accompanied by a party of select friends, and mounted
on a horse of extraordinary size and spirit, caparisoned with
gold. In the mean time, an immense multitude, as well on

22 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
horseback as on foot, had proceeded from the gate of S. Galio,
towards Fiesole ; but having received directions to stop at
the bridge on the Mugnone, they were there met by the car
dinal, who was conducted by the prelates and chief magis
trates of the city, towards the palace of the Medici. On his
arrival at the church of the Annunciata, he descended from
his mule, and paid his devotions at the altar. In passing the
church of the Reparata, he performed the same ceremony, and
proceeded from thence to his paternal roof. The crowds of
spectators, the acclamations, illuminations, and fire-works, are
all introduced by the good abbot into bis faithful picture ;
and the rejoicings on this event may be supposed to be
Vjjimilar to those which celebrate, with equal delight, a
royal marriage, a blood-stained victory, or a long-wished for
peace. On the twelfth day of March, 1492, the cardinal de'
Medici quitted Florence, for the purpose of paying his re
spects to the pope, and establishing his future residence at
Rome. He was accompanied to the distance of two miles
from the city by a great number of the principal inhabitants,
and on the evening of the same day he arrived at his abbey'
of Passignano, where he took up his abode for the night. His
retinue remained at the neighbouring town of Poggibonzo,
whence they proceeded, the next morning, before the cardinal,
to Siena. The inhabitants of that place being thus apprised
of his approach, sent a deputation to attend him into the city,
where for several days he experienced every possible mark of
attention and respect, which he returned with a degree of
urbanity and kindness that gained him the esteem and affec
tion of all who saw him. From Siena he proceeded, by easy
stages, towards Rome, having, on his way, been entertained
by his relations of the Orsini family. At Viterbo he was
met by his brother-in-law, Francesco Cibo, son to the pope,
who, with many attendants, had waited his approach, and
accompanied him to Rome, where he arrived on the twenty-
second day of March, in the midst of a most abundant shower
of rain. Notwithstanding the inclemency of the weather, he
was met by many persons of rank, who attended him to the
monastery of S. Maria in Popolo, where he reposed the first
night after his arrival. On the following morning, all tha

EMINENT CARDINALS IN THE COLLEGE. 23
cardinals then in Rome came to visit him, and immediately
led him to the pope, who received him in full consistory, and
gave him the holy kiss ; after which he was greeted with a
similar mark of respect from each of the cardinals, and his
attendants were permitted to kiss the feet of the pope. On
his return to his residence, the rain still continued to pour
down in copious torrents, and as the luxurious convenience of
a modern chariot was then unknown, the cardinal, and his
numerous attendants, were almost overwhelmed in their pere
grinations. In the performance of these ceremonies, we are
assured that he surpassed the expectations of the spectators ;
and that, in his person and stature, no less than by the deco
rum of his behaviour, and the propriety of his language, Ije
displayed the gravity of a man, and supported the dignity of
a prelate. Such are the authentic particulars of the first
entry into Rome of one who was destined to revive her
ancient splendour. The dignity of history may, perhaps;
reject the unimportant narrative of processions and ceremo
nials; but the character of an individual is often strongly
marked by his conduct cu such occasions ; and the interest
which that conduct generally excites, is a sufficient proof
that it is considered by the public as no improbable indication
of his future life and fortunes.
Notwithstanding the numerous avocations which engaged
the cardinal on his arrival at Rome, he did not fail to com
municate to his father every particular which occurred. ls In
reply, Lorenzo transmitted to him that excellent and affec
tionate letter of paternal advice, which may with confidence
be referred to as a proof of the great talents, and uncommon
sagacity of its author ; and which, as having been written
only a very short time before his death, has been, not in
elegantly, compared to the last musical accents of the dying
swan. *
At the time when Giovanni de' Medici took his seat in
the sacred college, it was filled by many men of acknowledged
abilities, but of great diversity of character; several of
whom afterwards acted an important part in the affairs of
Europe. The eldest member of the college was Roderigo
* Fabr. in vita Laur. Med. App. p. 312 ; and for this letter, p. Life
of Lor. de' Med. 8vo. edit.

24 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
Borgia, who had enjoyed upwards of thirty-five years the
dignity of the purple, to which he had, for a long time past,
added that of vice-chancellor of the holy see. He was
descended from the Lenzuoli, a respectable family of the city
of Valencia in Spain, but on the elevation to the pontificate
of his maternal uncle, Alfonzo Borgia, by the name of
Calixtus III., he was called to Rome, where changing his
name of Lenzuoli to that of Borgia, he was first appointed
archbishop of Valencia, and afterwards cardinal of S. Nicolo,
being then only twenty-five years of age. The private life
of Roderigo had been a perpetual disgrace to his ecclesias
tical functions. In adhering to his vow of celibacy, he had
alleviated its severity by an intercourse with a Roman lady
of the name of Vanozza, who, by the beauty of her person,
and the attractions of her manners, had long possessed the
chief place in his affections. His attachment to her appears
however to have been sincere and uniform, and although his
connexion was necessarily disavowed, he regarded her as a
legitimate wife. By her he had several children, to whose
education and advancement he paid great attention. Not
withstanding the irregularity of his private life, his ac
quaintance with the civil law, and with the politics of the
times, had procured him the honour of many important
embassies, on one of which he had been deputed by the pope
to accommodate the differences that had risen between the
kings of Portugal and of Aragon, in respect of their claims
on the crown of Castile. Roderigo, was not, however, formed
by nature for a mediator, and returning without having
effected the object of his mission, he had nearly perished by
shipwreck, in the vicinity of Pisa, one of the vessels which
accompanied him having been wholly lost in a violent storm,
with one hundred and eighty persons on board, among whom
were three bishops, and many other men of rank and learn
ing. If the character of Roderigo, who afterwards became
supreme pontiff by the name of Alexander VI., is to be taken
on the implicit credit of contemporary historians, this calamity
was not greatly alleviated by the escape of the cardinal ; on
the contrary, had he shared the same fate, his destruction
might perhaps have been a sufficient compensation to the
world for the loss of all the rest.

EMINENT CARDINALS OF THE COLLEGE. 25
Another member of the college was Francesco Piccolomini,
the nephew of Pius IL, the celebrated iEneas Sylvius. He
had long enjoyed his dignity, having been created cardinal
by bis uncle in the year 1460, when only seventeen years of
age. The purity of his life, the regularity of his conduct,
and liis zeal in discharging the duties of his station, formed a
striking contrast to the profligacy and effrontery of Roderigo
Borgia, and occasioned him to be chosen by his colleagues to
heal those wounds which Roderigo had, in the course of his
pontificate, inflicted on the Christian world; but the short
space of time in which he administered the affairs of the
church, under the name of Pius III., frustrated the hopes
which had been formed on his elevation. Among those who
had been nominated by Sixtus IV. was Giuliano della Rovere,
cardinal of S. Pietro in Vincula. The ambition and military
spirit of this prelate seemed to have marked him out for a
different employment ; but in those days the crozier and the
sword were not incompatible, and Giuliano made his way by
the latter, rather than the former, to the supreme dignity
which he afterwards enjoyed, by the name of Julius II. By
the same nomination there still sat in the college, Raffaelle
Riario, cardinal of S. Giorgio, who, under the directions of
his great uncle Sixtns IV. had acted a principal part in the
bloody conspiracy of the Pazsd. In assuming his seat among
the fathers of the Christian Church, Giovanni de' Medici
therefore found himself associated with one who had assisted
in the murder of his uncle, and attempted the life of his
father ; but the youth and inexperience of Riario, had allevi
ated the enormity of a crime perpetrated under the sanction
of the supreme pontiff, and subsequent transactions had
occurred between the families of the pope and of the Medici,
which might have obliterated the remembrance of this event,
had not the pallid countenance of the cardinal occasionally
recalled it to mind. Among those of royal or of noble birth,
the principal rank, after the death of Giovanni d'Aragona, son
of Ferdinand, king of Naples, was due to Ascanio, brother of
Lodovico Sforza, who supported the dignity of his office with
great splendour. The families of the Orsini and the Calonna
generally maintained a powerful interest in the consistory,
and the noblj family of the Caraffa, which has long ranked as

26 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
one of the principal in the kingdom of Naples, had also a
representative in the person of Oliviero Caraffa, who had
been nominated by Paul II. , and was one of the most re
spectable members of the college.
Aiaong the cardinals who had been nominated by Inno
cent VIII. at the same time with Giovanni de' Medici, was
Pierre d'Aubusson, grand master of Rhodes, upon whom that
honour had been conferred as a reward for having surren
dered into the custody of the pope, an illustrious Turkish
fugitive, who had been compelled by the rage" of fraternal
resentment, to seek for safety among those of a different
nation and a different faith. On the death of Mahomet, in
the year 1482, that ferocious conqueror left his extensive
dominions to his two sons, Bajazet and Zizim. Bajazet was
tempted to avail himself of the powerful plea of primogeni
ture, to the exclusion of his brother, who had endeavoured,
by personal merit, to compensate for the pretensions of
seniority. The principal leaders of the Turkish troops were
divided in their attachments to the two brothers, and perhaps
that circumstance, rather than the courage or conduct of the
duke of Calabria, delivered Italy from the devastation with
which it was threatened by the Turks, when they had pos
sessed themselves of the city of Otranto. After a struggle of
some years, and several bloody engagements, victory declared
for the elder brother, and Zizim, to avoid the bowstring,
threw himself into the hands of the grand master of Rhodes,
whilst his wife and children sought a refuge in Egypt, under
the protection of the Sultan. The reception which he met
with was highly honourable both to himself and his protector;
but the grand master, conceiving that his longer continuance
at Rhodes might draw down upon the island the whole power
of the Turkish state, sent him to France, whence he was soon
afterwards transferred to Rome, into which city he made
his public entry on the thirteenth day of March, 1489. Con
siderations of policy, if not of humanity, induced Innocent to
receive him with great kindness ; and Francesco Cibo, with a
long train of nobility, was deputed to attend him into the
city. On his being admitted to an audience of the pope, in
full consistory, he deranged the solemnity of the ceremony ;
for notwithstanding the instructions which he had received,

RUMOURS OF PUBLIC CALAMITIES. 2V
to bend his knees, and kiss the feet of his holiness, he ma wbed
firmly up to him, and applied that mark of respect i<> his
shoulder. A chamber in the apostolic palace was all >tted
for his residence, and a guard appointed, which, undei the
pretext of doing him honour, was directed to prevent his
escape. In this situation an attempt was made to destroy
the Turkish prince by Cristoforo Castagno, a nobleman of
the Marca d' Ancona, who, having entered into stipulations
for an immense reward, by the terms of which, among other
advantages, he was to be invested with the government ot
the island of Negropont, repaired to Rome, with the design ot
executing his treacherous purpose. Some suspicions, however,
arose ; and it being discovered that he had recently returned
from Constantinople, he was apprehended by order of the
pope, and confessed, upon the rack, his atrocious intentions.
Those apprehensions which Bajazet could not extinguish whilst
his brother was living, he endeavoured to alleviate by pre
vailing on the pope to retain him in secure custody, for which
he repaid him by the bribery of Christian relics, and the
more substantial present of considerable sums of money ; and
Zizim accordingly remained a prisoner at Rome until the
ensuing pontificate of Alexander VI.1*
Notwithstanding the tranquillity which Italy had for some
time enjoyed, the rumours of approaching calamities were not
unfrequent. Those alarms and denunciations which have
generally preceded great public commotions, although they
may not arise from any supernatural interposition, are not
always to be wholly disregarded. On the approach of the
storm, the cattle, by a native instinct, retire to shelter ; and the
human mind may experience a secret dread, resulting from a
concurrence of circumstances, which, although not amounting
to demonstration, may afford strong conviction of approaching
evils, to a person of a warm and enthusiastic temperament.
Those impressions which he is ready to impart, the public is
prepared to receive; and the very credulity of mankind is
itself a proof of impending danger. Whilst the city of
Florence trembled at the bold and terrific harangues of
Savonarola, who was at this time rising to the height of his
fatal popularity, a stranger is said to have made his appear
ance at Rome, who, in the habit of a mendicant, and with the

28 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
appearance of an idiot, ran through the streets, bearing a
crucifix, and foretelling, in a strain of forcible eloquence, the
disasters that were shortly to ensue ; particularly to Florence,
Venice, and Milan. With a precision, however, which a
prudent prognosticator should avoid, he ventured to fix the
exact time when these disorders were to commence ; and had
the still greater folly to add, that an angelic shepherd would
shortly appear, who would collect the scattered flock of true
believers into the heavenly fold. But the prescribed period
having elapsed, the predictions of the enthusiast were disre
garded ; and he had the good fortune to sink into his original
obscurity, without having experienced that fate, which has
generally attended alike the prophets and the pseudo-prophets
of all ages and all nations.

STATE OF LITEHATURE IN ROME- 29

CHAPTER II.
1492.
State of Literature in Rome — Pomponius Lsetus — Callimachus Experiens
— Paolo Cortese — Serafino D'Aquila — State of Literature in other
parts of Italy — Neapolitan Academy — Giovanni Pontano — His Latin
Poetry compared with that of Politiano — Giacopo Sanazzaro — His
Arcadia — and other Writings — Enmity between the Neapolitan and
Florentine scholars — Cariteo — Other Members of the Neapolitan
Academy — State of Literature in Ferrara — The two Strozzi — Boiardo
— Afiosto — Francesco Cieco — Nicolo Lelio Cosmico — Guidubaldo da
Montefeltri, Duke of Urbino — Francesco GoDzaga, Marquis of Mantua
— Battista Mantuano — Lodovico Sforza encourages men of talents —
Lionardo da Vinci — Eminent Scholars at the Court of Milan — The
Bentivogli of Bologna — Codrus Urceus — Petrus Crinitus — Aldo
Masszio, his acquaintance with Alberio Pio, Lord of Carpi, and Pico
of Mirandula — His motives for undertaking to print and publish the
Works of the Ancients — Establishes his Press at Venice — and founds
an academy there — Progress and suctess ofthis undertaking.
Although many causes concurred to render the City, as
Rome was then emphatically called, the chief place in Italy,
yet it was not at this time distinguished by the number or
proficiency of those scholars whom it produced or patronized.
An attempt had been made in the pontificate of Paul II. to
establish an academy, or society for the research of antiqui
ties ; but the jealousy of that haughty and ignorant priest
had defeated its object, and consigned the wretched scholars
to the dungeon or the rack. Among those who had survived
his barbarity was Julius Pomponius Leetus, who, by his
various writings and indefatigable labours, had at this early
period been of no inconsiderable service to the cause of
literature. To the testamentary kindness of Bartolommeo
Platina, who had been his companion in his studies, and his
fellow-sufferer in his misfortunes, and who died in the year
1481, Pomponius was indebted for a commodious and hand
some residence in Rome, surrounded with pleasant gardens

3»» TUE LIFE OF LFO X.
and plantations of laurel, where he yet lived at an advanced
age, devoted to the society of his literary friends.17 His
associate, Filippo Buonaccorsi, better known by his acade
mical name, Callimachus Experiens, had quitted Italy under
the impressions of terror excited by the cruelty of Paul, and
sought a refuge in Poland ; where, nnder Casimir and John
Albert, the successive sovereigns of that country, he enjoyed
for several years some of the chief offices of the state. The
distinguished favours bestowed on him by those princes could
not fail of exciting the resentment of their subjects, who
were jealous of the interference of a foreigner and a fugitive ;
but the virtue or the good fortune of Callimachus, was
superior to the attacks of his adversaries, and he retained
his eminent station, with undiminished honour, to the close of
his days.18
But although the misfortunes which had befallen this early
institution, had considerably damped the spirit of improve
ment at Rome, yet the disaster was in some degree repaired
by the talents of Paolo Ccrtese ; who, at an early period of
life, had signalized himself by his dialogue, '•' De hominibus
doctis," which he had inscribed to Lorenzo de' Medici.19
The approbation which Politiano expressed of this vouthful
production was such as that great scholar was seldom induced
to bestow; not because he was jealous of the talents of
others, but because he was sincere in his commendation of
their works, and was enabled, by his own proficiencv. to
judge of their merits and defects. Some years afterwards,
when Cortese was appointed one of the apostolic notaries, a
new institution was formed by him, the members of which
met under his own roof, and passed their time, without
formal restrictions, either in the perusal of such works as
his elegant library supplied, or in conversation on literary
topics. Besides his treatise before mentioned, he was the
author of many other works :** but his premature death pre
vented the world from reaping the full fruits of his taleute
and his labours.
Among those who attended the literary meetings of Cor
tese, was the poet Serafino d'Aquila. At a time when the
Italian language was yet struggling to divest itself of its
impurities and defects, the works of Serafino were not with-

STATE OF LITERATURE IN ITALY. 31
out some share of merit. He was born at Aquila, in
Abruzzo, of a respectable family, and passed a part of his
youthful years' in the court of the count of Potenza, where
he acquired a knowledge of music. Returning to his native
place, he applied himself for three years to the study of the
works of Dante and of Petrarca, after which he accom
panied the cardinal Ascanio Sforza to Rome. During his
whole life Serafino seems to have changed the place of his
residence as often as the favours of the great held out to
him a sufficient inducement. Hence we find him successively
in the service, or at the courts, of the king of Naples, the
duke of Urbino, the marquis of Mantua, the duke of Milan,
and, finally, of Caesar Borgia. Nor must we wonder that
Serafino was sought for as a companion, to alleviate the
anxiety, or banish the languor of greatness ; for he super
added to his talent for poetical composition, that of singing
extempore verses to the lute, and was one of the most cele
brated Improvvissatori of his time. This circumstance may
sufficiently explain the reason of the superior degree of repu
tation which he obtained during his lifetime, to that which he
has since enjoyed.21
Such was the state of literature, and the talents of its chief
professors, in the city of Rome, at the time when the cardinal
de' Medici took up his residence there ; and it must be con
fessed that, notwithstanding the laudable exertions of the few
distinguished scholars before mentioned, that place had not
hitherto brought forth those fruits which might have been
expected from the munificence of Nicolas V., and the example
of Pius II. Nor is it to be denied, that in almost every other
city of Italy, the interests of letters and of science were attended
to with more assiduity than in the chief place in Christendom.
At Naples an illustrious band of scholars had, under better
auspices, instituted an academy, which had subsisted for many
years in great credit. Of this the celebrated Pontano was at
this time the chief director, whence it has usually been deno
minated the Academy of Pontano.22 It was, however,
originally established in the reign of Alfonso I., by Antonio
Beccatelli, Bartolommeo Facio, Lorenzo Valla, and other
eminent men, whom that patron of letters had attracted to
his court. The place of assembly was denominated the

32 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
Portico, and being situated near the residence of Beccatell ,
that distinguished scholar and favourite of Alfonso, was its
earliest and most constant visitor.* After the death of Bec-
catelli, his friend and disciple Pontano was appointed chief
of the academy, and under his direction it rose to a consider
able degree of respectability.
Few scholars, who have owed their eminence merely to
their talents, have enjoyed a degree of respect and dignity
equal to Pontano. His writings, both in verse and prose,
are extremely numerous ; but, as they are wholly in the
Latin language, he cannot be enumerated among those who
at this period laboured, with so much assiduity and success,
in the improvement of their native tongue. The versatility
of his talents, and, the extent of his scientific acquirements,
are chiefly evinced by his works in prose : f in which he
appears successively as a grammarian, a politician, an his
torian, a satirist, and a natural and moral philosopher. These
writings are now, however, in a great degree, consigned to
oblivion ; nor is it difficult to account for the neglect which
they have experienced. His grammatical treatise " De Aspi-
ratione,"in two books, instead of exhibiting a philosophical
investigation of general rules, degenerates into an ill-arranged
and tiresome catalogue of particular examples. Nor do we
feel more inclined to indulge such a trial of our patience, on
account of the instance which he alleges of the orator Messala,
who wrote a whole book on the letter s. In natural philoso
phy his writings chiefly relate to the science of astronomy, in
which he appears to have made great proficiency ; but they
are at the same time disgraced by a frequent mixture of
judicial astrology ; and afford a convincing proof that, when
an author builds on false grounds, and reasons on false
principles, the greater his taleDts are, the greater will be his
absurdities. His moral treatises are indeed the most valuable
of his writings ; but they are injured by the unbounded
fertility of his imagination, and exhibit rather all that can be
said on the subject, than all that ought to be said. From
some scattered passages it appears, however, that he had
* For some account of Beccatelli, vide Life of Lor. de' Medici.
t First collected and published in 3 vols, by Andrea d'Asola at Venice,
1518 end 1519 8vo. afterwards at Basil, 1538.

PONTANO COMPARED WITH POLITIANO. 33
formed an idea of laying a more substantial basis for philo
sophical inquiries than the world had theretofore known ;
and had obtained, though in dim and distant prospect, a
glimpse of that nobler edifice which, about a century after
wards, was more fully displayed to the immortal Bacon, and
in comparison with which the fabrics of the schoolmen, like
the magic castles of romance, have vanished into air.
Of the satirical talents of Pontano, if we take his " Asinus'
as a specimen, no very favourable opinion can be enter
tained.23 His poetry is, however, entitled to great approba
tion, and will always rank him, if not the first, at least in
the very first rank of modern Latin poets. Under his con
trol, that language displays a facility, a grace, to which it
had been for upwards of a thousand years a stranger ; and in
the series of Latin writers, his works may be placed next to
those of the Augustan age, whi , they will not disgrace by
their proximity. They display a great variety of elegiac,
lyric, and epigrammatic productions ; but his " Hendecasyl-
labi" are preferred to the rest of his writings. An eminent
critic has not indeed hesitated to give Pontano the prefer
ence, in point of elegance, to Politiano himself.* Nor will a
candid judge be inclined to oppose this opinion, as far as
relates to ease and fluency of style; that of Pontano being
uniformly graceful and unlaboured, whilst, in that of Poli
tiano, an attempt may at times be perceived to force the
genius of the language to the expression of his own ideas.
But if an inquiry were to be instituted into the respective
merits of these great men, this circumstance alone would not
be sufficient to decide the question. The subjects on which
Pontano has treated are mostly of a general nature : amatory
verses, convivial invitations, or elegiac effusions. Even in his
" Urania," or poem on the stars, and his " Hortus Hesperi-
dum," or poem on the cultivation of the orange, he seldom
treads at any great distance from the track of the ancients
His sentiments are therefore rather accommodated to the
language, than the language to his sentiments. But with
Politiano the case is reversed : with a more vigorous mind,
and a wider range of thought, he disdained to be limited to
* " Politiano adhuc politior." Borrichius de poetis, ap, Blount, Cen
sure authorum, 502.
VOL. I. D

34 1HE LIFE OF LEO X.
presoriptive modes of expression, and in embodying his ideas,
relied on his own genius. Hence, whilst Pontano is at one
time an imitator of Virgil, and at another of Horace, Catul
lus, or Propertius, Politiano is himself an original, and owns
no subservience to any of the great writers of antiquity,
whom, however, he has shewn that he was capable of imi
tating, had he chosen it, with great exactness. Pontano may
therefore be allowed to take the precedence of Politiano, with
respect to the grace and facility of his verse, without detract
ing from the intrinsic merits of that sound scholar and very
extraordinary man.**
Not less celebrated than the name of Pontano, is that of
^his friend and countryman, Sanazzaro, who is equally dis
tinguished by the excellence of his Latin and Italian com
positions. He was born at Naples, in the year 1458, of a
respectable family, which claimed consanguinity with San
Nazzaro, one of the saints of the Roman church.25 Under
the instructions of Giuniano Majo, Sanazzaro chiefly acquired
the kuowledge of the Greek and Latin languages, the latter
of which he cultivated in an eminent degree. On entering
into the Neapolitan academy, he relinquished his appellation
of Giacopo, and adopted the name of Actius Syncerus, by
which he is usually known. The friendship of Pontano, and
his own merits, recommended him at an early age to the
favour of Ferdinand, king of Naples, and of his sons, Alfonso
and Federigo, to whom, throughout all their calamities, he
maintained an unshaken attachment. For the amusement of
these princes he is said to have written several dramatic pieces
in the Neapolitan dialect, which highly delighted the popu
lace ; but perhaps the earliest assignable date to any of his
works is the year 1492, when the great events and changes
which occurred in the world by the expulsion of the Moors
from Grenada, and the discovery of Hispaniola by Columbus,
attracted in a high degree the publio attention in every part
of Europe. It is iudeed a singular coincidence, that in the
same year in which the Spanish sovereigns freed their country
from the opprobrium of a foreign yoke, they should themselves
have commenced a similar invasion on the natural rights of
others. The discovery of the new world gave rise to many
singular and extravagant notions, which are striking proofs

GIACOPO SANAZZARO. 3.1
of the credulity of the age.* But the conquest of Grenada
was celebrated throughout all Christendom ;+ and with parti
cular splendour at Naples, the sovereigns of which were so
nearly allied, both by blood and marriage, to the reigning
family of Spain. On this occasion Sanazzaro produced a
dramatic poem, which was performed before Alfonso, duke of
Calabria, at Naples, on the fourth day of March, 1492.26 Nor
was it only by the labours of the pen that Sanazzaro obtained
the favour of his great patrons. The contests which arose in
Italy had called forth the military talents of Alfonso, who,
after having expelled the Turks from Otranto, fought the bat
tles of his country with various success. In these expeditions
he was accompanied by Sanazzaro, who in his Latin poems
frequently adverts to his warlike exploits, with the conscious
ness of one whose services have been neither unknown nor
unimportant. Of the writings of Sanazzaro in his native language, the
most celebrated is the " Arcadia," which, for purity of style,
and elegance of expression, is allowed to have excelled all
that Italy had before produced.27 This performance is also
a species of drama, in which the interlocutors express them
selves in verse ; but every dialogue is preceded by an intro
duction, in a kind of poetical prose, the supposed dialect of
Arcadian shepherds. If the applauses with which this piece
was received, and the commendations bestowed upon it in the
lifetime of the author, be considered as inadequate proofs of
its merit, the numerous editions of it, which appeared in th6
course of the ensning century, are a more unequivocal testi
mony of its excellence ; and the latest historian of Italian
literature acknowledges, that, after the lapse of three centu
ries, the " Arcadia " is justly esteemed as one of the most
elegant compositions in the Italian language. J It must,
however, be confessed, that this piece is not now read without
some effort against that involuntary languor, which works of
great length and little interest never fail to occasion. This
* Monaldeschi Commentarii Historici, lib. xvi. Bembo, lib. vi.
f An account of the rejoicings in London, on this occasion, may ba
found in Hollinshed.
X Tirab. vii. par. iii. p. 74. About sixty editions of the " Arcadia ''
appeared before the year 1 600.
D 2

36 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
may, perhaps, be attributed to the alternate recurrt-nce of
prose and verse, a species of composition which has never
eucceeded in any age, or in any country, and which even the
genius of La Fontaine could not raise into celebrity ;* to the
use of poetical prose, that hermaphrodite of literature, equally
deprived of masculine vigour and of feminine grace ; to the
repetition of the versi sdruccioli, which terminate every line
with a rapidity approaching to the ludicrous, and prevent that
variety of pauses which is essential to numerous composition.
If to these causes we add the very inartificial and almost
unconnected plan of the poem, and the total want of variety
in the sentiments and characters, we shall be at no loss to
account for the present neglect of a work, which may, how
ever, be esteemed as a production of uncommon merit at the
time when it appeared, and as having contributed in an emi
nent degree to form and to refine the Italian tongue.
If, however, the " Arcadia" of Sanazzaro had never been
written, his sonnets and lyric pieces would have secured to
him the distinction of one of the chief poets that Italy has
produced. It has, indeed, been supposed that if the increas
ing celebrity of Pietro Bembo had not deprived Sanazzaro of
the hope of being considered as the principal restorer of
Italian literature, he would have pursued that object with still
greater energy and success.t The rivalship of these two emi
nent men, whilst it rather cemented than relaxed the friend
ship that subsisted between them, eventually led them to
pursue, by a kind of tacit consent, each a different path to
fame ; and whilst Bembo persevered in cultivating his native
tongue, Sanazzaro turned all his powers to the improvement
of his talents for Latin poetry, in which department his pro
ductions will occur to our future notice.
When we advert to the great degree of attention paid to
the cultivation of polite letters, both in Naples and in
Florence, at this period, it may seem extraordinary that so
little intercourse subsisted between the scholars in those
places. In the " Epistolae " of Politiano, we find, indeed, a
letter from him to Pontano, on the death of Ferdinand of
Naples, written in the most respectful and flattering terms;
* Les Amours de Psyche et de Cupidon.
t Crispo, Vita di San. p. 24, et not. 63.

ENMITY BETWEEN ITALIAN SCHOLARS. 37
but no answer to this letter appears in the collection, and as
it was customary for Politiano to insert the replies of his
friends, we may be assured, that either none was returned, or
that it was not calculated to do much honour to the person
to whom it was addressed. It also appears, that Pontano
had, on some former occasion, excused himself from the task
of correspondence, to which Politiano, with an unusual de
gree of condescension, replies, "you have my full consent,
as long as I know you honour me with your esteem, not
only not to reply to my letters, but even not to read them."
This indifference on the part of Pontano, who has, on no
occasion, introduced the name of Politiano in his works, may
perhaps be taken as no equivocal indication of his disregard,
whilst his intimacy with Scala and Marullus, the avowed
enemies of Politiano, may serve to confirm the suspicion.
But the works of Sanazzaro afford examples of more direct
hostility. In the year 1489, Politiano published his "Mis
cellanea," in which he conjectures that Catullus, under the
emblem of his sparrow, concealed an idea too indecent to be
more fully expressed.* Why this observation should have
excited the resentment of the Neapolitan scholars, who were
by no means remarkable for the moral purity of their com
positions, it is not easy to discover;28 but among the
epigrams of Sanazzaro are some verses addressed, "Ad Puli-
cianum," (a term of reproach of which Scala had set the
example,) in which he with great severity alludes to this
criticism, which he treats with the utmost ridicule and con-
tempt.t Not satisfied with this attack, he returns to the
charge ; and, in another copy of verses, bestows on the object
of his resentment the most unqualified abuse. In other parts
of his works he inveighs against certain authors, who con
taminate the precincts of Parnassus by their envy and malig
nity, among whom it is highly probable that he meant to
include the Florentine scholar. As Politiano was, of all men
living, the most unlikely to submit to these insults without a
* This he infers from the conclusion of an epigram of Martial. Polit.
Miscel. lib. i. cap. 6.
f Sanazzar. Epig. lib. i. Ep. 61. A piece much more remarkable for
its indecency than its wit, and infinitely more reprehensible than the
oaasage to which it adverts

38 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
reply, we may be allowed to conjecture that these hostile
pieces, at whatever time they were written, were not made
public till after his death.
Another member of the academy, and distinguished lite
rary ornament of Naples, was the poet Cariteo, whose family
name has been lost in his poetical appellation. He is said to
have been a native of Barcelona, and it appears from his own
writings, that he was connected by consanguinity with
Massimo Corvino, bishop of Massa, who also held a place in
the academy. Of his friendly intercourse with the first
scholars and chief nobility of Naples, and'even with the indi
viduals of the reigning family there, his works afford in
numerable instances, whilst in those of Sanazzaro and Pontano,
he is frequently mentioned with particular affection and com
mendation. His writings, which are wholly in the Italian
tongue, are characterized by a vigour of sentiment, and a
genuine vein of poetry. Without rivalling the elegance of
the Tuscan poets, they possess also a considerable share of
ease and harmony. Some of these compositions refer, in a
very particular manner, to the characters of the principal per
sons, and to the political events of the times.* The animosity
of the Neapolitan scholars against those of Florence is further
evinced by the writings of Cariteo. In one of his Canzoni,
he insinuates, that the splendour of Dante and of Petrarca has
eclipsed the fame of all their countrymen, an observation
evidently intended to humiliate the present race of scholars,
under a pretext of paying homage to the past ; and in his
"Risposta contra i malevoli," to whomsoever he meant to
apply that appellation, he has exceeded Sanazzaro himself in
expressions of his resentment and abuse.
The other members who composed the literary institution
of Naples were arranged according to the different districts
of the city, or the realm, and the society also associated to
itself, as honorary members, the most eminent scholars in
other parts of Europe.29 Among those who contributed at
this time to its credit was Andrea Matteo Acquaviva, duke
of Atri, on whom all the academicians of Naples have be
stowed the highest honours. Pontano dedicated to him his
* They wore collected and published by his surviving friend, Pietro
Summonte, at Naples, 1509, 4 to.

MEMBERS OF THE NEAPOLITAN ACADEMY , 33
two books " De rebus Coelestibus ;" Pietro Summonte inscribed
to him all his works. He is celebrated in the poems of Sa
nazzaro, no less for his warlike exploits, than for his literary
accomplishments. Alessandro de' Alessandri dedicated to
him the first book of his " Geniales Dies," and Cariteo enu
merates him among his particular friends. Of his writings
there yet remain his commentaries, called by Paulo Giovio
his Encyclopaedia, and according to the last-mentioned au
thor, four books of moral disquisitions, which, as he says,
contain " Di bellissime Sottilezze ;" but these are the same
work, published under different titles. He lived to an ad
vanced age, and distinguished himself, with various success,
in the wars which soon after this period desolated his coun
try. His example descended to his posterity ; and the dukes
of Atri are celebrated as an uninterrupted series of great and
learned men. His brother, Belisario Acquaviva, duke 01
Nardi, was also a member of the society ; and, as appears by
his writings, attained great proficiency in those studies, to
which he had been incited by the example of his near and
illustrious relative,30 whom he also rivalled in his military
talents, and towards whom he displayed an act of magnani
mity, which confers lasting honour on his memory.31
These noblemen were of the district of Nido ;* as was
also Trojano Cavanilla, count of Troja and Montella, another
splendid ornament of the Neapolitan academy, to whom
Sanazzaro has inscribed his poem, entitled "Salices;" and
who, although not enumerated by the Italian historians
among their authors, appears to have signalized himself by
his researches into antiquity. From the same district was
also Giovanni di Sangro, a Neapolitan patrician, to whom
Sanazzaro, dying of unsuccessful love, commits the care of
his poetical rights. +
Of the department of Capua were Girolamo Carbone,
known to the world by his poetical writings, and frequently
mentioned with particular applause by Pontano, Sanazzaro,
and Cariteo ; and Tristano Carraccioli, who is commemo
rated by Sanazzaro in his "Arcadia," and who has left a
* The origin of these divisions of the cnty of Naples, called by the
Inhabitants " Seggi," it .Tilly explained by f.i_.nnone, "lib. xx. cap. 4.
+ Sanaz. Eleg. lib. i. eL 10.

40 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
brief memoir, in Latin, of his patron, with whom he appears
to have lived on terms of great intimacy.
No one of the academicians was held in higher esteem foi
his judgment in matters of taste, than Francesco Poderico, 01
Puderico, of the district of Montagna. To him Pontano and
Sanazzaro inscribed many of their works, and Pietro Sum-
monte addressed to him, after the death of its author, the dia
logue of Pontano, entitled " Aetius." Although deprived of
sight, the talents of Poderico rendered him the delight of all
his literary friends. Such was the respect paid to his opinion
by Sanazzaro, that in the composition of his celebrated poem,
" De partu Virginis," which he was twenty years in complet
ing, he is said to have consulted him upon every verse, and
frequently to have expressed the same verse in ten different
forms, before he could please the ear of this fastidious critic.82
Among the "Tumuli" of Pontano, which his officious kind
ness frequently devoted to his living friends, is one inscribed
to Poderico, from the title to which it appears that he ranked
among the nobility of Naples.
Of the district of Porto were Pietro-'Jacopo Gianuario, of
whom an Italian poem, in manuscript, has been preserved,*
and his son, Alfonso Gianuario, of Portanova.
The only member of the academy from the district of
Porto, if we except Sanazzaro, was Alessandro de' Alessan-
dri, author of the " Geniales Dies," a work which has been
esteemed, and frequently commented on as one of the classical
productions of the Latin tongue. He was born of a noble
family of Naples, about the year 1461, and in the early part
of his life exercised with reputation the profession of an
advocate, at Naples and at Rome ; but his intimacy with
the learned men of his time seduced him from his employ
ment, and ied him to the study of polite literature. Besides
his principal work, he is said to have been the author of seve
ral dissertations on dreams, spectres, and on houses haunted
by evil spirits, which are considered as proofs of childish
credulity; but it may be doubted, whether these are any
other than his chapters on those subjects in his " Geniales
* Vita di Sanazzar. da Crespo. Ven. 1752, p. 8, where it appears that
this poem was formerly in the possession of Matteo Egizio, an Italian
lawyer

MEMBERS OF THE NEAPOLITAN ACADEMY. 41
Dies."* Of that collection very different opinions have been
entertained, and he has been accused of having stolen oven
the plan of his work from Aulus Gellius. But what is there
peculiar in a plan, which consists only in dividing a certain
numbei of unconnected observations into a certain number
of books ? In truth, his works prove him to have been a
man of extensive reading, great industry, and a considerable
share of critical ability, and he was perhaps as little tinctured
with superstition, as most of the writers of the age in which
he lived.33
Among those who resided beyond the districts, were
Antonio Carbone, lord of Alise ; Giovanni Elio, called also
Elio Marchese ; Giuniano Majo, the preceptor of Sanazzaro,
and who has left a monument of his singular learning in his
treatise, " De priscorum proprietate verborum ;" Luca
Grasso ; Giovanni Aniso, whose Latin poems are published
under the name of Janus Anysius, and author of a tragedy
entitled " Protogonos ;" the poet Cariteo ; Pietro Compare,
frequently addressed by Pontano as his associate in the rites
of Bacchus and of Venus;34 Pietro Summonte, himself an
elegant writer, and to whose pious care we are indebted for
the preservation of the works of many of his learned friends ;t
Tomaso Fusco ; Rutilio Zenone ; Girolamo Angeriano, whose
poems have been published with those of Marullus and
Johannes Secundus j35 Antonio Tebaldeo, an Italian poet of
considerable eminence, who chiefly resided at Ferrara, and
whose writings will occur to our future notice ; Girolamo
Borgia, a Latin poet;36, and Massimo Corvino, bishop of
Massa, who had in his youth distinguished himself by his
poetical compositions.
Of the Regnicoli were Gabriele Altilio, bishop of Poli-
castro, author of the celebrated Epithalamium on the mar
riage of Gian-Galeazzo Sforza with Isabella of Aragon, and
the frequent subject of the panegyric of his contemporaries;37
Antonio Galateo, of Lecce, deservedly held in high estimation
* Tirab. vii. par. ii. p. 240. They were, however, printed separately,
under the title of " Alexandri Icti Dissertationes quatuor," &c, from
which we learn the real name of this author.
t For which he is celebrated in the exquisite verses by Sanazzaro,
Epigr. lib. ii. 9.

42 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
in his profession as a physician, and whose attainments in.
natural and moral philosophy were much beyond the level of
the age in which he lived ;m and Giovanni Eliseo, of An-
fratta, in Apulia, better known as a Latin poet, by the name
of Elysius Calentius.39
The associated strangers, whose names have been preserved
to us, were Lodovico Montalto, of Syracuse ; Pietro Gravina,
a canon of Naples, and a Latin poet of the first celebrity ;*°
Marc- Antonio Flaminio, of Sicily, a distinguished scholar,
but not to be mistaken for the celebrated Latin poet of the
same name, a native of Serravalle ; Egidio, afterwards
cardinal of Viterbo;41 Bartolommeo Scala, of Florence;
Basilic Zanchi, of Bergamo, distinguished by the elegance of
his Latin compositions, and whose beautiful verses on the
death of Sanazzaro were translated into Italian by the great
Torquato Tasso ; Jacopo Sadoleti, afterwards secretary to Leo
X., and who, at a more advanced period of life, attained the
y dignity of the purple ; Giovanni Cotta, of Verona, who fol
lowed the fortunes of the celebrated Venetian general, Barto-
^ lommeo d'Alviano, and whose Latin poems may aspire to rank
/with those of Navagero, Fracastoro, and Aniso, with whom
he lived in habits of friendship;42 Matteo Albino; Pietro
Bembo; Antonio Miehele, of Venice; Giovan- Pietro
Valeriano, of Belluno ; * Nicolas Grudius, of Rohan j48
Giacomo Latino, of Flanders ; Giovanni Pardo, often cele
brated in the writings of Sanazzaro and Pontano;44 and
Michaele Marullus of Constantinople, who excelled all his
countrymen in the elegance of his Latin compositions.45
Of this numerous catalogue it is but justice to observe,
that there is scarcely an individual who has not, by the
labours of the sword or of the pen, entitled himself to the
notice of the biographer, and the approbation of posterity.
Nor would it be difficult to make considerable additions to it,
if the foregoing account were not amply sufficient to demon
strate the ardour and success with which polite letters were cul
tivated at NapleE, under the princes of the house of Aragon.48
. Next to the cities of Naples and Florence, perhaps no
place in Italy had fairer pretensions to literary eminence
* Author of the treatise " De Literatorum Infelicitate," and a dis.
tinguisheu Latin poet, to whose works we shall have occasion to advert.

THE TWO STROZZI. 43
than Ferrara. During the whole of the fifteenth century
the family of Este, who had held the sovereignty of that
place for many generations, had displayed an invariable
attention to the cause of letters, and had rewarded their
professors with a mnnificence that attracted them from all
parts of Italy, and rendered Ferrara a flourishing theatre of
science and of arts. At the close of the century, that city,
with its dependent states of Modena and Reggio, were under
the government of Ercole I., the successor of Borso, whom
the favour of the populace had preferred to his nephew
Nicolo d'Este, the son of the celebrated Leonello. The
succession to the sceptre of Ferrara exhibits indeed a
striking instance of the disregard which was then paid to
the laws generally established on that subject, and of the
great attention bestowed on personal merit. By Ercole the
university of Ferrara was maintained in high respectability ;
the library of his family was increased ; a superb theatre
was erected for the representation of dramatic performances,
in which the first piece acted was the " Menaechmus" of
Plautus, which is said to have been translated into Italian
for that purpose by the duke himself.47 When such was the
eharacter of the sovereign, we shall not be surprised at the
number of learned men who frequented his court, and who
dignified his reign by the acknowledged excellence of their
productions.* Not to dwell on the merits of Ottavio Cleofilo,
Luca Riva, Lodovico Bigi, Tribraco Modonese, Lodovico
Carro, and others, who cultivated Latin poetry with various
success, the works of the two Strozzi, Tito Vespasiano, the
father, and Ercole, the son, are alone sufficient to place Fer
rara high in literary rank among the cities of Italy.
These distinguished Latin poets were of the illustrious
family of the same name at Florence, whence Nanna Strozzi,
the father of Tito, passed to Ferrara in the military ser
vice of Niccolo III., in which he acquired great honour.
The rank, the talents, and the learning of Tito, rendered
* A cotemporary writer (B. P. Prignani, Ap. Tirab. yi. 2, 218)
assures us, that poets were as plentiful in the city, as frogs in the terri
tory, of Ferrara. " Nam tot Ferraria vates,
Quotranas, tellus Ferrariensis, habet."

44 THE LIFE "OF LEO X.
him a fit person to negotiate the affairs of Ercole, duke of
Ferrara, with foreign powers, and he was accordingly em
ployed as his ambassador on several important missions.
He also occasionally held some of the first offices in the state,
in the execution of which he appears to have incurred, at
times, no small share of popular odium. In the midst, how
ever, of the occupations and storms of his public life, he
cultivated his talents for Latin poetry with unremitting atten
tion, and has even endeavoured to render his compositions th«
vehicle of his justification to posterity.48 The writings of
Tito are distinguished by their simplicity and purity of dic
tion, rather than by their strength of sentiment or energy of
style.* In some of his pieces he has celebrated the antiquity
of his family, and the opulence and achievements of his ances
tors ; whilst in others he has taken occasion to acquaint
posterity with some particulars of his own life and character.
Ercole Strozzi stands yet higher in the annals of literature
than his father. Eminently skilled in the Greek and Latin
languages, he had not neglected the cultivation of his own, in
which he wrote with uncommon elegance. By his fellow-
citizen, Celio Calcagnini, he is celebrated for his integrity,
his magnanimity, and his filial piety ; and for all those quali
ties which endear a man to his friends and to his country. A
short time before his death, Tito Strozzi had begun a Latin
poem, in praise of Borso d'Este, of which he had completed
ten books, and which he requested his son to finish and
publish, with a correct edition of his other poems; but
Ercole did not survive long enough, either to complete the
task imposed upon him, by the publication of his father's
writings, or to correct his own; having been assassinated
in" the year 1508, and in the prime of life, by a nobleman
who had unsuccessfully paid his addresses to the lady whom
Ercole had married, f That task was therefore intrusted by
Guido and Lorenzo, his surviving brothers, to the celebrated
printer, Aldo Manuzio, who, in the year 1513, gave these
poems to the public in an elegant and correct edition.
* We are informed by Tiraboschi, that many unpublished poems ol
this distinguished scholar remain in the ducal library at Modena. Vi.
par. ii. p. 209.
t In one of his elegies, lib. i. p. 69, he seems not to have been without
ipprehensions of his untimely fate.

B0IARD0. 45
In enumerating the learned men, who at this time resided
in the state of Ferrara, it would be unpardonable to omit
another accomplished scholar, and celebrated poet, who died
in the year 1494, and who will not therefore ocour again to
our particular notice. The eminent Matteo Maria Boiardo,
count of Scandiano, was boun in the territory of Ferrara,
about the year 1430, and spent in that city the chief part of
his life, honoured with the favour and friendship of Borto
and Ercole d'Este, and frequently intrusted by them, as
governor of the subordinate cities in their dominion.49
Boiardo is principally known by his epic romance, of
" Orlando Innamorato," of which the yet more celebrated
poem of Ariosto is not only an imitation, but a continuation.
Of this work, he did not live to complete the third book,
nor is it probable that any part of it had the advantage
of his last corrections ; yet it is justly regarded as exhi
biting, upon the whole, a warmth of imagination, and a
vivacity of colouring, which render it highly interesting;50
nor is it perhaps without reason that the simplicity of the
original has occasioned it to be preferred to the same work, as
altered or reformed by Francesco Berni, who has carried the
marvellous to such an extreme, as to deprive his narrative of
all pretensions to even poetic probability, and by his manifest
attempts to be always jocular, has too often destroyed the
effects of his jocularity.51
Less known, but not less valuable, than his epic poem, are
the three books of sonnets and lyric pieces by Boiardo,
collected and published after his death, under the Latin title
of " Amores,"52 although wholly consisting of Italian poems.
When it is considered, that the greater part of these pieces
were written at a time when the Tuscan poetry was in its
lowest state of debasement^ we may justly be surprised at the
choice of expression which they frequently display, and the
purity of style by which they are almost invariably charac
terized. At the request of his great patron, Ercole, duke of
Ferrara, Boiardo also composed his comedy of " Timone,"
founded on one of the dialogues of Lucian.53 Nor was
Boiardo only one of the most eminent poets ; he was also one
of the most learned men of his age. From the Greek he
translated into his native tongue the history of Herodotus,

46 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
and the Asinus of Lucian. Of his Latin poetry, many
specimens yet remain, and Tiraboschi has mentioned ten
eclogues, in that language, inscribed to Ercole I., which are
preserved in the ducal library of Modena, and which, as he
assures us, are full of grace and elegance.*
At this time the celebrated Ariosto, who was destined to
build his immortal work upon the foundation laid by Boiardo,
was only eighteen years of age;5* but, even at this early period,
he had exhibited that strong inclination to the cultivation of
literature, and particularly of poetry, which distinguished him
to the close of his days ; and the story of " Thisbe," as
adapted by him to a dramatic form, was represented by him
self, with his brothers and sisters, in his father's residence. He
was first destined to the study of Xhe law; but after five years of
irksome and unprofitable labour, he finally quitted that occu-
pationj and applied himself to the cultivation of the Latin
language, under the instructions of Gregory of Spoleto. His
predilection for theatrical compositions, which he had further
displayed in his two comedies, entitled " La Cassaria," and
" I Suppositi," both written in prose, whilst he was very
young,t probably recommended him to the notice of Ercole I.
whom he accompanied, in the year 1491, to Milan, for the
purpose of eDJoying the theatrical amusements by which that
place was distinguished. From this time he devoted himself
to the service of the family of Este, either in the court of the
duke, or in that of the cardinal Ippolito, and will occur to
our future notice, not only as a poet, but as engaged in the
political transactions of the times.
The city of Ferrara may indeed be considered as the cradle
of modern epic poetry ;"* for besides the celebrated authors
before mentioned, that place might at this time have boasted
of a third, whose writings not only obtained for him during his
life-time a great share of celebrity, but have afforded passages
which have since been imitated by the immortal Tasso. Of
their author, Francesco Cieco, very few particulars are known. .
That he had enjoyed the favour of the Cardinal Ippolito, and
* Tirab. vii. par. i. 176.
t They were afterwards altered into versi sdruccioh, by Ariosto, ana
have been frequently printed, as well separately as together with his
other works.

NIC0L0 LELIO COSMICO. 47
was therefore, in all probability, a native of Feriara, may be
inferred from the dedication of his epic poem, of " Mam-
briano,"86 published by his surviving relation, Eliseo Cono-
sciuti, in the year 1509. This piece, which extends to forty-
five cantos, relates the adventures of a king of Asia, whose
name forms the title of the work. That it long maintained
its rank with the great contemporary productions of Italy, is
sufficiently apparent ; and the neglect which it has in later
times experienced is attributed by Zeno to its not having had
the good fortune, like the " Orlando Innamorato " of Boiardo,
to meet with any one to continue its subject, or to reform its
style. Few persons enjoyed at this period a higher share of
literary reputation than Nicolo Lelio Cosmico, and few per
sons have so effectually lost that reputation in the estimation
of posterity. He is not even enumerated by the diligent
Crescimbeni as one of the poets of Italy ; yet three editions
of his works were printed in the fifteenth century, and he
is the frequent subject of applause among the most distin
guished scholars of the" time.57 He was a native of Padua,
and spent some of his early years in the court of the marquis
of Mantua ; but the chief part of his life was passed in the
society of the scholars of Ferrara. His own compositions
were principally Italian, but he also aspired to the reputation
of a Latin poet ; and Giraldi, a judicious critic, whilst he
censures the arrogant and satirical disposition of the author,
acknowledges the merits of his writings. The freedom of his
opinions, or of his conduct, incurred the notice of the Inqui
sition ; but the interference of Lodovico Gonzaga not only
protected him in this emergency, but has confeired an illus
trious testimony on the character of a writer, who is now no
longer estimated from his own works.*
The attention paid by the family of Este to the promotion
of literature was emulated by that of the Gonzaghi, marquises
of Mantua, and the Montefeltri, dukes of Urbino. The
intercourse which subsisted between these families, and
which was founded on an union of political interests, and
confirmed by the ties of consanguinity, gave indeed a common
* Tirab. vi. par. ii. p. 225.

48 THE LIFE OF LEO
character lo their courts. Francesco Gonzago, marquis of
Mantua, married Isabella of Este, the daughter of Ercole I.,
duke of Ferrara; and Elizabetta, the sister of the marquis,
became the wife of Guidubaldo da Montefeltri, duke of
Urbino. Federigo, the father of Guidubaldo, had rendered his name
illustrious throughout Italy, not only as a distinguished
patron of learning, but by his military and political talents.
In the rugged situation in which the city of Urbino is placed,
he had erected a palace, which was esteemed one of the finest
structures in Italy, and had furnished it in the most sump
tuous manner, with vases of silver, rich draperies of gold and
silk, and other rare and splendid articles. To these he had
added an extensive collection of statues and busts, in bronze
and marble, and of the most excellent pictures of the times ;
but the pride of his palace, and the envy of his contemporary
princes, was the superb and copious selection of books, in
the Greek, Latin, and other languages, with which he had
adorned his library, and which he enriched with ornaments
of silver and of gold.* If, however, the father was an
admirer and a protector of literature, the son united to these
characters that of a practical and accurate scholar. With
the Latin language, we are told, he was as conversant as
others are with their native tongue, and so intimate was his
knowledge of the Greek, that he was acquainted with its
minutest peculiarities, and its most refined elegances. The
love of study did not, however, extinguish in the bosom of
Guidubaldo that thirst for military glory, by which his ances
tors had been uniformly characterized ; and if his health had
not been impaired by the gout at an early period of his life,
he would probably have acquired, in the commotions which
soon after this period disturbed the repose of Italy, a still
higher reputation. In his biographers and panegyrists he
has been peculiarly fortunate ; the learned Pietro Bembo has
devoted a considerable tract to the celebration of his merits, t
and Baldassare Castiglione, in his admirable " Libro del Cor-
* Castiglione, lib. del Cortegiano, lib. i.
f " P. Bembi de Guido-Ubaldo Feretrio deque Elisabetha Gonzaga
Urbini ducibus, liber.1' First printed at Venice, under the inspection ot
the author, in 1530.

FRANCESCO GONZAGO, MARQUIS OF MANTUA. 49
tegiano," has honoured his memory with an eulogium, which
will probably be as durable as the Italian language itself.
His wife, Elizabetta Gonzaga, is not less the subject of admi
ration and applause to both these authors ; the latter of whom
has, in the commencement of his work, given a striking pic
ture of the vivacity, the taste, the elegance, the tempered wit,
and decorous freedom, by which the court of Urbino was at
this period distinguished.58 Giovanna, sister of the duke,
had intermarried, in the year 1475, with Giovanni della
Rovere, one of the nephews of Sixtus IV., and brother of
the cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, afterwards Julius IL,
on which occasion, Sixtus had invested his nephew with the
principality of Sinigaglia, and the beautiful territory of
Mondavia. By him she had a son, Francesco Maria, who
was educated at the court of Urbino, and succeeded his
maternal uncle Guidubaldo, whom he, however, resembled
much more in his military character, than in his literary
accomplishments. Francesco Gonzago, marquis of Mantua, had succeeded his
father, Federigo, in the year 1484. Notwithstanding the
many hazardous expeditions in which he was engaged, the
numerous battles in which he held a principal command, and
the adverse fortune which he on some occasions experienced,
he found time to apply himself to the study of polite letters ;
and there is reason to believe that he was the author of many
sonnets, capitoli, and other verses, which have been printed
in the collections of the ensuing century. His wife, Isabella
of Este, was not less distinguished by her elegant accomplish
ments and refined taste, which led her to collect antique
statues, cameos, medallions, and other specimens of art, somt
of which are celebrated in the verses of the poets of the
time.* Nor was the court of Mantua deprived of those
honours, which the favour of the Muses could ^ilone confer
Among the men of talents, who either adopted that place as
their constant residence, or enlivened it by their frequent
visits, Giampietro Arrivabene, and Battista Mantuano, are
entitled to particular notice. The former of these eminent
* Vide Tirab. vii. par. i, 53. Ariosto has devoted several stanzas in
his 37th Canto to the celebration of the praises of the marquis, and
Isabella of Este, his wife.
T E

50 THE LIFE 01 LEO X.
men was the scholar of Francesco Filelfo, who has addressed
to him several of his letters, and who transformed his Italian
name of Arrivabene into the Greek appellation of Eutychius.
That he enjoyed the confidential office of Latin secretary to
the Marquis Francesco, might be thought to confer sufficient
honour on his memory ; but he was also a man of blameless
manners, uncommon eloquence, and a considerable share of
learning. His principal work is his " Gonzagidos." a Latin
poem in four books, in praise of Lodovico, marquis of Mantua,
who died in 1478, and not in 1484, as mentioned by Maz
zuchelli. From this work, which is said to be written in a
much more elegant style than from his early age might have
been expected, it appears, that the author had been pre
sent at many of the victories and transactions which he there
relates. 59
Battista Mantuano may be enumerated among those writers
who have had the good fortune to obtain for a long time a
reputation superior to their merits.60 The applause which
his works excited was not confined to Italy, but extended
throughout Europe, where, under the name of Mantuanus, or
Mantuan, he was considered as another Virgil, whose writ
ings might stand in competition with those of his immortal
countryman. Nor can it be denied, that the productions of
Battista evince a facility of conception, and a flow of lan
guage, which prove him to have been possessed of consider
able talents. But in admitting that the native endowments
of Battista might bear some comparison with those of his
great predecessor, we are compelled to acknowledge, that he
was strangely defective in the method of employing his abili
ties to the best advantage. Of all authors, there are, perhaps,
few or none who have been less satisfied with their own
productions than the Roman bard. However we may esti
mate the powers of his imagination, or the melody of his
verse, his taste was still superior to his other accomplish
ments ; and his efforts were unremitting to arrive at that
standard of perfection which he had conceived in his own
mind. It is well known, that after having bestowed the
labour of twelve years on his immortal poem, the conviction
which he felt of its imperfections determined him, in his last
moments, to order it to be committed to the flames ; and it

BATTISTA SIANTUANO. 51
was only by a breach of his solemn testamentary injunction,
that this work has been preserved for the admiration of pos
terity.* To the conduct of the ancient poet, that of the
modern was an exact reverso; and if they originally started
from the same ground, they bent their course in opposite
directions. Of the productions of Battista, the earliest are
incomparably the best ; and as these seem to have gratified
his readers, so it is probable they delighted himself. As he
advanced in years, he poured out his effusions with increas
ing facility, until he lost even the power of discriminating
the merit of his own productions. From his long poem, " De
Calamitatibus temporum," the historian might hope to select
some passages which might elucidate his researches ; but in
this he will be disappointed ; the adherence of Battista to the
track of the ancients having prevented him from entering
into those particulars which would have rendered his works
interesting ;61 whilst the heavy commentary in which they
have been enveloped, by Badius Ascenscius, presents them in
so formidable an aspect to the modern reader, as fully to
account for that neglect which they have for a long time past
experienced. The tranquillity which had now for some years reigned in
Italy had introduced into that country an abundance, a
luxury, and a refinement, almost unexampled in the annals of
mankind. Instead of contending for dominion and power,
the sovereigns and native princes of that happy region at
tempted to rival each other in taste, in splendour, and in
elegant accomplishments ; and it was considered as essential
to their grandeur, to give their household establishments a
literary character. Hence their palaces became a kind of
polite academy, in which the nobility of both sexes found a
constant exercise for their intellectual talents ; and courage,
rank, and beauty, did not hesitate to associate with taste, with
learning, and with wit. In this respect the court of Milan
was eminently distinguished. By the ostentatious liberality
of Lodovico- Sforza, who then held, in the name of his nephew
Galeazzo, but directed at his own pleasure, the government of
* Plin. lib. vii. cap. 30. P. Crinitus, " De Poetis Latinis," lib. iii.
in Op. p. 477, has cited a beautiful copy of verses addressed to Augustus
on this subject.
E2

52

THE LIFE OF LEO X.

that place, several of the most distinguished utists and scho
lars of the time were induced to fix their residence there.
Among the former of these, the celebrated Lionardo da Vinci
deservedly holds the most conspicuous place. This extraor
dinary man, who united in himself the various qualifications
of a painter, a sculptor, a poet, a musician, an architect, and
a geometrician, and who, in short, left untouched very few of
those objects which have engaged the attention of the human
faculties, was born about the year 1443, at. the castle of Vinci,
in Valdarno. After having given striking indications of
superior talents, he for some time availed himself of the in
structions of Andrea Verocchio, whom he soon surpassed in
such a degree as to render him dissatisfied with the efforts of
his own pencil. His singular productions in every branch of
art had already excited the admiration of all Italy, when he
was invited by Lodovico, in the year 1492, to fix his resi
dence at Milan. By his astonishing skill in music, which he
performed on a kind of lyre of his own invention, and by his
extraordinary facility as an Improvvisatore, in the recitation
of Italian verse, no less than by his professional talents, he
secured the favour of his patron, and the applauses of the
Milanese court. Lodovico had, however, the judgment to
avail himself of the opportunity afforded him by this great
artist, to enrich the city of Milan with some of the finest pro
ductions of his pencil ; and if the abilities of Lionardo were
to be estimated by a single effort, his panegyrist might per
haps select his celebrated picture of the Last Supper, in the
refectory of the Dominicans, as the most valuable cf his
works. In this piece it was doubtless the intention of the
painter to surpass whatever had before been executed, and to
represent not merely the external form and features, but the
emotions and passions of the mind, from the highest degree
of virtue and beneficence in the character of the Saviour, to
the extreme of treachery and guilt in that of Iscariot ; whilst
the various sensations of affection and veneration, of joy and
of sorrow, of hope and of fear, displayed in the countenances
and gestures of the disciples, might express their various ap
prehensions of the mysterious rite. In the midst sits the great
founder, dispensing with unshaken firmness, from either hand,
the emblems of his own approaching sufferings. The agitation

EMINENT SCHOLARS AT THE COURT OF Mil IN. 53
of the disciples is marked by their contrasted attitudes, and
various expressions. Treachery and inhumanity seem to be
concentred in the form and features of Judas Iscariot. In
representing the countenance of Christ, he found, however,
the powers of the artist inadequate to the conceptions of
his own mind. To step beyond the limits of earth, and to
diffuse over these features a ray of divinity, was his bold, but
fruitless attempt. The effort was often renewed, and as often
terminated in disappointment and humiliation. Despairing
of success, he disclosed his anxiety to his friend and associate,
Bernardo Zenale, who advised him to desist from all further
endeavours ; in consequence of which this grtat work was
suffered to remain imperfect. Nor did Lionardo, in acknow
ledging, with Timanthes, the inefficacy of his skill, imitate
that artist in the method which he adopted on that occasion.
Agamemnon conceals his face in his robe, and the imagination
of the spectator is at liberty to supply the defect ; but in
marking the head of his principal figure by a simple outline,
Lionardo openly avows his inability, and leaves us only to
regret, either the pusillanimity of the painter, or the impo
tence of his art.62
In a mind devoted to ambition, all other passions and pur
suits are only considered as auxiliary to its great object ; and
there is too much reason to suspect, that the apparent solici
tude of Lodovico Sforza for the promotion of letters and the
arts was not so much the result of a disposition sincerely
interested in their success, as an instrument of his political
aggrandizement. That the supplanting the elder branch of
his family, and vesting in himself and his descendants the
government of Milan, had long been in his contemplation,
cannot be doubted ; and it is therefore highly probable that,
after ingratiating himself with the populace, and securing the
alliance and personal friendship of foreign powers, he would
endeavour to strengthen his authority by the favour and sup
port of men of learning, who at this time possessed a more
decided influence on the political concerns of the country than
at any other period. But by whatever motives Lodovico was
actuated, it is allowed, that whilst the state of Milan was
under his control, the capital was thronged with celebrated

54 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
scholars, several of whom adopted it as their permanent resi
dence. On Bernardo Bollincione, a Florentine, he conferred
the title of his poet laureat ; and in the works of this author,
printed at Milan in 1493, are inserted some stanzas which
have been attributed to Lodovico himself. Among those who
at this period contributed by their talents to give splendour
to the court of Milan, were Antonio Cornazzano,*3 Giovanni
Filoteo Achillini,64 Gasparo Visconti,66 Benedetto da Cingoli,
Vincenzo Calmeta,66 and Antonio Fregoso.67 Nor were there
wanting distinguished scholars in the graver departments of
literature ; of which number were Bartolomeo Calchi, and
Giacopo Antiquario, celebrated not only for their own acquire
ments, but for their liberality in promoting the improvement
of others ;68 Donato Bossi, commemorated both as an eminent
professor of law, and an industrious historian ;" Dionysius
Nestor, whose early labours highly contributed to the im
provement of the Latin tongue ;70 and Pontico Virunio, de
servedly held in great esteem, both as a scholar and a states
man. From the commencement of the century, the city of Bo
logna had endeavoured to maintain its independence against
the superior power of the dukes of Milan, and the continual
pretensions of the pontifical see. The chiefs of the noble
family of Bentivoglio were regarded by their fellow-citizens
as the patrons and assertors of their liberties, and after various
struggles, in which they had frequently been expelled from
their native place, they concentred in themselves the supreme
authority, under limitations, which secured to the people the
exercise of their ancient rights. This authority had now,
for nearly half a century, been conceded to Giovanni Benti
voglio, who was only two years of age when his father Anni-
bale was treacherously murdered by the rival faction of the
Canedoli, in the year 1445, and who frequently occurs to
notice, both in the political and literary annals of the time.
The merit of Giovanni, as a friend and promoter of learning
and of art, was, however, eclipsed by that of his three sons,
Hermes, Annibale, and Galeazzo, all of whom are frequently
commemorated in the writings of their contemporaries, and
particularly in those of Antonio Urceo, usually denominated

CODRUS URCEUS. 55
Codrus Urceus, who, by his scientific and critical acquire -
ments, deservedly held a high rank among the scholars of
Italy. This author was born at Rubiera, in the year 1446. His
appellation of Codrus was derived from an incident that
occurred to him at the city of Forli, where happening one day
to meet with Pino degli Ordelaffi, then lord of that place, who
recommended himself to his favour, " Good heavens !" ex
claimed the poet, " the world is in a pretty state when
Jupiter recommends himself to Codrus." During his resi
dence at Forli, where he was intrusted with the education of
Sinibaldo, the son of Pino, he met with a disaster which had
nearly deprived him of his reason.71 Having incautiously
left his study without extinguishing his lamp, his papers took
fire, by which many literary productions, which stood high
in his own estimation, were destroyed; and particularly a
poem entitled " Pastor." In the first impulse of his passion,
he vented his rage in the most blasphemous imprecations, and,
rushing from the city, passed the whole day in a wood in the
vicinity, without nutriment. Compelled by hunger to return
in the evening, he found the gates closed. When he again
obtained admission into the city, he shut himself up in the
house of an artificer, where f6r six months he abandoned
himself to melancholy and grief. After a residence of about
thirteen years at Forli he was invited to Bologna, where he
was appointed professor of grammar and eloquence, and where
he passed in great credit the remainder of his days. Of his
extraordinary learning it might be considered as a sufficient
proof, that Politiano submitted his Greek epigrams, and other
writings, to his examination and correction ; but his talents
and acquirements more fully appear in his own works, which
consist of " Sermones," or essays ; of letters to Politiano,
Aldo, and others of his learned friends, and of poems on a
great variety of subjects; among which the piaises of the
family of Bentivogli form the most conspicuous part. He
died in the year 1500. After his death his productions were
collected by the younger Filippo Beroaldo, who had lived
with him in friendly intimacy, and published at Bologna in
the year 1502, with a preface, in which he highly extols the
poetical effusions of his friend Succeeding critics have, how-

56 TnE LIFE CF LEO X.'
ever, been less indulgent to his fame; Giraldi, whilst he
admits that the writings of Codrus are sufficiently correct,
denies to them the charm of poetry, and Tiraboschi is of opi
nion, thxt neither his prose nor his verse can be recommended
as models of elegance. That the poems of Codrus are not
entitled to the highest rank among those of his contemporaries,
will sufficiently appear from the lines addressed to Galeazzo
Bentivoglio, as an acknowledgment for the honour done to the
poet in placing his portrait amongst those of the learned men
which Galeazzo had collected. Such a subject was certainly
calculated to call forth all his powers, but those efforts which
were intended to justify, will perhaps be thought rather to
impeach the judgment of his patron.
Among the men of talents who at this period contributed
to support the literary character of Italy, it would be unjust
to omit Piero Ricci ; or, as he denominated himself, accord
ing to the custom of the times, Petrus Crinitus. This notice of
him is the more necessary, as little is to be found respecting
him in those works of general information, where he ought to
have held a conspicuous rank, and that little is for the most
part erroneous. He was descended from the noble and
opulent Florentine family of the Ricci,72 and had the good
fortune, when young, to avail himself of the instructions, and
to obtain the friendship, of Politiano. Hence he was intro
duced into the family of the Medici, and became an associate
in those literary and convivial meetings at the palace of the
Medici in Florence, or at their different seats in the country,
which he has himself occasionally celebrated in his writings.
It is not therefore surprising, that on the death of Lorenzo the
Magnificent, he honoured his memory in a Latin ode, which
he addressed to Pico of Mirandula; but it is remarkable, that
in this production (if indeed it was written at the time to which
it relates) he has predicted in forcible terms the approaching
calamities of Italy. After this event, Crinitus still continued
to enjoy at Florence the society of Pico and of Politiano, till
the death of these distinguished scholars, which happened
within two months of each other, in the year 1494.* It may
serve as an instance of the negligence with which literary
* Crinitus has also consecrated a Latin poem to the memory of each of
kii friends, in Op. pp. 532, 563.

PETRUS CRINITUS. 57
memoirs are often written, and of the necessity of a more
intimate acquaintance with the general history of the times,
to notice some of the errors to which the Life of Crinitus has
given rise. By one author we are informed, that after the death
of Politiano, Crinitus was entrusted by Lorenzo de' Medici
with the instruction of his children, and that th*s example
was followed by the principal nobility of Florence, who re
joiced in having obtained such a successor to so accomplished
a preceptor.* If this were true, Crinitus would be entitled
to our more particular notice, as one of the early- instructors
of Leo X. ; but when we recollect, that at the time of the
death of Politiano, Lorenzo had been dead upwards of two
years, we are compelled to reject this information as wholly
groundless. Another author, who was a contemporary with
Crinitus, has however informed us, that at Ihe death of
Politiano, Crinitus continued to deliver instruct'ons to the
younger branches of the Medici family, and others of the
Florentine nobility :f forgetting that the Medici were, about
the time of the death of Politiano, expelled from Florence, and
became fugitives in different parts of Italy, where they could
not avail themselves of the precepts of Crinitus, and where
indeed they had other occupations than the studies of litera
ture. It is therefore more probable that Crinitus, after this
period, quitted his native place, and took an active part in
the commotions which soon afterwards occurred ; as he fre
quently refers in his writings to the labours and misfortunes
which he has sustained, and avows his determination to return
to his literary studies. That he passed some part of his time
at Naples, may be presumed, not only from his intimacy with
Bernardo Caraffa, Tomaso Fosco, and other NeapoVron
scholars, but from the particular interest which he apjxa s
to have taken on behalf of the house of Aragon, and the
ve' emence with which he inveighs against the French in his
writings. In this respect his opinions were directly opposed
to those of his friend Mamllus, who openly espoused the cause
of Charles VIII. It may also be conjectured that he passed
a part of his time at Ferrara, where having, by accident,
* Negri, Serittori Fiorent. p. 462.
t Giovio, Lcritt. p. 106.

68 THE LIFE tV LEO X.
fallen into the Po, and escaped with safety, he addressed an
ode of gratitude to the river. We are informed by Negri,
that Crinitus died about the close of the fifteenth century, at
the age of thirty-nine years ; but his writings refer to many
events beyond that period ; and his dedication of his treatise,
"De Poetis Latinis," to Cosmo de'Pazzi, then bishop of
Arezzo, and afterwards archbishop of Florence, nephew of
Lorenzo the Magnificent, is dated in the year 1505, which
period, it is however probable, he did not long survive. We
are also informed that his death was occasioned by the irregu
larity of his conduct and the licentiousness of his friends, one
of whom, in the frolics of a convivial entertainment, at the
villa of Pietro Martelli, poured over him a vessel of water,
with the disgrace of which he was so greatly affected, that he
died in a few days.* Not to insist merely on the impro
bability of such a narrative, a sufficient proof that the life of
Crinitus was not terminated by any sudden accident, appears
in his beautiful and pathetic Latin ode on his long sickness
and approaching death, from which we find, that he had
struggled with a tiresome feverish indisposition, which had
baffled the skill of his physicians, and in which he resigns
himself to his untimely fate ; at the same time asserting his
claim to the esteem of posterity from the integrity of his life
and conduct. From the same piece we also learn, that he
intended to have written a poem on the descent of the French
into Italy, but this, with many other works, was left un
finished. After the death of Politiano, Crinitus assisted his
friend Alessandro Sarti, in collecting the works of that
great scholar, for the edition printed by Aldo Manuzio, in
1498. The principal work of Crinitus, " De Honesta Disciplina,"
as well as his treatise on the Latin poets before mentioned,
demonstrates the extent of his learning and the accuracy of
his critical taste,73 and in these respects is not unworthy the
disciple of his great preceptor. His poetry, all of which is
in the Latin language, is also entitled to commendation, and
will occasionally be adduced in the following pages, as
• Negri, ubi sup. Giovio Iscritt. 106.

__LI)0 MANUZIO, 59
illustrating the publu transactions of the times in which he
lived.™ It may not be improper to close this general view of the
state of literature in Italy, in the year 1492, with some
account of a person, whose incalculable services to the cause
of sound learning present themselves to our notice at every
step, and the productions of whose skill are at every moment
in the hands of the historian of this period. This can only
be referred to the eminent printer, Aldo Manuzio, to whom
the world is indebted, not only for the works of many of the
ancient authors, which he either first discovered, or first pub
lished in a correct form, but for those of many of his con
temporaries, which, without his unparalleled industry,
would not have been preserved to the present day. At this
precise time he was making preparations for his laudable
purpose, and had determined to devote his learning, his
resources, his industry, and his life, to the service of litera
ture. But before we advert to the measures which he adopted
for this great and commendable end, it cannot be thought
uninteresting briefly to commemorate the previous events of
his life.
Aldo Manuzio was horn about the year 1447, at Bassiano,
a village within the Roman territory, whence he styles him
self Aldus Manutius Bassianus ; but more frequently Aldus
Roman us.75 Maittaire justly observes, that it was a fortu
nate circumstance, that the birth of so skilful an artist should
have happened at the very time when the art itself was first
meditated. Respecting his education, he has himself in
formed us, that he lost a great part of his time in acquiring
the principles of Latin grammar by the rules of Alessandro
de Villadei,76 the book then commonly used in the schools,
but this disadvantage was soon afterwards compensated by
the instructions which he obtained in the Latin tongue, from
Gasparo Veronese at Rome, and in both Latin and Greek,
from Battista Guarino, who then resided at Ferrara, at which
place Aldo also took up his abode. Under such tutors, the
proficiency of such a scholar was rapid, and at an early age
Aldo became himself an instructor, having been entrusted
with the education of Alberto Pio, lord of Carpi, who was
nearly of his own age.77 With this young nobleman he con-

60 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
tracted a friendship which proved throughout his life of the
greatest service to him, and which was afterwards mani
fested by his disciple conceding to him the honourable pri
vilege of using his family name, whence Aldus has often
denominated himself " Aldus Pius Manutius." In. the year
1482, when the safety of Ferrara was threatened by the for
midable attack of the Venetians, Aldo retreated to Miran-
dola, where he contracted a strict intimacy with the celebrated
Giovanni Pico. His intercourse with these two men of
distinguished rank and learning continued with uninterrupted
esteem, and Alberto had expressed an intention of investing
him with the government of a part of his territory of Carpi ;
but this project was relinquished for one which proved more
honourable to Aldo, and more useful to mankind. In the
friendly interviews which took place among these individuals,
the idea was gradually formed of the great undertaking which
Aldo was destined to carry into effect, and in which, as it has
been with probability conjectured, he was to have the support
and pecuniary assistance of his two illustrious friends.
Of the liberal motives by which Aldo was actuated, he has
left to posterity abundant evidence. " The necessity of
Greek literature is now," says he, " universally acknow
ledged, insomuch, that not only our youth endeavour to
acquire it, but it is studied even by those advanced in years.
We read but of one Cato among_ the Romans who studied
Greek in his old age, but in our times we have many Catos,
and the number of our youth, who apply themselves to the
study of Greek, is almost as great as of those who study the
Latin tongue ; so that Greek books, of which there are but few
in existence, are now eagerly sought after. But by the
assistance of Jesus Christ, I hope ere long to supply this de
ficiency, although it can only be accomplished by great
labour, inconvenience, and loss of time. Those who cultivate
letters must be supplied with books necessary for their
purpose, and till this supply be obtained, I shall not be at
rest." *
But although the publication of the Greek authors appears
• Vide Aldi Epist. Aristoteli Organo, 1495, prsefixam ; et Maittaire,
Annal. i. 69. His magnanimity and public spirit appear also from many
Other passages in his own writings.

MOTIVES FOR PRINTING WORKS OF THE ANCIENTS. 61
to have been his favourite object, and always occupied a
great part of his attention, yet he extended his labours to
other languages, and to every department of learning. The
place which he chose for his establishment was Venice,
already the most distinguished city in Italy for the attention
paid to the art, and where it was most probable that he might
meet with those materials and assistants which were neces
sary for his purpose. In making the preparations requisite
for commencing his work, he was indefatigable ;78 but the
more particular object of his wishes was the discovery of
some method, by which he might give to his publications a
greater degree of correctness than had been attained by any
preceding artist. To this end he invited to his assistance a
great number of distinguished scholars, whpm he prevailed
upon, by his own influence and that of his friends, or the sti
pulation of a liberal reward, to take up their residence at
Venice. That he might attach them still more to the place
and to each other, he proposed the establishment of a literary
association, or academy, the chief object of which was to col
late the works of the ancient authors, with a view to their
publication in as perfect a manner as possible. Of this
academy Marcus Musurus, Pietro Bembo, Angelo Gabrielli,
Andrea Navagero, Daniello Rinieri, Marino Sanuto, Bene
detto Ramberti, Battista Egnazio, and Giambattista Ramusio,
were the principal ornaments, and will be entitled to onr
future notice. For the more effectual establishment of this
institution, it was his earnest wish to have obtained an impe
rial diploma ; but in this respect he was disappointed ; and
the Venetian academy, which ought to have been an object of
national or universal munificence, was left to depend upon
the industry and bounty of a private individual, under whose
auspices it subsisted during many years in great credit, and
effected, in a very considerable degree, the beneficial purposes
which its founder had in view.
Such were the motives, and such the preparations for this
great undertaking ; but its execution surpassed all the expec
tations that its most sanguine promoters could have formed of it.
The first work produced from the Aldine press was the poem
of " Hero and Leander," of Musteus, in the year 1494 ; from

62 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
which time, for the space of upwards of twenty years, during
which Aldo continued his labours, there is scarcely an ancient
author, Greek or Latin, of whom he did not give a copious
edition, besides publishing a considerable number of books in
the Italian tongue. In the acquisition of the most authentic
copies of the ancient authors, whether manuscript or printed,
he spared neither labour nor expense; and such was the
opinion entertained of his talents and assiduity by the cele
brated Erasmus, who occasionally assisted him in revising
the ancient writers, that he has endeavoured to do justice to
his merits, by asserting in his " Adagia," " that if some
tutelary deity had promoted the views of Aldo, the learned
world would shortly have been in possession, not only of all
the Greek and Latin authors, but even of the Hebrew and
Chaldaic ; insomuch, that nothing could have been wanting, in
this respect, to their wishes. That it was an enterprise of
royal munificence to re-establish polite letters, then almost ex
tinct; to discover what was hidden ; to supply what was
wanting; and correct what was defective." By the same
eminent scholar we are also assured, that whilst Aldo pro
moted the interests of the learned, the learned gave him in
return their best assistance, and that even the Hungarians and
the Poles sent their works to his press, and accompanied them
by liberal presents. How these great objects could be accom
plished by the efforts of an individual, will appear extraordi
nary ; especially when it is considered, that Aldo was a pro
fessed teacher of the Greek language in Venice ; that he
diligently attended the meetings of the academy; that he
maintained a frequent correspondence with the learned in all
countries ; that the prefaces and dedications of the books
which he published were often of his own composition ; that
the works themselves were occasionally illustrated by his
criticisms and observations, and that he sometimes printed his
own works ; an instance of which appears in his Latin gram
mar, published in the year 1507.79 The solution of this
difficulty may, however, in some degree be obtained, by
perusing the inscription placed by Aldo over the door of his
study, in which he requests his visitors to despatch their busi
ness with him as expeditiously as possible, and begone ; unless

PROGRESS AND SUCCESS OF ALDO. 63
they come as Hercules came to Atlas, with a view of render
ing assistance ; in which case there would bo sufficient em
ployment, both for them, and as many others as might repair
thither. QUISQUIS ES, ROGAT TE ALDUS ETIAM ATQUE ETIAM,
UT SIQU1D EST QUOD A SE VELIS, PERPAUCIS AGiS,
DEIXDE ACTUTUM ABEAS ; NISI, TAMQUAM HERCULES,
DEPESSO ATLANTE, VENERIS SUPPOSITURCS HUMEKOS,
SEMPER ENIM ER1T QUOD ET TO AGAS,
ET QUOTQUOT
HUC ATTULERINT PEDES.

64 THE LIFE OF LEO X.

CHAPTER III.
1492—1494.
The Cardinal de' Medici returns to Florence — Death of Innocent VIII.
— Election of Alexander V I. — Ambitious Views of Lodovico Sforza —
He invites Charles VIII. into Italy: — League between the pope, the
duke of Milan, and the Venetians— Observations on the respective
Claims of the Houses of Anjou and Aragon — Charles accommodates
his Differences with other States — Negotiates with the Florentines —
Alexander VI. remonstrates with him on his Attempt — The king of
Naples endeavours to prevail on him to relinquish his Expedition-
Prepares for his Defence — Alfonso II. succeeds to the Crown of Naples
—Prepares for War — Views and Conduct of the smaller States of Italy
— Charles VIII. engages Italian Stipendiaries — Unsuccessful Attempt
of the Neapolitans against Genoa — Ferdinand duke of Calabria opposes
the French in Romagna — Charles crosses the Alps — His interview with
Gian-Galeazzo, duke of Milan — Hesitates respecting the prosecution of
his Enterprise — Piero de' Medici surrenders to Charles VIII. the
Fortresses of Tuscany — The Cardinal de' Medici with his brothers
Piero and Giuliano expelled the City— Pisa asserts its Liberties —
Retreat of the Duke of Calabria before d'Aubigny — Charles VIII.
enters Florence — Intends to restore Piero de' Medici — Commotions in
Florence and Treaty with Charles VIII. — Charles enters the Territories
of the Church — The States of Italy exhorted by a Contemporary Writer
to oppose the Progress of the French.
Scarcely had the cardinal de' Medici gone through the cere
monies of his admission into the consistory, when he received
intelligence of the death of his father, which happened on the
eighth day of April, 1492. His sensations on this occasion
are strongly expressed in his letters to his brother Piero ; *
but not satisfied with epistolary condolence and advice, he
prepared to pay a visit to Florence, for the purpose of sup
porting, by his presence, the credit and authority of the
• Vide Life of Lor. de' Med. Another letter written soon after this
event, and hitherto unpublished, is given in the Appendix to this volume.
No III.

DEATH OF INNOCENT VIII. 05
Medici in that city. In order to give him additional im
portance on this occasion, the pope appointed him legate of
the patrimony of St. Peter, and of the Tuscan state. Before
his arrival, the magistrates and council had, however, passed
a decree, by which they had continued to Piero • all the
honours which his late father had enjoyed. The general dis
position of the inhabitants was indeed so highly favourable to
the Medici, that the authority of Piero seemed to be esta
blished on as sure a foundation as that of any of his ancestors,
with the additional stability which length of time always
gives to public opinion.
During the residence of the cardinal at Florence, he dis
tinguished himself amongst his fellow-citizens, not only by the
decorum and gravity of his conduct as an ecclesiastic, but
by his munificence to those numerous and eminent scholars
whom the death of his father had deprived of their chief pro
tector. To his favour, Marsilio Ficino was indebted for the
respectable rank of a canon of Florence. His liberality was
yet more particularly shewn to Demetrius Chalcondyles, from
whom he had formerly received instruction, and to whom he
afforded pecuniary assistance, not only for his own purposes,
but for the promotion of his numerous offspring. In these,
and similar instances, his conduct corresponded with the sen
timents professed by him, in the assertion which he made,
that the greatest alleviation which he could experience of his
recent loss, would be to have it in his power to promote the
interest of those men of learning, who had been the peculiar
objects of the affection and regard of his father.* In the
mean time the health of the pope was rapidly declining, and
the cardinal received information, which induced him to
hasten with all possible expedition towards Rome. On this
occasion the magistrates of Florence directed their general,
Paolo Orsino, to accompany him to that city, with a body of
horse ; but before his arrival there, he received intelligence
of the death of the pontiff, which happened on the twenty-
fifth day of July, 1492.
If the character of Innocent were to be impartially
weighed, the balance would incline, but with no very rapid
* Fabronii, Vita Leon. X. p. 14.
VOL. I -f

66" THE LIFE OF LEO X.
motion, to the favourable side. His native disposition seems
to have been mild and placable ; but the disputed claims of
the Roman see, which he conceived it to be his duty to en
force, led him into embarrassments, from which he was with
difficulty extricated, and which, without increasing his repu
tation, destroyed his repose. He had some pretensions to
munificence, and may be ranked with those pontiffs to whom
Rome is indebted for her more modern ornaments. One of
the faults with which he stands charged, is his unjust dis
tribution of the treasures of the church among the children
who had been born to him during his secular life ^ but even
in this respect his bounty was restrained within moderate
limits. Instead of raising his eldest son, Francesco Cib6, to
an invidious equality with the hereditary princes of Italy, he
conferred on him the more substantial and less dangerous
benefits of great private wealth ; and although to these he
had added the small domains of Anguillara and Cervetri, yet
Francesco, soon after the death of his father, divested him
self of these possessions for an equivalent in money, and took
up his abode at Florence, among the kinsmen of his wife,
Maddalena de' Medici.
On the death of the pope, his body was carried to the
church of St. Peter, attended by the cardinal de' Medici, and
four others of equal rank. His obsequies were performed on
the fifth day of August, and on the following day the cardi
nals entered the conclave, amidst the tumults of the people,
who, as usual on such occasions, abandoned themselves to
every species of outrage and licentiousness. The chief
contest appeared to subsist between Ascanio Sforza, whose
superior rank and powerful family connexions gave him great
credit, and Roderigo Borgia, who counterbalanced the in
fluence of his opponent, by his long experience, deep dis
simulation, and the riches amassed from the many lucrative
offices which he had enjoyed. With such art did he employ
these advantages, that Ascanio himself, seduced by the
blandishments and promises of Roderigo, not only relinquished
his own pretensions, but became the most earnest advocate
lor trie success of his late opponent. So openly was this
scandalous traffic carried on, that Roderigo sent four mules
laden with silver to Ascanio, and presented to another

ELECTION OF ALEXANDER VI. 67
cardinal a sum of five thousand gold crowns, as an earnest of
what he was afterwards to receive.* On this occasion, the
cardinal de' Medici had attached himself to the cardinals
Francesco Piccolomini (afterwards Pius III.) and Oliviero
Caraffa, men of great integrity and respectability, but who
were induced to relax in their opposition to the election of
Roderigo, by the exertions of Ascanio Sforza. Of twenty
cardinals who entered the conclave, we are informed there
were only five who did not sell their votes, f
On the eleventh day of August, 1492, Roderigo, having
assumed the name of Alexander VI., made his entrance, as
supreme pontiff, into the church of St. Peter. The ceremo
nies and processions on this occasion exceeded in pomp and
expense all that modern Rome had before witnessed ; and
whilst the new pontiff passed through the triumphal arches
erected to his honour, he might have read the inscriptions
which augured the return of the golden age, and hailed him
as a conqueror and a god.81 These pageants being termi
nated, Alexander underwent the final test of his qualifications,
which, in his particular instance, might have been dispensed
with, J and being then admitted into the plenitude of power,
he bestowed his pontifical benediction on the people. " He
entered on his office," says a contemporary historian, " with
the meekness of an ox, but he administered it with the fierce
ness of a lion."§
The intelligence of this event being dispersed through Italy,
where the character of Roderigo Borgia was well known, a
general dissatisfaction took place, and Ferdinand of Naples,
who, in his reputation for sagacity, stood the highest among
the sovereigns of Europe, is said to have declared to His queen
with tears, from which feminine expression of his feelings he
was wont to abstain, even on the death of his children, that
the election of this pontiff would be destructive to the repose,
not only of Italy, but of the whole republic of Christendom :
" a prognostic," says GuicciardiDi, " not unworthy of the pru-
* Burchard Diar. ap. Notices des MSS. du Roi, i. 101.
t Ibid.
. % Corio, par. vii. p. 890. Respecting the origin of this custom, vide
Shepherd's Life of Poggio Bracciolini, p. 149, note (b).
| Corio, ut sup. p. 890.
F2

68 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
dence of Ferdinand; for in Alexander VI. were united a
singular degree of prudence and sagacity, a sound under
standing, a wonderful power of persuasion, and an incredible
perseverance, vigilance, and dexterity, in whatever he under
took. But these good qualities were more than counter
balanced by his vices. In his manners he was most shame
less ; wholly divested of sincerity, of decency, and of truth ;
without fidelity, without religion; in his avarice, immode
rate ; in his ambition, insatiable ; in his cruelty, more than
barbarous; with a most ardent desire of exalting his
numerous children, by whatever means it might be accom
plished ; some of whom (that depraved instruments might
not be wanting for depraved purposes) were not less detesta
ble than their father."* Such, in the opinion of this eminent
historian, was the man, whom the sacred college had chosen
to be the supreme head of the Christian Church.
The elevation of Alexander VI. was the signal of flight to
such of the cardinals as had opposed his election. _ Giuliano
della Rovere, who to a martial spirit united a personal hatred
of Alexander, insomuch that in one of their quarrels the dis
pute had terminated with blows, thought it prudent to consult
his safety by retiring to Ostia, of which place he was bishop.
Here he fortified himself as for a siege, alleging, that he could
not trust " the traitor," by which appellation he had been
accustomed to distinguish his ancient adversary. + The car
dinal Giovanni Colonna sought a refuge in the island of
Sicily ; and the cardinal de' Medici, equally inimical, but less
obnoxious to Alexander, retired to Florence, where he re
mained till the approaching calamities of his family compelled
him to seek a shelter elsewhere.:):
No sooner was the new pontiff firmly seated in the chair of
St. Peter, than those jealousies, intrigues, and disputes, among
the potentates of Italy, which had for some time past almost
ceased to agitate that country, began again to revive, and
prepared the way, not only for a long series of bloodshed and
misery, but for events which overturned in a great degree the
political fabric of Italy, and materially affected the rest of
• Guicciard. Storia d'ltal. lib. i.
+ Muraton, Ann. vol. ix. p. 566.
t Ammirato, Ritratti d'uominiillustridi Casa Medici. Opusc. vol. in
{>¦ 64.

AMBITIOUS VIEWS OF LODOVICO SFORZA. 69
Europe. During the minority of his nephew, Gian-Galeazzo,
Lodovico Sforza had possessed the entire direction of the
government of Milan, as guardian and representative of the
young prince.82 Gratified by the exercise of the supreme
authority, he looked forwards with vexation and with dread
to the time when he was to relinquish his trust into the hands
of his rightful sovereign ; and having at length silenced the
voice of conscience, and extinguished the sense of duty, he
began to adopt such measures as he thought most likely to
deprive his nephew of his dominions, and vest the sovereignty
in himself. For this purpose he entrusted the command of
the fortresses and strongholds of the country to such persons
only as he knew were devoted to his interests. The revenue
of the state, which was then very considerable,* became in his
hands the means of corrupting the soldiery and their leaders.
All honours, offices, and favours depended upon his will; and
so completely had he concentrated in himself the power and
resources of the state, that, if we may give credit to an histo
rian of those times, the young duke and his consort Isabella,
the daughter of Alfonso, duke of Calabria, were nearly deprived
of the common necessaries of life. With all these precautions
the authority of Lodovico was yet insecure, and the final
success of his purpose doubtful. The hereditary right of
Gian-Galeazzo to his dominions was unimpeachable, and he
was now of age to take upon himself the supreme authority.83
His wife, Isabella of Aragon, was a woman of a firm and
independent spirit, and by her he had already several ohildren.
Under these circumstances it was scarcely to be supposed, that
Lodovico could divest his nephew of the government without
incurring the resentment of the princes of the house of Aragon,
who might probably also excite the other states of Italy to
avenge the cause of an injured sovereign. That these appre
hensions were not without foundation, he had already received
a decisive proof. The degraded state to which Isabella and
her husband were reduced, had compelled her to represent oy
letter to her father Alfonso their dangers and their sufferiugs,
in consequence of which, a formal embassy had been de
spatched from the king of Naples to Lodovico, to prevail
* Corio states the ducal revenue at this period at 600,000 ducats, lib.
vii. p. 883.

70 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
upon him to relinquish the supreme authority into the hands
of his lawful prince.* This measure, instead of answering
the intended purpose, served only to demonstrate to Lodovico
the dangers which he had to apprehend, and the necessity of
forming such alliances as might enable him to repel any hos
tile attempt.
In turning his eye for this purpose towards the other states
of Italy, there was no place which he regarded with more
anxiety than the city of Florence ; not only on account of the
situation of its territory, which might open the way to a direct
attack upon him, but from the suspicions which he already
entertained, that Piero de' Medici had been induced to unite
his interests with those of the family of Aragon, in preference
to the house of Sforza, a suspicion not indeed without founda
tion, and which some circumstances that .occurred at this
period amply confirmed.
On the elevation of Alexander VI. it had been determined
to despatch an embassy from Florence to congratulate the new
pontiff. As a similar mark of respect to the pope was adopted
by all the states of Italy, it was proposed by Lodovico Sforza,
that in order to demonstrate the intimate union and friendship
which then subsisted among them, the different ambassadors
should all make their public entry into Rome, and pay their
adoration to the pope on the same day. This proposition was
universally agreed to ; but Piero de' Medici, who had been
nominated as one of the Florentine envoys, proud of his superior
rank, which he conceived would be degraded by his appear
ing amidst an assembly of delegates, and perhaps desirous of
displaying in the eyes of the Roman people an extraordinary
degree of splendour, for which he had made great prepara
tions, felt a repugnance to comply with the general determi
nation. Unwilling, however, to oppose the project openly,
he applied to the king of Naples, requesting him, if possible,
to prevent its execution, by alleging that it would rather tend
to disturb than to confirm the repose of Italy, and to intro
duce disputes respecting precedency which might eventually
excite jealousy and resentment. The means by which this
opposition was effected, could not, however, be concealed from
* Corio, lib. vii. p. 883, where the letter from Isabella to her father
is given.

SFORZA INVITES CHARLES VIII. INTO ITVLY. 71
the vigilance of Lodovico, to whom it seemed to impute some
detrree of blame, in having originally proposed the measure ;
while it served to convince him, that a secret intercourse sub
sisted between Ferdinand and Piero de' Medici, which might
prove highly dangerous to his designs.
This event was shortly afterwards followed by anothei.
more clearly evincing this connexion. It had long been the
policy of the Neapolitan sovereigns, always fearful of the pre
tensions of the holy see, to maintain a powerful interest among
the Roman nobility. On the death of Innocent VIII., his sou,
Francesco Cibo, preferring the life of a Florentine citizen,
with competence and security, to that of a petty sovereign,
without a sufficient force to defend his possessions, sold the
states of Anguillara and Cervetri to Virginio Orsino, a near
relation of Piero de' Medici, and an avowed partisan of Fer
dinand of Naples, at whose instance the negotiation was con
cluded, and who furnished Virginio with the money neces
sary to effect the purchase. As this measure was adopted
without the concurrence of the pope, and evidently tended to
diminish his authority, even in the papal state, he not only
poured forth the bitterest invectives against all those who had
been privy to the transaction, but pretended, that by such
alienation the possessions of Francesco had devolved t j the holy
see.* Nor was Lodovico Sforza less irritated than the pope
by this open avowal of confidence between Piero de' Medici
and the king of Naples, although he concealed the real mo
tives of his disapprobation under the plausible pretext, that
such an alliance formed too preponderating a power for the
safety of the rest of Italy.
In endeavouring to secure himself from the perils which
he saw, or imagined, in this alliance, Lodovico was induced
by his restless genius to adopt the desperate remedy of invit
ing Charles VIII. of France to make a descent upon Italy,
for the purpose of enforcing his claim, as representative of the
house of Anjou, to the sovereignty of Naples ; an attempt
which Lodovico conjectured would, if crowned with success,
for ever secure him from those apprehensions, of which he
could not divest himself, whilst the family of Aragon conti
nued to occupy the throne of their ancestors.
* Guicciard. Storia d'ltal lib. i.

72 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
With this view, Lodovico, in the early part of the year
j. 4 93, despatched the count di Belgioioso as his confidential
envoy to France ; but as the interference of the French mo
narch was regarded by him only as a resource in case of ne
cessity, he did not in the mean time neglect any opportunity
of attaching to his interests the different sovereigns of Italy.
His endeavours were more particularly exerted to effect a
closer union with the pope, who, besides the public cause of
offence which he had received from the king of Naples, was
yet more strongly actuated by the feelings of wounded pride,
and of personal resentment. From the time of his eleva
tion to the pontificate, the aggrandizement of his family
became the leading motive of his conduct; and very soon
afterwards he had ventured to propose a treaty of marriage
between his youngest son, Geoffroi, and Sancia of Aragon,
a natural daughter of Alfonso, duke of Calabria, with whom
he expected his son would obtain a rich territory in the king
dom of Naples. Alfonso, who abhorred the pontiff, and
whose pride was probably wounded by the proposal of such
an alliance, found means to raise such obstacles against it, as
wholly frustrated the views of the pope. The common causes
of resentment which Lodovico Sforza and the pontiff enter
tained against the family of Aragon, were mutually commu
nicated to each other by means of the cardinal Ascanio
Sforza, who had been promoted by Alexander to the important
office of vice-chancellor of the holy see ; and on the twenty-
first day of April, 1493, a league was concluded between the
pope, the duke of Milan, and the Venetians, the latter of
whom had been induced, by the solicitations of Lodovico
Sforza, to concur in this measure. By this treaty, which gave
a new aspect to the affairs of Italy, the parties engaged for
the joint defence of their dominions. The pope was also to
have the assistance of his colleagues in obtaining possession
of the territories and fortresses occupied by Virginio Orsino.
But although the formalities were expedited in the name of
Gian-Galeazzo, the rightful sovereign of Milan, yet an article
was introduced for maintaining the authority of Lodovico as
chief director of the state.
As these proceedings could be regarded by the family of
Arago" m no other light than as preliminaries to direct hosti-

RECONCILIATION OF FERDINAND WITH ALEXANDER VI. 73
lities, they excited great apprehensions in the mind of Ferdi
nand, who was well aware how little cause he had to rely on
the assistance of his nobility and powerful feudatories, in
resisting any hostile attack. The direct consequences of this
league were, however, such as to induce a closer union be
tween the family of Aragon and the state of Florence ; in
consequence of which, Piero de' Medici, as the chief of that
republic, no longer hesitated to avow his connexions with Fer
dinand. In the first impulse of resentment, it was proposed
between Piero, and Alfonso, duke of Calabria, that they should
join with Prospero, and Fabrizio Colonna, in a design formed
by the cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, the avowed adversary
of Alexander, for attacking the city of Rome ; an enterprise
to which the sanction of the Orsini, with whom Piero de'
Medici possessed great influence, would, in all probability,
have given decisive success. In this daring attempt Ferdi
nand, however, refused to concur ; judging it expedient rather
to sooth the resentment, and, perhaps, in some degree, to gra
tify the wishes of his adversaries, than to involve himself in a
contest, the result of which he could not contemplate without
the most alarming apprehensions. On this account he not
only determined to withdraw his opposition to the pope, re
specting the possessions of Virginio Orsino, but found means
to renew the treaty for an alliance between his own family
and that of the pontiff. To these propositions Alexander
listened with eagerness, and the marriage betweeen Geoffroi
Borgia and Sancia of Aragon was finally agreed upon;
although, on account of the youth of the parties, a subsequent
period was appointed for its consummation.*
No sooner was the intelligence of this new alliance, and
the defection of the pope, communicated to Lodovico Sforza,
than his fears for the continuance of his usurped authority
increased to the most alarming degree, and he determined to
hasten, as much as possible, the negotiation in which he was
already engaged, for inducing Charles VIII. to attempt the
conquest of Naples. This young monarch, the only son of
Louis XL, had succeeded, on the death of his father, in 1 483,
to the crown of France, when only twelve years of age.
Although destined to the accomplishment of great undertak-
* This treaty was concluded on the 12th day of June, 1493. Murat.
An. ix. 569.

74 TOE LIFE OF LEO X.
ings, he did not derive from nature the characteristics of a
hero, either in the endowments of his body or in the qualities
of his mind. His stature was low, his person ill-proportioned,
his countenance pallid, his head large, his limbs slender, and
his feet of so uncommon a breadth, that it was asserted he
had more than the usual number of toes. His constitution
was so infirm as to render him, in the general opinion, wholly
unfit for hardships and military fatigues. His mind was as
weak as his body ; he had been educated in ignorance, de
barred from the commerce of mankind, and on some occasions
he manifested a degree of pusillanimity which almost exceeds
belief.84 With all these defects, both natural and acquired,
Charles was not destitute of ambition ; but it was the ambi
tion of an impotent mind, which, dazzled by the splendour of
its object, sees neither the dangers that attend its acquisition,
nor the consequences of its attainment. On a character so
constituted, the artful representations of Lodovico Sforza
were well calculated to produce their full effect; but as the
prospect of success opened upon Charles, his views became
more enlarged, till at length he began to consider the acquisi
tion of Naples as only an intermediate step to the overthrow
of the Turks, and the restoration in his own person of the
high dignity of emperor of the east. This idea, which acted
at the same time on the pride and on the superstition of the
king, Lodovico encouraged to the utmost of his power. In
order to give greater importance to his solicitations, he de
spatched to Paris a splendid embassy of the chief nobility of
Milan, at the head of which he placed his former envoy, the
count di Belgioioso. With great assiduity and personal
address, this nobleman instigated the king to this important
enterprise, assuring him of the prompt and effectual aid of
Lodovico Sforza, and the favour or neutrality of the other
states of Italy, and representing to him the inefficient re
sources of Ferdinand of Naples, and the odium with which
both he and his son Alfonso were regarded by the principal
barons of the realm ; a truth which was confirmed to Charles
by the princes of Salerno and Bisignano, who had sought, in
the court of France, a refuge from the resentment of Fer
dinand. These solicitations produced the effect which
Lodovico intended, and Charles not only engaged in the
attempt to recover the kingdom of Naples, but, to thb sur-

CLAIMS TO THE CROWN OF NAPLES. 75
prise of all his courtiers, he determined to lead his army in
person.* The respective claims of the houses of Anjou and Aragon
upon the crown of Naples, were, in the estimation of sounol
seuse and enlightened policy, equally devoid of foundation.
In all countries, the supreme authority has been supposed to
be rightfully vested only in those who claim it by hereditary
descent, or by the consenting voice of the people ; but, with
respect to the kingdom of Naples, each of the contending
parties founded its pretensions on a donation of the sove
reignty to their respective ancestors. The origin of these
contentions is to be traced to a remote assumption of the holy
see, by which it was asserted, that the kingdom of Naples
was held by its sovereigns as a fief of the church, and in
certain cases, on which the pontiffs arrogated to themselves
the right of deciding, reverted to its actual disposal. That
dominion, which the sovereign had received as the gift of
another, it was supposed that he could himself transfer by
his voluntary act ; the consent of the church being all that
was necessary to render such transfer valid; and to this per
nicious and absurd idea we are to trace all the calamities
which destroyed for several centuries the repose of Italy, and
rendered it, on various occasions, the theatre of massacre, of
rapine, and of blood.85
To balance against each other pretensions which are equally
unsubstantial on any principle of sound policy, or even of
acknowledged and positive law, may seem superfluous. If
long prescription can be presumed to justify that which com
menced in violence and in fraud, the title of the house of
Anjou may be allowed to have been confirmed by a pos
session of nearly two centuries, in which the reins of govern
ment had been held by several monarchs who had preserved
the rights and secured the happiness of their subjects. On
the expulsion of Renato, in 1442, by Alfonso of Aragon,
the family of Anjou were divested of their dominions ; and
by several successive bequests, which would scarcely have
had sufficient authenticity to transfer a private inheritance
from one individual to another, in any country in Europe, the
* Guicciard. lib. i. Murat. Ann. ix. passim. Corio, par. vii.
p. 890, &c.

76 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
rights of the exiled sovereigns became vested in Louis XL,
from wham they had descended to his son Charles VIII,
The title of Ferdinand was, on the other hand, open to for
midable objections ; the illegitimacy and usurpation of his
ancestor Manfredo, the deduction of his rights by the female
line, the long acquiescence of his %mily, and the circum
stances of his own birth, afforded plausible pretexts for the
measures adopted against him ; but it must be remembered,
that the same power which had conferred the kingdom on
the family of Anjou, had on another occasion bestowed it on
Alfonso, the father of Ferdinand ; and the paramount autho
rity of the Roman see, to which . both parties alternately
resorted, must, in the discussion of their respective claims, be
considered as decisive. Alfonso on his death had given it to
his son, who, whether capable or not of hereditary succession,
might receive a donation, which had been tranferred for ages
with as little ceremony as a piece of domestic furniture ; and
if a nation is ever to enjoy repose, Ferdinand might, at this
time, be presumed to be, both de jure and de facto, king of
Naples. In the discussion of questions of this nature, there is, how
ever, one circumstance which seems not to have been suffi
ciently attended to, either by the parties themselves, or those
who ha^e examined their claims, and which may explain
the mutability of the Neapolitan government better than an
appeal to hereditary rights, papal endowments, or feudal
customs. The object of dominion is not the bare territory of
a country, but the command of the men who possess that
country. These, it ought to be recollected, are intelligent
beings, capable of being rendered happy or miserable by the
virtues or the vices of a sovereign, and acting, if not always
under the influence of sober reason, with an impulse result
ing from the nature of the situation in which they are placed.
Whilst the prince, therefore, retains the affections of his
people ; whilst he calls forth their energies without rendering
them ferocious, and secures their repose without debasing
their character; the defects of his title to the sovereignty
will disappear in the splendour of his virtues. But when ho
relinquishes the sceptre of the king for the scourge of the
tyrant, and the ties of attachment are loosened by reiterated

CLAIMS TO THE CROWN OF NAPLES. 77
instances of rapacity, cruelty, and oppression, the road to
innovation is already prepared ; the approach of an enemy is
no longer considered as a misfortune, but as a deliverance;
the dry discussion of abstract rights gives way to more im
perious considerations ; and the adoption of a new sovereign
is not so much the result of versatility, of cowardice, or
of treachery, as of that invincible necessity, by which the
human race are impelled to relieve themselves from intolera
ble calamities.
The resolution adopted by Charles VIII. to attempt the
conquest of Naples, was no sooner known in France, than
it gave rise to great diversity of opinion among the barons
and principal counsellors of the realm ; many of whom, as
well as his nearest relations, endeavoured to divert him from
his purpose, by representing to him the impolicy of quitting
nis own dominions, the dangers to which he must infallibly
expose himself, and, above all, the depressed state of his
finances, which were totally inadequate to the preparation of
so great an armament. They reminded him of the prudent
conduct of his father, who was always averse to the measure
which he now proposed to take, and unwilling to involve
himself in the intricate web of Italian politics ; of the long-
established authority of Ferdinand of Naples, confirmed by
his late triumphs over his refractory nobles, and of the high
military reputation of Alfonso, duke of Calabria, whose ex
pulsion of the Turks from Otranto, in the year 1481, had
ranked him amongst the greatest generals of the age. The
die was, however, cast ; the measure of prosperity in Italy
was full ; and instead of listening to the remonstrances of his
friends, Charles bent his mind on the most speedy means of
carrying his purpose into execution. The grandeur of the
object called forth energies which none of his courtiers sup
posed that he possessed. The ardour of the king commu
nicated itself to the populace, whose favour was still farther
secured by representing the conquest of Naples as only the
preliminary step to that of the capital of the Turkish empire,
and to the diffusion of the Catholic faith throughout the eastern
world. An ignorant people are never eo courageous, or rather
so ferocious, as when they conceive themselves to be contend
ing in the cause of religion. Charles had the artifice to avail

78 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
himself of this propensity, and to represent his expedition as
undertaken to fulfil a particular call from heaven, manifested
by ancient prophecies, which had promised him, not only the
empire of Constantinople, but also the kingdom of Jerusa
lem.86 From all parts of his dominions, his subjects of every
rank voluntarily presented themselves to share his honours,
or to partake his dangers; and, including some bands of
mercenaries, he found himself in a short time at the head of
an army, the numbers of which have been very differently
estimated, but at the time of his departure it could not, ic
its different detachments, have consisted of less than fifty
thousand men.
Before Charles could, however, engage with any reasonable
degree of safety in his intended expedition, some important
difficulties yet remained to be overcome. The countenance,
or the acquiescence of the principal sovereigns of Europe was
indispensably necessary ; but although he was on terms of
amity with the king of England (Henry VII.) he was involved
in quarrels with Ferdinand of Spain, and with Maximilian,
king of the Romans. The former of these monarchs, having
had occasion to borrow a sum of one hundred thousand ducats,
had proposed to Louis XI. that on his advancing the money,
its repayment should be secured by the possession of the
counties of Perpignan and Roussillon, which were accord
ingly surrendered to him ; but when, some years afterwards,
Ferdinand offered to return the money, Louis, being unwill
ing to relinquish a district which adjoined his own dominions,
refused to perform the stipulations of the agreement. This
undisguised instance of perfidy gave occasion to complaints
and remonstrances on the part of Ferdinand, to which neither
Louis nor his successor had hitherto paid the least regard.
But no sooner had Charles determined on his expedition into
Italy, than he proposed to restore these provinces to Ferdi
nand, in such a manner as seemed most likely to secure his
future favour. By an embassy despatched for this purpose,
he represented to the Spanish monarch, that whilst the crown
of France had been attacked on all sides by powerful enemies,
and compelled to defend itself at the same time against the
late Emperor Frederic, the king of England, and the dukes
of Burgundy and Britany, both he and his father had retained

DIFFERENCES BETWEEN CHARLES AND MAXIMILIAN. 79
these provinces, notwithstanding the threats and remonstrances
of the court of Spain ; but that having now repulsed or con
ciliated all his enemies, and having nothing to apprehend
from any hostile attack, he had resolved to restore these
contested territories, without any other compensation than
the friendship and alliance of Ferdinand. The restitution
accordingly took place, and was soon followed by a treaty
between the two sovereigns, in which Ferdinand solemnly
engaged that he would not interfere in the concerns of Naples,
notwithstanding the near degree of relationship which sub
sisted between him and the sovereign of that kingdom and
his family, to whom he was connected by the ties of both
consanguinity and affinity.* Charles did not, however, con
sider this treaty, which had been concluded with the ambas
sadors of Ferdinand at Lyons, as an effectual security for his
neutrality ; for he soon afterwards despatched his envoys to
Madrid, who required and obtained the personal and solemn
oath, not only of Ferdinand himself, but of his queen Isabella,
and their son John, prince of Castile, then of mature age, to
the same effect.
The disagreement between Charles and Maximilian, king
of the Romans, was of a much more delicate nature. During
the life of his father, Charles had been betrothed to Mar-
garetta, the daughter of Maximilian, who was accordingly
sent to France, whilst an infant, to be educated among her
future subjects ; but when the time approached that the
nuptial ceremony should have taken place, circumstances
occurred which induced Charles to change his intentions, and
to disregard his engagements. Francis, duke of Bretagne,
who then held his rich and extensive domains as an indepen
dent prince, finding himself at open war with the French
monarch, had been led, by the hopes of a powerful alliance,
to engage his daughter Anna in marriage to Maximilian.
After the death of the duke, Charles persevered in his hosti
lities, and notwithstanding the interference of Henry VII. of
England, who sent a body of troops to the relief of the young
duchess, the greater part of her territories was occupied by
* The two sovereigns were brothers' children, and Ferdinand of
Naples had married, for his second wife, Joanna, the sister of Fer
dinand of Spain.

80 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
the French troops, and the duchess herself, besieged in her capi
tal of Rennes, was at length obliged to submit to the terms
imposed by the conqueror. The youth and beauty of the
duchess, and the important advantages which Charles foresaw
from the union of her dominions with his own, induced him,
notwithstanding his engagements with Margaretta of Austria,
to make her proposals of marriage, and her consent being
with some difficulty obtained, the nuptials were accordingly
carried into immediate effect. Nor can it be denied, that
this union, politically considered, was highly judicious; as
it secured to Charles the command of a country naturally
formed to be governed with his own, and at the same time
prevented the powerful family of Austria from establishing
itself in the vicinity of the French dominions.* But with
respect to Maximilian, the conduct of Charles included two
indignities of the most unpardonable nature : the repudiating
his innocent daughter, and the depriving him of his betrothed
wife. Maximilian was not, however, prepared for hostile
measures ; and the animosity to which these events gave rise,
soon became a matter of negotiation, in which Lodovico
Sforza interposed his good offices. In the month of June,
1493, a treaty was concluded between the two sovereigns,
by which it was agreed that Margaretta should be restored to
her father, with her intended dowry, and that Charles should
be released from his contract, t The disappointment of Maxi
milian Lodovico alleviated by recommending to him his
niece, Bianca Maria, whom Maximilian soon afterwards
took to wife ; whilst his daughter Margaretta found a hus
band in John, prince of Castile, the son of Ferdinand and
Isabella, and presumptive heir to the Spanish monarchy;
after whose death, in 1497, she married Filiberto, duke of
Savoy. Nor did Charles VIII. in preparing for his Neapolitan
expedition, implicitly rely upon the representations of Lodo
vico Sforza, with respect to the disposition of the other states
of Italy. On the contrary, he despatched his emissaries,
with directions to obtain, if not the assurance of their assist-
* Memoire sur le Mariage de Charles Dauphin, &c inserted in the
collection of Du Mont, vol. iii. par. ii. p. 404. Bacon, Hist. Hen. VII.
f Corio, par. vii. p. 898.

NEGOTIATES WITH THE FLORENTINES 81
ance, at least the knowledge of their intentions. The prin
cipal argument on which he relied for conciliating their
favour, was the avowal of his determination to attempt the
recovery of Constantinople, and the duty imposed upon all
Christendom to assist him in so magnanimous and pious an
enterprise. In order to obtain greater credit to these asser
tions, he assumed the titles of king of Sicily and Jerusalem.
His chief endeavours were, however, employed to prevail
upon the Florentines and the pope to withdraw themselves
from their alliance with Ferdinand. The answer which he
obtained from the former was equivocal and unsatisfactory.
Whilst they assured the king, in private, of their good
wishes, they excused themselves from a public avowal of
them, lest they should incur the resentment of Ferdinand of
Naples, who, by turning his arms against the Tuscan terri
tory, might render it the seat of the war. Such were the
sentiments of the Florentine government, as sanctioned by
Piero de' Medici ; but the intelligence of the intentions of
the French monarch was received with inconceivable joy by
a considerable number of the most powerful inhabitants of
Florence, who were hostile to the views of Piero, and con
ceived that, in the commotions likely to arise from such a
contest, they should find an opportunity of divesting him of
his authority. Among these, the most distinguished by their
wealth and rank were Lorenzo and Giovanni, the sons of
Pier-Francesco de' Medici, and grandsons of the elder
Lorenzo, the brother of Cosmo, " Pater Patrice." These
young men, jealous of the superior authority of PierQ and
his brothers in the affairs of Florence, had endeavoured, by
their liberality and affability, and above all, by avowing a
decided attachment to the liberties of the people, to establish
themselves in the favour of the public ; in which attempt
they had not been wholly unsuccessful. From them and
their friends, the envoys of Charles received a secret assur
ance, that if he would persevere in his intentions, they would
not only promote his views to the utmost of their power, but
would also undertake to supply him with a large sum of
money, towards defraying the expenses of his expedition.
The conduct of the two brothers was, however, regarded with
a suspicious eye. They had already shewn a decided par-
vol. I. O

82 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
tiality to the French king ; and certain information having
been obtained of a secret correspondence with him, their
persons were seized upon by the orders of Piero de' Medici,
who has been accused of having entertained private causes of
resentment against them, and of wishing to avail himself of
this opportunity of gratifying his enmity, by depriving them
of their lives.* Their misconduct was, however, apparent ;
and, after a long discussion, and the interference of many
powerful friends, they were ordered, by a lenient sentence,
to remain at their villas in the vicinity of Florence ; but they
soon broke the conditions imposed on them, and fled to
France, where, by their personal interference, they encouraged
the king to persevere in his claims.
In order to palliate these proceedings to the French king,
and to conciliate, if possible, his indulgence and favour, Gen
tile, bishop of Arezzo, and Piero Soderini, afterwards Gon-
faloniere for life, were despatched as ambassadors of the
republic to France.f They found the king in the city of
Toulouse, where, being admitted to an interview, they
entreated him not to press the citizens of Florence to take
an immediate and decided part in the approaching contest,
and represented to him the dangers which they must inevit
ably incur by such a measure. They artfully extolled the
greatness of his name, the extent of his dominions, and the
numbers and courage of his troops ; but they also suggested
to bim, that he was separated from Italy by the formidable
barrier of the Alps, and that whilst he was hastening to the
protection of the Florentines, they might fall a sacrifice to
the merited resentment of Ferdinand of Naples. At the
same time they assured him, that as soon as he should have
surmounted these obstacles, and made his appearance in Italy,
he should find them disposed to render him every assistance in
their power. The purport of this discourse was too obvious
to escape the animadversion of Charles, whose indignation it
excited to such a degree, that he not only drove the ambas-
* Nardi gives us reason to believe that there were very sufficient
(jiounds for the proceedings, which he adverts to, as having fallen within
his own knowledge many years afterwards. Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. i,
»¦ 10.
+ Ammirato, Istorie Florentine, iii. 190.

REMONSTRANCES OF ALEXANDER VI. 83
sadors from his presence, but threatened instantly to seize
upon the property of all the Florentines within his realm,,
and to expel them from his dominions : and although he was
prevented, by his advisers, from carrying this purpose into
execution, he ordered that the agents of Piero de' Medici
should instantly be sent from the city of Lyons, where the
family had carried on the business of bankers for a long
course of years; thereby clearly manifesting from what
quarter he conceived the opposition to arise.*
For the purpose of ascertaining the views of Alexander VI.
Charles had despatched a second embassy to Rome, at
the head of which was his general and confidential friend
D' Aubigny. The success of this mission was highly desirable
to him ; as its principal object was to obtain from Alexander,
by promises on the one hand, or by threats on the other, the
formal investiture of the kingdom of Naples. If, as it has
been asserted by many historians, Alexander had before con
curred iD inciting the king to this undertaking, he did not
scruple, on the present occasion, to change his sentiments ;
and his reply was not favourable to the hopes of Charles.
He entreated him to remember, that the kingdom of Naples
had been three times conceded by the holy see to the family
of Aragon, the investiture of Ferdinand having expressly
included that of his son Alfonso ; that these adjudications
could not be rendered void, unless it appeared judicially that
Charles had a superior right, which could not be affected by
these acts of investiture, in which there was an express reser
vation, that they should not prejudice the rights of any per
son ; that the dominion of Naples being under the imme
diate protection of the holy see, the pontiff could not persuade
himself that his most Christian Majesty would so openly
oppose himself to the Church, as to hazard, without its con
currence, a hostile attack on that kingdom ; that it would be
more consistent with his known moderation and dignity, to
assert his pretensions in a civil form ; in which case Alex
ander, as the sole judge of the right, declared himself ready
to enter upon the discussion of the claims of the respective
parties. These remonstrances he afterwards more fully en-
* Guicciard. Storia d'ltal. lib. i. 1. 32.
c ii

84 THE LIFT. OF LEO X.
forced in an apostolic brief, in which he exhorted the French
monarch to unite his arms with those of the other sovereigns
of Europe, against the common enemies of Christendom, and
to submit his claims on the kingdom of Naples to the decision
of a pacific judicature.87 Instead of altering the purpose,
these admonitions only excited the resentment of the king,
who, in return, avowed his determination to expel Alexander
from the pontifical throne.*
The answers obtained by the envoys of the king, from the
duke of Savoy, the republic of Venice, and other governments
of Italy, expressed in general terms their great respect for the
French monarch, and their reluctance to engage in so danger
ous a contest ; but the duke of Ferrara, although he had mar
ried a daughter of Ferdinand, king of Naples, actuated, as has
been supposed, by the hope of availing himself of the aid of
the French against his powerful enemies the Venetians, did
not hesitate to encourage the French monarch, in the most
open manner, to persevere in his claims.88
The negotiations and precautions resorted to by Charles,
preparatory to his Italian expedition, were such as a wise ad
viser would have suggested, and a prudent commander would
not. fail to adopt. He was also assiduous in collecting those
necessary supplies of warlike stores, ammunition, and artillery
of various kinds, the use of which had then been lately intro
duced, and on which he chiefly relied for the success of his
undertaking.89 Yet, if we may believe a writer who himself
acted no unimportant part in the transactions of the times,
the conduct of the French monarch was a series of obstinacy,
folly, and indecision.t " The king," says he, " had neither
money nor talents for such an enterprise ; the success of which
can only be attributed to the grace of God, who shewed his
power most manifestly on this occasion." And again, " The
king was very young, weak in body, obstinate, surrounded
by few persons of prudence or experience; money he had
none, insomuch, that before his departure he was obliged to
borrow one hundred thousand francs from a banker at
Genoa, at an enormous interest, as well as to resort to other
* Benedetti, Fatto d'arme del Tarro, tradotto da Domenichi, p. 5,
cd. Ven. 1545.
t Commines, liv. vii. chap. 4, p. 192.

INDECISION OF CHARLES VIII. 85
places for assistance. He had neither tent nor pavilion, and
in this state he began his inarch into Lombardy. One thing
only seemed favourable to him ; he had a gallant company,
consisting chiefly of young gentlemen, though with little dis
cipline. This expedition must therefore have been the work
of God, both in going and returning ; for the understanding
of its conductors could render it very little service, although
it must be acknowledged that it has terminated in the acqui
sition of no small share of honour and glory to their master."90
Even at the moment of departure, although the king was
unceasingly pressed by the envoys of Lodovico Sforza, he
displayed a strong disinclination to commence his journey ;
and as he fluctuated according to the advice of his counsellors,
he changed his purpose from day to day. At length he de
termined to set forwards on his expedition ; " but even then,"
says Commines, " when I had begun my journey I was sent
back, and told ffhat the attempt was relinquished." How then
shall we reconcile the external demonstrations of perseverance,
prudence, and magnanimity, to which we have before ad
verted, with these internal marks of imbecility and weakness
of mind ? In truth, the history of mankind is susceptible of
being represented under very different aspects ; and whilst one
narrator informs us of the ostensible conduct of sovereigns and
their agents on the public stage of life, another intrudes him
self behind the curtain, and discovers to us by what paltry
contrivances the wires are played, and by what contemptible
causes those effects, which we so highly admire, are in fact
produced. Whilst preparations were thus making by Charles for his
intended expedition, the sagacious mind of Ferdinand of
Naples had maturely compared the probable impulse of the
attack, with the known practicability of resistance, and the
result of his deliberations was such as to occasion to him no
small share of anxiety. He well knew that the arms of the
French king were not only superior to any force which he,
with his utmost exertions, could oppose to them, but in all
probability to that of all the Italian states united. On his allies
he could place no firm reliance ; and if he did not suspect their
duplicity, or dread their inconstancy, he could only expect them
to act as circumstances might prescribe ; or, in other words, to

86 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
attach themselves to the conquering party. From his rela
tive, the king of Spain, he could hope for no assistance, for he
had solemnly disavowed and abjured his cause ; and if ho re
sorted to the aid of his own subjects, he only saw, on every
hand, the indications of tumult and rebellion, the natural con
sequences of a severity which had alienated the affections of
his barons, and reduced his people to servitude. Under these
circumstances, he resolved to try whether it might not yet be
possible, by prudent negotiation and timely submission, to
avert the dangers with which he was threatened ; and in this
respect he proposed to avail himself of the interference of
Carlotta, the daughter of his second son Federigo, who was
related to Charles by consanguinity, and had been educated
in his court.* He also despatched, as his ambassador, Ca-
millo Pandone, who had formerly been his representative in
France, with offers to Charles of a considerable annual tri
bute, if he would relinquish his enterprise ; but the h-imilia-
tion of Ferdinand rather excited the hopes, than averted the
purpose, of his adversary ; and his ambassador was remanded
without a public hearing. In his applications to Lodovico
Sforza, although he met with an exterior civility, he was, in
fact, equally unsuccessful ; nor could he, indeed, reasonably
hope for any satisfactory engagement with that ever- variable
politician, who, in weaving the web for the destruction of
others, was at length entangled in it himself.
Nor was Ferdinand, whilst he was thus endeavouring to
avert, by negotiation, the dangers with which he was threat
ened, remiss in collecting together such a force as his own
states afforded for his defence. A fleet of about forty galleys
was speedily prepared for action ; and by great exertions and
expense, a body of troops was collected, which, including the
various descriptions of soldiery, amounted to about seven
thousand men. But whilst Ferdinand was thus endeavouring
to secure himself from the approaching storm, he found a more
effectual shelter from its violence in a sudden death, hastened,
perhaps, by the joint effects of vexation and fatigue, on the
twenty-fifth day of January, 1494, when he had nearly
attained the seventy-first year of his age.91
* Federigo of Aragon married Anna, daughter of Amadeus, duke of
Savoy, who was brother of Carlotta, queen of Louis XI.

ALFONSO II. SUCCEEDS TO THE THRONE. 87
The stipulations entered into between Ferdinand and
Alexander VI. had, however, for the present, effectually
secured the favour of the pontifl, which, on this occasion,
was of the greatest importance to Alfonso, the son and suc
cessor of Ferdinand, who found no difficulty in obtaining the
bull of investiture. He was accordingly crowned, with great
pomp, at Naples, on the seventh day of May, 1494, by Gio
vanni Borgia, nephew of the pope, and cardinal of Monreale,
who was sent from Rome to perform the ceremony. Imme
diately after his accession to the crown, Alfonso appointed
the celebrated Pontano his chief secretary ; nor, if we may
judge from the commendations bestowed on him by the
Neapolitan scholars, was this the only instance in which he
shewed his respect for literature.92
Soon after the ceremonial of the coronation, the nuptials
of Geoffroi Borgia with Sancia of Aragon were celebrated,
the bride being at that time seventeen, and the husband only
thirteen years of age. The magnificence of these formalities
was as ill suited to the alarming situation of the Aragonese
family, as the expense was to their necessities. The pope
and the king seemed to contend with each other which should
be most lavish of his bounty ; but Alexander dispensed only
the favours and dignities of the church, whilst Alfonso sacri
ficed the revenues of his estates, and diminished those pecu
niary resources of which he stood so greatly in need. Lodo
vico, the son of Don Henry, natural brother of the king, was
on this occasion received into the sacred college, and was
afterwards known by the name of the cardinal of Aragon ;
and the pope released Alfonso, during his life, from the
nominal tribute, so constantly, but ineffectually, claimed by
the holy see from the sovereigns of Naples. On the other
hand, the king invested Giovanni Borgia, eldest son of the
pope, already created duke of Gandia, with the principality of
Tricarica, and other rich domains in the kingdom of Naples,
of the annual value of twelve thousand ducats ; to which he
also added the promise of the first of the seven great offices
of state that should become vacant. Nor was Ceesar Borgia,
ths second son of Alexander, forgotten on this occasion ;
another grant of a considerable income from the kingdom of
Naples being thought necessary to enable him to support the

88 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
dignity of his rank, as one of the cardinals of the church.
Two hundred thousand ducats were expended in the dowry
and paraphernalia of the bride ; and tournaments and feasts,
which were continued for several days, seemed to afford both
the people and their rulers a short respite from their approach
ing calamities.
The alliance and support of the pope being thus secured,
Alfonso prepared for war ; and as a proof that he meant, in
the first instance, to resort to vigorous measures, he dismissed
from his capital the Milanese ambassador, at the same time
sequestrating the revenues of the duchy of Bari, which had
been conferred by his father on Lodovico Sforza. By a
secret intercourse with the cardinal Fregoso, and Obietto
da Fiesco, who then enjoyed great authority in Genoa, he
attempted to deprive the duke of Milan of his dominion over
that state ; and that nothing might be wanting on his part to
secure himself against the impending attack, he despatched
ambassadors to the Sultan Bajazet, to represent to him, that
the avowed object of the French king was the overthrow of
the Ottoman empire, and to request that he would imme
diately send a strong reinforcement to his relief. The
lessons of experience, which form the wisdom of individuals,
seem to be lost on the minds of rulers ; otherwise Alfonso
might have discovered, that his most effectual safeguard was
in the affections of his people, who, if his conduct had enti
tled him to their favour, would have been found sufficiently
powerful for his defence ; whilst, on the contrary, the aver
sion of his own subjects, accumulated by repeated instances
of a cruel and unrelenting disposition, both before and after
his accession to the throne, was an internal malady which no
foreign aid could remove.
The opinions, debates, and negotiations, to which the
intended expedition gave rise among the smaller states of
Italy, each of whom had their ambassadors and partisans
constantly employed, combined to form such an intricate
tissue of political intrigue, as it would be equally useless and
tiresome to unravel. It is not, however, difficult to perceive,
that these petty sovereigns, instead of uniting in any great
and general plan of defence, were each of them' labouring to
secure his private interests, or to avail himself of any circum-

ALFONSO II. PREPARES FOR WAR. 89
stance in the approaching commotions that might contribute
to his own aggrandizement. In the conflagration that was
speedily to involve the political faluic of Italy, the contest,
therefore, was not who should most assist in extinguishing
the flames, but who should obtain the greatest share of the
spoil. The determination of Charles VIII. to attempt the con
quest of Naples now became every day more apparent.
D'Aubigny, one of the most experienced commanders in the
service of the French monarch, had, after his interview with
the pope, been directed to remain in Italy, where he had
already the command of a small body of French troops, which
had been assembled in the territories of Milan i96 and by the
assistance of Lodovico Sforza, and his brother, the cardinal
Ascanio, several of the Italian nobility and condottieri, regard
less to whom they sold their services, undertook to furnish
the king with a stipulated number of cavalry, or men at arms.
Among these mercenaries were some of the chief barons of
the Roman state, and particularly those of the families of
Colonna, Orsini, and Savelli.* This daring instance of in
subordination in the Roman nobility alarmed the pontiff, and
afforded too plausible a pretext for those severities which he
afterwards exercised against them.
In order to concert together the means for their common
defence, it was proposed, between Alfonso and the pope,
that they should meet at the town of Vico, about twenty
miles from Rome, whither Alexander accordingly repaired,
accompanied by many of the cardinals, the Venetian and
Florentine legates, and about five hundred horse. He was
there met by Alfonso, who, with unavailing humility, pro
fessed his willingness to rest his cause on the decision of the
sacred college and the ambassadors of the neutral courts.t
After this interview Alexander returned in haste to Rome,
with the resolution of suppressing the Roman nobility, who
were now in arms, and openly avowed their attachment to
the cause of the French ; but he found them so posted, and
their numbers so considerably increased, that he thought it
* These auxiliaries are enumerated by Corio, par. vii; p. 923.
f Corio, par. vii. p. 925.

90 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
advisable to relinquish the attempt for the present, and to
reserve his vengeance for a future day.
Alfonso now determined to take the command of his army
in person, and appointed his brother Federigo admiral of _ his
fleet. With the former, it was his intention to advance into
Romagna, and oppose himself to the threatened hostilities of
D'Aubigny; whilst the latter was directed to proceed to
Genoa, for the purpose of affording the citizens of that place
an opportunity of freeing themselves from the dominion of
the house of Sforza.94
The cardinal Fregoso and his nephew, with Obietto da
Fiesco, and other Genoese exiles, accompanied the armament
of Federigo, which was provided with materials for burning
the fleet in the harbour of Genoa, and for destroying the
preparations which the French had, for some time past, been
making there. About the end of the month of June the
Neapolitan flotilla sailed from Civita Vecchia, having on
board four thousand soldiers, and a considerable quantity
of artillery. Its arrival in the gulf of Spezia was immedi
ately announced to Louis, duke of Orleans, who had pre
ceded Charles in his expedition into Italy, and had arrived
at Asti, where he was employed in concerting with Lodovico
Sforza the measures to be adopted in commencing the war.
Selecting for his purpose a body of two thousand infantry
and five hundred light-armed horse, he repaired to Genoa,
where the partisans of the French had prepared for service
seven large ships with heavy artillery, besides several smaller
vessels, on which they had embarked six hundred men,
under the command of the French general D'UrfcL* De
tachments from Genoa were also sent to protect the coast ;
and, in an attempt made by the Aragonese to possess them
selves of Porto Venere, they were repulsed with some loss,
and retired to Leghorn, to repair their damage. They soon,
however, proceeded again towards the coast of Genoa, and
effected a landing at Rapallo, where they began to intrench
themselves ; but the duke of Orleans, having assumed the
command of the Genoese fleet, which had been reinforced
by four large ships, and having taken on board about a
* Called by Corio, " Monsignore Orfeo," par. vii. p. 927.

FERDINAND OPPOSES THE FRENCH IN ROMAGNA. 91
thousand Swiss mercenaries, hastened towards that place;
whilst a body of troops, under the command of Anton-Maria
da Sanseverino and Giovanni Adorno, were directed to
proceed along the coast, and co-operate with the duke.*
On the first attack the Swiss troops were repulsed by the
Neapolitans ; but the detachment by land arriving to their
assistance, the engagement was renewed ; and the Neapo
litans, conceiving themselves likely to be surrounded, took
to flight, and abandoned their enterprise, with the loss of
about two hundred men killed, besides a considerable num
ber of prisoners. To this victory, the heavy artillery of
one of the French ships, which was brought to bear upon
the Neapolitan troops, greatly contributed.95 Such of the
fugitives as fell into the hands of the Genoese, after being
plundered, were suffered to escape; but the Swiss shewed
no mercy to the vanquished ; and notwithstanding the re
monstrances of their allies, stormed and plundered the town
of Rapallo, where, among other enormities, they slaughtered
even the sick in the hospitals. The indignation which this
cruelty excited at Genoa, had nearly effected that which the
Neapolitan armament had failed to accomplish. On the
return of the troops to that city, the populace rose and
massacred several of the Swiss soldiery ; and the duke of
Orleans, instead of returning from his expedition in triumph,
was under the necessity of taking precautions for his safety
before he ventured to disembark.T
In the mean time, it became necessary to check the pro
gress of D'Aubigny, who, having now collected a consider
able force, had entered Romagna, and was proceeding, with
out interruption, towards the territories of Naples. The
command of the detachment intended for this purpose was
relinquished by Alfonso to his son Ferdinand, duke of
Calabria, who, at the head of a body of troops, superior in
number to the French and their allies, took his station be
tween the branches of the Po. He there presented himself
for some hours in order of battle, and by his courage and
promptitude conciliated to his cause no small share of popular
favour.96 For some time, the French and Neapolitan armies
* Giustiniani, Annali di Genoa, lib. v. p. 249, b.
t Ibid., lib. v. p. 250.

92 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
were encamped within a mile of each other ; hut D'Aubigny
prudently declined a contest. As the enemy increased in
force, Ferdinand in his turn was compelled to retreat. The
intelligence of the disaster at Rapallo, and the certainty of
the approach of Charles VIII., had contributed to dispirit
the Neapolitan troops : and at the moment when the duke
of Calabria ought, by the vigour and decision of his mea
sures, to have confirmed the wavering minds of the Italian
potentates, he gave the omen of his future ruin, by retiring
under the walls of Faenza; where, instead of attempting
offensive operations, he was satisfied with fortifying himself
against an attack.*
On the twenty-second day of August, 1494, Charles took
his departure from Vienne ; and, passing through Grenoble,
crossed the Alps, and arrived at Tnrin ; where he was re
ceived with great honour by Bianca, widow of Charles, duke
of Savoy. Of the splendid appearance of the duchess and
her court, a particular description is given by one of the
-attendants of the French monarch.97 Such was the pro
fusion of jewels displayed on this occasion, that Charles,
whose resources were not very ample, conceived that a favour
able opportunity was afforded him for improving them ; of
this he accordingly availed himself, by borrowing a great part
of these superfluous ornaments, which he immediately pledged
for a sum of twelve thousand ducats. During his residence
at Turin, he was entertained by such exhibitions as were then
esteemed the most extraordinary efforts of ingenuity. On
the sixth day of September he quitted that city and pro
ceeded to Chieri, where his progress was again retarded for
some days, by the amusements and representations which had
been prepared for him, in which the most beautiful women of
Italy were selected to congratulate him on his approach, and
to crown him " Champion of the honour of the fair."98 On
his arrival at Asti he was met by Lodovico Sforza, accom
panied by his duchess, Beatrice of Este, the splendour of
whose dress and equipage astonished his followers. The
attention of Lodovico had here provided him with a number
of beautiful courtesans from Milan, who were honoured by
* Guicciard. lib. i. vol. i. p. 48.

INTERVIEW WITH GIAN-GALEAZ20. 93
the notice, and rewarded by the liberality of the French
monarch. At this place his expedition had, however, nearly
been brought to a premature termination; for he was seized
with a disorder which confined him for some days to his
chamber, and is said to have endangered his life.99
Whilst the king remained at Asti, he received information
of the success of the duke of Orleans at Genoa, and of the
retreat of Ferdinand of Aragon before the arms of D'Au-
bigny. He did not, however, quit that place before the
sixth day of October, when he proceeded to Casale, the
capital city of the marquis of Montferrat. At this place he
met with a reception similar to that which he had expe
rienced at Turin, and repaid it in a similar manner by bor
rowing the jewels of the marchioness, who was the mother of
the duchess of Savoy, upon which he raised at Genoa a fur
ther sum of money. He then hastened with his army to
Pavia, where some jealousy arose between him and Lodovico
Sforza, who consented, as a pledge of his fidelity, to place the
fortress of the city in his hands. On this occasion, Charles
had an interview with his near relation Gian-Galeazzo, the
unfortunate duke of Milan, who then lay at the point of
death, a victim to the ambition of his uncle Lodovico. The
duchess Isabella availed herself of this opportunity to throw
herself at the feet of the monarch, to entreat his interference
on behalf of her husband, and his forbearance towards her
father and family; but the importunities of a daughter, a
wife, and a mother, were lost on the depraved mind of
Charles, and served only to excite the unfeeling remarks of
his barbarian attendants.* The duke did not long survive
this interview ; and Lodovico, having attained the height of
his wishes, was saluted by a band of venal partisans, and a
corrupt populace, as duke of Milan. His wife, Beatrice,
daughter of Ercole, duke of Ferrara, who had long and
arrogantly contended with Isabella for precedence in rank
and honours, now enjoyed a complete, but temporary triumph
over her rival, who was driven from the court of Milan, and
obliged, with her children, to take refuge in an obscure and
sickly cell of the castle of Pavia.100
* Commines, lib. vii. chap. vi. p. 196.

94 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
On the arrival of Charles at Piacenza, a few days after
this interview, he received intelligence of the death of the
duke, Gian-Galeazzo ; and although he had not the genero
sity to interfere on his behalf, he was shocked at a cata
strophe which he had taken no measures to prevent, and
celebrated his obsequies with great state and formality.*
That the duke died by poison, administered to him at the
instance of Lodovico Sforza, was the general opinion ; and
Theodoro of Pavia, an eminent physician, who had accom
panied the king of France, in his interview with the duke,
declared, that he had perceived manifest symptoms of its
effects, t A sudden panic seized the French monarch. The
perpetration of such a crime filled him with apprehensions
for his own safety. He had already entertained well-grounded
suspicions of the fidelity of Lodovico Sforza, and had expe
rienced considerable difficulties in obtaining the necessary
supplies for his troops. In this situation he began seriously
to hesitate on the expediency of prosecuting his expedition ;
and his doubts were increased by a communication from his
general and grandecuyer, D'Urfe, then at Genoa, advising
him to be on his guard against treachery. Such of his at
tendants as had been the first to encourage him to this
undertaking, were now the most earnest in advising him
to abandon it ; and had not the Florentine exiles, and parti
cularly Lorenzo and Giovanni, the sons of Pier-Francesco
de' Medici, actuated by the hopes of supplanting the rival
branch of their family, at this critical juncture interposed
their solicitations, and offered their services to the king, it
is probable that Italy might yet have been saved from her
impending calamities.
Having recovered from his alarm, Charles quitted Piacenza
on the twenty-fifth day of October. A question of great
moment now presented itself for his consideration : whether
he should proceed through the Tuscan and Roman territories
directly to Naples, or, by forcing a passage through Romagna
and the March of Ancona, enter that kingdom by the district
of Abruzzo. The judicious determination of the king and his
advisers on this occasion, was of the utmost importance to the
* Commines, Mem. lib. vii. chap. vii. p. 179. (Corr. 197.)
t "Vuicciard. lib. i. p. 49.

PROCEEDS BY WAT OF FLORENCE TO ROME. 95
success of his enterprise. In relinquishing the track through
Romagna, he was not deterred by the opposition which he
might there meet, from the duke of Calabria, who had already
"retreated before the arms of D'Aubigny ; but he prudently
considered, that, unless he could either secure the alliance of
the pope and the Florentines, or disable them from resistance,
he might, during his contest with Alfonso in Naples, be ex
posed to the hostile attack of these adjacent states. Instead,
therefore, of directing his course towards Bologna, he ordered
the duke Mompensier, one of the princes of the family of
Bourbon, to proceed with the advanced guard to Pontremoli,
a town on the river Magro, which divides the Tuscan terri
tory from that of Genoa; to which place Charles followed
with the remainder of his army, having passed the Apennines,
by the mountain of Parma. From Pontremoli, Mompensier
proceeded through the district of Luigiano to Fivizano, a
fortress belonging to the Florentines ; and being there joined
by the Swiss mercenaries, who had returned from Genoa, and
brought with them several heavy pieces of artillery, the
French attacked the castle, which they carried by storm, and
put both the garrison and inhabitants to the sword. The
town of Sarzana, which had been acquired by the prudence,
and fortified under the directions of Lorenzo the Magnificent,
next opposed their progress ; and, although the number of
soldiers employed in its defence was small, and the com
mander of little experience or reputation, yet such was the
situation and strength of the place, and of the adjacent citadel
of Sarzanella, that the carrying them by force was regarded as
a matter of considerable difficulty. Nor could the French
army long have retained its position, in a situation between
the sea and the mountains, where, from the sterility of the
district, they could scarcely hope to obtain supplies. To pro
ceed forwards, whilst these formidable positions remained in
the hands of an enemy, was equally inconsistent with the
honour and the safety of the king. *
In this emergency, the unhappy dissensions which pre
vailed among the citizens of Florence again relieved the
French from their difficulties. From the time that the ap-
* Guicciard. lib. i. ; Mem. de Comm. lib. vii. chap. 7, vol. i. pp.
SO, 51.

96 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
proach of the king had been announced, the resentment of the
inhabitants had been chiefly directed against Piero de' Medici,
whom they considered as the principal cause of the dangers
which they were likely to incur. On his part, Piero had en
deavoured to regain their confidence, by active preparations
for resisting the enemy ; to which end he had strengthened
the city of Pisa, and other fortified towns of the republic,
and had, particularly, provided for the defence of Florence.
These preparations were not, however, effected without ex
pense, and the levies imposed upou the citizens became an
additional cause of dissatisfaction. He then endeavoured to
avail himself of the voluntary contributions of the richer
classes ; but, instead of the necessary aid, he obtained only
reproaches and threats. Alarmed and dispirited, he adopted
the hasty resolution of repairing in person to the French
camp, for the purpose of endeavouring to conciliate the
favour of Charles, by such timely concessions as circum
stances might require. He therefore privately quitted the
city, and hastened to Empoli, a few miles distant from Flo
rence ; whence he addressed a letter to the magistrates, which
is yet preserved, and which fully explains the motives of his
conduct at this period so critical to the fortunes of himself and
his family. " Magnificent and honoured Fathers,
" I shall not attempt to apologize for my sudden departure,
because I can scarcely think myself culpable for taking a
measure which, according to my weak judgment, appears to
be the best remedy for restoring the tranquillity of my coun
try, and which at the same time is attended with less danger
and inconvenience than any other, both to the public and to
individuals ; excepting only myself. I therefore intend to
present myself in person before his most Christian majesty of
France, as I may probably thus be enabled to appease the
resentment which he has conceived against this city, for the
conduct which it has hitherto been obliged to adopt, in con
sequence of its engagements with other states; it appearing
to be only his majesty's wish, that an alteration should take
place in this respect. I, who have been blamed as the cause
of this animosity, will, therefore, either exculpate myself to

FORTRF.SSES OF TUSCANY SURRENDERED. 97
his majesty, or shall be ready to receive due punishment,
rather in my own person than in the body of the republic.
Of this course of conduct, particular instances have been given
in my own family; but I consider myself as under much
greater obligations to exert myself, than any of my prede
cessors have been ; because I have been honoured much more
beyond my merits than any of them ; and the more unworthy
I am of those honours, the more I feel myself bound to en
gage in my present attempt, and not to shrink from labour,
inconvenience, or expense, or even the sacrifice of my life,
which I would willingly resign, for each of you in particular,
and much more for the whole republic. This I shall pro
bably manifest on the present occasion, oh which I shall
either return to the satisfaction of yourselves and the city, or
lose my life in the attempt. In the mean time, I entreat you,
by the fidelity and affection which you owe to the ashes of
your Lorenzo, my late father, and the kindness which you
have shewn to me, who, in reverence and affection, am not
less your son than his, that you will remember me in your
prayers. I also have further to request, that you will accept
my recommendation of my brothers and children, whom, if it
should be the will of God that I should not return, I bequeath
wholly to your care. I shall begin my journey from this
place to-morrow.
" Piero de' Medici."
" In Empoli, 26 October, 1494."
From Empoli, Piero proceeded to Pisa, whence, on the
following day, he addressed a letter to his private secretary,
Pietro da Bibbiena, in which he directs him to assure the
Neapolitan ambassadors at Florence of his unalterable attach
ment to Alfonso and the house of Aragon, from whom he en
treats a favourable construction of the measures which he has
unfortunately been compelled to adopt. If his letter to the
magistrates contain, as might be expected, only the more
plausible and popular motives of his conduct, in this private
communication he explicitly acknowledges that he has been
abandoned by all the citizens of Florence, as well his friends
as his enemies ; and that he has neither resources nor credit
to support the war, in which he has involved himself and his
VOL. i. H

98 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
country, by his adherence to his engagements with the royal
house of Naples.
Under these discouraging impressions, Piero de' Medici
presented himself, with a few attendants, at the French camp
before Sarzana. On his arrival, two of the confidential
officers of Charles, Monsieur de Riennes, his chamberlain, and
the general Brissonet, were appointed to treat with him.
Their first request was, that the fortress of Sarzana should be
surrendered to the French arms, with which Piero instantly
complied. They then insisted on Pisa, Leghorn, and Pietra-
santa being also delivered up to the king, on his promise to
restore them when they were no longer necessary to the suc
cess of his enterprise ; and to this demand Piero also assented.
The readiness with which he thus delivered up places of
such strength and importance astonished the French, who
seemed to have despised his weakness and ridiculed his cre
dulity.* As he held no ostensible rank, they gave him the
title of " II gran Lombardo ; " it being in those times cus
tomary to designate all the Italians by the general name of
Lombards. T
This unfortunate transaction, in which Piero de' Medici
professedly imitated, but with mistaken application, the
example of his father in his voyage to Naples, gave irre
mediable offence to the citizens of Florence ; who, although
they had refused to assist him in opposing the progress of the
French, conceived that he had made a wanton sacrifice of
their interests. It may, however, well be doubted whether
this was so much the reason as the pretext for the resentment
of the Florentines, many of whom had become impatient of
the authority of the Medici, and, being prompted by the
violent harangues of Savonarola, sought only for an opportu
nity of exciting the populace to second their views. A new
deputation was nominated, consisting of five citizens, among
whom was Savonarola, who were directed to proceed to Lucca,
where the king had now arrived, and to entreat him to mode
rate the severity of the terms agreed on. Charles gave them
an attentive audience ; but neither the persuasions nor the
threats of the priest, who represented himself as a messenger
* M£m. de Comm. liv. vii. chap. vii. p. 198.
f Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. i. n. 11.

THE CARDINAL EXPELLED FLORENCE. 99
on the part of God, could induce the king to relax from his for
mer stipulations. This measure was, however, a sufficient in
dication to Piero de' Medici of the dissatisfaction which his
conduct had occasioned, and of the necessity of securing himself
against the effects of that animosity which would probably be
excited against him. He therefore engaged his near relation,
Paolo Orsini, who then commanded a body of troops in the
service of the republic, to accompany him towards the city,
intending to suppress the outrages of the populace by force
of arms, and, as his adversaries have conjectured, to take
upon himself the uncontrolled dominion of the state ; to which
he is supposed to have been incited by his wife, Alfonsina,
and her relations of the Orsini family. On his arrival, he
proceeded with a few attendants to the palace of justice,
apparently for the purpose of explaining to the citizens the
reasons of his conduct ; but Luca Corsini, Giacopo de' Nerli,
and other magistrates, met him at the gates, and, with many
reproaches, opposed his admission. This circumstance occa
sioned a general clamour and commotion, in which the friends
of the Medici, who attempted to suppress the tumult, were
insulted and plundered ; whilst Piero with difficulty escaped
the resentment of the populace.
In the mean time, the cardinal, less obnoxious to the people
than his brother, endeavoured to conciliate their favour by
pacific remonstrances, and by the cry of Palle, Palle, in
reference to the arms of his family. But the charm which
had lasted so many years, was now broken ; and these words,
which had seldom been heard without producing a favourable
effect, only served to excite additional indignation. The
clamour and violence of the populace increased ; the alarm-
bell rang ; the prisoners were set at liberty ; the farther pro
gress of the cardinal was prevented by impenetrable crowds,
whilst Piero and his attendants were threatened with an
attack of stones from the windows and roofs of the houses.
The fate of the Medici hung on the decision of a moment ;
and Piero had to determine, whether he would try the event
of arms in the bosom of his native place, or abandon the city,
and seek a refuge in some other part of Italy. Of these
expedients, he adopted the latter ; but, by an unaccountable
fatality, instead of resorting to the French camp, where he
n 2

100 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
would probably have obtained the favour and protection of
Charles, for having complied with whose requisitions he had
been obliged to quit the city, he passed, with his brother
Giuliano, through the gate of S. Gallo, and took the road to
Bologna.* The cardinal, either not equally alarmed at the
danger, or more reluctant to quit his native place, was the
last of the brothers who left the city. Finding, however,
that the populaee were proceeding to the utmost extreme of
violence, he divested himself of the insignia of his rank, andy
assuming the habit of a Franciscan, passed, without being
recognised, tlirough the midst of the exasperated multitude,
to the convent of S. Marco, where he hoped to find a tempo
rary shelter, in a building erected and endowed by his
ancestors. In this, however, he was disappointed ; the monks
having, with singular ingratitude, refused to admit him within
their gates. Repulsed from the only quarter on which he
relied for protection, he immediately abandoned the city, and,
hastening into the secret recesses of the Apennines, effected
his retreat, and joined his brothers at Bologna.1*1
No sooner had the Medici quitted the city, than the rage of
the populace broke out in open acts of violence. The palace
of the Medici, and the houses of several of the chief officers
of the state, who were supposed to be favourable to their
party, were attacked and plundered. The residence of the
cardinal, in the district of S. Antonio, experienced a similar
fate ; but a circumstance which cannot fail to excite the regret
of every friend of the arts, is the destruction of the garden of
S. Marco, established by the liberality and personal attention
of Lorenzo the Magnificent, as an academy for the promotion
of sculpture; the repository of the finest remains of antiquity,
and the school of Michael Angelo. We might have pardoned
the expunging of the figures of the rebels, painted on the walls
of the palace, in the year 1434, or the obliteration of the
labours of Andrea del Castagno, commemorating the conspi
racy of the Pazzi, in 1478 ; but the destruction of this collec
tion was an irreparable misfortune to the progress of true
taste, as yet in its earliest infancy ; and was poorly compen
sated by the figure of Judith, executed by Donatello, at the
* This event occurred on the 9th day of November, 1494. Nardi,
Hb. i. p. 13.

PISA ASSERTS ITS LIBERTIES. 101
request of the Florentines, and placed at the gjie of the
palace, as an emblem of the destruction of a tyrant.102
On the same day that the brothers of the Medici were com
pelled to abandon their native place, a circumstance occurred
in the city of Pisa, which, although in its origin of small
comparative importance, became in the event a fruitful source
of contention and bloodshed ; and served, when the terrors of
a foreign enemy were removed, to disturb the repose and pro
tract the calamities of Italy. Irreconcilably adverse to the
Florentine government, the citizens of Pisa were, at all times,
ready to avail themselves of any opportunity to assert their
ancient liberties. This restless and unconquerable spirit
afforded a reason, or a pretext, for additional cautions and
severities on the part of the Florentines ; which, without sub
duing the courage, excited the resentment of the people. No!
sooner had Charles, after quitting Lucca, arrived at Pisa, thani
he was surrounded by a tumultuous assemblage of the inh_i-.
bitants, who, with affecting lamentations, and grievous com
plaints against their oppressors, entreated the king to free
them from their yoke.* The earnest and repeated solicita
tions of the multitude made a powerful impression on some
of the favourite attendants of the king, who observed to him,
that the request of the citizens was just and reasonable ;
whereupon Charles, acting under the impulse of his immediate
feelings, and forgetful or regardless of his solemn engagement
to restore the city of Pisa to its former governors, signified his
assent to their request. This hasty and inconsiderate assur
ance was received by the citizens of Pisa as a full emancipa
tion from their servitude, and their exultation was displayed
by the immediate demolition of the arms and insignia of the
Florentines throughout the city. The Florentine commis
sioners were at the same time expelled from Pisa, not with
out great apprehensions of violence to their persons, which
was prevented only by the authority of the king and his
attendants. Whilst Charles was thus hastening, without interruption.
towards the object of his destination, his general, D'Aubigny,
had made a considerable progress in Romagna, where he had
* And. de la Vigne, Vergier d'Honneur.

102 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
attacked and taken several fortresses, and had compelled
Caterina Sforza, widow of Girolamo Riario, who then go
verned the states of Imola and Forli in the name of her infanl
son Ottaviano, to relinquish the alliance into which she had
entered with the pope and the king of Naples. His approach
towards Faenza, with the additional troops which had joined
his standard, alarmed the duke of Calabria, who, quitting his
entrenchments, proceeded with his army, by the most retired
and difficult paths, to Cesena. He was there informed of the
commotions which had arisen in Florence, and of the surren
der of the chief fortresses of the Tuscan state to the French
arms ; in consequence of which, he again broke up his camp,
and hastily retreated towards Rome. By these pusillanimous
measures the power of the French, which, like a small stream,
might have been successfully checked in its commencement,
was suffered to proceed in an uninterrupted course, and, by a
continual accession, to bear down all possibility of resistance.
On the eleventh day of November, Charles left Pisa, and
proceeded to Empoli, intending to enter the city of Florence ;
but on his arrival at Signa, about six miles distant, he re
ceived information of the expulsion of the Medici, in conse
quence of the surrender of the fortified towns of the republic
to his arms. Conceiving it, therefore, not improbable that he
might meet with resistance, he ordered D'Aubigny, who was
no longer opposed in Romagna, to join him with a part of the
troops under his command. This measure greatly alarmed the
inhabitants of Florence, who began to suspect that Charles
intended to possess himself of the city by force. Nor were
there wanting among his followers, many who advised him to
this measure, and who even endeavoured to prevail upon him
to deliver it up to be plundered by the soldiery, on the pre
tence of its being the first place that had resisted his arms, and
as an example to the rest of Italy.* The Florentines were,
however, incessant in their embassies and representations to
Charles ; and perhaps the rich presents and delicate viands,
with which they supplied his camp at Signa, might, in some
degree, mitigate his resentment. Nor did they neglect the
best precautions in their power to secure themselves against
* Guicciardini, lib. i, vol. i. p. 58.

CHARLES VIII. ENTERS FLORENCE. 103
hostilities, in case the king should prove irreconcilable. Great
numbers of armed men from different parts of the Tuscan
territory entered the city under various pretexts, and were
secretly lodged iu the houses of the citizens. The condottieri
in the service of the republic distributed their troops in the
most convenient stations, and held themselves in readiness for
action, on the tolling of the great bell of the palace of justice.
These alarms, however, soon subsided, and on the seventeenth
day of November,103 Charles made his peaceable and public
entry into the city on horseback, under a rich canopy, sup
ported by some of his youuger nobles, and attended by his
barons and men at arms. He was met on his approach by
the magistrates and principal inhabitants, who accompanied
him to the church of S. Maria del Fiore, where he paid a visit
to the great altar ; after which he proceeded to the palace of
the Medici, which was magnificently prepared for his recep
tion.104 His nobility and chief officers were lodged in the
princely houses of the richer inhabitants ; and the illumina
tion of the city, which continued every night during the stay
of the king, contributed no less to its peace and security, than
to the honour of its royal guest. Conciliated by these atten
tions, Charles passed several days in partaking of the amuse
ments prepared for him. Among these was the Rappresen-
tazione of the Annunciation of the Virgin, which was exhi
bited, with great splendour and mechanical ingenuity, in the
church of S. Felice ; and with which the king was so greatly
delighted, that he requested to be gratified by a second exhi
bition.* No sooner had the three brothers of the Medici quitted the
city, than Lorenzo and Giovanni, the sons of Pier- Francesco,
returned to Florence, and were restored to their possessions
and their rights ;105 but the name of the Medici was now
become odious, and with a despicable servility, which has
been imitated in subsequent times, they relinquished their
family appellation, and adopted that of " Popolani ;" at the
same time removing from their residence the insignia of their
arms, and replacing them by those of the republic.
In the meau time, Piero and his brothers, in their retreat
* Nardi, Hist. Kior. lib. i. p. 15.

104 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
to Bologna, had not experienced that friendly reception which
they had reason to expect from Giovanni Bentivoglio, who
then held the chief authority in that place, and whose obliga
tions to their father were supposed to be a sufficient pledge
for his favour. Expecting from others that fortitude which,
in the moment of adversity, he did not exhibit himself, Ben
tivoglio, instead of consoling them in their misfortunes, or
encouraging their hopes, reproached them for having pusil-
lanimously quitted a place, where they had such influence
and resources, not only without the death of a single adherent,
but without even the unsheathing of a sword, or the slightest
effort in their own defence. As this remonstrance could now
be of no avail, the brothers considered it as a sufficient indi
cation that Bologna would not long be a place of safety.
Piero, disguised in the habit of a valet, hastened to Venice,
where he met with an honourable reception from the senate,
who permitted him to wear his arms in the city, and to be
attended by fifteen or twenty of his adherents. The cardinal,
shortly afterwards, retreated to Pitigliano, and from thence
to Castello, where he found an hospitable shelter with the
Vitelli, then the lords of that place, and the ancient friends
of his family.10*
Among the nobility who attended the French king on his
expedition, there was no one who enjoyed a greater share of
his confidence than Philip de Bresse, uncle to the young
duke of Savoy, and who succeeded at no distant period to the
sovereignty of that state. On the arrival of the army at
Florence, this nobleman had taken up his residence at the
house of Lorenzo Tornabuoni, a near relation of Piero de'
Medici, who found the means of influencing him in favour of
the exiled family ; insomuch that De Bresse did not hesitate
strenuously to advise the king to recal Piero, and restore him
to his former authority in Florence. Nor was Charles averse
to a measure, which was recommended to him no less by the
recent compliance of Piero with his request, at so critical a
juncture, than by the remembrance of the connection which
had so long subsisted between their families, and the many
services rendered by the Medici to himself and his ancestors.
Despatches were accordingly sent to Bologna, requesting
Piero to return into the vicinity of Florence, and assuring

COMMOTIONS IN FLORENCE. 105
him of the speedy restoration of his former authority ; but
these letters did not arrive till he had already taken his de
parture for Venice, to which place they were forwarded by
the cardinal. Instead, however, of complying with the re
quisition of the king, Piero imprudently laid this communi
cation before the members of the senate, desiring their opinion
on the measures which he ought to pursue. The advice
which they gave was such as suited their own interest, rather
than the circumstances of their guest. Neither the promo
tion of the views of the French, nor the tranquillity of the
state of Florence, were desirable objects to the Venetians.
They therefore represented to Piero the hazards which he
would incur by his implicit confidence in the assurances of the
king, and flattered him with promises that, when occasion
offered, they would themselves assist in effecting his return.*
Influenced by these representations, Piero lost the only
opportunity which ever occurred, of being restored to his
native place ; whilst the State-Inquisitors of Venice directed
that he should be narrowly watched, so that he might not
quit the city without their consent, f
But, although the favourable intentions of the king
towards Piero de' Medici were thus rendered ineffectual,
the rumour of such a design excited a violent alarm in the
city, which was increased by the king's avowing his determi
nation to establish a civil authority, and to exercise by his
own magistrates, a paramount jurisdiction. On this occasion,
the citizens of Florence gave a decisive proof, that they were
no less resolute in defending their liberties, than they were
solicitous, by every reasonable concession, to conciliate the good
will of the king. The magistrates expressed their determina
tion to resist, to the utmost extremity, rather than submit to
conditions which, they conceived, would for ever deprive them
of their rights, and afford a pretext for the monarchs of
France to consider them as their vassalt. The populace,
animated with the same spirit, thronged to the palace ; the
French soldiers were under arms; the Swiss guards had
already attacked the Borgo d'ogni Santi, on pretence that
the king was in danger, but had been repulsed by the
* Guicciard. lib. i. vol. i. p. 5
t Nardi, Hist. Fior. p. 15.

106 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
populace, and discomfited by showers of stones thrown from
the roofs and windows.107 The tumult had continued for
an hour, and the whole city was on the point of becoming
a dreadful scene of massacre and bloodshed ; when some of
the French chiefs, and a deputation from the magistrates,
made their appearance, and, by their united efforts and con
ciliating assurances, succeeded in restoring the public tran
quillity. This vigorous opposition induced the king to relax
in his pretensions ; but whilst he consented to relinquish all
interference in the municipal concerns of the Florentines, he
insisted on the payment of a large sum of money, as the
price of their exemption. On this occasion, the courage of
an individual completed what the spirit of the people had
begun. The conditions proposed by the king had been
read by his secretary, who declared, that they were the
ultimate and only terms to which he would accede ; when
Piero Capponi, one of the four deputies who had been
authorized to negotiate the treaty, stepped forwards, and,
seizing the paper from the hands of the secretary, tore it in
the presence of the king ; at the same time exclaiming —
" If these be your terms, you may sound your trumpets, and
we shall ring our bells."* This act of open defiance, from
a citizen of acknowledged ability and integrity, and who was
well known to Charles, having resided as an ambassador in
his court, had an immediate effect on the king ; who pro
bably considered, that, although he might succeed in subdu
ing the inhabitants and destroying the city, the consequences
of such a measure would be the ruin of his expedition.
Affecting, therefore, to receive in good part this daring
remonstrance, he directed that Capponi, who had quitted
the room _d apparent anger, should be recalled; and the
treaty was concluded without further difficulty.108 The
principal heads of the convention were a participation of
mutual privileges between the two countries ; that to his
title of king of France, Charles should add that of " Restorer
and Protector of the Liberties of Florence ;" that as a mark
of gratitude, the republic should present the king with a
free gift of one hundred and twenty thousand florins : that
* MachiaveHi has recorded this event in his first Decennale.

CHARLES ENTERS THE TERRI_.cnIES OF THE CHURCH. 107
the fortresses and places surrendered to the French should
be restored, on certain specified conditions ; that the citizens
of Pisa, on receiving their pardon, should return to their
former obedience ; that the sequestration of the eflects of the
Cardinal de' Medici, and his brothers Piero and Giuliano,
should be annulled, excepting that the hereditary property
of the two younger brothers should remain liable to the
debts of the elder. That none of the brothers should
approach within a certain distance of the city, which, with
regard to Piero, was limited to two hundred miles, and with
respect to the cardinal and Giuliano, to one hundred ; and,
lastly, that Alfonsina Orsini, the wife of Piero, should be
allowed to enjoy her dowry, for her separate support. The
treaty thus agreed on, was ratified on the following day,
being the twenty-sixth of November, in the church of
S. Maria del Fiore, where a solemn mass was celebrated, and
Charles swore, on the word of a king, faithfully to observe
the conditions of the contract.*
The stipulations between Charles and the Florentines being
concluded, the citizens expected his immediate departure from
Florence; where the conduct of himself and his followers
continued to excite great apprehensions. He did not, how
ever, appear to be in haste to prosecute his expedition ; and
Savonarola was again deputed to request an interview with
him, and endeavour to prevail upon him to quit the city. The
arguments of Savonarola on this occasion were of a very peculiar
kind. He reminded the king, that, during the four preceding
years, he had himself predicted his arrival in Italy; that
God had called him to this undertaking, for the reformation
of the church ; but that unless he manifested greater zeal and
activity in the accomplishment of his labours, he would not
be found worthy of carrying them into effect, and God would.
provide other instruments for that purpose. These remon -
strances might, perhaps, have lost their effect, had they not
been seconded by the earnest solicitations of the vigilant and
faithful D'Aubigny, who complained to the king of his
imprudence, in neglecting to avail himself of the advantages
afforded him, and in allowing his adversaries so fair an oppor-
* " Sub verbo regis." Nardi, Hist Fior. lib. i. p. 16.

108 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
tnnity of preparing for their defence. Convinced of the
expediency of the measure, Charles immediately prepared for
his departure, and on the twenty-eighth day of November
quitted the city, to the great joy of the inhabitants, having a
few days before issued a manifesto, in which he not only
asserted his rights to the kingdom of Naples, but avowed his
intentions, after the acquisition of that kingdom, of avenging
the injuries which the Christian world had sustained from the
depredations and cruelties of the Turks.* From Florence the
king proceeded to Baroncegli ; and afterwards, passing
through Certosa and Poggibonzi, arrived at Siena, where he
spent several days, indulging himself in splendid banquets
and licentious amours. On quitting the Florentine territo -
ries, the French army had defiled through the pass of Val-
darno, where it became practicable to estimate its numbers
with tolerable accuracy ; and it was the common opinion that,
including cavalry, infantry, and followers of every description,
it amounted to sixty thousand persons.109 From the Tuscan
state, the king advanced without opposition into the territo
ries of the church; and possessing himself of Aquapen-
dente, Viterbo, and other places, despoiled and plundered the
inhabitants. At this juncture, Piero de' Medici, having
eluded the vigilance of his Venetian guards, hastened
through Ancona and Romagna, and made his appearance in
the French camp, where he was received with kindness by the
king, among whose courtiers he had obtained no inconsider
able share of favour and interest.-)-
The facility with which Charles was thus permitted to
proceed through the centre of Italy, on an expedition so
hostile and dangerous to its repose, was not unobserved by
many of those eminent literary characters with which it
abounded. In particular, the inactivity of the state of
Venice, which was then at its highest pitch of power and
splendour, excited the surprise of all the true friends to the
ancient independence of their country. Nor were these
sentiments wholly confined to silent lamentation and unavail
ing regret. About the time that Charles quitted the territory
of Florence, an attempt was made by an anonymous indivi-
* Liinig, Codex diplomat. Ital. 2, 1302.
t Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. i. p. 17.

STATES OF ITALY EXHORTED TO OPPOSE THE FRENCH. 109
dual to rouse the Italian states to a proper sense of their own
dignity, and the dangers of their situation. But his efforts,
at this juncture, were necessarily confined only to remon
strance and exhortation, and these he chose to express in the
animated language of poetry. His production yet remains,
and throws considerable light on the circumstances of the
.times.110 Although the name of the author be lost, it suffi
ciently appears, from several passages, that he was one of the
Italian condottieri, who had been engaged in the service of
the state of Venice; and that he had been, on some occa
sions, for a long time prisoner at Milan. That this composi
tion should, of itself, produce any effect on the conduct of the
Italian governments, is not to be supposed ; but the opinions
of an individual, on great public occasions, are seldom pecu
liar to himself; that which is expressed by one, is frequently
thought by thousands ; and at such times, the publication of
a single person is the manifestation of a general sentiment,
?nd often leads to important consequences. It is certain,
that from this time the Italian states began to consider with
more attention the consequences of this expedition, and to
adopt precautions for securing themselves against its effects.
And although the king still continued his progress without
interruption, yet a combination was speedily formed for
intercepting him on his return to France, which, had it been
properly conducted, might have caused him to expiate his
temerity with the loss, not only of his reputation, but of his
life.

110 THE LIFE OF LEO X.

CHAPTER IV.
1494—1495.

Entry of Charles VIII. into Rome— Treaty between Charles and the pope
— Alfonso II. abdicates the crown of Naples — Indignation of his sub
jects — Accession of Ferdinand II. — Charles enters the territories of
Naples — Ferdinand is betrayed by Trivulzio — Charles VIII. enters
the city of Naples, and assumes the government — Contemporary opi
nions on that event — Charles reduces the fortresses of Naples — Endea
vours to obtain from Ferdinand a surrender of his rights — Conduct of
Charles at Naples — The exiled family resort to the aid of Ferdinand of
Spain — League between the Italian States and the Spaniards — Dissa
tisfaction of the Neapolitans with Charles VIII. — Coronation of Charles
VIII. at Naples — Charles resolves to return to France— Arrives at
Viterbo — Siena — Interview with Savonarola at Pisa — Eager entreaties
of the inhabitants to obtain their liberties — Louis, duke of Orleans,
claims the duchy of Milan — Massacre of the inhabitants at Pontre
moli — Charles passes the Apennines — Is opposed by the allied army
under the marquis of Mantua — Prepares for an engagement — Battle of
the Taro — Ferdinand II. returns to Naples — Contests between the
French and Neapolitans — Expulsion of the French from the kingdom
of Naples — Charles VIII. forms a new alliance with Lodovico Sforza,
and returns to France — Consequences of the expedition of Charles
VIII. into Italy.
As Charles advanced towards Rome, he found that the
terror of his arms had everywhere preceded his approach,
and that he had little to dread, either from the force of the
allies, or the opposition of the inhabitants. The unexampled
serenity of the season seemed also to concur in favouring his
views, whilst the dissensions between the pope and the
powerful barons of the Roman state had induced the latter
openly to espouse his cause. Inferior in number, and dispi
rited by their retreat, the Neapolitan troops had intrenched
themselves under the walls of Rome, when Alexander VI.,
alarmed at the approach of the king, and unwilling to risk
his safety on the event of an attack, despatched the bishops

ENTRY OF CHARLES VIII. INTO ROME. Ill
of Concordia and Terrii, and his confessor Gratiano, with pro
posals to treat, on the part of Alfonso and himself, for a
cessation of hostilities. These overtures, as far as regarded
the king of Naples, were instantly rejected by Charles, who
now saw no difficulty in the accomplishment of his primary
object, the expulsion of the family of Aragon ; but the
favour of the pope was of no small importance, and he there
fore sent the duke de la TremouiUe, and the president
Guenay, to treat with him, as to his own separate interests.
The French deputies were accompanied by the cardinal
Ascanio Sforza, and Prospero Colonna. The rejection of
his first propositions had, however, induced Alexander' to
take measures for the defence of the city, and, before their
arrival, he had admitted the duke of Calabria, with the
Neapolitan troops, within the walls. The cardinal and
Colonna were committed to prison ; and in the commotions
to which these measures gave rise, the French deputies were
also seized upon, but were speedily liberated by the orders of
the pope. The efforts of Alexander for the defence of the
city were, however, fruitless. Already the chief nobility
had joined the standard of the French monarch. Even Vir
ginio Orsino, grand constable of Naples, whilst he continued
in the service of the Aragonese, allowed his son to negotiate
with Charles for the reception of the French into the ter
ritories of his family, and for providing them with the
necessary supplies. Influenced by the united apprehensions
of external force and internal faction, Alexander renewed his
treaty with the king, for admitting him with his troops into
Rome. The deliberation was short ; and the terms being
concluded, Charles entered the city on horseback, at the head
of his army, on the last day of December, 1494. Alexander
had offered to obtain from Charles a safe conduct for the duke"
of Calabria, through the ecclesiastical state ; but Ferdinand
rejected the proposal as an indignity, and at the very hour
that the king entered the city by the gate of S. Maria del
Popolo, the duke evacuated it with his troops, by that of S.
Sebastiano.* Notwithstanding the assurances of Charles, that he would
* Guicciard. lib. i. vol. i. p. 61, et seq

112 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
treat the pontiff with all the reverence which his ancestor*
had been accustomed to pay to the holy see, Alexander could
not, on this occasion, divest himself of his fears ; but, flying
to the castle of S. Angelo,. accompanied by the cardinals
Orsino and Caraffa, sought to secure his personal safety.
This imprudent timidity had nearly cost him his tiara ; as it
afforded an opportunity to his adversaries, and particularly to
the cardinals della Rovere and Sforza, of influencing the mind
of the king, by representing to him the shameful traffic by
which the pope had obtained his high dignity, the scandalous
enormities of his private life, and his treachery in refusing to
surrender the castle of S. Angelo; for which and similar rea
sons, they contended, that to depose him would not only be an
excusable, but a commendable act, and would entitle the king
to the gratitude of the Christian world. Twice was the artil
lery of the French brought out to attack the castle ; but the
crafty pontiff at length found means to pacify the resentment
of the monarch ; and, after long deliberation, a treaty was
concluded, which was to be the basis of future union and
mutual defence. By this treaty, the pope consented, that
Charles should retain possession of Civita Vecchia, and
other fortresses in the Roman state, until he had accomplished
the conquest of Naples ; and promised to dismiss all resent
ment against the Roman barons who had espoused the cause of
the French. In return, the king engaged to restore the pope
to his authority in Rome, to perform personal obedience to
him, and not to require from him the possession of the castle
of S. Angelo. As a pledge for the performance of this treaty,
it was further agreed, that Csesar Borgia, cardinal of Valenza,
should accompany the king on his expedition ; and that
Zizim, the brother of the sultan Bajazet, should be consigned
to the care of Charles, who should place him in safe custody
at Terracina; but the annual payment of forty thousand
ducats, transmitted to the pope by the sultan, as a compen
sation for keeping his brother at Rome, was expressly re
served to the pontiff* Alexander now ventured to quit his
place of refuge, and an interview took place between him and
the king, in the gardens of the pontifical palace. On the
* Liinig, Cod. Ital. Diplomat, ii. 795. Du Mont, Corps diplomat.
torn. iii. par. ii. p. 318.

TREATY WITH THE POPE. 113
approach of the pontiff, with his cardinals, Charles twice
bent his knees, but the pope pretended not to see him ; when,
however, he was about to repeat once more this act of sub
mission, the pope, taking off his cap, hastened and prevented
him, at the same time saluting him with a kiss. The king
then being uncovered, the pope would not replace his cap,
until the king had restored his hat to its station, for which
purpose the pope, with great civility, applied his hand to it,
and they both covered themselves at the same moment. At
this meeting it was observable that Charles did not kiss either
the feet or the hand of the pontiff; and there can be no
doubt, that Alexander had so contrived it, that he might not
be under the necessity of demanding from the king a species
of homage, which, in the relative situation of their affairs, it
was probable that he might not be inclined to pay. A sub
sequent interview was, however, appointed for the public
reception of the king, at which Charles performed, with due
humiliation, the usual ceremonies, and professed, as a duti
ful son of the church, his submission and obedience to the
holy see. *
During the negotiations between the two sovereigns, Charles
had endeavoured to prevail upon the pope to grant him the
investiture of the kingdom of Naples ; but, although Alex-:
ander had, under the first impressions of terror, incautiously
assented to this request ; yet he afterwards excused himself
from complying with it, alleging that it affected the rights of
others ; and only promised that he would consult the college
of cardinals, and do all in his power for the satisfaction of
the king.111
During the time that Charles remained at Rome, which
was about the space of a month, he appears to have consi
dered himself as complete master of the city, and to have
punished offenders and executed criminals by his own autho
rity. 112 Brissonet, one of his chief favourites, and bishop of
St. Maloes, was, at this time, honoured with the hat of a
cardinal;113 and we may readily credit Commines, when he
informs us, that the residence of the king at the palace at
* These and other particulars are related by Burchard in his Diary.
VOL. I. I

114 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
S. Marco was the constant resort of all the dignified eccle
siastics and most eminent officers of the city.
It might have been presumed, that the long and frequent
delays of the king, in the progress of his expedition, would
have been injurious to the success of his cause ; but his negli
gence seems to have been no less favourable to him than his
exertions ; and whilst he was enjoying his honours and his
pleasures in Rome, the inhabitants of many of the districts
of Naples, and particularly those of Aquila and Abruzzo,
had erected his standard, and only waited his approach to
join his arms. At the same time, Fabrizio Colonna, one of
his Italian stipendiaries, had occupied, in his name, the ter
ritories of Albi and Tagliacozza. But an event yet more
important occurred at Naples ; where Alfonso, being in
formed of the approach of the French, and the retreat of the
Neapolitan army from Rome, and alarmed at the universal
symptoms of disaffection amongst his subjects, resolved to
relinquish his crown to his son Ferdinand, and to seek his
own safety by flight. He accordingly dictated to Pontano,
fa the presence of his brother Federigo, and some of the
••hief barons of the state, the instrument of his renunciation ;+
after which, he secretly withdrew himself from the city, and
accompanied only by a few confidential attendants, repaired,
under the most evident symptoms of terror, to the harbour,
where four galleys were provided for his reception, in which
he had privately embarked his most valuable effects. With
these he proceeded to the island of Sicily, and arrived at
Mazara, a villa which had been given by Ferdinand of Spain
to his sister, the queen dowager of Naples, and mother-in-law
of Alfonso ; where, in the consciousness of being secure from
the pursuit of his enemies, he consoled himself for the loss of
his reputation, his country, and his crown.
As Alfonso had, on many occasions, given undoubted
proofs of his courage, his sudden flight astonished all Italy.
By some it was conjectured, that he intended to proceed to
Constantinople, to solicit the aid of the sultan Bajazet, who,
as well as himself, was the avowed object of the resentment
* Commines, lib. vi. chap. x. xii.
i Giannone, Storia di Napoli, lib. xxix. vol. iii. p. 385

ACCESSION OF FERDINAND II. • 115
of the French monarch. With greater probability, others
imagined, that he had been induced to this measure by the
consciousness of his own misconduct and cruelty, and the
hope that his son Ferdinand, who had not yet attained the
twenty-fourth year of his age, and had given no such causes
of offence, would be enabled to conciliate the affections of
the people ; but the opinion of Commines was, that he relin
quished his crown through mere pusillanimity, for which he
assigns, as a reason, that — "no cruel man was ever cou
rageous;"* and in this opinion, he was probably followed by
a great majority of those who reasoned on the subject.114
No sooner, indeed, was the place of his retreat discovered,
than the indignation of the Neapolitans was excited to the
highest degree ; and in particular those distinguished scho
lars, who had celebrated his triumphs, and immortalized his
name in their works, endeavoured to expiate their error, and
prove their abhorrence of his misconduct, by, the severest
reprehensions. u* Whilst some were expressing their resent
ment against the fugitive monarch, others were equally
earnest in soliciting Charles to hasten his approach. In the
Latin verses of Marullus, Italy is represented as mourning
his long delay ; and Greece, languishing under the scourge
of barbarians, expecting with impatience her promised
deliverer, t
Ferdinand II. began his reign in a manner the best cal
culated to secure himself from the dangers with which he was
threatened. He set at liberty such of the nobles as his pre
decessor had imprisoned ; he restored to every person the do
mains of which he had been arbitrarily deprived, and granted
new and extensive privileges to the citizens of Naples. But,
whatever might have been the effect of these conciliatory
measures, if sooner adopted, they were now too late. The
partisans of the French, among whom were most of the chief
officers of the government, had pledged themselves too far to
retreat ; and the hourly expectation of the approach of the
enemy had a more powerful effect on the public mind, than
either the liberality or the remonstrances of the new sovereign.
* Commines, lib. vii. chap. ii. p. 205.
T See the poem of Marullus, addressed to Charles VIII. on this occa
sion. 12

116 THE LIFE OF LEO X,
Ferdinand, however, collected together a body of about six
thousand infantry, and fifty troops of cavalry, the principal
command of which he intrusted to Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio,
an Italian condottiero of great eminence, and Nicolo Orsino,
count of Pitigliano. With these he proceeded to S. Germano,
which, from its situation, between steep mountains on the
one side, and impassable marshes on the other, with the river
Garigliano in front, was esteemed one of the keys of the
kingdom. At the same time, he also occupied, by a detach
ment, the pass of Cancella, and gave every indication of his
resolution to make a vigorous defence.* Nor is it impro
bable, that if the shameless cowardice, or yet more shameless
perfidy, of some of his principal officers had not frustrated his
efforts, he might have made an honourable, if not an effectual,
resistance.11* In the mean time, Charles had quitted Rome, and pro
ceeded on his route towards Naples, having received informa
tion of the abdication of Alfonso, at the moment when he
took his departure from the city. A short time afterwards,
his captive, Zizim, terminated his unfortunate life, in conse
quence, as some have conjectured, of poison, administered to
him by the orders of Alexander VI. before he was delivered
up to the king ; whilst others have asserted, that his death
was occasioned by the inattention of Charles to his personal
accommodation.117 On the arrival of the French at Velletri,
it was also discovered, that Caesar Borgia had eloped from the
army, and returned to Rome : and although the pope pro
tested that he was a stranger to this proceeding, and offered
to the king any further assurances for his fidelity, it was the
general opinion that this event was only preparatory to a
change of conduct in the pope, whenever his interest might
seem to require it.
The march of the French army towards Naples was marked
by cruelty, rapine, and blood. The fortresses of Montefor-
tino and Monte S. Giovanni for a short time retarded their
progress; but the attack of their artillery was irresistible,
and the soldiers employed in the defence of these places were
indiscriminately put to the sword. Apprised of the approach
* Guicciard. lib. i. vol. i. p 37.

FERDINAND BETRAYED BY TRIVULZIO. 117
of the French, and apprehensive that his retreat to Naples
might be cut off by a detachment under the command of the
mareschal De Gies, whom Charles had despatched for that
purpose, Ferdinand abandoned his camp at S. Germano, and
retired to Capua, so closely pursued by Charles, that he left
on the road a part of his artillery ; and the intrenchments
which he had quitted in the morning, were occupied by the
French in the evening. On his arrival at Capua, he re
ceived information that an insurrection had taken place in
Naples, which required his personal interference. Commit
ting, therefore, the chief command of his army to Trivulzio,
he hastened to his capital, intending to return the following
day ; but no sooner had he left the place, than Trivulzio en
tered into a treaty with Charles, to surrender the city to him,
and join his arms. This act of treachery, which stamps the
character of this eminent soldier with indelible disgrace, de
cided the fate of the kingdom.118 The Neapolitan troops,
throwing off all obedience, and eager to anticipate the plunder
of the French, licentiously sacked the place ; and the count
of Pitigliano, and Virginio Orsino, who had, under a safe
conduct from the king, retired to Nola, were made prisoners.
On his return from Naples, Ferdinand was met, at the dis
tance of two miles from Capua, by a deputation of the inha
bitants, who apprized him of the calamities which they had
suffered. The surrender of this place was followed by that
of the other principal cities of the kingdom, which seemed
ingloriously to vie with each other, which should first make its
submission to the conqueror. Betrayed by his commanders,
and abandoned by his subjects, Ferdinand retired to his
residence at Castel-nuovo ; where, having assembled together
many of the principal inhabitants of Naples, he explained to ,
them the motives by which he had been actuated in assuming
the royal authority, and lamented that his endeavours to
remedy the effects of the severity and misconduct of his an
cestors had been prevented by the calamities of the house of
Aragon. He then released them from the oath of fidelity
and homage which they had so lately taken to him as their
sovereign, and gave them his permission to negotiate with the
French monarch for their safety and privileges, in such man
ner as might seem expedient to them. These sentiments were

118 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
not heard by the populace without compassion ; but all hopes
of resisting the approaching torrent had now vanished ; and
Ferdinand, being informed that the insurgents in the city had
attacked his palace, and being also apprehensive that attempts
would be made to seize his person, and deliver him a pri
soner to Charles, privately withdrew from the castle, and
accompanied by his uncle Federigo, the queen dowager of
Naples, widow of Ferdinand I., and her daughter Joanna,
effected his retreat to the harbour, whence he proceeded to
the island of Ischia. Adversity is the natural parent of resig
nation, and as the prospect of his native place vanished from
his sight, the fugitive monarch was frequently heard to repeat
with the psalmist, " Unless God keep the city, the vigils of
the keepers are vain"  *
On his arrival at Ischia, an incident occurred which shewed
that, notwithstanding his misfortunes, Ferdinand was not
devoid either of courage or promptitude. On his demanding
admission for himself and his followers into the castle, his
lieutenant, Giusto della Candina, who had already held secret
intelligence with the French, refused to receive them within
the walls. A parley took place, in which Candina at length
consented that the king should enter alone ; probably with an
intention of securing his person. The gates were accordingly
opened to him; but the lieutenant no sooner made his ap
pearance, than the king, drawing a carbine from beneath his
cloak, shot him dead upon the spot. The soldiers, alarmed
at the fate of their commander, and awed by the courage of
the king, submitted to his authority ; and his followers imme
diately possessed themselves of the garrison.
On the twenty-second day of February, 1495, Charles
VIII. entered the city of Naples, amidst the rejoicings and
acclamations of the inhabitants.t On this occasion it was
observed, that the adherents and favourites of the Aragonese
family, who had existed by their liberality, and been exalted
by their kindness, were the first to express their attachment
to the new sovereign.119 But similar situations have, in all
countries, produced similar instances of ingratitude ; and it
can occasion no surprise, that the creatures of a court or a
* Guicciard. lib. i. 1. 70.
f Ibid, lib.i. 1. 71. Mem. de Comm. liv. vi. chap. xiii.

CHARLES VIII. ENTERS THE CITY OF NAPLES. 119
faction, who are actuated by no motives but those of their
own interest, should, under every change, adhere to the same
rule of conduct. Before his departure, Ferdinand had com
mitted the command of the Castel-nuovo to Alfonso Davalos,
marquis of Pescara, who, amidst the defection of all the rest
of the Neapolitan nobility, continued to defend the place with
unshaken fidelity ; and Charles, therefore, after visiting the
cathedral, was conducted to his apartments in Castel-Capuano,
the ancient residence of his ancestors of the house of Anjou.
Here he received the homage of his new subjects. The
Neapolitan barons expressed to him an uniform obedience.
The remoter cities and provinces sent deputations to acknow
ledge their submission to his authority ; and, in the course of
thirteen days from the time of his departure from Rome,
Charles had the satisfaction of finding himself the acknow
ledged sovereign of the kingdom of Naples.
The intelligence of this important event was received with
very different sensations by the different states of Italy. In
Florence, whither the king had sent the new cardinal
Brissonet, to solicit the pecuniary aid of the government, it
was celebrated with formal processions and ostensible rejoic
ings. Whatever were the feelings of Alexander VI., he
betrayed no external symptoms of dissatisfaction ; but con
tented himself with sarcastically observing, " that the French
had overrun Italy with wooden spurs, and conquered it with
chalk ; " alluding to a custom prevalent among their officers,
who, when riding out for their amusement, used only pointed
wood, instead of spurs ; and to the practice of their foragers,
who marked with chalk such houses as were fixed upon for
the habitations of the soldiery.120
But although Charles VIII. had thus succeeded in his
enterprise against the kingdom of Naples, much yet remained
to be done to secure his acquisitions. The Castel-nuovo, and
Castello dell' Uovo, both fortresses of uncommon strength,
yet retained their allegiance to their former sovereign. The
first attack of the French artillery was upon the Castel-nuovo,
which surrendered in a few days. The Castello dell' Uovo
made a longer resistance ; but the impetuous cannonading of
the French at length reduced the garrison to the necessity of
a capitulation, by which they were suffered to depart in

120 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
safety, on the thirteenth day of March. The valuable effects
contained in these fortresses were distributed by the king
amongst his followers, without discrimination ; it having been
sufficient to ask, in order to obtain a share of the spoil.
Nor was Charles yet at rest in his new possessions.
Whatever might be his pretensions to the crown, the title by
which he immediately held it was his sword ; and Ferdinand,
by relinquishing his dominions only to a superior force, was
justified in attempting their recovery, whenever an occasion
should present itself. Aware of these circumstances, Charles
became desirous of entering into a negotiation for the purpose
of obtaining from Ferdinand a voluntary resignation of his
rights. He therefore addressed a letter to Federigo, uncle of
the king, then at Ischia, requesting an interview with him at
Naples, and offering four hostages for his return. Federigo
accordingly proceeded to Naples, where Charles proposed,
that, if the king, his nephew, would relinquish his crown, he
would grant him a territory in France, with a considerable
revenue, and would also honourably provide for Federigo, and
the rest of the family of Aragon. In reply to this propo
sition, Federigo did not hesitate to assure the king, that he
was sufficiently acquainted with the sentiments of his nephew,
to know that he would assent to no conditions that would
deprive him of his crown, or remove him from his subjects.
That if these preliminaries could be conceded, he should be
ready to enter into further negotiations, but that Ferdinand
was determined either to live or die a king. After a second
interview, equally fruitless, though conducted with circum
stances of apparent respect and civility, Federigo took hi.
departure, and returned to announce the result of his voyage
to his nephew, who yet remained at Ischia to wait the issue
of it.*
Of the manner in which Charles employed his time during
his residence at Naples, an exact diary has been preserved
by his faithful attendant, Andr£ de la Vigne. But the
observation of this humble annalist has seldom penetrated
beyond the external ceremonies and common occurrences ol
the day. We may, however, discover, that the king di*
• Guicciard. lib. i. vol. i. p. 84.

CONDUCT OF THE FRENCH AT NAPLES. 121
played a rigid punctuality in paying his devotions every
morning in some of the churches of Naples, and that he
occasionally diversified his amusements, by an excursion to
Poggio Reale,121 a seat of the Neapolitan sovereigns, situated
at a small distance from the city. The king appears also
to have been highly delighted with the wonderful display of
courage and agility exhibited by a daughter of the duchess
of Melfi ; who, in the presence of her mother, rode her courser
at full speed, and afterwards went through the various exer
cises of a cavalier ; insomuch, that the annalist assures us, it
was a miracle to see a young lady perform such " outrageous
feats ;" nor can he believe that the warlike dames who opposed
the Grecians, at the siege of Troy, could have performed
one-hundredth part of what was then represented. On the
twenty-third day of April a solemn tournament was pro
claimed; which was daily renewed until the first of May;
and was attended by many distinguished persons, as well from
Florence as other parts of Italy, and honoured by the pre
sence of the ladies of Naples. The royal hand was, how
ever, employed with more safety, if not with more efficacy,
in touching those affected with the evil, who sought, in the
condescension of the king, a remedy for their sufferings. Thus
prone have the sovereigns of the world generally been to
disregard those calamities which they might have alleviated,
and to attempt the relief of those which are beyond their
power to cure. On paying his devotions in the church of
S. Januarius, the head of the martyr was exhibited to him,
and the vessel produced which contained a portion of his
blood, which appeared consolidated, like a stone , but on being
touched by the king with a silver wand, and placed on the
altar before the head of the saint, it began to dissolve, grow
warm, and boil, to the astonishment of Charles and his atten
dants, who were assured that this blood was privy to the se
crets of heaven, and never dissolved but at the prayers of the
just.* Whilst the French monarch was thus consuming, in the
most abject superstition, or the most puerile amusements, that
time which he ought to have devoted to the regulation and
* Vergier d'Honneur.

122 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
government of his newly-acquired dominions, Ferdinand had
proceeded from the island of Ischia to Sicily, to consult with
his father, Alfonso, on the most likely measures for restoring
'the fortunes of the family. He found him at Messina, in a
convent, surrounded by monks, passing his days in abstinence,
and his nights in prayer. The Tesult of their deliberations
was such as appeared likely to answer the immediate purpose
for which they were intended, the expulsion of the French
from the kingdom of Naples ; but, in dangerous situations,
there is nothing so much to be apprehended as the recurring
to expedients which are worse than the existing evil ; and a
snrious consideration would have shewn them, that of all the
means of assistance, the support and interference of Ferdinand
of Spain was the most to be deprecated. The motives by
which they were induced to have recourse to his protection,
are not indeed difficult to be discovered. Ferdinand was
already possessed of the island of Sicily ;122 and the vicinity
of so powerful a neighbour as the French monarch, who was
avowedly meditating fresh conquests, could not fail to excite
in his mind apprehensions for its ultimate 6afety ; whilst the
near relationship that subsisted between him and the royal
house of Naples, might be supposed to induce him to take a
personal interest in their misfortunes. But whilst the abdi
cated and exiled monarchs were thus flattering themselves
with the advantages to be derived from his support, they
ought also to have considered, that this ambitious and politic
prince was the unquestionable legitimate heir of Alfonso I.,
king of Aragon, Sicily, and Naples ; and that he might natu
rally regard as a derogation of his hereditary rights, the be
quest of the crown of Naples by Alfonso, to his illegitimate
son, Ferdinand I., the grandfather of its last possessor. It is
true he had not only long acquiesced in this separation of the
dominions of his house, but had married his sister to his
cousin, Ferdinand I. But as the fortunes of the Neapolitan
branch declined, the strength and resources of the Spanish
house had increased; and it might, therefore, justly have
been suspected, that its representative might now assert his
claims, which had been suffered to remain so long dormant,
not perhaps from his moderation, but from his inability to
enforce them. These obvious suggestions were, however,

LEAGUE FOR OPPOSING THE FRENCH. 123
everlooked, or disregarded, in the panic occasioned by the
invasion of the French ; and the fatal resolution was adopted
of applying to Ferdinand of Spain for his assistance. Ber
nardo Bernaudo, secretary to the king of Naples, was the
ambassador employed on this occasion. He was received
with great attention. The Spanish monarch had not. ob
served with indifference the progress of the French arms in
Italy, but had already intimated to Charles, that he should
consider his attack on the kingdom of Naples as an act of
hostility against himself. He had indeed engaged, by a so
lemn oath, not to interfere in this contest ; but on examining
the purport of this engagement, it was discovered, that it con
tained a reservation of the rights of the church, which it was
contended would be materially affected by the proceedings of
Charles VIII. ; and, besides, the restriction against the inter
ference of the Spanish monarch was on condition, that Charles
was rightfully entitled to the crown of Naples ; a proposition
which it was as easy to deny as to assert. A powerful arma
ment was therefore provided, the command of which was
given to Gonsalvo Fernandez, a native of Cordova, of the
family of Aguilar, a commander of acknowledged talents,
courage, and experience ; who immediately repaired to Sicily.
to be in readiness to act as circumstances might require ; and,
by his subsequent victories, converted the appellation of
"The Great Captain," originally used by his countrymen
merely to designate his authority, into a title which has ever
since been attached to his name, as expressive of his superior
abilities and virtues.
Nor was the progress of the French arms regarded without
jealousy and dread by the other states of Italy ; and particu
larly by the person who had been the first and most active
promoter of the enterprise, the restless Lodovico Sforza.
The extraordinary talents of this misguided politician, like
sharp implements in the hands of an awkward artificer, not
only defeated his intended purpose, but in the result generally
proved injurious to himself. Even before the arrival of
Charles at Naples, Lodovico had entered into negotiations
with the senate of Venice, for intercepting and cutting him
off on his return to France ; and on the last day of March,
1495, a league was concluded at Venice, among the Italian

124 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
6tates, under the specious pretext of the defence of their
dominions, and the protection of Christendom against the
Turks, but in fact to oppose the Frenoh monarch on his
return from Naples.123 This combination, which was called
the holy league, was acceded to, not only by the states of
Venice and of Milan, but by Alexander VI., who eagerly
availed himself of any opportunity that might protect him
against the dreaded power of the French. The emperor
elect, Maximilian, and Ferdinand of Spain, were also parties
to the convention ; and those ideas of a balance of power, by
which the Italians had regulated their respective governments,
were thus extended to the countries beyond the Alps.* But
whilst the ostensible views of this powerful combination were
industriously laid before the world, it was secretly proposed.
that they should unite their forces in divesting Charles VIII.
of the conquest which he had so easily obtained. To this
end it was agreed that the Spanish monarch should assist
his relations of the house of Aragon, in the recovery of their
dominions ; that the Venetians should send a powerful naval
armament to occupy the ports of the kingdom of Naples ;
and that Lodovico Sforza should oppose the arrival of further
succours to the French through the states of Milan. It was
also stipulated, that considerable sums of money should be
advanced to Maximilian and Ferdinand of Spain, to enable
them to carry an effective war into the provinces of France.
To the completion of this league, the concurrence of the other
states of Italy was highly desirable ; but the duke of Ferrara,
with true Italian policy, whilst he permitted his son Alfonso
to join the allies at the head of a body of horse, as a stipen
diary to the duke of Milan, professed his determination to
adhere to his former engagements ; and the Florentines,
well aware that, in case of hostilities, they would be the first
to experience the resentment of the French monarch, and
not less jealous of the power of the Venetians than of the
success of the French, refused to become parties to the con
vention, t
The exultation which the Neapolitans had expressed on
* This treaty is preserved in Liinig, Codex Italise Diplomaticug,
torn. i. p. 111.
+ Guicciard. Storia d'ltal. lib. ii. vol. i. p. 89.

CORONATION OF CHARLES AT NAPLES. 125
the arrival of a new sovereign was not of long continuance.
Notwithstanding the privileges and exemptions granted by
Charles to particular cities, which had been the first to acknow
ledge his authority, the people soon perceived their error, in
exchanging the well-regulated, though severe government of
the house of Aragon, for the licentious misrule of the French.
The great barons of the realm, instead of receiving those
favours which they expected as the reward of their ready
submission, were deprived of their offices and their domains,
which, with the exception of two or three instances, were
conferred by Charles, with indiscriminate liberality, upon his
ablest generals, and his most worthless dependants.124 The
French soldiery, dispersed through different parts of the
country, were restrained by no considerations of either
humanity, honour, or decency ; and the Italian writers have
complained, that even the sanctuaries of religious chastity
were not always a sufficient protection against their brutal
violence.* Under these circumstances it can occasion no
surprise, that the Neapolitans should have conceived a speedy
aversion to their new governors; and Guicciardini might
with safety have rested their dissatisfaction on the general
principles of human nature, without seeking for it in the
levity and instability of the people.125
No sooner did Charles receive information of the formid
able league, so unexpectedly formed between the princes of
Italy and the other European states, than he instantly became
sensible of the dangers of his situation, and was no less im
patient to quit his newly- acquired dominions, and return to
France, than he had lately been to possess himself of the
crown of Naples. He now perceived that the treaties,
which he had with so much precaution, and by so many sacri
fices, concluded with European sovereigns, had sewed no
other purpose than to lead him into a snare, from which he
could not expect to extricate himself without great difficulty.
The desertion of Lodovico Sforza convinced him that no re
liance was to be placed upon his Italian allies, and that his
oidy hopes of safety must rest on the courage of his army, ir
forcing his way through tl» ¦> hostile states of Italy. Critical
* Corio, vii. p. 939. Benedetti, Fatto d'arme sul Tarro, p. 9 b.

126 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
however, as his situation might be, he was unwilling to quit
the city of Naples without the ceremony of a coronation
With this view he despatched an envoy to the pope, to en
deavour, by the assurance of his protection and favour, to
detach him from his new allies, and induce him to grant the
bull of investiture. But Alexander, who had refused to
assent to his request, when he occupied Rome at the head of
a victorious army, was not likely, after the alliances which
he had lately formed, to comply with his wishes.126 This
disappointment did not, however, deter Charles from display
ing to the Neapolitans, before his departure, a splendid
pageant. On the twelfth day of May, the princes and chief
nobility, both of France and Naples, and the great barong
from other parts of Italy, assembled at Poggio Imperiale,
and accompanied the king in a solemn procession into the
city of Naples, where he made his public entry, as king of
France, Sicily, and Jerusalem. He was clad in an imperial
mantle ; the crown on his head ; in his right hand he held
the ball of gold, the proud symbol of universal empire ; in his
left the sceptre. The canopy was supported by some of the
first nobility of Naples. Gilbert de Bourbon, duke de Mom
pensier, appeared as lieutenant-general, and viceroy of the
kingdom. Among those who were habited in royal mantles,
as related to the king, were Philip de Bresse, afterward>_
duke of Savoy, Monsieur de Foix, Monsieur de Luxemburg,
and Monsieur de Vendosme. As he entered the city, he was
met by great numbers of the nobility and chief inhabitants,
with their wives, who presented to him their children, from
the age of eight to sixteen, requesting that he would grant
them the honour of knighthood, with which he Teadily com
plied. Jean Daunay peformed on this occasion the office of
champion ; he was dressed in complete armour, . and was
mounted on a horse richly caparisoned. If we may believe
De la Vigne, the citizens of Naples confessed they had never
before beheld so accomplished a cavalier. Proceeding to the
¦•athedral, the king approached the great altar, where he pro
mised, under the sanction of a solemn oath, to maintain the
rights of his new subjects, and was gratified by the temporary
assurances of their loyalty and allegiance. On this occasion
the celebrated Pontano is said to have addressed the king,

RESOLVES TO RETURN TO FRANCE. 127
as the orator of the people of Naples ; and the tenor of his
discourse, which was supposed to inculpate the unfortunate
monarchs of the house of Aragon, by whom he had been
uniformly favoured and protected, has stained his character
with the indeliblo blot of ingratitude. As this oration has
not reached the present times, it is not easy to determine how
far the accusation against him is well founded ; but the cir
cumstance, if true, is itself unfavourable to the fame of the
Neapolitan scholar, and it may readily be inferred, that if he
undertook an office so inconsistent with his own honour, he
would not display much delicacy in its execution.127
But although Charles did not think proper any longer to
hazard his own person in the defence of his newly-acquired
dominions, he judged it expedient to leave a part of his
tioops, under the command of his most able generals, in pos
session of the capital, and of the fortresses of the kingdom,
with assurances, that he would not only supply them with
the necessary means of defence, but would shortly return
into Italy, at the head of a more powerful army. Of all the
measures adopted by Charles on this expedition, and which
Commines uniformly represents as a series of errors and
absurdities, this, upon which he makes no comment, was the
most imprudent, and proved in the event the most destruc
tive. Had he concentred his strength in Naples, and endea
voured to obtain the speediest reinforcements, either by the
passes of the Alps, or by means of his fleet, it would have
given confidence and security to his adherents, and enabled
him to defend himself against the meditated attack ; or, had
he determined to relinquish his conquests as untenable, he
might have returned at the head of his troops, if not with
honour, at least with safety to his own dominions ; but by
dividing his forces, he exposed his own person to the danger
of an attack from the superior numbers of his enemies, which
had nearly proved fatal to him, and left the remainder of his
troops to support a hopeless and destructive contest with the
arms of the allies, and the partisans of the house of Aragon.
On quitting the capital, he intrusted the command of his
forces to the duke de Mompensier ; who, notwithstanding his
indolence, or his levity, had served his master on all occa
sions with courage and fidelity. D'Aubigny, who had been

128 THE LIFE OF 1EO X.
recompensed for his labours with the states of Acri and ScjuiL
lazzo, and the title of grand constable of Naples, was appointed
to the chief command in Calabria. The strongholds of the
kingdom were intrusted by Charles to his most experienced
commanders. Of the Italian nobility, the family of Colonna
availed themselves the most effectually of his bounty, and
were appointed to the chief offices of the state ; and it was
supposed to be at their request, that Charles retained as
prisoners the count of Pitigliano and Virginio Orsino, the
chiefs of the rival family of that name, who had been arrested
whilst under the sanction of a safe conduct from the king.
These favours did not, however, secure the fidelity of his
Roman allies, who had already entered into a secret cor
respondence with his enemies, and on his departure were the
first to oppose his authority; not perhaps, as Commines
asserts, without cause, but because they were aware that the
king, by the imprudent division of his forces, had deprived
that authority of its necessary support. *
On the twentieth day of May, 1495, Charles quitted
Naples, and proceeded directly towards Rome. He was
accompanied by Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio, at the head of one
hundred lances, three hundred Swiss infantry, one thousand
French, and an equal number of Gascons. Commines esti
mates his force at nine thousand men ; all of whom, as he
informs us, were young, and in high spirits, fully persuaded
that they should meet with no opponents able to take the
field against them. Alexander VI. was too sensible of the
offences which he had committed, in joining the alliance, and
refusing the bull of investiture, to trust for his safety to the-
assurances of the king ; and being apprised of his approach
quitted the city two days before the arrival of the French
and fled to Orvieto, leaving the cardinal S. Anastasio, as hi:
legate, to receive the French monarch with due honour. Th
rest of the college of cardinals accompanied the pope ; wh
was also escorted by two hundred men at arms, one thou
sand light horse, and three thousand infantry, t Charles
after paying his devotions at the great altar of St. Peter's
speedily quitted the city without offering any violence to th.
* Commines, liv. viii. chap. i. pp. 217, 218.
t Guicciard. lib. ii. vol. i. p. 94.

ARRIVES AT VITERBO  SIENA 129
inhabitants, and directed his course towards Viterbo ; in con-
seauence of which the pope left Orvieto, and passed on to
Perugia, whence it was his intention, if the king approached,
to retire to Ancona, and take shipping for some other part
of Italy.
Charles arrived at Viterbo on the fifth day of June, and
remained there until the eighth day of the same month, dur
ing which time he availed himself of the opportunity of seeing
the body of S. Rosa, which the priests shewed him in real
flesh and blood, assuring him she was only in a trance. He
here receh ed intelligence that his advanced guard had met
with some resistance at Toscanella, a fortified town belonging
to the pope, in consequence of which they had taken the
place by storm, and plundered it, with the slaughter of about
six hundred of the inhabitants ; an event which is said to
have given him great dissatisfaction ; as he was desirous of
passing through the territories of the church in as pacific a
manner as possible.
On the approach of the king towards Siena, he was met by
a deputation of the chief inhabitants, who conducted him into
the city ; where he was received with great honour, and re
mained for several days, attracted by the charms of female
beauty, and gratified by the sumptuous banquets prepared for
him. He had here an interview with his ambassador, Philip
de Commines, then just arrived from Venice, whom he ques
tioned with apparent jocularity, but, perhaps, not without
real anxiety, as to the preparations made for opposing his
return.* The answer of Commines was not calculated to
allay his apprehensions. He assured the king that he had
been informed by the senate, that the united army of the
Venetians and the duke of Milan would amount to forty
thousand men ; but that they were intended to act only on
the defensive, and would not pass the river Oglio, unless the
king should attack the states of Milan. Commines availed
himself of this opportunity to entreat the king to hasten his
departure, before his enemies could have assembled their
forces, or received succours from the emperor elect, who was
reported to be raising considerable levies ; but Charles suf«
* Commines. liv. viii. chap, ii p 218.
K

180 THE LIFE OF LEO' X.
fered himself to be detained by a negotiation with the depu
ties of Florence, who met him at Siena, and solicited, with
the utmost eagerness, the restoration of Pisa ; offering not
only to pay the contribution stipulated in the treaty, but to
advance him seventy thousand ducats as a loan, and to
despatch their condottiero, Francesco Secco, with three hun
dred men at arms, and two thousand infantry, to attend him,
until his arrival at Asti. The more prudent part of his fol
lowers earnestly advised the king to accede to so advanta
geous a proposal ; but the prince de Ligny, a young man, his
cousin and favourite, having observed, that it would be a
pity to deliver up the'people of Pisa into the power of their
tyrants, Charles, acting under the impulse of his feelings,
and disregarding at once his interest and his oath, rejected
the offer.* In like opposition to the advice of his most
judicious counsellors, but at the request of some of the inha
bitants of Siena, he appointed the prince de Ligny governor
of that place, who deputed his authority to Monsieur de
Villeneuve as his lieutenant, with whom the king left an
escort of three hundred men ; thereby diminishing his forces
at this critical juncture, without the possibility of deriving
from it the slightest advantage. In fact, the governor and his
attendants were expelled the city in less than a month from
his departure.
It appears to have been the intention of Charles to have
proceeded from Siena to Florence, for which purpose he ad
vanced as far as Campana, a small town at no great distance
from that city;f but on his arrival there, he found that,
although the Florentines had made preparations to receive
him with due honour, they had collected a considerable num
ber of troops, and had filled the city with armed men. These
precautions were perhaps not so much to be attributed to
their apprehensions from the king, as to their dread of the
restoration of the authority of the Medici. They were
already apprised that Piero had attached himself to the cause
of the French, and that he was then actually in the camp ; J
aud they justly feared, that if he were admitted within the
' Commines, liv. viii. chap. ii. p. 220.
t Andr£ de la Vigne, Vergier d' Honneur.
J Guicciard. lib. ii. vol. i. p. 98.

CTftRVIEW WITH SAVONAROLA AT PISA. 131
walls, he might avail himself of their assistance to regain his
former ascendency. Unwilling to engage in a contest,
Charles changed his intentions, and directed his course
towards Pisa. In his route, he passed through the town of
Poggibonza, where he had an interview with the monk
Savonaiola, who had been sent by the Florentines, for the
express purpose of prevailing upon him to deliver up to them
the city of Pisa, and the other fortified places of Tuscany,
which had been conditionally intrusted to him. The persua
sions of Savonarola were accompanied by threats and denun
ciations, that if the king violated the oath which he had
sworn, with his hand on the Evangelists, and in the sight of
God, he would incur the wrath of heaven, and meet with a
merited punishment ; but these representations, although
urged by the fanatic with his usual vehemence, seem to have.
been little regarded by Charles ; who at some times under
took to restore the places, and at others alleged, that prior to
his oath, he had promised the citizens of Pisa to maintain
their liberty ; thus availing himself of the inconsistent en
gagements made with each of the contending parties to
frustrate the requisitions of both.
On the arrival of Charles at Pisa, the same solicitations
and entreaties, with which he had been assailed in his route
towards Naples, were again renewed with additional im
portunity, and no measures were omitted which might in
duce him to take the inhabitants under his protection, ana
enable them to throw off the hateful yoke of the Florentines.
Ii. fact, the spirit of political independence was never more
strongly evinced by any people than by the inhabitants of
this place ; who already began to manifest that inflexible
disposition, which supported them through the long and
severe trial which they were destined to undergo. The
streets of the city were lined with escutcheons and bannerets
of the arms of France ; the principal citizens, with all their
attendants, were ready to receive the king ; and the children,
dressed in white satin, embroidered with the fleurs de lys,
saluted him with the exclamations of " Vive le Roi — Vive la
France ! " As he proceeded towards the bridge, an em
blematical exhibition was prepared, on a scaffold decorated
with rich tapestry, which representsd a figure, mounted on
k2

132 .THE LIFE OF LEO X.
horseback, completely armed, so as to resemble a king of
France. His mantle was strewed with lilies, and in his hand
he held a naked sword, the point turned towards Naples.
Under the feet of his horse were the figures of a lion and of
a large serpent, intended to represent the states of Florence
and of Milan. On the following day, the king was formally
requested, by a large body of the inhabitants, to take the
city under his protection ; but his answer was, as usual,
equivocal and unsatisfactory. Those assurances, which the
citizens could not obtain, were next solicited by their wives
and daughters, who, clothing themselves in mourning, pro
ceeded, bare-footed, through the streets, towards the apart
ments of the king ; and, being admitted to his presence,
supplicated, with loud cries and exclamations, his compassion
on their husbands, fathers, and children, entreating him to
protect them against their oppressors.* In his reply, Charles
assured them of his affection for the inhabitants of Pisa, and
promised so to arrange matters, that they should have reason
to be perfectly satisfied. The method which he took for this
purpose was to garrison the citadel with French soldiers, the
command of whom he intrusted to D'Entraghes, one of the
most profligate of his followers; who, without regarding
either the honour of his sovereign, or the wishes of the inhabi
tants, availed himself of the first opportunity of converting
his trust to the purposes of his own emolument.
After remaining six or seven days at Pisa, Charles pro
ceeded through Lucca and Pietra Santa, to Sarzana. On his
arrival there, he received information that the Genoese had
shewn a disposition to free themselves from the dominion of
the duke of Milan, whereupon he despatched the duke de
Bresse, with one hundred and twenty men-at-arms, and five
hundred infantry, to encourage the attempt ; which was also
to be supported by the French fleet. The Genoese, however,
retained their fidelity; the fleet was wholly defeated and
captured at Rapallo; and the duke de Bresse with difficulty
effected a junction with the king at Ast_, when it was too late
to render him any service. In the mean time, the duke of
Orleans had not oniy secured the town of Asti, through which
• Vergier d'Honneur.

CHARLES PASSE& THE APENNINES. 133
Charles was necessarily to pass, but having also captured the
city of Novara, a part of the territory of Milan, had begun to
set up his hereditary pretensions, as a descendant of the
Visconti, to the dominion of that duchy.
The advanced guard of the French army was led by the
marshal de Gies, who was accompanied by Gian-Giacopo
Trivulzio. In approaching the fortified town of Pontremoli,
advantageously situated at the foot of the Apennines, and
which was garrisoned with three or four hundred soldiers,
some resistance was expected ; but, on the approach of the
French, the place was surrendered without the necessity of an
attack. On the troops being admitted within the town, a
quarrel, however, arose between some of the inhabitants and
a party of German soldiers in the service of the French, in
which about forty of the latter lost their lives ; a circumstance
which so exasperated the rest of their countrymen, that they
not only attacked and massacred the inhabitants, but set fire
to the place. By this act of barbarity they consumed a con
siderable quantity of provisions, of which the French army
then stood in the greatest need. This outrage, which it was
not in the power of the marshal de Gies to prevent, was highly
resented by the king ; not only on account of the loss of the
necessary supplies, at a time when his troops were almost
perishing for want, but of the disgrace which it attached to
his arms ; and it was only in consequence of a most essen
tial service, which the German auxiliaries soon afterwards
rendered to him, that they were restored to his favour.
Having quitted Sarzana, Charles now arrived at the foot of
the Apennines, near the town of Villa Franca ; having con
sumed nearly six weeks in his march from Naples, at a time
when his safety chiefly depended upon his passing the moun
tains before his enemies had assembled a sufficient force to
oppose his progress. The same good fortune which had at
tended him on his descent to Naples seemed, however, to
accompany him on his return, and frequently reminded his
annalist, Commines, of an interview which he had at Florence
with Savonarola, in whose predictions he appears to have
placed great confidence, and who assured him, " That God
would conduct the king in safety, without the loss of his
honour ; but that, as a punishment for his neglecting the re-

134

THE LIFE OF LEO X.

formation of the church, and indulging his soldiers in their
licentiousness, he must feel a stroke of the scourge."* In
ascending the mountains, the army deviated from its former
track, and inclined to the right, towards Parma, where they
met with steep acclivities, which rendered the conveyance of
their artillery, of which they had about forty heavy pieces, a
labour of extreme difficulty. On this occasion the German
auxiliaries offered their services to the king, to transport the
cannon by their own labour, provided he would restore them
to his favour. Yoking themselves in couples, like beasts of
burthen, one or two hundred to a piece of artillery, and aided
by such horses as could be spared, they at length reached the
summit of the mountains ; but the danger and difficulty of
descending were not less than those which they had expe
rienced in the ascent, on account of the frequent precipices
which they were obliged to pass ; and which induced several
of the officers to advise the king to destroy his artillery, in
order to expedite his progress; but to this he would by no
means consent. It is however certain, that without the aid
of the Germans, the difficulties of conveying the artillery over
these rugged and trackless wilds would have been wholly
insurmountable Charles had now passed the summit of those hills which
form the northern extremity of the Apennines, and was
winding his array through the steep and narrow defiles of the
mountains ; when, as the plains of Lombardy opened upon
his sight, he perceived, at the distance of a few miles, the
tents and pavilions of a numerous army, assembled by the
allies to oppose hi3 progress. Of this army, the chief com
mand was intrusted to Francesco Gonzaga, marquis of Man
tua, who was assisted by his uncle Ridolfo, a soldier of ac
knowledged honour and great experience. Under the marquis,
several of the most celebrated generals in Italy led the differ
ent bodies of which the allied army was composed. The
number is variously stated by contemporary authors. If we
may credit the Italian writers, the amount scarcely exceeded
that of the French ; but Commines estimated them at the least
at thirty-five thousand men.
* Commines, liv. viii. chap. ii. p. 220, >

PREPARATIONS FOR AN ENGAGEMENT. 135
The allied army had already occupied an eminence on the
banks of the river Taro, one of the numerous streams of the
Apennines, which discharge themselves into the Po, between
Parma and Piacenza.* At the distance of about three miles
from the Italian camp, the advanced guard of the French took
possession of the small town of Fornova. From this place
the marshal de Gies despatched a messenger to the allied
army, requesting that the king might be allowed to pass with
out interruption to his own dominions, and might be supplied
with provisions, for which he was willing to pay. On the
arrival of the main body of the French army, which encamped
on the banks of the river, between that of the allies and the
town of Fornova, these demands were repeated ; and Com
mines, who was personally acquainted with the Venetian com
missaries, was directed to forward the negotiation. Com
mines, whilst he undertook the commission, told the king, with
great sincerity, that he had little hopes of success, as he had
never known two such large armies, so near to each other.
quit the field without a trial of their strength. Nor was hs
mistaken in this conjecture ; for the commissaries, after con
sulting the chief officers, returned for answer, that they could
not consent to any pacification, unless the king would first
lay down his arms, and consent to restore to the duke of
Milan the city of Novara, and to the pope the different
places in the papal territories which had been occupied by his
arms. A contest was now unavoidable, and both parties prepared
for it with great devotional ceremony, and repeated exhor
tations to the soldiery. A party of the stradiotti, or hussars,
in the service of the Venetians, had approached towards the
French camp, and falling in with a small detached body, had
killed several of them, and dispersed the rest, carrying off the
heads of the slain in triumph to the Italian camp. The ap
proach of evening, however, prevented the general engage
ment till the following day ; but a dreadful storm of thunder,
attended by a copious fall of rain in the night, seemed to the
superstitious multitude to announce some important event,
and struck both armies with terror. " On Monday, the sixth
* Cornazzano, in one of his sonnets, enumerates twenty of these tiu
butary rivers, and he might have recorded as many more.

136 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
day of July," says Commines, with a simplicity almost ludi
crous, " the gallant king Charles, in complete armour, mounted
his horse ' Savoy,* which was presented to him by the duke
of Savoy ; he was the finest horse I ever saw ; his colour was
black, he had only one eye, was of a middle size, but well pro
portioned to his rider, who seemed on this occasion to be quite
a different being from that for which nature had intended him,
both in person and countenance ; for he. always appeared, and
is still, timid in his speech, ha ving been educated among low
and effeminate people ; but on this occasion, his horse gave
dignity to his appearance ; his countenance was firm, his com
plexion ruddy, and his expressions bold and judicious ; inso
much that they reminded me of the promise of Savonarola,
that God would lead him by the hand, and that his honour
would still be preserved to him."*
The advanced guard of the French army was first directed
to pass the river with the artillery, which was effected with
great difficulty, and by the aid of a considerable number of
beasts of burthen. Next came the " battle," or cavalry, in
the midst of which was the king, accompanied by the duke de
la Tremouille. The rear of the army, with the baggage, was
brought up by the count de Foix. As the French army be
gan to pass the river, the Italians were in motion. The mar
quis of Mantua, following close upon the French, attacked
their rear with great impetuosity; whilst the other com
manders of the allied army, passing the river in different direc
tions, assailed the French troops on every side. The marshal
de Gies, with the advanded guard, maintained the strictest
discipline, and proceeded with little annoyance ; but the king,
being compelled to turn his front, to resist the powerful attack
of the marquis of Mantua, found himself suddenly in the
midst of the conflict, and was frequently in imminent danger of
falling into the hands of his enemies ; his relation, the bastard
of Bourbon, having been made a prisoner within twenty paces
of him. In the confusion that ensued, the commanders lost
their authority. Gonzaga, rushing furiously among the
enemy, fought his way into the midst of them ; and after a
considerable slaughter, returned in safety to his followers.
• Commines, liv. viii. chap. vi. p. 227.

BATTLE OF THE TAR0. 137
The French monarch is also said to have performed the duty
of a common soldier.* Whilst the event yet remained doubt
ful, the count of Pitigliano and Virginio Orsino availed them
selves of the opportunity of effecting their escape, and an
nounced to the Italians the disorder of their enemies, ende__-
vouring, by every possible means, to stimulate their country
men to continue the battle, and to avail themselves of this
occasion to destroy for ever the influence of the French in
Italy. Their exhortations were, however, of little avail.
More intent on plunder than on victory, the Italian soldiery
were inspired with no other emulation than that of acquiring
the greatest share of the immense booty which the French
had brought with them from Naples ; of which having pos
sessed themselves, they deserted their commanders, and took
to flight in every direction ; and Charles, collecting his scat
tered army, was suffered to proceed on his march. The royal
standards, with the pavilion of the king, and a profusion of
spoil, fell into the hands of the allies ;128 but the French, hav
ing effected their passage, claimed the honour of the victory.
The number slain on the part of the Italians was also much
greater than on that of the French.129 Among them was
Ridolfo Gonzaga, with many other noblemen and officers of
distinguished rank. Unaccustomed to the profuse shedding
of blood in battle, the Italians seem to have considered this
as a dreadful engagement. An historian of great authority
admits that the event was doubtful, and that it diminished
the fear which the Italians had entertained of the French ;f
but Commines represents it as an encounter of no great im
portance. " It was not, however," says he, " like the battles
to which the Italians had been accustomed ; which sometimes
continued a whole day, without either party gaining the
victory."! In judging of this engagement, which has been described
at considerable length by both the French and Italian histo
rians, and from which such decisive consequences were ex-
* Mnratori, Ann. vol. ix. p. 581.
+ Thuanus, Hist, sui Temp. lib. 1. ...,._,
+ Commines, liv. viii. chap. vi. p. 231. Machiavelk, m his " Decen-
nale," i. 57, seems to concede the victory to the French.

138 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
pected, it is not easy to determine whether the misconduct of
the French, or of the Italians, was the greater. The inten
tion of the French monarch was to pass the river, and, if
possible, to avoid a battle ; in consequence of which attempt
he was not only deprived of the assistance of his advanced
guard, in which he had placed almost all his infantry and
artillery, but was also exposed, both in flank and in rear, to
the attack of the allies. If, instead of adopting a measure
which was equally imprudent and pusillanimous, he had
opposed his enemies in an open contest, it is easy to perceive,
from the consequences of this irregular affray, how fatal the
'event must have been to the arms of the allies ; and he might
afterwards not only have pursued his march without inter
ruption, but in all probability have possessed himself of the
whole territory of Milan. Nor was the conduct of the allies
less liable to reprehension than that of the French. The
superiority of their numbers, "and the advantages which they
possessed, in attacking an enemy actually on their march, and
impeded by the low and marshy banks of the river, ought to
have secured to them an easy and decisive victory. But
their army was divided into many detachments, under generals
who paid little respect to the authority of the chief commander.
Of these, some were unable, from the situation of the place,
and others unwilling, to take an active part in the engage
ment. A great number fled at the first report of the French
artillery ; and of the remainder, the chief part were employed
in sacking the French camp, and securing for their private
use as great a share of the plunder as they could obtain. The
question is not, therefore, which of the contending parties
obtained the greatest honour in this engagement ; but which
of them incurred the least disgrace.
The dread which the Italians had entertained of the
French may in some degree be estimated by the exultation
which the event of the battle of the Taro occasioned in Italy.
The praises of the marquis of Mantua resounded in every
quarter, and the works of contemporary writers yet bear
ample testimony to his fame. Ever hostile to the French,
Crinitus immediately addressed to him a Latin ode. Battista
Mantuano has celebrated his process in a poetical allusion t»

FERDINAND II. RETURNS TO NAPLES. 139
his baptismal name ; and Lelio Capilupi has left a Virgilian
Cento, intended as an inscription for his statue. Without
prostituting his talents to national partiality, or personal
flattery, Fracastorius has also adverted to this engagement
in a few beautiful lines near the close of the first book of
his " Syphilis," which deserve to be recalled to more particu
lar notice.130
No sooner had Ferdinand, the young king of Naples,
received information that Charles had quitted the city, than
he made a descent on the coast of Calabria, at the head of
about six thousand troops, hastily raised in Sicily, and sup
ported by a detachment of Spaniards under the command of
Gonsalvo da Cordova ; but the gallant d'Aubigny, to whom
the defence of that part of the kingdom had been intrusted,
was prepared for their reception ; and in an engagement neai
Seminars, defeated them'with considerable loss. Gonsalvo
fled across the mountains, and Ferdinand returned to Messina,
after owing his life to the generosity of his page, Giovanni di
Capua, brother to the duke of Termini, who relinquished his
horse to the king when his own was slain under him, and
thereby met with that death which would otherwise have
been the fate of his master. At Messina he fitted out a fleet,
consisting of numerous, but small and weakly-manned vessels,
and proceeded towards Naples, where he was in hopes that
the inhabitants would have shewn some demonstrations of
their attachment to his cause. Disappointed in his expecta
tions, after hovering three days on the coast, he was proceed
ing to the island of Ischia, when a bark arrived from Naples,
with information, that his return was most ardently wished for
by the inhabitants, who were only prevented by the presence of
the French soldiery from manifesting their loyalty, and that if
he would make a second descent on the coast, they would be
ready to espouse his cause. On the day following that of
the battle of the Taro, Ferdinand landed at Madalei.a, near
the mouth of the river Sebeto, within a mile of Naples ;
'and whilst the duke de Mompensier led out the French
troops to oppose his progress, the inhabitants, tumultuously
taking up arms, closed the gates of the city against their
conquerors, and opened them only to receive their former
sovereign, who entered, amidst the most joyful acclamations,

140 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
into a place which he had quitted, only a few months before,
as an outcast and a fugitive.
The French, however, still retained possession of the two
fortresses of Naples, the Castel-nuovo and Castello dell'
Uovo, where the duke de Mompensier for some time resisted
the attacks of Ferdinand, till, being at length reduced to
extremities, he effected his escape in safety to Salerno. At
this place he again raised the French standard, and reinforced
his small army by the accession of several powerful partisans ;
till, conceiving himself sufficiently strengthened to hazard
another attack, he approached towards Naples, defeated a
considerable body of the Aragonese, and occasioned such
consternation in the city, that the king was once more on the
point of seeking his safety by flight. A timely reinforcement
from the pope, and the powerful assistance of Prospero and
Fabrizio Colonna, at length enabled Ferdinand to repel his
enemies ; and the provincial cities of Capua and Nola, with
many other important places, returned to their allegiance, and
acknowledged him as their sovereign. The duke de Mom
pensier withdrew into the city of Atella, now called Aversa,
where he strongly fortified himself; whilst d'Aubigny still
kept possession of Calabria, in the hope of supporting himself
till the promised succours should arrive from France.
Amongst the other powers to whom Ferdinand had resorted
for assistance in his necessities, he had not neglected the
senate of Venice ; who, having now avowed an open hosti
lity to the French, sent to his succour a well-armed fleet, and
a considerable body of troops, under the command of the
marquis of Mantua, who had so well established his military
reputation at the battle of the Taro. This assistance was
not, however, obtained without important sacrifices on the
part of the king ; and the Venetians were to be put in pos
session of Brindisi, Trani, Gallipoli, Otrauto, and other
places on the coast of the Adriatic, as pledges for the per
formance of the conditions on which it was furnished. On
commencing the attack of Atella, Ferdinand was also joined
by a body of Swiss troops, who had just arrived in Italy to
co-operate with the French, but who now turned their arms
against their employers, when they were no longer able to
advance them the stipulated pay. In this emergency, tha

EXPULSION CF THE FRENCH FROM NAPLES. 141
duke de Mompensier had recourse to d'Aubigny, whom he
earnestly entreated to send him immediate succours ; and
although that general, then in an infirm state of health, had
to contend with the Spanish troops under the command of
Gonsalvo, who had again taken the field, yet he sent a
detachment to his assistance under the command of the count
de Moreto and Alberto Sanseverino. Gonsalvo, however,
surprised and defeated the French troops on their march, and
made both the commanders prisoners. He then hastened to
Atella, and, uniting his arms with those of the king,
blockaded the place so effectually, that the duke was reduced
to the necessity of proposing a capitulation. A truce of
thirty days was agreed on; and it was further stipulated,
that if within that time a considerable armament should not
arrive, the duke should not only surrender the fortress of
Atella, but all the other places dependent on the French in
the kingdom of Naples. Having secured his own retreat,
Charles paid little regard to the safety of the faithful soldiers
whom he had left in Italy.* The expected succours did not
appear, and the treaty was accordingly concluded. * But
Ferdinand, who had engaged to send the duke and his troops
by sea to Provence, led them prisoners, to the amount of
about six thousand men, to Naples, whence they were con
veyed to the island of Procida, and other unhealthy places,
where upwards of two-thirds of them perished by sickness,
famine, and pestilence. The duke de Mompensier shared the
same fate, having died at Pozzuolo, leaving behind him the
character of a good soldier and a faithful subject. D'Au
bigny had made some progress in Calabria ; but hearing of
the capitulation of Atella, and being again closely pressed by
Gonsalvo, he finally withdrew his troops from the Neapoli
tan territory, and had the good fortune to return with them in
safety to France.
The capture of Novara by the duke of Orleans, which had
been considered as an event highly favourable to the French,
proved in the result one of the most humiliating and destruc
tive incidents which had occurred during the war. Soon after
• Commines, liv. viii. chap. xiii.

142 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
the battle of the Taro, Novara was invested by the allies,
who possessed themselves of the approaches, and so effectually
cut off all supplies, that the duke of Orleans, with a numerous
garrison, was reduced to the utmost extremity of famine. In
this emergency, Charles had no resource but to enter into a
treaty with Lodovico Sforza, for a temporary cessation of
hostilities, which he with great difficulty obtained ; and the
duke of Orleans and the marquis of Saluzzo, with a small
party of their friends, were suffered to visit the king at Ver-
celli, under a promise of returning to Novara, in case a final
treaty was not concluded on. This circumstance led to a
more general discussion between the adverse parties, in the
course of which Lodovico again changed his politics, and,
without the assent of his allies, entered into a league of per
petual peace and amity with the king, in which, among other
articles, Lodovico agreed to allow him to fit out a fleet at the
port of Genoa, and promised to grant him a free passage on
his return to Naples, and assist him with money and troops.
The bastard of Bourbon, with the rest of the French made
prisoners at the battle of the Taro, were set at liberty, and
power was reserved for the Venetians to enter into the treaty
within the space of two months, in which case tbey were to
recal their fleet from Naples, and undertake not to afford any
assistance to the house of Aragon. The city of Novara was
restored to Lodovico ; in consequence of which the French
garrison, after having lost upwards of two thousand of their
number by famine and disease, were led from thence to Ver-
celli, so exhausted through want of sustenance, that many of-
them perished on the road, and upwards of three hundred died
after their arrival.* No sooner was the treaty concluded, than
Commines was again despatched to Venice, to induce the
¦ senate to accede to the terms proposed ; and Charles, taking
the route of Turin, returned in the month of October, 1495,
to France, with the remains of his army; plundered, dis
eased, and reduced to less than one-fourth of its original
number. * The number which quitted Novara was about 5,500, of whom not
more than 600 were able to perform duty.— Commiues.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE EXPEDITION INTO ITALY 1 13
Thus terminated the celebrated expedition of Charles VIII.
against the kingdom of Naples ; an expedition originating in
puerile ambition, conducted with folly and rapacity, and
ending in the dissipation of tho revenues of his crown, and in
the destruction of his army. That he accomplished his
object, is the boast of the French historians ; but it is easy
to perceive that the successes of Charles VIII. are not to be
attributed so much to his courage, or to his abilities, as to the
weak and irresolute conduct of his adversaries, the selfish
and temporizing policy of the Italian states, and above all, to
the odium excited against the house of Aragon, by the
cruelties exercised by Ferdinand I. and his son Alfonso on
their subjects. If these advantages could have been counter
vailed by any misconduct of his own, the defeat of Charles
had been certain. Such were his necessities in the com
mencement of his undertaking, and such the difficulties with
which he provided for his soldiery, that he was not only
obliged to borrow money at a most exorbitant interest, but
even to plunder his friends and allies. The time chosen for
his enterprise could not, indeed, have been more favourable
to his views ; for many causes had concurred to disgust the
people of Italy with their rulers, and had led them to regard
the French as their friends and deliverers, and as a nation on
whose honour and good faith they could place the most
perfect reliance : but this error was not of long duration ;
and the cruelty and disorder which "distinguished the march
of the French army soon convinced their partisans and
admirers that the expected change was not likely to promote
their happiness. The irruption of the French seemed to be
the extinction of all literature in Italy. The example of a
weak and licentious monarch corrupted his folio weis. An
incredible degree of debauchery and prostitution prevailed.
The restraints of modesty, the ties of morality, the voice of
religion, were all equally disregarded; and the hand of
Providence almost visibly interfered, to punish, by the
scourge of a loathsome and destructive malady, those enormi
ties which no other motives could restrain. Shocked at this
hideous disease, the Italians and the French recriminated on
each other the disgrace of its introduction ; and the appella-

144 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
tions of mal de Naples, and mal Franceze, were intended by
each of these nations to remove to the other the infamy of its
origin. In other respects, this event seems only to have
served to break down those barriers which nature had formed
to secure the repose of mankind, and to have opened a wider
field for the range of ambition, and the destruction of the
human race.

MARRIAGE OF FERDINAND II. 145

CHAPTER V.
1496—1499.
Marriage of Ferdinand II. of Naples — His death — Contest respecting
the dominion of Pisa— Descent of the emperor elect, Maximilian, into
Italy — The Medici attempt to regain their authority in Florence —
Death of Beatrice of Este — Alexander VI. attacks the Roman barons
— Recovers the city of Ostia — Death of the duke of Gandia, son of
Alexander VI. — Particular account of that event — C_esar Borgia
accused of the murder of his brother without sufficient evidence —
Second attempt of the Medici to enter the city of Florence — Fatal
consequences to their partisans within the city — Paolo Vitelli appointed
general of the Florentines against Pisa — The Florentines form an
alliance with Lodovico Sforza — Death of Charles VIII. and accession
of Louis XII. — Death of Savonarola — Vitelli captures the fortress of
Vico Pisano — Third attempt of the Medici to regain their native place
— The contest respecting Pisa submitted to the decision of Ercole,
duke of Ferrara — His interference proves ineffectual — The inhabitants
of Pisa resolve to defend themselves — Vitelli effects a breach in the
walls — Neglects to avail himself of his advantages — Is brought to
Florence and decapitated.
The death of Alfonso IL, the fugitive king of Naples, which
happened at Messina, on the nineteenth day of November,
1495, had confirmed to Ferdinand the possession of the crown ;
and being now freed from the apprehensions of the French,
he thought it expedient to enter into the matrimonial state.
For his bride he selected his aunt Joanna, the half-sister of
his father, then only fourteen,_years of age, but highly distin
guished by her beauty and accomplishments. This marriage
gave great scandal to the Christian world ;* but the dispensa
tion of the pope speedily removed all difficulties. Guicciar-
dini, who supposed that mankind are always actuated by
motives of political interest, accounts for this union by pre
suming that Ferdinand wished to strengthen his connection
* Commines, liv. viii. chap. xiv. p. 251,
VOL. I. L

14 6 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
with the king of Spain ; but had the ties of consanguinity been
a sufficient title to his favour, Ferdinand already stood nearly
related to him ; and it is therefore more probable, that the
motive of his choice was the gratification of an amorous pas
sion, which he had conceived for his aunt during their voyage
to Sicily. This is rendered yet more probable by the accounts
given of the cause of his death ; which event took place on
the fifth day of September, 1496, and was said to have been
occasioned, or accelerated, by the excessive indulgence of his
passion for his new bride.* As he left no offspring, he was
succeeded in his dominions by his uncle Federigo, a prince of
excellent dispositions, and considerable talents ; but the ambi
tion of his contemporaries, and the unfavourable circumstances
of the times, prevented his people from enjoying that happi
ness which they might otherwise have experienced under his
government. Before Charles VIII. had quitted Turin, on his return to
France, another interview had taken place between him and
the Florentine deputies ; who still pursued him with their so
licitations and remonstrances ; and by the advance of a large
sum of money, of which he stood greatly in need, and many
unreasonable concessions, obtained from him a definitive as
surance that Pisa should again be restored to them.t Direc
tions were accordingly sent to d'Entraghes to surrender to
them the citadel ; but these directions were either accompa
nied by others of a contrary tendency, or d'Entraghes preferred
his own interest to the honour and the favour of his master ;
for, instead of complying with the orders of the king, he sold
the fortress to the inhabitants of Pisa, for the sum of twelve
thousand ducats ; and, having received the money, relinquished
it into their hands.
The Florentines, thus deluded in tneir expectations, had
immediate recourse to arms. The citizens of Pisa, on the
other hand, not only prepared to defend themselves to the last
extremity, but endeavoured, by the most earnest solicitations,
to obtain assistance from several of the other states of Italy,
and even of Europe ; to whom they did not hesitate to offer
the dominion of their city, provided they were freed from the
* Summonte, Hist, di Napoli, iii. lib. vi. p. 583.
t Guicciard. Storia d'ltalia, lib. i. 120

DESCENT OF MAXIMILIAN INTO ITALY. 147
yoke of the Florentines. The Venetians, eager to extend the
limits of their territories, were among the first to listen to
their entreaties. Lodovico Sforza also engaged in their de
fence. The Florentine army, under the command of Paolo
Vitelli, attempted to storm the city ; but, after having driven
in, with great precipitation and slaughter, the troops em
ployed in its defence, and possessed themselves of the suburbs,
they were, in their turn, obliged to retreat by the artillery of
the citadel ; their commander being wounded, and many of
the soldiery killed. Encouraged by their success, the citizens
of Pisa took the field, and opposed themselves to the Floren
tines, over whom they obtained some advantages, although no
decisive engagement took place.
In this situation of affairs a new competitor made his
appearance, with the intention of terminating at once the
pretensions of inferior powers, and of taking the city of
Pisa under his own protection. This was no less a personage
than the emperor elect, Maximilian ; who, induced by the
offers of the citizens of Pisa, and the persuasions of Lodovico
Sforza, passed, in the month of October, 1496, with a party
of horse and eight regiments of infantry, through the Valte-
Lne into the territories of Milan. After having been
splendidly entertained during some days by Lodovico, he
hastened to Genoa, where he embarked with his troops for
Pisa ; but on his arrival there, he found that the Venetians
had already occupied the garrison as auxiliaries to the inha
bitants, and, conceiving themselves equal to the defence of
the place, did not choose that he should share with them
either in the honour or the spoil. He then sailed to Leghorn,
which place he cannonaded for several days, and where he
had nearly lost his life by a ball, which carried away a part
of the imperial robe. This place was defended by the cele
brated Tebalducci, the first of the Florentine condottieri who
succeeded in introducing a proper state of subordination and
discipline amongst the Italian soldiery.* During this contest
the Venetian commissaries admonished Maximilian to desist,
as they had themselves pretensions to the possession of the
place. He then determined to attack the Tuscan territories,
* Nardi, Vita d' Antonio Giacomini Tebalducci Malespini. Fior. 1597,
4to. passim. L 2

148 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
for the purpose of devastation and plunder ; but at this
moment a violent tempest dispersed his fleet. Finding all
his purposes defeated, and apprehensive for his own safety,
Maximilian abandoned his enterprise, and took the speediest
route to his own dominions ; where he arrived, full of animo
sity against the Venetians, and with no small discredit to
his character as a military commander.131
Whilst the Florentines were thus contending with powerful
enemies abroad, and were distracted by discordant opinions,
and the inflammatory harangues of Savonarola at home, the
brothers of the Medici conceived that a favourable opportu
nity was afforded them for attempting to regain their autho
rity in their native place. For this purpose they formed the
project of an attack upon the city, in conjunction with their
kinsman Virginio Orsino, who, after having escaped from the
custody of the French king at the battle of the Taro, had
again begun to collect his adherents, in hopes of retrieving
the fortunes of his house by the sale of their services. The
Medici were then at Rome ; but Virginio having flattered
them with the fairest hopes of success, if the necessary re
sources could be found for the payment of his troops, they
exerted themselves in procuring for him large sums of money,
with which he continued to increase the number of his fol
lowers. The three brothers also employed themselves with
great industry, in collecting together their adherents from all
parts of Italy. Piero having obtained pecuniary assistance
from the Venetians, and being favoured in his enterprise by
the pope, raised a considerable number of troops within the
papal states, with which he advanced through the territory of
Siena to the lake of Perugia, expecting to be joined by such
levies as his brother Giuliano had been able to assemble in
Romagna. A formidable body being thus collected, Virginio
and Piero de' Medici passed in the midst of winter into
Umbria ; and by a toilsome march through the snow, at length
reached the baths of Rapollano. The Florentines had, how
ever, been apprized of the attempt, and had withdrawn a
part of their troops from Pisa for their own defence. They
had also fortified and strengthened the cities of Arrezo and
Cortona, and continued to watch with unremitting vigilance
the adherents of the Medici within the walls of Florence,

DEATH OF THE WIFE OF LODOVICO SFORZA. 149
The vigour and promptitude of these precautions depressed
the hopes of the assailants, who had relied more on the
exertions of their friends within the city than on their own
force, and supposed that the appearance of a powerful
military body in the vicinity would encourage them to declare
themselves. No disturbance was, however, excited ; and
Virginio, instead of proceeding to the attack, contented him
self with plundering the defenceless villages for the subsist
ence of his troops. Whilst such was the hopeless state of
the expedition, he received highly advantageous offers to
induce him to relinquish his undertaking, and join the
standard of the French, then on the point of being expelled
from the kingdom of Naples. Virginio did not long hesitate
between his honour and his interest. Even his animosity to
the king of France, who had unjustly detained him as- a
prisoner, gave way to the hopes of gain ; and notwithstand
ing the remonstrances of Piero and his friends, he led his
troops towards Naples ; not, however, without the most
solemn promises that, as soon as the contest respecting that
kingdom should be terminated, he would return to Tuscany,
with a more powerful armament : promises which, if sincere,
he never had an opportunity of fulfilling, for, being captured
with the duke de Mompensier at Attela, he experienced the
same fate as that officer, having died whilst a prisoner at
Naples.* The cardinal de' Medici and his brother Giuliano,
who had in vain endeavoured to prevail upon Giovanni Ben-
tivoglio, of Bologna, to assist them in their attempt, were
now obliged to retire from that place, and to seek for shelter
within the territories of Milan.f
Early in the year 1497, the prosperous fortunes of Lodo
vico Sforza were interrupted by a domestic disaster, which
was the harbinger of his approaching calamities. His wife
Beatrice, the partner of his ambition, his grandeur, and his
crimes, and of whose counsels he had on every occasion
availed himself, died in child-bed, after having been delivered
of a son, who died before his birth.132 Though insensible, or
regardless of the distress which he had occasioned throughout
Italy, Lodovico sunk under his misfortune in weak and
* Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. ii. p. 28.
t Jovii, Vita Leon. X. lib.-i. pp. 17, 19.

150 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
unmanly sorrow ; and sought to alleviate his grief, and at the
same time perhaps to gratify his ostentation, by the most
expensive and splendid obsequies, which were repeated, with
additional magnificence, on the expiration of a year from the
death of his wife. During this interval he never seated
himself at his table ; but was served in a chamber hung with
black, from the hands of his attendants. Such a violent and
persevering sorrow caused him to be considered throughout
all Italy as a paragsn of conjugal fidelity ; and the poets of
the time sought to assuage his grief by celebrating his
affection, and embalming the memory of his wife in their
verse. Alexander VI. being now firmly seated in the pontifical
chair, and freed from his apprehensions of the French, began
to adopt those vigorous measures for the subjugation of the
Roman nobility, and the aggrandizement of his own family,
which he pursued with unremitting industry during the re
mainder of his life. His eldest son Giovanni had been
honoured by Ferdinand of Spain with the title of duke of
Gandia; Caesar, his second son, had been raised to the
dignity of the purple ; and his daughter Lucrezia, who,
before the elevation of her father, had been married to a
Spanish gentleman, was soon after that event divorced from
her husband, and became the wife of Giovanni Sforza, lord
of Pesaro. The first hostile attempt of the pontiff was
directed against the territories of the Orsini ; who had
equally disregarded his admonitions and his threats, and had
united their arms with those of the French. The command
of the papal troops destined to this expedition was intrusted
to the duke of Gandia ; who was accompanied by Guidu-
baldoda Montefeltri, duke of Urbino, a commander of ac
knowledged courage and experience. After possessing them
selves of some places of inferior importance, they commenced
the siege of Bracciano. This event first called into action
the military talents of Bartolommeo d'Alviano, then very
young, but who afterwards established his reputation as one
of the most accomplished commanders of Italy. In con
junction with Carlo, the illegitimate son of Virginio Orsino,
and Vitellozzo Vitelli, he vigorously attacked the papal
troops. The engagement continued for several hours ; in the

ALEXANDER ATTACKS THE ROMAN BAHONS. 151
result the Roman generals were completely routed ; the duke
of Urbino was taken prisoner, with several other noblemen
and officers of high rank ; but the duke of Gandia effected
his escape, after having been slightly wounded in the thigh.
Thus disappointed in his attempt to wrest from the family
of Orsini their patrimonial possessions, Alexander had
recourse, for the aggrandizement of his offspring, to another
expedient. With the consent of the college of cardinals, he
separated from the states of the church the city of Benevento ;
and erecting it into an independent duchy, conferred it, with
other domains, on his eldest son.
Although Charles VIII., after his return from his Neapo
litan expedition, had relinquished to the pope the fortresses
of Civita Vecchia, Terracina, and other places within the
papal state which he had occupied by his arms, he still
retained the city of Ostia, the command of which he had
intrusted to the cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, bishop of
that place.* The expulsion of the French from Naples by
the aid of the Spanish troops under the command of Gonsalvo
had not only encouraged the pope to attempt the recovering
of this important station, but afforded him an opportunity of
carrying his intentions into effect by the aid of Gonsalvo,
who being then unemployed, gladly accepted the lucrative
offers of the pontiff to assist in the attack. Uniting his arms
with those of the pope, Gonsalvo proceeded to bombard the
fortress ; but the cannonading had scarcely commenced, when
Menaldo, who held the place for the cardinal, and who by
his piratical depredations had greatly annoyed the navigation
of the Tiber, surrendered at discretion ; and was led by Gon
salvo in triumph to Rome. On his approach to the city,
Gonsalvo was met by the sons of the pontiff, the cardinals
and prelates of the church, and by an immense concourse of
the people, who were anxious to see a man whose exploits
had already extended his fame throughout all Italy. He
was immediately introduced to the pope, who received him
with the holy kiss, and bestowed upon him, in full consistory,,
the golden rose which is annually consecrated by the pontiff,
and presented only to sovereigns and great princes, who have
• Guicciard. Storia d'ltal. lib. ii. vol. i. p. 94.

152 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
merited the favour of the holy see.* On this occasion Gon
salvo gave a proof of his magnanimity, in prevailing on the
pontiff to spare the life of Menaldo ; who, being set at liberty,
was permitted to retire to France.^
The exultation of the pontiff on this occasion was not,
however, of long continuance, having being speedily suc
ceeded by a most tragical event, that not only blasted in a
great degree the hopes of his family, but branded it with a
stigma, which has rendered it peculiarly odious to future
times. This was the death of the duke of Gandia, who, after
having passed the evening at a splendid" entertainment given
by his mother, was on his return home assassinated, and his
body thrown into the Tiber, where it remained undiscovered
for several days. The perpetration of this crime has been
imputed by the Italian historians, without hesitation, to
Caesar Borgia ; who, being disgusted with his ecclesiastical
profession, and earnestly desirous of signalizing himself in a
military capacity, is supposed to have considered his brother
as having pre-occupied the station which he was desirous of
obtaining, and to have been jealous of the superior ascend
ency which the duke had acquired in the favour of the
pontiff. In examining these motives, it might indeed be
observed, that the destination of the elder brother to a secular
employment did not necessarily confine the younger to an
ecclesiastical state ; and that the honours bestowed on the
duke of Gandia did not seem to prevent the pontiff from pro
moting the interests of his second son, whom he had placed
in such a station, as to afford him an opportunity of obtaining
the highest dignity in Christendom. Some authors have,
therefore, not scrupled to suggest a more powerful cause of
his supposed enmity, by asserting that he was jealous of the
preference which the duke had obtained in the affections of
their sister Lucrezia, with whom, it is said, that not only
the two brothers, but even Alexander, her father, had crimi
nal intercourse. Frequently, however, as this charge has
been repeated, and indiscriminately as it has been believed,
it might not be difficult to shew, that, so far from this being
with justice admitted as a proof that Csesar was the perpe-
* Jovii Vita magni Gonsalvi, lib. i. p. 222.
t Moreri, art. Cses. Borgia.

DEATH OF THE DUKE OF GANDIA. 153
trator of the murder of his brother, the imputation is in itself
in the highest degree improbable ; and this transaction must
therefore be judged of by such positive evidence as yet re
mains, without presuming the guilt of Borgia from circum
stances which are yet more questionable than the crime of
which he stands primarily accused.183
The most interesting and particular account of this mys
terious event is given by Burchard, and is in substance as
follows : — " On the eighth day of June, the cardinal of Valenza
(Cffisar Borgia), and the duke of Gandia, sons of the pope,
supped with their mother Vanozza, near the church of S. Pie
tro ad vincula; several other persons being present at the
entertainment. A late hour approaching, and the cardinal
having reminded his brother that it was time to return to the
apostolic palace, they mounted their horses or mules, with
only a few attendants, and proceeded together as far as the
palace of cardinal Ascanio Sforza, when the duke informed
the cardinal, that, before he returned home, he had to pay a
visit of pleasure. Dismissing therefore all his attendants,
excepting his staffiero, or footman, and a person in a mask,
who had paid him a visit whilst at supper, and who, during
the space of a month, or thereabouts, previous to this time,
had called upon him almost daily at the apostolic palace, he
took this person behind him on his mule, and proceeded to
the street of the Jews, where he quitted his servant, directing
him to remain there until a certain hour ; when, if he did not
return, he might repair to the palace. The duke then seated
the person in the mask behind him, and rode, I know not
whither ; but in that night he was assassinated and thrown
into the river. The servant, after having been dismissed, was
also assaulted and mortally wounded ; and although he was
attended with great care, yet such was his situation, that he
could give no intelligible account of what had befallen his
master. In the morning, the duke not having returned to
the palace, his servants began to be alarmed ; and one of
them informed the pontiff of the evening excursion of his sons,
and that the duke had not yet made his appearance. This
gave the pope no small anxiety ; but he conjectured that the
duke had been attracted by some courtesan to pass the night
with her, and, not choosing to quit the house in open day,

154 THE LIFE OF LEO X
had waited till the following evening to return home. When,
however, the evening arrived, and he found himself disap
pointed in his expectations, he became deeply afflicted, and
began to make inquiries from different persons, whom he
ordered to attend him for that purpose. Amongst these was a
man named Giorgio Schiavoni, who, having discharged some
timber from a bark in the river, had remained on board the
vessel to watch it, and being interrogated whether he had
seen any one thrown into the river, on the night preceding, he
replied, that he saw two men on foot, who came down the
street, and looked diligently about to observe whether any
person was passing. That seeing no one, they returned, and
a short time afterwards two others came and looked around
in the same manner as the former ; no person still appearing,
they gave a sign to their companions, when a man came,
mounted on a white horse, having behind him a dead body,
the head and arms of which hung on one side, and the feet on
the other side of the horse ; the two persons on foot support
ing the body, to prevent its falling. They thus proceeded
towards that part where the filth of the city is usually dis
charged into the river ; and turning the horse with his tail
towards the water, the two persons took the dead body by the
arms and feet, and with all their strength flung it into the
river. The person on horseback then asked if they had
thrown it in, to which they replied, Signor, si (yes, sir). He
then looked towards the river, and seeing a mantle floating on
the stream, he inquired what it was that appeared black, to
which they answered it was a mantle ; and one of them threw
stones upon it, in consequence of which it sunk. The attend
ants of the pontiff then inquired from Giorgio, why he had
not revealed this to the governor of the city ; to which he
replied, that he had seen in his time a hundred dead bodies
thrown into the river at the same place, without any inquiry
being made respecting them, and that he had not therefore
considered it as a matter of any importance. The fishermen
and seamen were then collected, and ordered to search the
river, where, on the following evening, they found the body
of the duke, with his habit entire, and thirty ducats in his
purse. He was pierced with nine wounds, one of which was
in his throat, the others in his head, body, and limbs. No

CESAR BORGIA ACCUSED OF MURDERING HIS BROTHER. 155
sooner was the pontiff informed of the death of his son, and
that he had been thrown like filth into the river, than
giving way to his grief, he shut himself up in a chamber and
wept bitterly. The cardinal of Segovia, and other attendants
on the pope, went to the door, and after many hours spent
in persuasions and exhortations, prevailed upon him to admit
them. From the evening of Wednesday till the following
Saturday the pope took no food ; nor did he sleep from Thurs
day morning till the same hour on the ensuing day. At
length, however, giving way to the entreaties of his attend
ants, he began to restrain his sorrow, and to consider the
injury which his own health might sustain by the further
indulgence of his grief."*
From this account, which is in truth the only authentic
information that remains respecting the death of the duke, it
seems probable that he had for some time been carrying on
an amorous intrigue, by the intervention of the person who
so frequently visited him in disguise ; and it may at the
same time be concluded, that the evening on which he met
with his death, he had been detected by some jealous rival,
or injured husband, and had paid with his life the forfeiture
of his folly, his presumption, or his guilt. The cardinal
appears not to have had the least share in directing the
motions of the duke ; nor does it appear from Burchard,
that he again left the palace, after he had returned home on
the evening when the murder was committed. Throughout
the whole narrative there is not the slightest indication that
Caesar had any share in the transaction, and the continuance
of the favour of both his father and his mother, after this event,
may sufficiently prove to every impartial mind, that he was
not even suspected by them as the author of the crime.134
The brothers of the Medici, disappointed in their first
attempt to regain their native place, now formed a more
deliberate and systematic plan for effecting their purpose.
Amidst the internal commotions which Florence had expe
rienced since the expulsion of the Medici, the form of its
government had undergone frequent changes, until the popu
lace had at length usurped the whole direction, and, under
* See Burchard's Diar. in Gordon's Lifebf Alexander VI. App

156 THF LIFE OF LEO X.
the influence of Savonarola, had united the enthusiasm of
liberty with the fanaticism of superstition. The violent ex
tremes to which they proceeded soon, however, produced a
re- action favourable to their opponents. The inability of a
set of artisans, who left their stalls, in the habits of their
occupations, to regulate the concerns of the state, became
apparent; the misconduct or negligence of the rulers had
been manifested by an alarming scarcity of provisions ; and
at length, by the exertions of the more respectable inha
bitants, the office of gonfaloniere was conferred on Bernardo
del Nero, a citizen of advanced age and great authority,
whose long and friendly intercourse with the family of the
Medici gave reason to suppose that he was well inclined to
their interest. The other offices of government were also
filled by persons who were supposed to be adverse to the
frateschi, or followers of Savonarola. Encouraged by these
favourable circumstances, Piero communicated his views to
the Venetians, who promised to support him in his attempt.
The concurrence of Alexander VI. who was highly exaspe
rated against the Florentines, for the protection afforded to
Savonarola, in his free censures of the abuses of the church,
was easily obtained; nor did Lodovico Sforza oppose an
enterprise, which, by dividing and weakening the Floren
tines, might afford him an opportunity of availing himself of
their dissensions to his own advantage. The military com
mander chosen by Piero de' Medici, on this occasion, was
__3.artolonimeo d'Alviano, who had acquired great honour in
the defence of Bracciano against the arms of the pope. By
the credit and exertions of the three brothers, a considerable
body of troops was raised, with which d'Alviano, marching
only by night, and through the least frequented roads, pro
ceeded to Siena. He was here met by Piero and Giuliano,
who had obtained further succours from the inhabitants of
Siena, whose aversion to the Florentines led them to promote
every measure that was likely to increase their internal com
motions, or to weaken their political strength.* A commu
nication was secretly opened between the Medici and their
friends in Florence. The day was agreed upon when the
* Malavolti, Storia di Siena, par. 3, p. 103.

SECOND ATTEMPT OF THE MEDICI TO ENTER FLORENCE. 157
Medici should, early in the morning, approach the city, and
enter the gates ; at which time their adherents would be
ready to receive them, and to second their efforts. In their
progress towards Florence, they met with no interruption ;
and arriving within a few miles of the city, they took their
stations for the night, intending to reach the walls at the
hour appointed on the following morning. When, however,
they prepared to pursue their route, they found their order
deranged, and their progress obstructed, by the effects of an
uncommon fall of rain, which had continued throughout the
night ; and which, by postponing their arrival until a late
hour of the day, gave sufficient time to their adversaries to
be apprized of their intentions. Vigorous measures were
instantly adopted for the defence of the city. Paolo Vitelli, '
the condottiero of the Florentine troops, who had casually
arrived there on the preceding evening, secured the gates,
and took the command of those who were ready to join in
repelling the attack. The partisans of the Medici, some of
whom had given sufficient indications of their designs, were
seized upon, and committed to safe custody ; insomuch, that
when the Medici arrived under the walls, instead of finding
their friends ready to receive them, they discovered that
every measure had been taken for resistance. 135 Being thus
disappointed in their expectation of succeeding in their enter
prise, by the aid of their accomplices within the city, they
deliberated whether they should attack the gates, and endea
vour to carry the place by storm ; but, after a consultation
of four hours, they concluded that their force was not equal
to the undertaking. Bending their course therefore towards
the papal dominions, d'Alviano and his military associates
endeavoured to recompense themselves for their disappoint
ment, by plundering the inhabitants ; whilst Piero and his
brother Giuliano retired in haste to Siena.
This affair did not, however, terminate without bloodshed.
No sooner were the prevailing party within the walls ap
prized of the retreat of the Medici, and the object of their
visit, than they instituted a strict inquiry as to the authors
and abettors of the undertaking; in consequence of which,
four of the principal citizens, Kicolo Ridolfi, Lorenzo Torna-
buoni, Gianozzo Pueci, and Giovanni Cambi, were found to

158 THE LIFE OP LEO X.
be implicated in the conspiracy, and were condemned to
death.136 Bernardo del Nero, the gonfaloniere, accused of
having been privy to their proceedings without disclosing
them, was adjudged to a similar fate. The persons thus con
demned appealed to the consiglio grande, or general assembly
of the people, in conformity to a late regulation in the consti
tution, introduced by the frateschi ; but the promoters of
this salutary law were the first to infringe it, and the con
venient pretexts of public danger, and state necessity, were
alleged by the adherents of Savonarola as sufficient justifica
tions for carrying the sentence into immediate execution.*
The inhabitants of Florence, unaccustomed for a long course
of years to see the political errors of their fellow-citizens
punished with such sanguinary severity, derived from this
transaction additional motives of dissatisfaction; and the
death of these citizens, who, whether guilty or not of the
crime laid to their charge, were condemned contrary to
the established forms of law, was soon afterwards avenged
by the slaughter of those who had been most active in their
destruction. The siege of Pisa still continued to increase in importance,
and to augment the number of the contending parties. In
favour of the inhabitants, the duke of Urbino, who had
purchased his liberty at the expense of thirty thousand ducats,
d'Alviano, his late adversary, Paolo Orsini, Astorre Baglioni,
and several other commanders of independent bodies of
troops, took the field, having been engaged in the cause
principally by the wealth and credit of the Venetians ; and
the command of the whole was intrusted to the marquis of
Mantua. The ardour of the Florentines kept pace with that
of their enemies. They raised a considerable body of troops
within the Tuscan territories, and several experienced com
manders joined their standard. Paolo Vitelli, who had
already rendered many important services to the republic,
was appointed chief general, and the bastone, or emblem of
command, was delivered to him with great solemnity, on a
day fixed on for that purpose, by the rules of astrology. On
this occasion all the astrologers in the city, who it seems
* Machiavel. Decennale, 1.

TREATY OF THE FLORENTINES WITH L. SFORZA. 159
formed a numerous body, were assembled in the great court
of the palace ; and whilst one, who was in the immediate
service of Vitelli, with the rest of his fraternity, waited, with
their astrological instruments in their hands, to observe the
felice punto, or fortunate moment, Marcello Virgilio, chan
cellor of the republic, delivered an oration before the magis
trates in honour of their general ; when on a sign being given
by the person appointed for that purpose, the orator instantly
concluded his speech, and Vitelli, on his knees, received from
the gonfaloniers the emblem of his authority amidst the
sound of trumpets and the plaudits of the populace.* At
the same time the Madonna dell' Imprunata was carried
through the city in a ceremonial procession ; a measure which
we are told had never been resorted to at Florence without
manifest advantage.t
Whilst the adverse parties were thus preparing for a
decisive contest, the inhabitants of Pisa despatched a body of
troops, consisting of seven hundred horse and one thousand
foot, to levy contributions upon, or to plunder the inhabitants
of the district of Volterra. Returning with a considerable
booty, they were attacked in the valley of S. Regolo, by a
party of the Florentines, under the command of the count
Rinuccio, and being thrown into disorder, were on the point
of relinquishing their spoil ; when a fresh body of horse
arriving from Pisa, changed the fortune of the day, and the
greater part of the Florentine detachment was either
slaughtered or made prisoners. This disaster was severely
felt by the Florentines, who now began to apprehend that,
unless they could detach some of their adversaries from the
alliance formed against them, they might eventually, not only
fail in their attempt to recover the city of Pisa, but might so
far exhaust their strength, as to become themselves a prey to
the ambition of their enemies. Of these, the most formidable
were the Venetians, who were then in the zenith of their
power, and had given derisive proofs of their intentions to
extend their dominion into the southern provinces of Italy.
In this exigency the Florentines had recourse to Lodovico
Sforza, who, by having so frequently changed the object of
* Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. iii. p. 53.
f Ammirato, Hist. Fior. vol. iii. p. 254.

160 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
his political pursuit, afforded them some hopes that he might
not refuse to listen to their representations. Nor were they
mistaken in this opinion. Lodovico heard with attention the
arguments by which they endeavoured to convince him, that,
in affording assistance to the inhabitants of Pisa, he was only
acting a subsidiary part to the republic of Venice, which was
already too powerful for the other states of Italy, and would.
by the acquisition of Pisa and its territory, become highly
formidable even to Lodovico himself. Induced by these and
similar motives, and actuated by that instability which
characterized the whole of his conduct, Lodovico entered into
the proposed treaty ; and it was agreed between the parties,
that, in order to avail themselves of it to greater advantage,
no external demonstration of it should immediately appear,
but that Lodovico should take advantage of such opportunity
of withdrawing his troops, as should be most for the interest
of his new allies.*
From the time of the return of Charles VIII. to his own
dominions, the Italian states had been kept in continual
alarm, by rumours of great preparations, said to be making
for another and more powerful descent upon the kingdom of
Naples ; but these apprehensions were suddenly dispelled by
the death of that monarch, occasioned by an apoplexy, whilst
he was amusing himself by the game of tennis at the castle
of Amboise, in the month of April, 1498. The exultation of
the Italians on this event was not, however, well-founded,
and it is probable that the death of the king, instead of being
favourable to their repose, was the occasion of their bein^
exposed to still greater calamities. Charles had little pre
tensions either in body or mind to the character of a hero.
He had made a hazardous attempt, from the consequences of
which he had been extricated with difficulty ; a,nd there was
no great probability that he' would have exposed himself to
the dangers of a second expedition. The longer continuance
of his life would therefore have prevented, or postponed, the
hostile efforts of his bolder and more active successor. This
successor was Louis, duke of Orleans, cousin to Charles in
the fourth degree, who, under the name of Louis XI]-,
• Guicciard. Storia d'ltal. lib. iv. vol. i. d. 195.

DEATH OF CHARLES VIII 161
assumed the crown without opposition, aud immediately after
his accession gave a striking proof of his intentions, by taking
the additional titles of duke of Milan and king of the two
Sicilies. No sooner had he ascended the throne, than he
found a pretext for divorcing his wife, the daughter of Louis
XL, who, as he alleged, was so devoid of personal attractions,
and of so sickly a constitution, that he had no hopes of pro
geny from her, and chose in her stead, Anne of Bretagne,
¦the widow of his predecessor, Charles VIII., who is sup
posed to have been the object of his affection before her former
-marriage. As the dispensation of the pope was requisite for
this union, Alexander VI. was happy in so favourable au
opportunity of gratifying the wishes of the new sovereign ;
but the king was too impatient to wait the return of his
ambassador, and presuming on the success of his mission,
celebrated the marriage before the necessary formalities for
his divorce had been expedited from Rome. This irregularity
was, however, readily pardoned, and Caesar Borgia, who had
now divested himself of the rank of cardinal, was deputed to
carry to France the dispensation, which was accompanied by
the hat of a cardinal for George of Amboise, archbishop of
Rouen. The magnificence displayed by Caesar on this em
bassy far exceeded that of royalty itself : and the king
remunerated his services, by conferring on him the title of
duke of Valentinois, in Dauphiny, and by a grant of the
annual sum of twenty thousand livres ; to which was also
added the promise of a territorial possession in the Milanese,
as soon as the king should have completed the conquest of
that country.137 About the same time, Lucrezia, the daughter
of the pontiff, was divorced from her husband, Giovanni
Sforza, lord of Pesaro, and married to Alfonso of Aragon,
a natural son of Alfonso IL, late king of Naples.
Ever since the brothers of the Medici had been compelled
to quit their native place, the Florentines had exhibited a
striking instance of the effects of fanaticism, in debasing
both the intellectual and moral powers of the mind. Absurd
and blasphemous pretensions to the peculiar favour of heaven,
to the power of working miracles, and of predicting future
events, were asserted by Savonarola and his followers, who
attempted to establish the reign of Jesus Christ, as it was
VOL. I. m

462 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
impiously called, by acts of violence and bloodshed. This
sudden depression occasioned, however, as sudden a reverse.
No sooner were the Florentines convinced of the fraudulent
practices of their pretended prophet, than they satiated their
resentment by the destruction of the man who had so long been
the object of their admiration ; after which they committed
his body, together with those of two of his associates, to the
flames, and scattered their ashes in the river Arno. Respect
ing the character of Savonarola, a great diversity of opinions
has arisen, as well in his own as in subsequent times ; and
whilst some have considered him as a saint and a martyr,
others have stigmatized him as an impostor and a demagogue.
It requires not, however, any great discernment to perceive,
that Savonarola united in himself those exact proportions of
knavery, talents, folly, and learning, which, combined with
the insanity of superstition, compose the character of a fan_t-
tic ; the motives and consequences of whose conduct are
perhaps no less obscure and inexplicable to himself, than
they are to the rest of mankind.*
The secret treaty between Lodovico Sforza and the state
of Florence was much more detrimental to the Venetians
than it would have been if publicly avowed. By his solici
tations, several of the Italian leaders, who had engaged in
the defence of Pisa, were induced to enter into the service of
the Florentines ; and the army of the republic, under the
command of Paolo Vitelli, at length took the field, with a
considerable body of horse, and a powerful train of artillery.
Having hastily passed the Arno, Vitelli first bombarded the
castle of Buti, where the Venetians attempted to oppose his
progress. This place he carried by assault on the second day.
Thence he proceeded towards Pisa, and having stationed
several bodies of troops in the vicinity, so as to prevent the
apprrach of supplies to the city, he turned his artillery against
Vico Pisano, a fortress in the neighbourhood of Pisa, where
having made a breach in the walls, he compelled the garrisbit
to capitulate, and proceeded, by regular approaches, to reduce
the city to submission. t
* For the particulars of the catastrophe of Savonarola, see Life ot
I.or. de Medici.
f Guicciard. Storia d'ltal. lib. iv. vol. i. p. 199.

THIRD ATTEMPT TO ENTER FLORENCE. 1C3
In the mean time the exiled brothers of the Medici, con
ceiving that another opportunity was now afforded them for
attempting the recovery of Florence, requested the Venetian
sonate to admit them as associates in the war : representing
to them the practicability of sending a body of troops through
the passes of the Apennines, where they would be joined by
the numerous friends of the Medici in that quarter, by whose
assistance they might attack the city before it could be pro
vided with the means of defence. The Venetians, at this
time closely pressed by Vitelli, willingly accepted the offer ;
and a large body of infantry was immediately collected, the
command of which was given to the duke of Urbino, and
Astorre Baglioni, of Perugia. Piero de' Medici, with his
brother Giuliano, and his cousin Giulio, having united their
troops with those of Bartolommeo d'Alviano and Carlo
Orsino, joined the Venetians in the Val de Lamone, and
possessed themselves of the small town of Marra. They
soon, however, found themselves opposed by the Florentines,
with whom Lodovico Sforza had now united his arms ; but
the duke of Urbino pressed forwards, and, having captured
the town of Bibbiena, descended into the sterile district of
Casentino, through which the Arno continues its course to
Florence ; and, although his operations were retarded no
less by the severity of the weather than by the efforts of his
enemies, his approach filled the inhabitants of Florence with
consternation. They, therefore, directed their commander,
Vitelli, to fortify, in the best manner he could, the places
which he had occupied near Pisa, and to proceed imme
diately to oppose the Medici in Casentino. The courage
and experience of the duke of Urbino, and the ardour and
rapidity of d'Alviano, were opposed by the vigilance and
caution of Vitelli. With inconceivable industry he fortified
the passes by which alone the troops of the Medici could
approach ; he restrained their excursions on every side ; he
weakened their forces in various skirmishes, and harassed
them by cutting off their supplies. Unable either to procure
subsistence, or to change the situation of their troops, the
Venetian commissaries, with the brothers of the Medici,
secretly deserted their army, and fled for safety to the town
of Bibbiena. The soldiers themselves were compelled to
m 2

164 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
undergo that last of all military disgraces, the compulsory
surrender of their arms ; after which- they were permitted by
their conquerors to retire, dejected, emaciated, and disgraced,
to their own country.138
During the contest respecting the city of Pisa, the Flo
rentines had at various times made overtures to the Venetians
and their allies, for compromising the differences to which it
had given rise ; but the senate, conscious of their superiority,
and desirous of reducing the territory of Pisa under their own
dominion, had, under various pretexts, refused to listen to any
terms of pacification. The disgraceful defeat of their troops
iu Casentino, and the vigour with which Vitelli carried on
the siege of Pisa, at length induced them to relax in their
pretensions ; and by the intervention of Lodovico Sforza, it
was, after long negotiation, agreed, that all differences be^
tween the contending parties should be finally decided by
Ercole, duke of Ferrara. Having undertaken the office of
mediator, and heard the various representations of the diffe
rent envoys, he published his determination on the sixth day of
April, 1499 ; by which he ordered, that the Venetians should
immediately withdraw their troops from the Florentine and
Pisan territories ; that the Florentines should pay to them
one hundred and eighty thousand ducats, by stated payments
of fifteen thousand in each year, as an indemnity for the
expenses of the war; and that the city of Pisa should
return to its obedience to Florence, under certain restric
tions, by which the administration of justice, both criminal
and civil, and the public revenue of the state, were secured
to the inhabitants.*
This determination, instead of reconciling the contending
parties, was received with disapprobation by all. The Vene
tians, disappointed in those views of aggrandizement with
which they had entered into the war, considered the payment
of an annual sum as no alleviation of their vexation and dis
grace. The Florentines murmured, that, after the enormous
expenses which they had already sustained in the defence of
their long-established rights, they should be compelled to
reimburse the Venetians to so large an amount ; whilst their
* Guicciard. Storia d'ltaL. lib. iv. vol. i. p. 220.

THE DUKE OF FERRARA APPOINTED MEDIATOR. 16 5
dominion over the city and territory of Pisa was mutilated
and restricted, so that they could not indemnify themselves in
that quarter for any part of their expenditure. But, above
all, the citizens of Pisa exclaimed against the decision of the
duke ; which they contended would, in effect, deliver them
once more into the absolute power of their oppressors, who
would soon find a pretext to deprive them of their immu
nities, and to reduce them to the same disgraceful state
of vassalage under which they had so long laboured. It was
to no purpose that the duke attempted, by an additional
decree, to obviate these objections. The continuance of the
war was resolved upon ; and measures were resorted to for
the renewal of hostilities with greater violence than before.
In some respects, however, the contest took a different
aspect. From some indications in the course of the treaty,
the citizens of Pisa began to suspect, that the Venetians
might at length accommodate their differences with the
Florentines, and that their city might be considered as the
price of reconciliation; whilst the Venetians affecting to be
dissatisfied with the conduct of the inhabitants, withdrew their
troops from the defence of the city, for the purpose, in fact, of
securing the possession of such parts of the territory as they
might be enabled to occupy. The citizens saw without
regret the departure of their doubtful allies ; and with the aid
of a few mercenaries, who had been introduced within the
walls by the Venetians, and who agreed to join in their
defence, they resolved to maintain their independence to the
last extremity. The walls of Pisa were of uncommon
strength. The fortresses were well provided and garrisoned.
The inhabitants were numerous and courageous ; many <i
them were respectable by their rank and talents ; and an
unremitting warfare of several years had habituated them to
military fatigues. Above all, their aversion to the govern
ment of the Florentines was inextinguishable ; and this senti
ment alone supplied every deficiency.
On the other hand, the Florentines lost no time in availing
themselves of the successes which they had already obtained.
Besides a considerable body of horse, the'r army was now
increased to ten thousand foot ; with which and the aid of

166 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
twei.ty large pieces of artillery, Vitelli attacked the fortress
of Stampace, on which the citizens of Pisa chiefly relied for
the defence of the city. The exertions of the besieged to
repair the breaches, although both sexes and all descriptions of
persons united in the labour, were ineffectual, and an unre
mitting cannonade of ten days at length levelled a great part
of the walls. Of those engaged in the defence, many were
slaughtered ; the rest took refuge in the city, and were closely
pursued by the Florentine troops, who at that moment might
in all probability have possessed themselves of the prize for
which they had sd long contended. Vitelli, however, either
did not perceive, or did not choose to avail himself of the op
portunity afforded him for terminating the war. Satisfied with
the success of the day, in the acquisition of the fortress, and
conceiving that the city would now become an easy prey, he
restrained the ardour of the soldiery, and allowed the inhabi
tants to recover from their panic. But although Vitelli had
omitted to storm the city, he persevered with the utmost
vigilance in such measures as were most likely to compel the
inhabitants to surrender ; and, in the various means which he
adopted for reducing the place, gave striking proofs of those
abilities by which he had obtained his military reputation.
The constant use of artillery had again effected a breach in
the walls ; the soldiers, inflamed with the hopes of plunder,
were earnest for the attack ; the Florentine commissaries
remonstrated with Vitelli on the injudicious and dangerous
delays which he manifested in all his proceedings, and a time
was at length fixed upon for storming the place, which it was
agreed should be the twenty-fourth day of August. But,
whilst the fruits of his labours were thus ripening, and
seemed only to court his hand, a sudden blight deprived
Vitelli of his expected prize. The low and marshy district
in the vicinity of Pisa had combined with the slaughter of
the soldiery, to occasion a pestilential distemper in the Flo
rentine camp, which in the course of a few days made so
rapid a progress, that, at the time appointed, a sufficient
number of troops could not be collected to proceed to the
attack. Fresh levies of soldiers were poured in by the Flo
rentines; but the destructive malignity of the disorder

VITELLI DECAPITATED. 167
destroyed them more rapidly than they could be replaced.*
Smitten, like the Greeks before Troy, by an invisible hand,
the Florentine troops were compelled to abandon their en
terprise, in order to secure a retreat, before the further pro
gress of the disease should so far debilitate them, as to render
them an easy conquest to the exasperated and vindictive in
habitants. Vitelli therefore embarked his artillery on the
Arno, for the purpose of conveying it to Leghorn ; but by
an unfortunate fatality, the greater part of it fell into the
hands of the enemy. Quitting with the remainder of his
troops the contagious precincts of Pisa, he proceeded through
the Via Marrana towards Cascina. On his arrival at this
place, he was met by a deputation from the citizens of Flo
rence, by whom he was made a prisoner, and conducted to
that city, where he was put to the torture, for the purpose of
inducing him to confess that he had conducted himself with
treachery towards the republic. Among other charges
against him, it was alleged, that he had held an interview
with the Medici in the war of Casentino, and that he had
intentionally suffered them to escape, although he had it in
his power to have sent them prisoners to Florence, to have
received the due reward of their rebellion against their
country. His conduct before Pisa was, however, a still more
grievous cause of offence ; and although no acknowledgment
of either guilt or error could be obtained from him, he was
ordered to be decapitated ; and the sentence was on the same
night carried into effect.139 His brother Vitellozzo, although
at that time labouring under sickness, had the good fortune
to effect his escape, and fled to Pisa, with as many of his fol
lowers as he could prevail upon to accompany him. He was
received with great exultation by the inhabitants, who by
their own resolution, and a fortunate concurrence of events,
were at length freed from their adversaries, and once more
indulged themselves in the hope of establishing the ancient
independence of their republic.
* Guicciard. lib. iv. vol. i. p. 235. Muratori, Annali d'ltal. ix. 597.
Macchiavelli also alludes to this circumstance in his first " Decennale."

168 THE LIFE OF LEO X.

CHAPTER VI.
1499—1503.
Louis XII. resolves to attempt the conquest of Milan and Naples —
Forms an alliance with Alexander VI. and the Venetians — The cardinal
de1 Medici quits Italy — Travels through various parts of Europe —
Louis XII. possesses himself of the duchy of Milan— Caesar Borgia
attacks the cities of Romagna — Imprisonment and death of Lodovico
Sforza — The cardinal de' Medici arrives at Rome — The Florentines
again attack Pisa— Csesar Borgia perseveres in his hostilities against
the Italian states — The Medici attempt a fourth time to effect their
return to Florence — Caesar Borgia threatens that city— Treacherous
combination between Louis XII. and Ferdinand of Spain— Federigo,
king of Naples, is deprived of his dominions — He retires to France —
Gonsalvo betrays the young duke of Calabria — Csesar Borgia captures
the states of Piombino, Camerino, and Urbino — Pietro Soderini pre
serves Florence from the attacks of Borgia — Is appointed Gonfaloniere
for life; — Alliance between Csesar Borgia and Louis XII. — The Italian
nobles oppose the proceedings of Borgia — -Several of them treacherously
put to death by him at Sinigaglia — He seizes on their territories —
Death of Alexander VI. — Remarks on his character and conduct.
Whilst Italy continued to be thus agitated by internal com
motions, another storm was gathering beyond the Alps, which
soon burst with additional violence on that unhappy country.
The attack of Charles VIII. upon the kingdom of Naples was
the effect of a puerile ambition ; but Louis XII. was a coura
geous and politic prince, and the personal experience which
he had acquired during the expedition of Charles VIII., in
which he had himself borne a principal part, rendered him a
still more dangerous enemy. After having openly asserted
his pretensions to the crown of Naples and the states of Milan,
he began to negotiate with the other powers of Europe, and
in particular with the Italian governments, for their assistance
or neutrality in the approaching contest.
In gaining over Alexander VI. to his interests he found

-®2_^#flj, sculp6

LOUIS XII. RESOLVES ON THE CONQUEST OF NAPLES. 169
but little difficulty. That ambitious pontiff, incessantly aim
ing at the exaltation of his family, and desirous, beyond mea
sure, of establishing his authority in the kingdom of Naples,
where he had already obtained considerable influence, had
proposed to Federigo the marriage of C_esar Borgia with one
of his daughters, whose dowry he expected should be the
extensive principality of Tarentum. This union was, how
ever, rejected in the most decisive terms by Federigo ; who,
although he was not ignorant that his refusal would draw
down upon him the resentment of the pontiff, chose rather to
abide its consequences, than assent to an alliance, which he
considered as still more dangerous. Thus disappointed in the
hopes of aggrandizement which he had so warmly cherished
from this quarter, Alexander was prepared for any proposi
tions from the French monarch, which might enable him to
gratify his resentment against the king of Naples. A reci
procation of favours had already commenced between Louis
XII. and the pope, by which both parties had been highly
gratified ; and this connection was speedily strengthened by
the marriage of Ca.sar Borgia with Carlotta, daughter of
John d' Albert, king of Navarre,140 and a near relation to
Louis XII., and by the promotion of the brother of that prin
cess to the purple. The marriage took place on the twelfth
day of May, 1499 ; and from this period Alexander consi
dered himself as devoted to the interests of France, and was
ready to employ both his spiritual and temporal arms in her
service.141 The Venetians, disgusted with the irresolute and
treacherous conduct of Lodovico Sforza, had already been in
duced, by the promise of being put into possession of the city
of Cremona, and the district of Ghiaradadda, to enter into a
league with Louis XII. to assist him in the recovery of Milan,
in which a power was reserved to Alexander VI. to become a
party.* Of this privilege the pope soon afterwards availed
himself ; having first stipulated, among other articles, that the
states of Imola, Forli, Faenza, and Pesaro, then under the
government of their respective lords, should be conquered by
the arms of the allies, and united under the sole dominion of
Caesar Borgia.
* This treaty, bearing date the 15th of April, 1499, is given in the
" Corps Diplomatique " of Dumont, vol. iii. par. ii. p. 406.

!70 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
These portentous transactions were not regarded with an
inattentive eye by the cardinal de' Medici. He had now
attempted, in conjunction with his brothers, at three different
times, to effect the restoration of his family to their native
place. The ill fortune or misconduct of Piero had defeated
all their endeavours, and every new attempt had only served
to increase the violence of their enemies, and to bar the gates
of Florence more firmly against them. During five years he
had been compelled to avail himself successively of the pro
tection of the ancient friends of his family in different parts
of Italy ; but as the hope of his restoration to Florence dimi
nished, he began to be regarded as an exile and a fugitive, and
in the approaching disturbances of Italy, it was not easy to
determine in what part he might find a secure asylum. The
city of Rome, which ought to have afforded him a safe and
honourable residence, was rendered irksome to him by the
vices, and dangerous by the animosity of the pontiff; whilst
the Florentines, in order to secure themselves during the ap
proaching commotions, had acceded to the league with France,
and thereby cut off from the Medici all hopes of deriving
assistance from that power on which they had hitherto relied.
Impelled by these circumstances, and perhaps also actuated
by the laudable desire of visiting foreign countries, the car
dinal determined to quit Italy, and to pass some portion of
his time in traversing the principal kingdoms of Europe, till
events might arise more favourable to his views.
This design he communicated to his cousin, Giulio de'
Medici, and it was agreed to form a party of twelve friends ;
a number which they considered sufficiently large for their
mutual security in the common incidents of a journey, and
too small to afford any cause of alarm. Discarding, there
fore, the insignia of their rank, and equipping themselves in
an uniform manner, they passed through the states of
Venice, and visited most of the principal cities of Germany;
assuming in turn the command of their troop, and par
taking of all the amusements afforded by continual change of
place, and the various manners of the inhabitants. On their
arrival at Ulm, their singular appearance occasioned their
being detained by the magistrates ; but, on their disclosing
their quality and purpose, they were sent under a guard to

THE CARDINAL MEDICI QUITS ITALY 171
the cmpjror Maximilian, who received the cardinal with that
respect and attention, to which, from the celebrity of his an
cestors, and his high rink in the church, he was so well enti
tled. Far from interrupting their progress, Maximilian highly
commended the magnanimity of the cardinal, in bearing his
adverse fortune with patience ; and his judgment and prudence
i n applying to the purposes of useful information that portion
of his time, of which he could not now dispose to better advan
tage. Besides furnishing him with an honourable passport
through the German states, Maximilian gave him letters to
his son Philip, then governor of the Low Countries; recom
mending the cardinal and his companions to his protection and
favour. After having passed a considerable time in Ger
many, the associated friends proceeded to Flanders ; where
they were received by Philip, not only with hospitality, but
with magnificence. The cardinal then intended to have
taken shipping, and proceeded to England ; but the danger
of the voyage deterred his friends from the undertaking;
and, at their entreaties, he relinquished his design. * They,
therefore, bent their course towards France. On their arrival
at Rouen they were again seized upon, and detained in cus
tody; and, although the cardinal, and his cousin, Giulio,
made an immediate discovery of their rank, and represented
the object of their journey to be totally unconnected with
political concerns ; yet, in the state of hostility that had then
commenced between the kings of France and of Naples, there
appeared to be too much ground for suspicion to admit of
their being speedily released ; nor was it until letters were
obtained from Piero de' Medici, then in the French camp at
Milan, that they were enabled to procure their discharge.
Having again obtained their liberty, they proceeded through
France, visiting every place deserving of notice, and exa
mining whatever was remarkable till they arrived at Mar
seilles. After a short stay, they determined to proceed by
sea immediately to Rome. The winds being, however, unfa
vourable, they were compelled to coast the Riviera of Genoa,
where having been driven on shore, they thought it advisable
to relinquish their voyage, and to proceed by land to Savona.
* Ammir, Ritratti, Opusc. vol. iii. p. 66.

172 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
On their arrival at this place they met with the cardinal
Giuliano della Rovere, who had fled thither to avoid ,the
resentment of Alexander VI. A common enmity to that
profligate pontiff, and a similarity of misfortunes, rendered
their meeting interesting ; and three refugees sat at the same
table, all of whom were afterwards elevated to the highost
dignity in the Christian world. The two cousins of the Medici
gave an account of the objects which they had met with on
their journey; and related the difficulties which they had
surmounted by land, and the dangers which they had en
countered by sea. The cardinal della Rovere recapitulated
in his turn the events which had taken place in Italy since
their departure, and in which they were so deply interested.
From Savona the cardinal de' Medici repaired to Genoa,
where for some time he took up his residence with his sister,
Madalena, the wife of Francesco Cibd, who had fixed upon
that city as the place of his permanent abode.
During the absence of the cardinal from Rome, a very
3onsiderable change had taken place in the political state of
Italy. The French army under the command of d'Aubigny
had crossed the Alps; and, forming a junction with the
troops of Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio, who had obtained the rank
of marshal of France, occupied several of the principal towns
in the Milanese, and had at length captured and sacked the
capital. It was not without difficulty that Lodovico Sforza
effected his escape into the Tyrol. Louis XII., informed of
the success of his arms, hastened to Milan, which he entered
as sovereign, on the sixth day of October, 1499, amidst the
acclamations of the people ; who, wearied with the tyranny
of the usurper, regarded the French as the avengers of his
crimes, and the assertors of their rights. * On this occasion,
the rightful heir to the supreme authority fell into the hands
of Louis XII., who tore him from his mother Isabella, and
sent him into a monastery in France, whilst Isabella herself,
laving witnessed the destruction of her husband and children
at Milan, returned to Naples to behold that of her whole
family. The arms of the French and their allies in Italy
having thus far been successful, the conquering parties began
* Murat. Ann. d'ltalia, vol. ix. p. 600.

C. BORGIA ATTACKS THE CITIES OF ROMAGNA. 173
to divido the spoil. The states of Milan and of Genoa were
received into the allegiance of the king of France.* The
city and district of Cremona were surrendered up to the
Venetians, as had been previously agreed on ; and it only
remained to gratify the wishes of Alexander, and his son
Caesar Borgia, by obtaining for the latter the dominion of
the several states in Romagna, which had been promised to
him as a recompense for the concurrence of the pope in the
league with France.
Caesar Borgia, now no longer called the cardinal of Va-
lenza, but duke of Valentinois, having obtained a considera
ble body of French troops, and united them with the papal
forces, proceeded to attack the city of Imola, which he soon
compelled to capitulate. The fortress of Forli was defended
with great courage by Caterina Sforza, the mother of the
young prince Ottaviano Riario ; but all resistance to so supe
rior a force being ineffectual, she was at length obliged to
surrender ; and being made a prisoner, was sent to the castle
of S. Angelo, at Rome. She was, however, soon afterwards
liberated in consequence of the representations of Ivo d'Al-
legri, who commanded the French troops in the service of
C_esar Borgia, and who was induced, not less from admira
tion of her courage, than compassion for her sex, to interest
himself in her behalf. The further progress of the united
armies was prevented by new disturbances in the Milanese,
in consequence of which d'Allegri returned with the troops
under his command into that district ; and Caesar, hasten
ing to Rome, entered the city on the twenty-sixth day of
February, 1500, with extraordinary pomp.t A carnival
was soon afterwards celebrated, in which he displayed his
magnificence at an incredible expense ; and, as a reward for
his achievements, the pope presented him with the golden
consecrated rose, and dignified him with the title of Gonfa-
loniere of the holy Roman church.
The period was now fast approaching in which Lodovico
Sforza, the author of so many calamities to his country, and
to mankind, was to meet with the retribution that awaited
* Vide Mach. lib. del Principe, p. 6, ed. 1550.
t The particulars of this splendid procession are fully given by Bur
chard.

174 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
his misdeeds. After having in vain attempted to procure the
assistance of the emperor elect, Maximilian, ho resorted to
the mercenary aid cf the Swiss, from whom he engaged an
army of eight thousand men. With this force, and such
additional troops as his own exertions, and those of his
brother, the cardinal Ascanio, could raise, he suddenly de
scended into Italy, and passing by the lake of Como, possessed
himself of the adjacent city. The commencement of his
undertaking was prosperous. The cruelties and enormities
practised by the French had already convinced the people of
the error into which they had been led by a too favourable
opinion of their conquerors. The cities of Milan opened
their gates to their former sovereign ; whose government,
though severe, appeared to them kind and lenient in com
parison with the tyranny of the French. Louis XII. was,
however, unwilling to relinquish his conquests without
further efforts. Fresh troops were poured over the Alps ;
the principal part of which consisted also of Swiss merce
naries, who, to the number of ten thousand, engaged to
oppose their own countrymen ; and who, joined to six
thousand French troops, under the copimand of the duke de
la Tremouille, again threatened the destruction of the house
of Sforza. The contest between the two armies was con
centred at the city of Novara, from which Lodovico had
expelled the French ; who still, however, kept possession of
the fortress. Whilst the event of the war yet remained un
certain, that treachery, of which Lodovico had so often set the
example, was now employed to his own destruction. A secret
intercourse had already taken place between the Swiss troops
in his service and the French commander. At the moment
when he expected to avail himself of their assistance, they
suddenly deserted his standard, alleging that they would not
oppose their countrymen in battle ; and, with the privity and
concurrence of the French, took the direct road towards their
own country.* Iii attempting to effect his escape, Lodovico
was, on the tenth day of April, 1500, made prisoner, with
several of his nobility and friends.142 His own crimes
afforded a pretext to Louis XII. for treating him with a
* The treacherous conduct of the Swiss was notorious, and is com
memortttcd by several writers of the day.

IMPRISONMENT AND DEATH OF I. SFORZA. 175
degree of cruelty, which, in fact, only served to gratify the
resentment of the king, for the opposition given to his pre
tensions, and which changed the remembrance of the mis
conduct of Lodovico into compassion for his misfortunes.
Conveyed to the castle of Loches, in the duchy of Berri,*
he was there inclosed in a dark and lonely chamber ; where,
daily furnished with the means of life, but deprived of all
that could render life tolerable, he languished in solitude
and misery the remainder of his existence, a space of ten
years. Such were the events that had taken place in Italy during
the absence of the cardinal de' Medici, and which speedily
prepared the way to still more important alterations. From
Genoa the cardinal hastened to Rome, in the expectation
that, amidst the changes and commotions to which the preten
sions of Louis XII. and the ambition of Caesar Borgia in
cessantly gave rise, an opportunity might yet occur of
restoring the Medici to their former authority in the city of
Florence. On his arrival at Rome, the moderation of his
conduct, and the respectability of his life, seemed to have
effected a change in the disposition of the pope ; who, from
this time, appears to have laid aside his ill-will, and to have
treated the cardinal with the respect and attention due to his
rank. But, although this alteration in the conduct of the
pope was sufficiently observable, it was not supposed, by
those who had the best opportunities of forming a just opinion
of these very opposite characters, that Alexander was sincere
in his professions of esteem for one whom he had so lately
marked as an object of his displeasure. On the contrary, it
was conjectured, that the crafty pontiff was only desirous of
avoiding the imputation of having such a man as the cardinal
for his enemy, and of screening himself from the odium which
he justly deserved, by inducing a belief, that he lived with
him on terms of intimacy and confidence.t
The award of the duke of Ferrara for terminating the war
respecting the city of Pisa, having been rendered ineffectual
by the dissent of all the parties, the Florentines had begun
* Guicciard. lib. iv. vol. i. p. 252. Murat. Ann. vol. ix. p. 605.
f Greg. Cortesi, Ep. ad Leon. X. inter ejusd. ep. fam .p. 249. Ven.
1573.

176 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
to take measures for repairing their former disasters ; anr^ as
sfhey had concurred with the Venetians and the pope, in the
league with France, they conceived that they were also enti
tled to derive some advantage from the successes of the allies,
towards which they had contributed by sending to the aid of
the king a considerable body of troops.143 These pretensions
were urged with great eagerness ; insomuch, that the car
dinal of Rohan, who governed the Milanese states on behalf
of Louis XII., was at length prevailed upon to furnish the
Florentines with a body of six hundred horse, and eight thou
sand Swiss soldiers, accompanied by a formidable train of
artillery, and a supply of ammunition, for the purpose of re
ducing the citizens of Pisa to obedience. With this aid, and
a considerable additional body of Italian mercenaries, the Flo
rentines again, assaulted that unfortunate city, which the in
habitants had fortified to the utmost of their power. The
besieged did not, however, wholly rely either on the strength
of their ramparts, or on their own courage ; but had recourse
to artifice and negotiation for mitigating the violence, or
obviating the effects of the threatened attack. To this end,
they despatched their envoys to the French governors in
Milan and Genoa, as well as to Beaumont, the commander
of the French troops destined for the assault, proposing to
deliver up the city to the French king, provided he would
receive them as his subjects, and afford them his protection.
To this offer Ravestan, the governor of Genoa, expressed his
assent, but Beaumont still persevered in the attack ; and,
having at length succeeded in demolishing a part of the walls,
he ordered his troops to commence the assault. An ill-disci
plined and tumultuous body of horse and foot rushed towards
the city ; but although the walls were destroyed, an immense
trench, which the industry of the inhabitants had formed
within them, with an additional rampart, unexpectedly op
posed their further progress.* In one moment the daring
assailants were converted into astonished spectators, and the
remainder of the day was passed without any effort to sur
mount the difficulty. The offers made to the king of France
now began to produce their effects. Many of the French
* Nardi lib. iv. p. 56.

THE FLORENTINES REPULSED AT PISA 177
officers were favourable to the cause of the inhabitants. An
amicable intercourse soon took place between them, and they
who had been repulsed as enemies, were now admitted as
friends. By this communication, and the long delay to which
it gave rise, the discipline of the besieging army was wholly
destroyed. A general mutiny took place, in which the
soldiery seized upon the supplies intended for the siege,
sacked the camp, and took prisoner the Florentine commis
sary, Luca d'Albizi, on a pretext that the arrears of their
pay had not been duly discharged. No sooner was the be
sieging army dispersed, than the troops in the city sallied out,
and proceeding to Librafatta, a garrison-town on the Tuscan
frontier, with great intrepidity scaled the walls, and possessed
themselves of the place ; which was of the utmost importance
to their safety, as it opened to them all the country towards
Lucca.* Nor did the misfortunes of the Florentines termi
nate here. Louis XII., exasperated beyond measure at the
dishonour which the French arms had sustained in this enter
prise, accused the Florentines of having rendered it abortive
by their own parsimony and imprudence. The Florentines
were earnest to justify themselves ; for which purpose they
despatched two ambassadors to the king, one of whom was
the celebrated Nicolo Machiavelli ;f but their representations
were of little avail ; and it was only by the payment of a
certain sum, for the support, as the king pretended, of the
Swiss troops on their return to Milan, that they were again
received into favour. The resentment of the monarch being
thus pacified, he once more proposed to afford them his assist
ance. But the Florentines, suspecting, perhaps, that he had
himself designs upon the city of Pisa, or being already so far
exhausted as to be unable to bear the expenses which a new
attempt must inevitably occasion, thought proper to decline
his further aid.
In the mean time Cassar Borgia persevered in his attempt
to subdue the cities of Romagna. By the assistance of the
French troops he soon possessed himself of Pesaro, the patri
mony of Giovanni Sforza ; and of Rimini, then subject to
Pandolfo Malatesti. The conquest of Faenza was an under-
* Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i p. 257.
t Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. iv. p. 67
VOL. I. N

178 THE LIFE OF LEO X
taking of greater difficulty. Such was the attachment of ttw
inhabitants to their young sovereign, Astorre Manfredi, then
only seventeen years of age, that the utmost efforts of the
assailants were unable to reduce the place until the following
year, when the city surrendered to the French and papal
arms. Even then, the possession was only obtained under
the sanction of honourable capitulation, by which the young
prince, who had already distinguished himself by his military
talents, was to hold a respectable rank in the service of Caesar
Borgia. No sooner, however, had that implacable tyrant
secured his person, than he sent him, accompanied by his
natural brother, to Rome, where they were both put to death.*
He then turned his arms against Bologna, where he had
already a secret communication with some of the principal
citizens, whom he had seduced to espouse his cause ; but
Giovanni Bentivoglio, who then held the supreme authority,
having discovered the intrigue, seized upon several of the con
spirators, who were immediately slaughtered by his adherents ;
and, having diligently attended to the defence of the city, pre
vented, for a time, the further progress of the usurper, who
had intended to constitute Bologna the capital of his new
government ; of which the pope had already granted him the
investiture, by the title of duke of Romagna. f
Whilst Caesar Borgia, thus checked in his career, was hesi
tating against whom he should next lead the formidable body
of troops of which he had obtained the command, the Medici
conceived that a favourable opportunity was once more
afforded them of regaining their former authority in the
city of Florence. The want of ability and energy in the
government of that place became daily more conspicuous.
The city, exhausted of its wealth, was distracted by tumults ;
whilst the Tuscan territories were disgraced by dissensions
and feuds among the principal families. In this situation of
affairs, Piero de' Medici, encouraged by the Venetians, and •
supported by the Orsini, and by Vitellozzo Vitelli, whose
animosity to the Florentines, on account of the death of his
brother Paolo, was inextinguishable, hastened to the camp of
Oa>sar Borgia, and endeavoured to convince him of the
* Guicciard. lib. v. vol i. p. 262.
t Jovii, vita Leonis X. lib. i. p. 24.

C. BORGIA TURNS HIS ARMS AGAINST FLORENCE. 179
advantages which he would derive from marching his troops
into the Florentine territory, and effecting a change in the
government.* At the same time Giuliano de' Medici sud
denly presented himself at the court of Louis XII., who
was then highly displeased with the Florentines, and, by the
promise of a large subsidy for the support of the expedition
against Naples, and the assurances of a constant devotion to
the French government, obtained from the king the promise
of his support in the intended enterprise, t But Caesar
Borgia, although he received Piero de' Medici with apparent
kindness, and even promised to promote his cause, had no
object less at heart than the restoration of the Medici to
Florence ;144 having already formed designs more conducive
to his own interest. He considered, however, that, in the
deranged state of the affairs of Florence, he could not fail,
either of occupying some desirable part of their territory, or
of obtaining such terms as might be favourable to the pro
secution of his favourite project, the establishment of tho
duchy of Romagna. Nor is it improbable that he had
indulged the hope of availing himself of some fortunate con
currence of circumstances to subjugate to his own authority
the whole of the Tuscan state.
About the beginning of the month of May, 1501, Caesar
descended with his army, consisting of seven thousand foot,
and eight hundred horse, from Romagna, into the district of
Mugello, and pitched his camp in the vicinity of Barberino.
He was here joined by a body of troops from Bologna, which
had been sent to his assistance by Bentivoglio, in pursuance
of a treaty concluded between them.J From Barberino,
Caesar despatched his envoys to Florence, to acquaint the
citizens with the purpose of his approach, and to presc dbe
to them the terms on which alone he would withdraw his
troops. Of these proposals, as preserved by Nardi, the
principal were, that the Florentines should pay him a con
siderable stipend, as their Condottiero ; that they should not
interfere with him in his meditated attack upon the other
states of Italy, and particularly that of Piombino, then
* Aug Vespucci Ep. ad Macch. ap. Band. Coll. Vet. Mon. p. 52.
t Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 263.
J Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. iv. p. 71.
N2

180 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
under the protection of Florence ; that they should deliver
up to him six of the principal citizens as hostages, to be
named by Vitellozzo ; and lastly, that they should restore
Piero de' Medici to his former honours, or should otherwise
make -such an alteration in the government as might secure
on their part the performance of the proposed treaty. No
sooner were these propositions heard in the city, than they
excited the highest indignation ; insomuch, that the magis
trates, whilst deliberating on the measures to be adopted,
could scarcely be secured from the violence of the people.
But, whilst the negotiation was depending, and the result was
yet uncertain, CaDsar received peremptory orders from the
pope, to abstain from any further proceedings against the
Florentines. In consequence of this mandate, he unwillingly
withdrew his troops ; not, however, without obtaining the
appointment of Condottiero to the republic, with an annual
income of thirty-six thousand ducats, and a stipulation that
he should not be obliged to serve in person.* The motives
that induced Alexander VI. thus to interfere in the designs
of Caesar Borgia arose from the representations of Louis
XII., who, although he might have consented to the restora
tion of the family of Medici to their former authority in
Florence, was too well apprized of the character of Alex
ander VI. and his son, to permit them to obtain such an
ascendancy in that city, as must have resulted from their
being the instruments of such restoration. Nor was it dif
ficult to perceive, that an influence so extensive as the family
of Borgia would then have acquired might, in case of a
rupture with the pope, have formed an effectual barrier against
the projected invasion of the kingdom of Naples ; on which
account Louis had given positive directions to his general,
d'Aubigny, that in case Caesar did not, on the first repre
sentation to him, evacuate the Florentine dominions, he should
employ all his forces to compel him to retreat.
Whilst C_esar Borgia was thus industriously attempting
by fraud or by force, to establish an independent authority in
Italy, another event took place, which surpassed his crimes,
in treachery and injustice, and in the extent of the theatre
* Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 265.

TREACHEROUS CONDUCT OF LOUIS XII. 181
on which it was transacted, no less than he was himself sur
passed in rank and importance by the perpetrators. Federigo,
king of Naples, had commenced his reign with the affection
of his people ; and his disposition and talents were well cal
culated to promote their happiness. Even those who had
revolted, or quitted the country, under the reigns of Ferdi
nand I. and Alfonso IL, had returned with confidence to
their allegiance ; and the princes of Salerno and Bisignano
were among the first to salute him as their sovereign.*
Federigo, on his part, lost no opportunity of confirming the
favourable opinion already entertained of him. Instead of
persecuting such of the nobility as had espoused the cause of
the French, he restored to them their domains and fortresses.
He patronized and liberally rewarded the many eminent
scholars by whom the city of Naples was distinguished, and
who had been injured or exiled during the late commotions ;
and, as an indication of the tenor of conduct which he meant
to adopt, he struck a medal, with a device, alluding to the
better order of things which he meant to establish.145 But,
although the reign of Federigo commenced under the hap
piest auspices, it was not destined to be of long duration ;
and whilst he supposed that every day gave additional
security to his authority, the kings of France and of Spain
had, by a secret treaty, divided between them his dominions,
and formed a scheme for carrying their purpose into effect.
This plan, which has served as a model on subsequent occa
sions, was, that the king of France should assert his preten
sions to the kingdom of Naples, as representative of the
house of Anjou ; the infallible consequence of which would
be, that Federigo would resort for assistance to Ferdinand
and Isabella of Spain, who- should send over a considerable
military force, under the pretext of opposing the French ;
but that, as soon as the latter arrived, the Spanish troops
should unite their arms with their pretended adversaries,
expel the family of Aragon, and divide the kingdom between
the two sovereigns. By this treaty the king of France was
to possess the city of Naples, the provinces called Terra di
Lavoro and Abruzzo, with a moiety of the income arising
* Giannone, Storia di Napoli, vol. iii. p. 391.

182 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
from the pastures of Apulia, and was to assume, in addition
to his titles of king of France and duke of Milan, that of
king of Naples and Jerusalem. The districts of Calabria
and Apulia, with the other moiety of the income, were
allotted to the king of Spain, who was to style himself duke
of those provinces. This treaty, which bears date the
eleventh day of November, 1500, is yet extant;* and, if
the moral sense of mankind be not extinguished by the sub
sequent repetition of such enormities, will consign the
memory of these royal plunderers to merited execration.
Preliminaries being thus adjusted, Louis XII. began
openly to prepare for the intended attack, the direction of
which he confided to his general, d'Aubigny, who commenced
his expedition at the head of ten thousand foot and a
thousand horse. Federigo was no sooner apprized of this
measure than he despatched information of it to Gonsalvo,
the Spanish general, who had withdrawn his troops into
Sicily, on the pretence that he might be in readiness, in case
his assistance should again be required in the kingdom of
Naples. Oa the arrival of Gonsalvo, the king confided to
his care the fortified places in Calabria, which the Spanish
general pretended were necessary for the security of his army.
Federigo had also raised a considerable body of troops, which
had been reinforced by those of the Colonna ; with which,
when joined by the Spanish army, he expected to be enabled
to oppose an effectual barrier to the progress of the French.
All Italy was in suspense, and a contest far more bloody
than had of late occurred was expected to plunge that
country into new calamities. A short time, however, re
moved all apprehensions on this head. No sooner had
the French troops made their appearance in the Roman
territories, than the envoys of the allied monarchs met at
Rome ; where, entering together into the consistory, they
notified to the pope and cardinals the treaty already formed,
and the consequent division of the kingdom of Naples. The
convenient pretext of the promotion of the Christian faith, by
a war against the infidels, for the preparations necessary to
which, it was asserted, that kingdom afforded the most con-
* Du Mont, Corps Diplomatique, vol. iii. par. ii. p. 444.

CAPITULATION OF NAPLES. 183
venient station, was the mask under which their most Catholic
and most Christian majesties affected to hide from the world
the deformity of their crime.
The stipulations thus agreed upon nut with no opposition
from Alexander VI., who had now an opportunity of grati
fying the resentment which he had so long harboured against
the king of Naples. On the twenty-fifth day of June, 1501,
a pontifical bull deprived Federigo of his dominions, and
divided them between the two monarchs, in the shares before
mentioned.* The intelligence of this alliance, and of its conse
quences, struck Federigo with terror ; but Gonsalvo, pretend
ing to discredit it, continued to give him the most positive
assurances of his assistance. No sooner, however, had the
French army entered the Neapolitan territory, than he
avowed his instructions, and immediately sent off from Naples
to Spain, in vessels already provided for that purpose, the
two dowager queens, one of whom was the sister, and the
other the niece of the Spanish king. Federigo persevered in
the defence of his rights; and intrusting the command of the
city of Naples to Prospero Colonna, determined to make his
first resistance at Capua. D'Anbigny had, however, already
possessed himself of the adjacent country; the king was
obliged to return with his army from Aversa to Naples ; and
Capua, being taken by assault on the twenty-fifth day of
July, was sacked by the French, with circumstances of pecu
liar cruelty and unexampled licentiousness.f The loss of Capua
was speedily followed by the capitulation of the city of Naples,
which purchased an exemption from plunder by the payment
of seventy thousand ducats to the invaders. Federigo with
drew himself into the Castel-nupvo, which he refused to
surrender till he had effected a treaty with d'Aubigny, by
which he was to be allowed to retire to the island of Ischia,
and to retain it for six months, and was also to be at liberty
to remove from the Castel-nuovo and Castello dell' Uovo
whatever he might think proper, excepting the artillery. In
negotiating for his own safety, he did not forget that of his
subjects. A general amnesty was to be granted of all trans-
* The bull is published by Rousset, in his supplement to Da Mont,
vol. iii. p. 1.
f Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 268.

184 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
actions since Charles VIII. bad quitted the city of Naples;
and the cardinals of Aragon and Colonna were to enjoy
their ecclesiastical revenues arising from that kingdom. In
the commencement of this contest, Federigo had sent his
infant son Ferdinand, duke of Calabria, to Tarentum, under
the care of the count of Potenza. The rest of the wretched
family of Aragon were now assembled on the barren rock
of Ischia. This, family consisted of his queen Isabella,
and a numerous train of children ; his sister Beatrice, the
widow of the great Mattia Corvino, king of Hungary ; and
his niece Isabella, the widow of Gian-Galeazzo, duke of
Milan ; who, already deprived of her sovereign rank, her
husband, and her son, now saw the completion of her ruin in
that of her royal relations.146
This deeply meditated act of treachery, to which Federigo
had fallen a victim, whilst it excited in him the highest indig
nation against his perfidious relative, Ferdinand of Spain,
inspired him with a disgust of the cares and the dangers of
royalty, and induced him to seek for repose in a less enviable
station. Having therefore obtained a passport from Louis
XII., he left his family at Ischia, under the care of the
marquis del Vasto, and proceeding directly to France, en
deavoured to conciliate the favour of the king, so far as to
afford him the means of fulfilling his wishes. No longer
regarding him as a rival, but as a suppliant, Louis acceded to
his request, and an annnal income of thirty thousand ducats,
with the title of duke of Anjou, secured to him opulence and
repose during the remainder of his days. Historians have
accused him of pusillanimity in thus relinquishing, for an
inferior title, his pretensions to a crown, which, in the dissen
sions that soon afterwards arose between the two successful
monarchs, he might in all probability have recoverd ; but
Federigo had sufficiently experienced the treachery and in
gratitude of mankind ; and, having in vain attempted to
promote the happiness of others, he perhaps chose - a wiser
part in securing his own.
The regrets of the muses, whom he had so generously pro
tected during his prosperity, followed him to his retreat
* Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 268,

CESAR BORGIA CAPTURES PIOMB1NO. 185
Sanazzaro, who accompanied him on his expedition into
France, seems to consider the events that then took place
to be, as indeed they afterwards proved, the final destruction
of the Neapolitan branch of the house of Aragon.147
The last place in Naples that resisted the arms of the
Spanish monarch was the city of Tarentum, whither the duke
of Calabria had been sent by his father, as to a place of
security. The command of the castle was intrusted to
Leonardo Napolitano, a knight of Rhodes ; but he, being
reduced to extremities by Gonsalvo, agreed, with the consent
of the count of Potenza, to surrender the city and fortress, if
succour did not arrive in the space of four months ; Gonsalvo
binding himself by the solemnity of an oath, on the holy
sacrament, that the duke of Calabria should be at liberty to
proceed whithersoever he thought proper. On the surrender
of Tarentum, the duke expressed his intention to follow his
father into France ; but Gonsalvo, disregarding his oath, sent
him to Ferdinand of Spain, in which country he continued
during the life of that monarch, in a sort of honourable
captivity.148 If the descent of Louis XII. into Italy interrupted the
progress of Caesar Borgia in effecting the conquest of Ro
magna, the part which he had taken, in uniting his arms
with those of the French on this occasion, enabled him to
return to his former undertaking with a greater prospect of
success. The first object towards which he directed his
attention was the city of Piombino, then held in subjection
by Jacopo d'Appiano. To the attack of this place he de
spatched two of his generals, Vitellozzo Vitelli and Gian-
Paolo Baglione. Jacopo did not, however, wait their arrival ;
but, leaving a garrison in the place, precipitately fled into
France, expecting by his representations to Louis XII. to
prevail upon that monarch to prohibit the further progress of
the papal arms. His endeavours were, however, ineffectual,
and Piombino soon afterwards capitulated to the invaders.
The territory of Urbino, consisting of four cities, and thirty
fortified places, next attracted the ambitious views of the
conqueror; but the duke Guidubaldo, instead of affording
any pretext for hostilities against him, had frequently fought
the battles of the church. His courage was indisputable ;

186 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
and his amiable qualities and excellent endowments had
secured the affections of his people. Despairing of effecting
his purpose by an open attack, Caesar, on this occasion,
resorted to treachery. He marched at the head of a power
ful army to Nocera, avowing his intention of attacking the
state of Camerino. Thence he despatched an embassy to the
duke of Urbino, requesting the assistance of his artillery and
as many soldiers as he could furnish. His request was in
stantly complied with ; but no sooner had Ca.sar deprived
the duke of the means of defence, than he turned his own
arms against him ; and possessing himself of Cagli, proceeded
by rapid marches towards Urbino. Alarmed, not only for
his dominions but for his life, Guidubaldo, with his nephew
Francesco Maria della Rovere, hastily quitted the city in
disguise, and, though vigilantly pursued, had the good fortune
to escape to Mantua, where he met with his wife Isabella ;
who, after having accompanied Lucrezia Borgia to Ferrara,
on the recent celebration of her nuptials with Alfonso d'Este,
son of the duke, had passed to Mantua to visit the marquis
her brother. Having thus obtained the duchy of Urbino,
C»sar attacked the states of Camerino ; and having, under
pretext of a treaty, gotten into his power Giulio da Varano,
lord of that country, with two of his sons, he treacherously
put them to death, and rendered himself master of their
dominions.* The success which attended Caesar Borgia in all his under
takings had attracted to his standard many of the most
eminent condottieri, or military adventurers of Italy.
Among these were Vitellozzo "Vitelli, lord of Citta di
Castello; Francesco Orsino, duke of Gravina; Pandolfo
Petrucci, lord of Siena ; Paolo Orsino, Gian-Paolo Baglioni,
and Oliverotto da Fermo. By the assistance of these leaders,
and the exertion of his own unrivalled talents in the art of
dissimulation, he still continued to extend his conquests.
Encouraged by the number of his adherents, and the favour
of the king of France, he again turned his views towards the
territories of Florence, which were suddenly assailed on all
sides by his arms. The city of Cortona, the towns ol
* Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, vol. ... p. 9.

PIETRO SODERINI PRESERVES FLORENCE 187
Aighieri and Borgo San-Sepolcro, and even the city of
Arezzo, surrendered to the invaders. As the difficulties of
the Florentines increased, the hopes of the Medici revived;
and uniting their power with their relations and auxiliaries,
the Orsini, they joined the forces of Borgia, whose rapid pro
gress left no reason to doubt that the Florentines would soon
be obliged to surrender up their city at the discretion of the
conquerors. In this alarming emergency, the principal
inhabitants met together, to deliberate on the most effectual
measures for averting the dangers with which they were
threatened ; when Pietro Soderini had the good sense to
point out the only expedient that could preserve them from
ruin. After expatiating on the deplorable state of the re
public, and the impracticability of obtaining assistance from
any other quarter, he recommended that an embassy should
be despatched to Louis XII. to request his interference on
their behalf, in pursuance of a treaty lately formed between
him and the Florentines.* He did yet more ; he took upon
himself the office of ambassador, and, hastening to the king,
laid before him such cogent reasons for granting his aid to
the republic, as induced that monarch to comply with his
request.t Messengers were immediately despatched to the
pope and his son, to admonish them against any further pro
ceedings ; and, lest these should be ineffectual, a considerable
body of troops was directed to enter the Tuscan territories,
not only to repel those in the service of Borgia, then under
the command of Vitellozzo, but to obtain the restitution of
the places which had submitted to his arms.J Measures so
decisive, from a quarter so powerful, admitted of no oppo
sition. Vitellozzo and the Florentine exiles reluctantly drew
off their troops ; Soderini was regarded as the saviour of the
republic, and was soon afterwards honoured with a more
extensive and durable authority than any citizen had before
enjoyed, under the novel title of " Gonfaloniere for Life."
As the hopes of Caesar Borgia were principally founded
on the favour of Louis XII., he was greatly alarmed at this
unexpected opposition to his projects ; and hastening in per-
* The treaty is dated Nov. 19, 1501, at Blois. Liinig. vol. i. p. 1142.
f Ammirato, lib. xxvii. vol. iii. p. 267. Nardi, lib. iv. p. 81.
\ Mach. Decen. lib i. p. 65.

188 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
son to the king at Asti, he endeavoured to remove the
unfavourable suspicions entertained respecting him, by repre
senting the prompt obedience which he had paid to his orders,
imputing the attempt upon Florence wholly to the animosity
of Vitellozzo and the Orsini against that republic, and to the
desire of the Medici to be again admitted as chiefs of the city.
Satisfied by his protestations, and desirous of conciliating the
favour of the pope, in the disputes which had already arisen
respecting the partition of the kingdom of Naples, Louis not
only received him into favour, but formed with him a treaty
of alliance, by which the parties stipulated to afford to each
other mutual assistance ; and it was particularly agreed, that
Caesar should be furnished with a troop of French horse to
enabled him to enforce his claims against the feudatories of
of the Church.*
The event of this interview occasioned great alarm to
many of the principal commanders, who were engaged in the
service of Borgia, and who held the supreme authority in
different cities of Italy. A diet was convoked in Perugia,
at which the cardinal, and Paolo Orsini, the duke of Gravina,
Vitellozzo Vitelli, Gian-Paolo Baglioni, Oliverotto da Fermo,
and others, were present ; when the conduct of Caesar Borgia
was fully discussed, and it was resolved, that decisive mea
sures should be taken for restraining his further progress.t
As the intelligence of this alliance became public, the different
states which had before submitted to the dominion of Borgia
began to oppose his authority ; and in particular the inhabi
tants of Urbino, having seized upon the fortress of that place,
disclaimed their dependence on him, and recalled their former
prince. Deprived at once of the assistance of his principal
commanders, who had suddenly avowed themselves his ene
mies, and of the greater part of his troops, Borgia retreated
for safety to Imola, where his hopes were unexpectedly
revived by an embassy from the Florentines ; who, having
been solicited to unite in the league against him, had not only
rejected the proposal, but despatched to him their secretary,
Nicolo Machiavelli, to assure him of their assistance against
* Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 283.
' | Machiavelli, the constant apologist of Caesar Borgia, has charac*
terized the members of this diet, in his first " Decennale," lib. i. p. 66.

TliEACHERY OF BORGIA AT SINIGAGLIA. 189
his revolted commanders. The joint efforts of these two
accomplished proficients in mischief could not fail of produc
ing some extraordinary result, and accordingly a plan was
adopted for the destruction of their adversaries, to which, in
the annals of treachery, it will be difficult to find a parallel.
This transaction the Florentine historian has thought deserv
ing of a particular narrative, in which he affects not to con
ceal the features of guilt under the slightest covering of
decency. From this narrative we learn, that the troops of Borgia,
having been attacked by those of the Vitelli and Orsini, near
Fossombrone, were put to the rout ; in consequence of which,
Borgia, perceiving no possibility of resisting his enemies by
force, endeavoured to engage them in a negotiation. As he
was a most accomplished dissembler, he represented to them,
that the efforts which he had made in subjugating the
different states of Romagna were intended no less for their
interest than his own, and that, provided they would allow
him the title of sovereign, the sovereignty itself should
remain at their direction. These blandishments were not
without their effect, and Paolo Orsino was deputed by his
colleagues to carry on the treaty; but Caesar, instead of
relaxing in his preparations, continued, by every possible
means, to increase the number of his adherents, distributing
his new. levies, both of horse and foot, in separate detach
ments throughout Romagna, so as to avoid all cause of
suspicion. The arrival of five hundred horsemen from the
king of France was a most seasonable reinforcement ; but
although he might now have contended with his adversaries
in the field, he judged it more expedient to proceed in the
execution of his plan, and to continue the negotiation already
entered into. The terms, of amity were at length agreed
upon ; in consequence of which, he received his former com
manders again into his employ, and agreed to pay to each
of them four thousand ducats in advance. He also engaged
not to molest Giovanni Bentivoglio, who had joined in the
league ; nor to require the personal attendance of his new
allies, in case it might not be agreeable to them. On their
part, they promised to restore to him the duchy of Urbino,
with all the other places which they had occupied ; to serva

190 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
him in all his expeditions; and not to engage in any under
taking, or afford their assistance to any other power, without
his assent.
On the conclusion of this league the duke of Urbino again
deserted his capital, and took shelter at Venice, having first
dismantled the fortresses within his states, to the end that
they might not be garrisoned by his enemies, for the purpose
of keeping in subjection a people ardently devoted to the
cause of their sovereign.
This arrangement being completed, and his own troops,
with his French auxiliaries, distributed throughout Romagna,
Caesar left Imola and proceeded to Cesena ; where he met the
envoys of his new allies, and deliberated with them towards
what part of Italy they should next turn their arms. No deci
sive measures being concluded on, Oliverotto da Fermo was
deputed by these depredators to propose to Borgia another
attack upon the Tuscan states ; or, if he should not approve
of this project, to offer their concurrence in attacking the city
of Sinigaglia, then held by Francesco Maria della Rovere,
nephew of the duke of Urbino. With the former of these
proposals Borgia refused to comply, alleging, that the Flo
rentines were his friends ; but the attack on Sinigaglia met
with his entire approbation. That place was accordingly
soon invested and captured; but the fortress held out for
6ome time, the commander being unwilling to surrender it to
any one but to Borgia himself; for which reason his allies
entreated that he would hasten to the place. This circum
stance seemed to Ca.sar to offer a favourable opportunity for
executing his purpose, without giving rise to suspicion ; his
visit to Sinigaglia appearing to be at the request of his allies,
and not from his own choice. Still further to avoid all
cause of offence, he dismissed his French auxiliaries. Reserv
ing only one hundred horse, under the command of one of
hia relations, and quitting Cesena about the end of December,
he proceeded to Fano, where he employed all his artifice and
sagacity to prevail upon the Vitelli and the Orsini to waif
his arrival in Sinigaglia.
Vitellozzo, who had learnt from the fate of his brother
the danger of confiding in those to whom he had once given
cause of offence, was extremely averse to this interview ; but,

TREACHER r OF BORGIA AT SINIGAGLIA, 191
being prevailed upon by Paolo Orsino, who had engaged
more deeply in the interests of Borgia, he at length consented
to wait his approach.
On the thirtieth of December, 1502, the day fixed upon foi
his departure from Fano, Caesar communicated his project to
eight of his principal adherents, in which number were Don
Miehele and Monsignor d'Euna, with instructions to this
effect ; that as soon as the meeting should take place betwixt
himself and Vitellozzo, Paolo Orsino, the duke of Gravina,
and Oliverotto, who would come out to meet and conduct him
into the city, they should divide their number into pairs, and
that each pair should single out his man, and take their
stations respectively on each side of him, occupying his
attention till they reached Sinigaglia, when they were not to
quit them, till tbey had delivered them into safe custody at
the apartments prepared for the duke. At the same time he
ordered his whole force, which consisted of ten thousand foot
and two thousand horse, to take their station at daybreak on
the banks of the Metauro, a river about five miles from Fano,
where they should wait his further orders. All things being
thus arranged, Borgia advanced with the whole force towards
Sinigaglia, where Vitellozzo Vitelli, Paolo Orsino, and the
duke of Gravina, mounted upon mules, and accompanied by a
few horse, came forwards to meet him. Vitellozzo was un
armed, and appeared so deeply dejected, as to excite the
surprise of those who were acquainted with his courage and
past achievements. We are also told, that when he left his
dependants to come to Sinigaglia for the purpose of meeting
the duke, he took a kind of last farewell of them ; recom
mending to his chief officers the fortunes of his house, and
admonishing his nephews not to remember the calamities of
their family, but the courage of their ancestors. Arriving in
the presence of Borgia, they respectfully saluted him, and
were received by him with apparent kindness, whilst the
persons to whom the charge of them had been confided took
the stations assigned to them. Borgia, perceiving that they
were not accompanied by Oliverotto, who had remained with
his troops at Sinigaglia, where he had drawn them up in the
square, made a signal to Don Miehele, to whom the care of
Oliverotto had been committed, to take measures for prevent-

192 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
ing his escape. In consequence of which, that officer rode
forwards, and coming up with Oliverotto, told him it was not
a proper time to keep his men from their quarters, as they
would, perhaps, be occupied by the soldiers of Borgia, and he
therefore advised him to dismiss them, and to accompany him
to meet the general. These directions having been complied
with, Borgia arrived, and accosted Oliverotto, who approached
and paid his respects to him. Proceeding thus to Sinigaglia,
they dismounted at the lodgings of Borgia, and were led into
a secret apartment, where the unsuspecting victims were all
made prisoners.
Borgia immediately mounted his horse, and gave orders for
disarming the troops of Oliverotto and the Orsini. Those of
Oliverotto were all plundered ; but those of the Orsini and
Vitelli, being at a distance, and having received information
of the ruin of their leaders, had time to collect themselves
together, and in a firm body effected their escape, notwith
standing the opposition of their enemies, and of the sur
rounding inhabitants. The soldiers of Borgia, not satisfied
with the plunder of those of Oliverotto, began to sack the
city ; and, if he had not repressed their licentiousness, by
putting many of them to death, they would have effected their
purpose. Night approaching, and the tumult having sub
sided, he thought it expedient to despatch Vitellozzo and
Oliverotto ; and bringing them together into the same place,
he caused them to be strangled.149 On this occasion, neither
of them, we are told, expressed themselves in a manner
worthy of their past lives; for Vitellozzo entreated that
the pope might be applied to for a plenary indulgence of his
sins, and Oliverotto, weeping, attributed all his offences
against Borgia to the influence of Vitellozzo. Paolo Orsino,
and the duke of Gravina, were suffered to live until Caesar
received information that the pope had secured the persons of
the cardinal Orsino, the archbishop of Florence, and Jacopo
di Santa Croce, after which, on the eighteenth day of Ja
nuary, they were put to death by Bcrgia, in the same manner
as their unfortunate associates;190
Such is the account given of this extraordinary transaction
by the Florentine secretary; a transaction upon which he
has forborne to make the slightest obsaivation, either of

DEATH OF ALEXANDER VI. 193
praise or blame, and which he seems to have considered
merely as an instance of superior talents and successful
policy. 151 Having thus freed himself from all apprehensions
from his doubtful allies, Caesar lost no time in proceeding to
Citta di Castello, of which place he took possession ; the
remainder of the family of Vitelli having betaken themselves
to flight. He then entered Perugia, which had been in like
manner abandoned by Gian-Paolo Baglioni, who had, how
ever, the good fortune to escape from the snare laid for him
at Sinigaglia. Siena was the next place towards which he
bent his course ; but whilst he was hovering round the city,
and had already compelled Pandolfo Petrucci, who then
enjoyed the chief authority, to quit the place, he received
intelligence from the pope, that the duke of Bracciano, with
others of the Orsini family, as well as the nobles of the
Savelli, had again taken up arms. He was therefore obliged
to quit Siena, and, hastening into the papal territories, again
reduced them to obedience. This was the period of the
highest power of Caesar Borgia. In full possession of the
extensive territory of Romagna, he regarded with eager
avidity the domains of Pisa and of Siena ; nor were the citi
zens of Florence without constant apprehensions from his
increasing power ; whilst the pope, equally earnest in the
aggrandizement of his son, had proposed to the college of
cardinals to bestow upon him the title of king of Romagna
and Umbria.
But whilst every circumstance thus seemed to conspire in
his favour, an unexpected reverse of fortune suddenly over
turned the fabric of his greatness. This was the death of
Alexander VI., which happened on the eighteenth day of
August, 1503. And this misfortune was increased by the
effects of a dangerous malady, under which Ca?sar himself
at the same time laboured, and which prevented him from
taking those measures for securing his authority which he
might otherwise have adopted. The historians of this period,
eager to represent both Alexander and his son in the most
odious colours, have asserted, that the death of the one, and
the disorder of the other, were occasioned by poison, pre
pared by them for the destruction of several cardinals, of
whose wealth they intended to possess themselves; but
VOL. I. O

194 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
which, by the error of an attendant, was incautiously admi
nistered to themselves. That the horrid and detestable prac
tice of destroying persons by poison was frequently resorted
to in these profligate times is certain ; and that Alexander
and his son had employed these measures for the gratifica
tion of their avarice, their ambition, or their revenge, is
positively asserted by many historians ; but it by no means
accords with the acknowledged ability, caution, and penetra
tion of these men, that they would risk their lives upon the
negligence or fidelity of a servant, or place it in the power
of accident to render them the victims of their own crime.
If, therefore, the death of Alexander is to be attributed to
poison, it was most probably administered to him by some of
those numerous enemies whom his rapacity and violence had
incited to this deed of revenge ; but documents recently pro
duced, and a more dispassionate inquiry, afford sufficient
reason to conclude, that the death of the pontiff was not occa
sioned by poison, but was the effect of a fever, which in a
few days hurried him to the grave. lsa
Were we to place implicit confidence in the Italian his
torians, no period of society has exhibited a character of
darker deformity than that of Alexander VI. Inordinate in
his ambition, insatiable in his avarice and his lust, inexorable
in his cruelty, and boundless in his rapacity ; almost every
crime that can disgrace humanity is attributed to him without
hesitation, by writers whose works are published under the
sanction of the Roman church. He is also accused of having
introduced into his territories the detestable practice of search
ing for state offences by means of secret informers ; a system
fatal to the liberty and happiness of every country that has
submitted to such a degradation. As a pontiff he perverted
his high office by making his spiritual power on every occa
sion subservient to bis temporal interests ; and he might have
adopted as his emblem, that of the ancient Jupiter, which
exhibits the lightning in the grasp of a ferocious eagle. lss
His vices as an individual, although not so injurious to the
world, are represented as yet more disgusting ; and the
records of his court afford repeated instances of a depravity
of morals, inexcusable in any station, but abominable in one
of his high rank and sacred office. Yet with all these lament-

CHARA-CTF.R OI ALEXANDER VI. 195
able defects, justice requires that two particulars ii his favour
should be noticed. In the first place, whatever have been his
crimes, there can be no doubt but they have been highly over
charged. That he was devoted to the aggrandizement of his
family, and that he employed the authority of his elevated
station to establish a permanent dominion in Italy in the
person of his son, cannot be doubted ; but when almost all
the sovereigns of Europe were attempting to gratify their
ambition by means equally criminal, it seems unjust to brand
the character of Alexander with any peculiar and extraor
dinary share of infamy in this respect. Whilst Louis of
France and Ferdinand of Spain conspired together to seize
upon and divide the kingdom of Naples, by an example of
treachery that never can be sufficiently execrated, Alexander
might surely think himself justified in suppressing the turbu
lent barons, who had for ages rent the dominions of the
church with intestine wars, and in subjugating the petty
sovereigns of Romagna, over whom he had an acknowledged
supremacy, and who had in general acquired their dominions
by means as unjustifiable as those which he adopted against
them.154 With respect to the accusation so generally believed,
of a criminal intercourse between him and his own daughter,
which has caused him to be regarded with a peculiar degree
of horror and disgust, it might not be difficult to shew its im
probability, and to invalidate an imputation which disgraces
human nature itself.
In the second place it may justly be observed, that the
vices of Alexander were accompanied, although not compen
sated, by many great qualities, which in the consideration of
his character ought not to be passed over in silence.* Nor,
if this were not the fact, would it be possible to account for
the peculiar good fortune which attended him to the latest
period of his life, or for the singular circumstance recorded
of him, that during his whole pontificate no popular tumult
ever endangered his authority, or disturbed his repose.T
Even by his severest adversaries he is allowed to have been
a man of an elevated genius, of a wonderful memory, elo-
auent, vigilant, and dexterous in the management of all
* Monaldeschi, Comm. Istor. p. 148.
t Raph. Volater. Anthropol. lib. xxii. p. 682.
o 2

196 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
his concerns. The proper supply of the city of Rome with
all the necessaries of life was an object of his unceasing
attention ; and during his pontificate his dominions were
exempt from that famine which devastated the rest of Italy.
In his diet he was peculiarly temperate, and he accustomed
himself to but little sleep. In those hours which he devoted
to amusement, he seemed wholly to forget the affairs of
state ; but he never suffered those amusements to diminish
the vigour of his faculties, which remained unimpaired to
the last. Though not much devoted to the study of litera
ture, Alexander was munificent towards its professors ; to
whom he not only granted liberal salaries, but, with a
punctuality very uncommon among the princes of that
period, he took care that those salaries were duly paid.155
That he at some times attended the representations of the
comedies of Plautus has been placed in the black catalogue
of his defects; but if his mind had been more humanized
by the cultivation of polite letters, he might, instead of
being degraded almost below humanity, have stood high in
the scale of positive excellence. To the encouragement of
the arts he paid a more particular attention. The palace of
the Vatican was enlarged by him, and many of the apart
ments were ornamented with the works of the most eminent
painters of the time ; among whom may be particularized
Torrigiano, Baldassare Peruzzi, and Bernardino Pinturicchio.
As an architect, his chief favourites were Giuliano and
Antonio da San-Gallo ; nor does his choice in this respect
detract from his judgment. By their assistauce the mole of
Hadrian, now called the castle of S. Angelo, was fortified in
the manner in which it yet remains. In one circumstance
his encouragement of the arts is connected with a singular
instance of profaneness, which it is surprising has not hitherto
been enumerated among his many offences. In a picture
painted for him by Pinturicchio, the beautiful Julia Farnese
is represented in the sacred character of the Virgin, whilst
Alexander himself appears in the same picture, as supreme
pontiff, paying to her the tribute of his adoration.166

DISSENSION BETWEEN FRENCH AND SPANISH KINGS. 197

CHAPTER VII.
1503—1507.
Causes of dissension between the French and Spanish monarchs in the
kingdom of Naples — Successes of the French army — Battle between
thirteen French and thirteen Italian combatants — Gonsalvo defeats the
French, and effects the conquest of Naples — Commotions in Rome —
— Caesar Borgia quits the city — Election and short pontificate of Pius
III. — The states of Romagna retain their fidelity to Caesar Borgia —
Election of Julius II. — He endeavours to deprive Borgia of his
territories — Borgia betrayed by Gonsalvo and sent to Spain — His death
and character — Federigo, the exiled king of Naples, mediates a peace
between the French and Spanish monarchs — Defeat of the French on
the Garigliano — Death of Piero de' Medici — Marriage of his daughter
Clarice to Filippo Strozzi — Moderation and prudence of the cardinal
de' Medici — Untimely death of Galeotto della Rovere — Difficulties and
embarrassments of the cardinal de' Medici — Death of Ercole, duke of
Ferrara, and accession of Alfonso I. — Tragical event in the family of
Este — Final expulsion of the French from Naples — Julius II. seizes on
the cities of Perugia and Bologna — Ferdinand of Spain visits his
Neapolitan dominions — Gonsalvo honoured and neglected — He repents
of his errors — Is vindicated by Paulo Giovio.
In the course of human events, it is not uncommon that
rapacity and injustice find, in the very success of their mea
sures, their own punishment. This was strikingly exempli
fied in the conquest and dismemberment of the kingdom of
Naples, which, instead of affording to the victors the ad
vantages they expected, opened the way to new contests,
more bloody and destructive than any that Italy had of late
experienced. In the partition of that country, it had been
agreed that the king of France should possess the districts
called Terra di Lavoro and Abruzzo, and the king of Spain
those of Apulia and Calabria, as being most contiguous to his
Sicilian dominions ; but when the commanders of the allied
armies began to adjust their respective boundaries, it appeared
that their sovereigns had not been sufficiently acquainted

198 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
with the territories which they claimed, to define the limits
in an explicit, or even an intelligible manner. The first
difficulty that occurred was respecting the district called
Basilicata, the ancient Lucania, which had not been allotted
in express terms to either of the parties ; the Spanish general,
Gonsalvo, asserting, that as it actually separated the pro
vinces which were expressly allotted to his master, it must
be considered as a part of his dominions. The pretensions of
the French general, Louis d'Armagnac, duke of Nemours,
rested on the general rights of his sovereign, as king of
Naples, to all such parts as had not been particularly con
ceded by treaty. A similar dispute arose respecting the sub
division of Apulia, called the Capitanato, lying on the
confines of Abruzzo, and divided from the rest of Apulia by
the river Ofanto ; the French general, like the Spanish,
insisting on the indispensable utility of this district, to the
other dominions of his sovereign, and on its being more
properly a part of Abruzzo than of Apulia. The division of
the revenues arising from the pasturage of Apulia, one of the
chief sources of the royal income, formed another cause of
dissension ; and although the commanders had, during the
first year, accommodated this dispute by an equal division of
the income, yet in the next, each of them endeavoured to ob
tain as much of it as possible ; thereby giving rise, not only
to great vexation and dissatisfaction among the inhabitants of
Apulia and the principal barons of the kingdom, but to acts
of open hostility between the two armies.*
For the purpose of effecting a pacific adjustment of these
differences, a negotiation was opened, by the intervention of
the chief nobility of Naples, between the French and Spanish
commanders, which was protracted for several months; in
the course of which time, the duke of Nemours having
repaired to Melfi, and Gonsalvo to Atella, those generals had
a personal interview. It was, however, found impracticable
to terminate the dispute, and they were therefore under the
necessity of referring for its decision to their respective sove
reigns ; having in the mean time agreed, that neither of them
should attempt any innovation on the territories possessed by
* Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 275. Giannone, lib. xxix. cap iv. vol. iii.
p. 400.

COMBAT BETWEEN FliF.NCH AND ITALIANS. 199
the other. This truce was not of long duration. The duke
of Nemours, confident in the superiority of his forces, and
unwilling by delay to allow the Spanish general to recruit his
army, of which he had a much greater facility than the
French, notified to Gonsalvo, that unless the district of the
Capitanato was surrendered to him, he would commence
hostilities. This threat he instantly carried into execution,
by sending a detachment to occupy the city of Tripalda, and
attempting to possess himself of all the strong places within
the Capitanato. The arrival of a reinforcement to the
French army of two thousand Swiss and a greater number of
Gascons, was a sufficient indication that Louis XII. chose
rather to decide the dispute by arms than by pacific measures.
For the purpose of expediting further supplies, that monarch
first repaired to Lyons, whence he soon afterwards hastened
to Milan, in order to be nearer the theatre of aetion. These
efforts were attended with signal success. The fortress of
Canoza, although bravely defended by Pietro Navarro, with
six hundred men, was compelled to surrender ; and in a short
time Gonsalvo was obliged to relinquish not only the Ca
pitanato, but the chief part of the districts of Apulia and
Calabria, and to retire for safety to the town of Barletta,
near the mouth of the Ofanto, where he was closely besieged
by the duke of Nemours. In the mean time, d'Aubigny,
having sacked the city of Cosenza, and defeated a large body
of Spanish and Sicilian troops, overran the rest of the king
dom ; and Louis XII., disregarding all former treaties,
again asserted his pretensions to the entire dominion of
Naples.* In this situation of affairs, a circumstance occurred which,
by attracting the attention, suspended in some degree the
operations of the hostile armies, and was probably not with
out its influence on the subsequent events of the war. Some
negotiations having taken place between the French and Span
ish commanders, for the exchange of their prisoners, Charles
de Torgues, a French officer, visited the town of Barletta,
where, being invited to supper in the house of Don Enrico di
Mendoza, in company with Indico Lopez and Don Pietro
* Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 275. Murat. Ann. vol. *. p. 11.

200 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
d'Origno, prior of Messina, a dispute arose respecting the
comparative courage of the French and Italian soldiery, in the
course of which de Torgues asserted that the Italians were
an effeminate and dastardly people. Lopez replied, that he
had himself under his command a troop of Italians, who
were not only equal to the French, but on whose courage and
fidelity he could as fully rely as if they were his own country
men. In order to decide this controversy, it was agreed that
a combat on horseback should take place between thirteen
Frenchmen and thirteen Italians, on condition that the victors
should be entitled to the arms and horses of the vanquished, and
one hundred gold crowns each. This proposal met with the
approbation of the respective commanders, who were probably
not displeased with the opportunity afforded them of a short
relaxation from the fatigues of war. Four judges were ap
pointed on each side, to determine on the victory, and hos
tages were mutually given to abide by their decision.
On the day appointed, which was the thirteenth of Fe
bruary, 1503, the armies met as spectators of the combat,
in a plain between the towns of Andre and Corrato, and the
chief commanders pledged themselves to each other for the
due observance of the stipulated terms. After the Italian
combatants had attended the celebration of the mass, Gon
salvo encouraged them by an oration, the tenour of which
has been preserved by one of his eountrymen, in Spanish
verse.* They then partook of a moderate collation, after
which they proceeded to the field of battle, their horses,
ready caparisoned, being led by thirteen captains of infantry.
The combatants followed on horseback in complete armour,
except their helmets, which, together with their lances, were
carried by thirteen gentlemen. Being arrived within a mile
of the field they were met by the four Italian judges, who
informed them that they had been with the four judges
appointed by the French, and had marked out the space for
the combat. The Italians were the first in the field, when
their leader, Hettore Fieramosca, availed himself of the op
portunity of addressing his associates in a speech which the
Neapolitan historian, Sunimonte, has also thought proper to
* Summonte, Storia di Napoli, lib. vi. vol. iii. p. 542 (corr. 609).

GONSALVO DEFEATS THE FRENCn 201
preserve. In a short time the French combatants made
their appearance in great pomp and with numerous attend
ants. The adverse parties then quitting their horses and
mounting the steeds prepared for them, arrayed themselves
in order, and giving their coursers the reins, rushed against
each other at full speed. A few Linces were broken in the
shock, without much injury to either party ; but it was ob
served that the Italians remained firmly united, whilst the
French seemed to be dispersed and in some disorder. The
combatants then dismounting, attacked each other with
swords and battle-axes, and a contest ensued in which both
parties displayed great courage, strength, and dexterity, but
the result of which was a complete victory to the Italians ;
the French being all either wounded or made prisoners.157
The ransom of one hundred crowns not being found upon the
persons of the vanquished, the conquerors, by the direction
of the judges, retained their adversaries in custody, and
carried them into the town of Barletta, where Gonsalvo, out
of his own purse, generously paid their ransom, and restored
them to liberty.158 Amidst the defeats and humiliations
which the Italians had experienced, it is not surprising that
their historians have dwelt upon this incident with peculiar
complacency, as tending to shew that, under equal circum
stances, their countrymen were not inferior either in conduct
or courage to their invaders. And although a French writer
has endeavoured to invalidate some of the facts before related,
it cannot be doubted that the Italians were justly entitled to
the honour of the victory.
Unimportant as this event was in itself, it seems to have
changed the fortune of the war, and to have led the way tc
the numerous defeats and disasters which the French soon
afterwards experienced. Gonsalvo, quitting his intrench-
ments at Barletta, assaulted and captured the town of Rufo ;
taking prisoner the French commander, de Pelisse. About
the same time d'Aubigny was attacked and defeated in
Calabria by the Spanish general, Ugo da Cardona, and was
himself severely wounded. A more decisive victory was
soon afterwards obtained by the Spaniards in Apulia ; nor
did the duke of Nemours long survive his defeat. In conse
quence of these rapid successes, Gonsalvo found himself in

202 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
possession of the chief part of the kingdom. Distressed by
continual tumults and exhausted by famine, the cities of
Capua, Aversa, and even Naples, sent deputies to him to
testify their obedience, and request his presence. On the
fourteenth day of May, 1503, Gonsalvo, with his victorious
army, entered the city of Naples, to the great joy of the
inhabitants ; against whom he vigilantly restrained his sol
diery from committing the slightest outrage; and from this
period the crown of Naples has been invariably united with
that of Spain, under the government of the legitimate branch
of the house of Aragon.
At the time of the death of Alexander VI., his son, Caesar
Borgia, was labouring under a severe disorder, occasioned,
as has generally been believed, by that poison which he had
prepared for others, but which had been inadvertently admi
nistered to himself. He was not, however, inactive at this
critical period, against which he had endeavoured to provide
by all the precautions in bis power ; nor was there any cir
cumstance, other than his unexpected malady, to which his
foresight had not suggested a remedy.* No sooner was he
informed of the death of the pontiff, than he despatched his
confidential adherent, Don Miehele, with several attendants,
to close the gates of the palace. One of these partisans meeting
with the cardinal Casanuova, threatened to strangle him and
throw him through the windows, if he did not instantly deliver
up to him the keys of the pope's treasure. The cardinal did
not long hesitate, and the friends of Borgia, hastening into
the interior chambers, seized upon and carried away all the
money contained in two chests, amounting to about ten thou
sand ducats. [ It is observable, that during the whole time
of the indisposition of the pope, he was never once visited by
Caesar Borgia, nor is it less remarkable, that in his last sick
ness he displayed no particular marks of attachment either to
his son or to his daughter, Lucretia. Although Borgia had
at this time a considerable body of soldiers in Rome, he con
ducted himself with great humility towards the sacred col
lege, and expressed his willingness to give assurance of his
fidelity by his oath whenever required. A treaty was accord-
• Mach. lib. del Principe, cap. vii. p. 18.
t Biirchard, Diar. ap. Concl. de' Pontef. Romani, toI. i. p. 137.

C.ESAR BORGIA QUITS ROME. 203
sngly concluded, by which Borgia undertook to defend the
college, collectively and individually, and to protect the nobi
lity and citizens of Rome, for which purpose be was confirmed
in his office as captain of the church. No sooner, however,
were the death of the pope and the infirmity of Borgia pub
licly announced, than many of the great barons of the Roman
states, whom they had deprived of their territories, took up
arms to revenge their injuries, and repossess themselves of
their rights. It was to no purpose that Caesar employed all
his arts to mitigate their resentment, and gain over to his
interest the nobles of the Colonna family, whom he had not
outraged with the same cruel policy that he had exercised
towards the Orsini. Ad aversion to their common enemy
united the adverse chiefs of these two houses, and Borgia with
his followers was attacked by their combined forces in the
streets of Rome.* In these commotions upwards of two hun
dred houses were sacked by the troops of the Orsini, among
which was that of the cardinal Cusa. Although courageously
defended by his soldiery, and assisted by a few French troops,
Borgia was compelled to give way to the violence of the
attack, and to take shelter, with his brother, the prince of
Squillace, and several of the cardinals who adhered to his in
terests, in the Vatican. A new negotiation now took place,
by which it was at length agreed that the sacred college should
assure to Borgia a free and uninterrupted passage through the
ecclesiastical states, for himself and his followers, with their
necessary provisions, ammunition, and artillery ; and should
also write to the Venetian senate, to request that he might
without interruption retain the possession of his territories in
Romagna. On these conditions he promised to depart peace-,
ably from Rome withiD three days. The leaders of the Co
lonna and Orsini also engaged to quit the city, and not to
approach within ten miles, during the vacancy of the holy see.
A proclamation was then made, that no person, of whatever
rank or condition, should molest Borgia or his followers on
their departure ; in consequence of which he quitted the city
on the second day of August, and directed his course towards
Naples.f y Gnicciard. lib. vi. p. 320.
t Burchard, vol. i. p. 145

20* THE LIFE OF LEO X.
On receiving information of the vacancy of the holy see,
George of Amboise, cardinal of Rouen, had hastened to Rome;
not without hopes of obtaining the pontifical authority. He
brought with him, as supporters of his pretensions, the cardi
nals of Aragon and Ascanio Sforza ; the latter of whom had
been imprisoned by Louis XII. at the same time with his
brother Lodovico, but had shortly before this period been
restored to liberty. The recent disasters of the French in
Naples were not, however, favourable to the views of the
cardinal of Rouen ; and on the twenty-second day of Septem
ber, 1503, the conclave concurred in electing to the supreme
dignity Francesco Piccolomini, cardinal of Siena, the nephev.
of Pius IL, and who assumed the name of Pius III. The
acknowledged probity, talents, and pacific disposition of this
pontiff, gave great reason to hope that his influence and exer
tions might have a powerful effect in correcting the scandal
ous disorders of the church, and repressing the dissensions to
which Italy had so long been subject. The first measure of
this pontificate, which was to call a general council for the
reformation of ecclesiastical discipline, tended to confirm these
hopes ; but they were suddenly extinguished by the death of
the pontiff, after he had enjoyed the supreme dignity only
twenty-six days. This event was, according to the fashion
of - the times, attributed to poison ; but it was more probably
occasioned by the effects of an abscess in the thigh, with which
the pontiff was known to have long laboured, and which was,
perhaps, not the least efficient argument for inducing the con
clave to raise him to the pontificate.
A few days after the election of Pius III. Caesar Borgia
returned to Rome, when the contests between him and the
Roman barons were renewed with greater violence than be
fore. Many of his adherents lost their lives, and the Porta
del Torrione was burnt by the troops of the Orsini. Finding
himself in imminent danger, he retreated, with the consent of
the pope, to the castle of S. Angelo, accompanied by a few
menial attendants, and by six of the cardinals who still ad
hered to his cause.* In the mean time, many of the lords
whom Borgia had dispossessed returned to their dominions.
* Sanazzaro, invariably hostile to the family of Borgia, has comma-
Qiorated this event, Epigr. lib. i. ep. 14.

ELECTION OF JULIUS II. 205
The Baglioni again occupied Perugia, the Vitelli entered the
city of Castello, the duke of Urbino returned to his capital,159
and the lords of Pesaro, Camerino, Piombino, and Sinigaglia,
were restored to their authority as suddenly as they had been
deprived of it. Several of the cities of Romagna retained,
however, their fidelity to their new sovereign, having found
by experience the superior advantages derived from their
union under his government, compared to that of their former
princes, whose power, though sufficient to oppress, was ina
dequate to defend them. To this decisive partiality in favour
of Caesar Borgia they were also incited by the attention
which he had paid to the strict administration of justice, which
had freed them from the hordes of banditti by whom they
had been infested, and suppressed the feuds and assassinations
to which they had before been subject.* Hence neither the
defection of other places, nor even their apprehensions of the
Venetians, who were already preparing to take advantage of
their unprotected situation, could induce those cities to waver
in their fidelity, or to listen to proposals from any other
quarter. On the death of Pius III. the cardinal de' Medici and two
of his brethren were appointed by the college to receive the
oath of fidelity from Monsignor Marco, bishop of Sinigaglia,
keeper of the castle of S. Angelo. The loss of the pontiff was
an additional misfortune to Borgia, as it opened the way for the
assumption to the pontificate of Giuliano della Rovere, car
dinal of S. Pietro in Vincula, the ancient and most deter
mined enemy of his family. Of the dissensions of this pre
late with Alexander VI. various instances are related ; but
amidst the many opprobrious epithets which they were accus
tomed to bestow on each other, Alexander had the magna
nimity to acknowledge that his opponent was a man of vera
city. Such a concession from such a quarter raised the credit
of the cardinal more than all the animosity of the pope could
depress it, and Giuliano, well aware that no one can deceive
so effectually as he who has once acquired a reputation for
sincerity, is said to have availed himself of this circum
stance to secure his election, which, if we may believe Guic-
* Guicciard. lib vi. vol. i. p. 316,

206 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
ciardini, was not effected without some sacrifice if his forme
good character. On this occasion the cardinal affected to
lay aside his enmity to Cassar Borgia, and a treaty was con
cluded between them, by which the cardinal engaged, that
if he should, by the assistance of Borgia, be raised to the
pontificate, he would confer upon him the dignity of Gon-
faloniere, or general of the church, and confirm his autho
rity in the states of Romagna. This project was successful ;
Giuliano attained his wishes ; but no sooner had he ascended
the papal throne than he gave sufficient indications of
his former animosity; and Borgia was too late aware
of an error which was the occasion of his ruin, and which is
enumerated by Machiavelli as one of the few mistakes of his
political life.
Notwithstanding the hostile and treacherous conduct of
Caesar Borgia towards Guidubaldo di Montifeltro, duke of
Urbino, it appears that during the dissensions that ensued, the
duke not ouly became reconciled to Borgia, but was the
means, by his intercession with the new pontiff, of saving his
life. In the Life of the Duke, by Bernardino Baldi, pre
served in the library of the Marquis Antaldi, at Pesaro, ana
unknown both to Mazzuchelli and Affo, is a dialogue between
the duke and Caesar Borgia, which has been published by
Count Giulio Perticari, and afterwards by Count Bossi, in
the Italian edition of the present work ; the latter of whom
has justly observed, that " it would be difficult to find else
where a more striking representation of the character of
Cassar Borgia than this dialogue affords."
On assuming his high office the new pontiff adopted the
name of Julius 1 1., and soon proved himself to be one of the
most active, warlike, and politic sovereigns that had ever sat
in the chair of St. Peter.160 The Venetians, proceeding from
Ravenna, which they before possessed, had already made an
irruption into Romagna, and not only subjugated the city and
fortress of Faenza, but gave evident demonstrations of their
designs upon the other cities of that district. These mea
sures occasioned no small anxiety to the pope, who had pro
posed to himself the preservation and extension of the terri
tories of the church as the great object of his pontificate. An
embassy from him to the Venetian senate, entreating them to

BORGIA BETRAYED AND SENT TO SPAIN. 20T
desist from their pretensions, was of no avail ; but as several
of the cities of Romagna still retained their allegiance tc
Borgia, the pontiff thought it expedient to make use of bin.
as the most effectual instrument for preventing the total
separation of these states from the Roman see. He therefore
seized upon the person of Borgia, who had proceeded to the
port of Ostia, intending to embark for France, and required,
that before his liberation he should consign to him the pos
session of the different fortresses in the district of Romagna.
This Borgia at first refused ; but, being detained for some
days as a prisoner, he at length complied, and gave the neces
sary countersigns for surrendering up the fortresses. The
archbishop of Ragusa was immediately despatched to obtain
possession ; but the commanders, still attached to their leader,
refused to deliver them up under any orders obtained from
him whilst under restraint. On this spirited measure Borgia
was again restored to liberty, highly caressed by the pope, and
provided with apartments in the Vatican. His orders to
deliver up the fortresses of Romagna were again repeated ;
and as a proof of his sincerity he despatched one of his con
fidential adherents, Pietro d'Oviedo, with directions to the
different commanders to the same purpose. This second
attempt was equally ineffectual with the former. No sooner
did Oviedo, accompanied by Moschiavellar, the pope's cham
berlain, arrive at the castle of Cesena, then commanded by
Don Diego Ramiro, than that officer caused him to be seized
upon and instantly hanged as a traitor to his sovereign.
When the information of this event arrived at Rome, Caesar
was again deprived of his liberty, and sent to occupy a remote
apartment in the Torre Borgia.*
In this situation a new negotiation commenced between
Borgia and the pontiff, in the result of which it was agreed
that Borgia should be committed to the charge of Bernardino
Carvajal, cardinal of Santa Croce, and conveyed to Ostia,
where he should be liberated as soon as information was
received that his governors in Romagna had delivered up
their trust. Several of the commanders now obeyed the
directions of their prince, and the cardinal thereupon gave
* Burchard, vol. i. p. 163.

SOS THE LIFE OF LEO X.
him permission to proceed to France, which he had pretended
was his intention. He had, however, already obtained a
passport from the Spanish general Gonsalvo, who had de
spatched two galleys to Ostia to convey him with his attendants
to Naples.* He accordingly embarked for that place, and
was received by Gonsalvo with every demonstration of kind
ness and respect. The hopes of Borgia now began once
more to revive. The commander of the fortress of Forli still
held the place in his name. Gonsalvo promised him a supply
of galleys, and gave him liberty to engage soldiers within the
kingdom of Naples, for an attempt on the city of Pisa, or the
Tuscan territories. Bartolommeo d'Alviano, then at Naples,
earnestly desirous of restoring the Medici to Florence, offered
himself as an associate in his undertaking. But whilst Gon-
alvo was thus flattering his ambitious projects, he had
decretly despatched a messenger into Spain, to request direc
tions from Ferdinand in what manner he should dispose of
the dangerous person, who had thus confided in his protection.
The activity and credit of Borgia had raised a considerable
armament ; the galleys were prepared for sea, and on the
evening previous to the day fixed upon for their departure he
had an interview with Gonsalvo, in the course of which he
received from the Spaniard the warmest expressions of attach
ment, and was dismissed with an affectionate embrace. No
sooner, however, had he quitted the chamber, than he was
seized upon by the orders of Gonsalvo, who alleged that he
had received directions from his sovereign which superseded
the effect of his own passport.161 Being committed to the
charge of his ancient adversary, Prospero Colonna, he was
soon afterwards put on board a galley, and conveyed to
Spain. The conduct of Colonna on this occasion is highly
honourable to his feelings ; for in the execution of his com
mission he was so far from insulting his captive, that he is
said to have avoided even fixing his eyes upon him during
the whole voyage, lest he should appear to exult over a
fallen enemy.162
On the arrival of Borgia in Spain he was confined a close
prisoner in the castle of Medina del Campo, where he
• Guicciard. lib. vi. p. 339.

CHARACTER OF CESAR BORGIA. 209
remained for the space of two years. Having at length
effected his escape, he fled to his brother-hi law, John
d' Albert, king of Navarre, in whose service ne remained
for several years in high military command, and at length
fell by a shot in an action under the walls of Viana. From
that place his body was conveyed to Pampeluna, and
deposited in the cathedral, of which he had once been
prelate.163 Of this extraordinary character it may with truth be
observed, that his activity, courage, and perseverance were
equal to the greatest attempts. In the pursuit of his object
he overlooked or overleaped all other considerations ; when
force was ineffectual he resorted to fraud ; and whether he
thundered in open hostility at the gates of a city, or endea
voured to effect his purpose by negotiation and treachery,
he was equally irresistible. If we may confide in the narra
tive of Guicciardini, cruelty, rapine, injustice, and lust, are
only particular features in the composition of this monster ;
yet it is difficult to conceive that a man so totally unredeemed
by a single virtue should have been enabled to maintain him
self at the head of a powerful army ; to engage in so eminent
a degree the favour of the people conquered ; to form alliances
with the first sovereigns of Europe ; to destroy or overturn
the most powerful families of Italy, and to lay the foundations
of a dominion, of which it is acknowledged that the short
duration is to be attributed rather to his ill-fortune, and the
treachery of others, than either to his errors or his crimes.
If, however, he has been too indiscriminately condemned by
one historian, he has in another met with as zealous and as
powerful an encomiast, and the maxims of the politician are
only the faithful record of the transactions of his hero. On
the principles of Machiavelli, Borgia was the greatest man of
the age.* Nor was he, in fact, without qualities which in
some degree compensated for his demerits. Courageous,
munificent, eloquent, and accomplished in all the exercises of
arts and arms, he raised an admiration of his endowments
which kept pace with and counterbalanced the abhorrence
exiited by his crimes. That even these crimes have been
* Mach. lib. del Principe, cap. viii. p. 15,
VOL. I, P

210 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
exaggerated is highly probable.164 His enemies were nume
rous, and the certainty of his guilt in some instances gave
credibility to every imputation that could be devised against
him. That he retained, even after he had survived his pro
sperity, no inconsiderable share of public estimation, is evident
from the fidelity and attachment shewn to him on many occa
sions. After his death, his memory and achievements were
celebrated by one of the most elegant Latin poets that Italy
has produced. The language of poetry is not, indeed, always
that of truth ; but we may at least give credit to the account
of the personal accomplishments and warlike talents of Borgia,
although we may indignantly reject the spurious praise, which
places him among the heroes of antiquity, and at the summit
of fame.165
On receiving intelligence of the defeat of his generals, and
the loss of his lately-acquired dominions in the kingdom of
Naples, Louis XII. was greatly mortified, and immediately
began to take measures for repairing those disasters which his
earlier vigilance might have prevented. Not satisfied with
despatching a powerful reinforcement through the papal states
into the kingdom of Naples, under the command of the duke
de la Tremouille, he determined to attack his adversary in
his Spanish dominions. For this purpose large bodies of
French troops entered the provinces of Roussillon and Fonta-
rabia, whilst a powerful fleet was directed to infest the coasts
of Valencia and Catalonia. These great preparations were not,
however, followed by the expected consequences. An at
tempt upon the fortress of Paolo, near the city of Narbonne,
was frustrated by the courage of the Spanish garrison ; and
whilst the ardour of the French was checked by this unex
pected opposition, Ferdinand himself took the field, and at the
head of his army, compelled his adversaries to retire within
the limits of the French territory, where he had the moderar-
tion not to pursue his advantages. Nor were the achieve
ments of the French fleet of greater importance ; the com
manders having, after many fruitless attempts upon the Span
ish' coast, been obliged to take refuge in Marseilles. At this
period an event occurred which exhibits the conduct of the
contending monarchs in a singular point of view. A nego
tiation was entered into between them for the restoration of

DEFEAT OF THE FRENCH ON THE GAIUGLIANO. 211
peace, and the mediator to whom they agreed to appeal foi
the reconciliation of their differences was Federigo, the exiled
king of Naples, the partition of whose dominions had given
rise to the war. In the course of these discussions, Federigo was
alternately flattered by both parties, with the hopes of being
restored to his crown ; and so far had he obtained the favour
of Anne of Bretagne, the queen of Louis XII., that she ear
nestly entreated the king to concur in this measure. It is not,
however, to be supposed, that it was the intention of either of
the contending monarchs to perform such an act of disinter
ested justice ; on the contrary, the pretext of appealing to the
decision of Federigo was probably only employed by each of
them, for the purpose of obtaining from the other more ad
vantageous terms.
The duke de la Tremouille having united his troops with
those of his countrymen at Gaeta, and being reinforced by
the marquis of Mantua, who had now entered into the service
of the French, possessed himself of the duchy of Trajetto and
the district of Fondi, as far as the river Garigliano. He was,
however, soon opposed by Gonsalvo, who had been joined by
Bartolommeo d'Alviano, at the head of a considerable body
of troops. The French, disadvantageously posted on the
marshy banks of the river, had thrown a bridge over it, in
tending to proceed by the speediest route to Naples ; but
Gonsalvo, having arrived at S. Germano, was induced by the
remonstrances of d'Alviano to attack them before they could
effect their passage. On the night of the twenty-eighth day
of December, 1503,* the Spaniards formed another bridge at
Suio, about four miles above the French camp, over which
Gonsalvo secretly passed with a considerable part of his army.
On the following morning the French were suddenly attacked
by d'Alviano, who carried the bridge which they had erected,
and when the engagement became general, Gonsalvo, taking
the French in the rear, routed them with an immense slaughter,
and pursued them as far as Gaeta, which place he soon after
wards reduced.f
This day terminated the unfortunate life of Piero de' Medici,
who had engaged in the service of the French, and taken a
* Murat. vol. x. p. 25.
f The victory of Gonsalvo is celebrated in a Latin ode by Crinitus.
p 2

212 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
principal part in the action ; but finding all hopes of assist
ance frustrated, and being desirous of rendering his friends al]
the services in his power, he embarked on board a galley with
several other persons of rank, intending to convey to Gaeta
four heavy pieces of artillery, which he had prevented from
falling into the hands of the conquerors. The weight of these
pieces, and probably the number of passengers who endea
voured to avail themselves of this opportunity to effect their
escape, occasioned the vessel to founder ; and it was not until
several days afterwards that the body of Piero was recovered
from the stream.168 He left by his wife Alfonsina Orsino, a
son, Lorenzo, who was born on the thirteenth day of Sep
tember, 1492, and will frequently occur to our future notice ;
and a daughter named Clarice. In his days of gaiety, and
amidst the delights of Florence, Piero had assumed a device
intended to characterize his temper and pursuits, to which
Politiano had supplied him with an appropriate motto.167
His misfortunes or his misconduct soon provided him with
more serious occupations ; and ten years of exile and disap
pointment consumed the vigour of a life which had opened
with the most favourable prospects. In the year 1552,
Cosmo I., grand-duke of Tuscany, erected to the memory of
his kinsman a splendid monument at Monte Cassino, with
an inscription commemorating, not indeed his virtues, nor his
talents, but his high family connections and his untimely
death.16* The death of Piero de' Medici seems to have been the
period from which the fortunes of his house once more
began to revive ; nor is it difficult to discover the reasons of
so favourable a change. The aversion and indignation of the
Florentines were directed against the individual rather than
against the family; and soon after the death of Piero, his
widow Alfonsina was allowed to return to Florence and claim
her rights of dower from the property of her husband. Of this
opportunity she diligently availed herself to dispose the minds
of the citizens to favour the cause of the Medici ; and in
order more effectually to promote the interests of her family,
she negotiated a marriage between her daughter Clarice and
Filippo Strozzi, a young nobleman of great wealth and extra
ordinary accomplishments. This marriage was celebrated

PRUDENCE OF THE CARDINAL MEDICI. 213
shortly after the return of Alfonsina to Rome ; but no sooner
was it known to the magistrates of Florence, than they cited
Filippo to appear before them, and, notwithstanding the
utmost efforts of his friends, condemned him to pay five
hundred gold crowns, and banished him for three years into
the kingdom of Naples. At the same time Lorenzo, the son
of the unfortunate Piero, was declared a rebel to the state.
These proceedings did not, however, prevent Clarice from
paying frequent visits to Florence, where she maintained a
strict intercourse with the Salviati, the Rucellai, and other
families connected by the ties of relationship or friendship
with the house of Medici ; and although Filippo Strozzi re
turned before the expiration of the term prescribed, and took
up his residence with his wife in Florence, yet no measures
were adopted either to punish him or to remand him into
banishment ; a circumstance which the friends of the Medici
did not fail to notice as a striking indication of the strength
of their cause.*
The inconsiderate conduct, the ambitious views, and the
impetuous and arrogant disposition of Piero de' Medici, had
been always strongly contrasted by the mild and placable
temper of the cardinal ; who, although he on all occa
sions adhered to his brother as the chief of his family, had
always endeavoured to sooth the violence of those passions
and to moderate those aspiring pretensions, which, after
having occasioned his expulsion from Florence, still continued
to operate, and effectually precluded his return. During the
latter part of the pontificate of Alexander VI., the cardinal de
Medici had fixed his residence at Rome ; where, devoted to a
private life, he had the address and good-fortune, if not to
obtain the favour of that profligate pontiff, at least to escape
his resentment. The election of Julius II. to the pontificate
opened to him the prospect of brighter days. It is true,
Julius was the nephew of Sixtus IV., the inveterate enemy of
the Medicean name ; but these ancient antipathies had long
been converted into attachment and esteem. Under the
favour of this pontiff the cardinal bad an opportunity of
indulging his natural disposition to the cultivation of polite
* Commentarii di Nerli, lib. v. p. 100, &c

214 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
letters and the promotion of works of art. His btoka,
though not numerous, were well chosen, and his domestic
hours were generally spent in the society of such dignified
and learned ecclesiastics, as could at times condescend to lay
aside the severity of their order to discuss the characteristics
of generous actions, the obligations of benevolence and affec
tion, the comparative excellences of the fine arts, or the nature
and essence of human happiness. On these subjects the
cardinal never failed to distinguish himself by his urbanity,
his acuteness, and his eloquence. In deciding upon the pro
ductions of architecture, of painting, and of sculpture, his
taste seemed to be hereditary, and he was resorted to by
artists in every department as to an infallible judge. With
music he was theoretically and practically conversant, and his
house more frequently re-echoed with the sprightly harmony
of concerts than with the solemn sounds of devotion. De
barred by his profession from the exercises of the camp, he
addicted himself with uncommon ardour to the chase, as the
best means of preserving his health and preventing that cor
pulency to which he was naturally inclined. This amuse
ment he partook of in common with a numerous band of
noble associates, of whom he was considered as the leader ;
nor did he desist from this exercise even after his attainment
to the supreme ecclesiastical dignity.
The good understanding which subsisted between Julius
II. and the cardinal de' Medici was further strengthened by
means of Galeotto della Rovere, the nephew of the pope,
with whom the cardinal had contracted a strict friendship.
This young man was not less the object of the admiration of
the court and people of Rome, than he was the favourite of
his uncle. Engaging in his manners, elegant in his person,
liberal and magnificent in all his conduct, he well merited
the high honours bestowed upon him by the pope, who
immediately on his elevation transferred to his nephew the
cardinal's hat which he had himself worn, and on the death
of Ascanio Sforza nominated him vice-chancellor of the holy
see.* Such was the effect produced by the conciliatory
manners of the cardinal de' Medici on his young friend, who,
* Jovius, in Vita Leon. X. lib. ii. p. 29. Bemb. Op. vol. iii. p. 6, &c

EMBARRASSMENTS OF THE CARDINAL MEDICI. 215
from the advanced age of his uncle, did not conceive that he
would long enjoy the pontificate, that Galeotto is said to
have promised the cardinal, who had not yet attained his
thirtieth year, that he should succeed to that high dignity ;
alleging that it was an office more proper for a man in the
prime and vigour of life, than for one already exhausted by
labour and declining into years. Galeotto himself did not,
however, survive to witness the completion of his promise ;
for whilst Julius maintained his own dignity and enforced the
claims of the church, during an interval of ten years, with an
unexampled degree of activity and perseverance, Galeotto
fell, in the prime of youth, a sacrifice to the effects of a
violent fever which in a few days consigned him to the grave
The sumptuous parade of his funeral afforded no consolation
for his loss to the cardinal de' Medici, who had assiduously
attended him in his last moments, and performed towards
him all the duties of religion and affection. Deprived of his
friend in the ardour of youth, whilst the happiness of the
present was increased by the prospect of the future, he long
remained inconsolable, and when time had softened his
sorrow, the name of Galeotto was never adverted to, even in
his most cheerful moments, without exciting the symptoms
of affectionate remembrance.
In the measures adopted by the cardinal- for effecting his
restoration to his native place, he was now no longer in
danger of being counteracted by the ill-timed efforts and
impetuosity of his brother. Although this was the constant
object of his solicitude, and he was now considered as the
chief of his family, he shewed no disposition to interfere in
the concerns or to disturb the repose of the Florentines, who,
under the dictatorship of Pietro Soderini, continued to labour
with the difficulties of their government and the obstinacy of
their rebellious subjects, and to maintain at least the name of
a republic. It was not, however, without frequent opposition
and mortification that Soderini exercised his authority.
Many of the citizens of the first rank, still attached to the
cause of the Medici, continued to harass him in all his
designs, and to oppose all his measures ; but the industry,
patience, and perseverance of the gonfaloniere gradually
blunted their resentment and weakened their efforts, whilst

216 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
the various unsuccessful attempts of Piero de' Medici to
regain the city of Florence by force had increased the
aversion of his countrymen and placed an insuperable bar to
his return. In these expeditions the resources of the family
were exhausted, insomuch that the cardinal found no small
difficulty in supporting the dignity of his rank, to which his
ecclesiastical revenues were inadequate. He struggled with
these humiliating circumstances to the utmost of his power ;
but the liberality of his disposition too often exceeded the
extent of his finances, and a splendid entertainment was at
times deranged by the want of some essential, but unattain
able article. Even the silver utensils of his table were
occasionally pledged for the purpose of procuring that feast,
of which they ought to have been the chief ornaments. That
these circumstances occasioned him considerable anxiety
cannot be doubted ; for whilst on the one hand he was
unwilling to detract from that character of liberality and
munificence which was suitable to his rank, and to the high
expectations which he still continued to entertain ; on the
other hand, he dreaded the disgrace of being wanting in the
strict discharge of his pecuniary engagements. He carefully,
however, avoided giving, even in the lowest, ebb of his for
tunes, the slightest indications of despondency. His temper
was cheerful, his conversation animated, and his appearance
and manners betrayed not the least symptom of his domestic
embarrassments, for the relief of which he seemed to depend
upon a timely and providential supply.169 Nor was he in
general disappointed in his hopes ; for the same good fortune
which prepared the way to his highest honours attended him
in his greatest difficulties, and enabled him to extricate him
self from them with admirable dexterity and irreproachable
honour. To the remonstrances of his more prudent friends,
who were fearful that his liberality would at length involve
him in actual distress, he was accustomed to reply, as if with
a presage of his future destiny, that great men were the
work of providence, and that nothing could be wanting to
them if they were not wanting to themselves.*
In the early part of the year 1505, died Ercole of Eate,
* Jovius, in Vita Leon.X. lib. ii. p. 31.

GIUL0 DEPRIVED OF SIGHT BY HIS BROTHER. 21*3
duke of Ferrara,170 after having governed his stat.es with
great credit, both in war and in peace, during thirty-foui
years, of which the latter part had been devoted to the em
bellishing and enlarging of his capital, the promotion of the
happiness of his subjects, and to the protection and encou
ragement of the sciences and arts. 171 His great qualities and
heroic actions are celebrated by the pen of Ariosto ; who
asserts, however, that the advantages which his people de
rived from them were inferior to the blessings which he
conferred on them, in leaving two such sons as Alfonso and
Ippolito. In the preceding year his eldest son Alfonso had
visited the courts of France and Spain, but at the time when
he received intelligence of the dangerous malady of his father
he was in England, whence he hastened to Ferrara, and his
father dying before his arrival be peaceably assumed the
government.* As the state of Ferrara at this time enjoyed
perfect tranquillity, the duke turned his attention to the
mechanic arts, in which he became not only a skilful judge,
but a practical proficient. His mind was, however, too com
prehensive to suffer him to waste his talents on objects of
mere amusement. After having excelled the best artificers
of his time, he began to devote himself to the improvement of
artillery. Under his directions cannon were cast of a larger
size and better construction than had before been seen in
Italy.t Of the use which he made of these formidable im
plements repeated instances will occur ; nor is it improbable
that to these fortunate preparations he owed the preser
vation of his dominions, amidst the dangerous contests in
which he was soon afterwards compelled to take an important
part. The commencement of the reign of Alfonso I. was marked
by a most tragical event, which endangered his safety, and
destroyed or interrupted his domestic tranquillity. Besides
his two sons before mentioned, of whom Ippolito, the younger,
had been raised to the dignity of a cardinal, the late duke had
left by his wife Leonora, daughter of Ferdinand I. of Naples,
a son named Ferdinand, and by a favourite mistress an illegi
timate son called Don Giulio. Attracted by the beauty of
* Jovius, in Vita Alfonsi. Murat. An. vol. x. p. 29.
f Sardi. lib. xi. p. 204.

218 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
a lady of Ferrara, to whom they were distantly related, the
cardinal and Don Giulio became rivals in her affections:
but the latter had obtained the preference, and the lady her
self, in confessing to Ippolito her partiality to his brother,
dwelt with apparent pleasure on the extraordinary beauty of
his eyes. The exasperated ecclesiastic silently vowed revenge,
and availing himself of an opportunity, whilst he was engaged
with Don Giulio in the chase, he surrounded him with a band
of assassins, and, compelling him to dismount, with a diabo
lical pleasure saw them deprive him of the organs of sight. 17>
The moderation or negligence of Alfonso, in suffering this
atrocious deed to remain unpunished, excited the resentment
not only of Don Giulio, but of his brother Ferdinand, who,
uniting together, endeavoured by secret treachery to deprive
Alfonso at once of his honours and his life. Their purposes
were discovered, and after having confessed their crime they
were both condemned to die. The fraternal kindness of
Alfonso was not, however, wholly extinguished, and at the
moment when the axe was suspended over them, he trans
muted their punishment to that of perpetual imprisonment.
In this state Ferdinand remained until the time of his death
in 1540, whilst Giulio, at the expiration of fifty-four years
of captivity, was once more restored to liberty. These events,
which throw a gloom over the family lustre of the House of
Este, and mark the character of the cardinal with an indelible
stain, are distinctly, though delicately, adverted to in the
celebrated poem of Ariosto.*
After a series of calamities of more than ten years' con
tinuance, during which there was scarcely any part of Italy
that had not severely suffered from the effects of pestilence,
of famine, and of war, some indications appeared of happier
times. The pretensions of Louis XII. to the kingdom of
Naples had received an effectual check by the defeat of his
troops on the Garigliano, and although the remains of his
army had effected a retreat to Gaeta, yet all that now re
mained for them was to obtain a capitulation on such terms
as should secure to them their liberty and their arms. These
terms were readily conceded by Gonsalvo, who permitted hifl
* Orl. Fur. cant. iii. st. 60, S_c.

EXPULSION OF THE FRENCH FROM NAPLES. 219
humiliated adversaries to march out from Gaeta with military
honours, and to carry off their effects, on condition that they
should return to France, either by land or sea, of which he
offered them the choice and furnished them with the oppor
tunity. Both these courses were adopted, and in both the
French soldiery were equally unfortunate. Those who
embarked at Gaeta and Naples perished for the most part
by hurricanes, either in the passage or on their native coasts ;
whilst those who attempted to return by land fell a sacrifice
to sickness, cold, hunger, and fatigue, insomuch that the roads
were strewed with their dead bodies. This capitulation was
speedily followed by a treaty between the contending
monarchs, by which it was agreed that Ferdinand, who had
survived his queen Isabella, and who, on account of his dis
sensions with his son-in-law the archduke Philip, was
earnestly desirous of male offspring, should marry the young
and beautiful Germaine de Foix, niece of Louis XII., who
should bring with her as her dower all such parts of the
kingdom of Naples as had been allotted to the French
monarch ; and in return for these favours, Ferdinand
engaged to pay to Louis XII. one million of gold ducats, by
annual payments of one hundred thousand ducats, as an in
demnity for his expenses in the Neapolitan war.173 With
these favourable indications of returning tranquillity other
circumstances concurred. The power of the Borgia family
had been suddenly annihilated by the death of Alexander
VI and by the consequent imprisonment and exile of Caesar
Borgia; whilst the death of Piero de' Medici seemed to
promise repose to the agitated republic of Florence. Many
of the principal Italian leaders, or condottieri, had perished
in these contests, others had been stript of their possessions,
and so far reduced as to be no longer able to follow the trade
of blood ; whilst the people, wearied and exhausted by a
continual change of masters, by unavailing carnage, by inces
sant alarms, exorbitant exactions, and by all the consequences
of prolonged hostilities, sighed for that peace which they
ought to have commanded, and which alone could remedy
those evils of which they had so long been the victims.
But whilst eveiy thing seemed to conspire in securing the
public tranquillity, the happy effects of which had already

220 THE LIFE OF LEO X
begun to be experienced, the supreme pontiff was revolving
in his mind how he might possess himself of the smaller
iudependent states in the vicinity of the Roman territories,
and complete the great work which Alexander VI. had go
vigorously begun. He had already announced in the con
sistory, his determination to free the domains of the church
from tyrants; alluding, as it was well understood, to the
cities of Perugia and Bologna, the former of which was held
by the Baglioni, and the latter by the Bentivogli. Nor was
he slow in carrying his threats into execution. Having pre
concerted his measures with the king of France, who still
retained the government of Milan, he placed himself at the
head of his army, and, accompanied by twenty-four cardinals,
left Rome on the twenty-sixth day of August, taking his
course towards Perugia. The well-known character of the
pontiff, and the resolution exhibited by him in these measures,
gave just alarm to Gian-Paolo Baglioni, who, being totally
unprepared to resist such an attack, consulted his safety by
a timely submission, and, proceeding to Orvieto, humiliated
himself before the pope, and tendered to him his services.
This proceeding in some degree disarmed the resentment of
Julius, who received Baglioni into his employ, on condition
of his surrendering up the town and citadel of Perugia, and
accompanying him with one hundred and fifty men at arms
on his intended expedition into Romagna.* On the
twelfth day of September, 1506, the pope entered the city
of Perugia and assumed the sovereignty, which he soon
afterwards delegated to the cardinal de' Medici, who from
this time began to act a more conspicuous part in the con
cerns of Italy than he had hitherto done. From Perugia
the pontiff hastened to Imola, whence he summoned Gio
vanni Bentivolio to surrender to him the city of Bologna,
on pain of bringing down on himself all the power of his
temporal and spiritual arms. Bentivolio had, however,
prepared for his approach, and, relying on the promises of
support given him by Louis XII., had determined to resist
the attack till the arrival of his allies might relieve him
from his dangers. A body of eight thousand infantry and
six hundred horse had been despatched from Milan to hi*
* Murat. Ann. vol x. p. 30.

FERDINAND OF SPAIN VISITS NAPLES. 221
assistance ; but, in the present situation of affairs in Italy,
Louis had no further occasion for the services of Bentivolio,
whilst the favour of the pope might still be of important
use to him. He therefore directed the troops intended for
the assistance of Bentivolio to join the army of his assailants.
The duke of Ferrara and the republic of Florence also sent
considerable reinforcements to the pontiff, and Francesco
Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua, was declared, with great
solemnity, captain-general of the Roman army. These pre
parations convinced Bentivolio that all resistance would not
only be ineffectual, but ruinous to him. Quitting, therefore,
the city by night, he repaired to the French commander,
Chaumont, and having received a safe conduct for himself
and his family, he privately hastened into the Milanese,
leaving the citizens of Bologna to effect such terms of recon
ciliation with the pope as they might think proper. A depu
tation from the inhabitants speedily arrranged the prelimi
naries for the admission of the pontiff within the walls, and
on the the eleventh day of November, 1506, he entered as a
conqueror, at the head of his army, amidst the rejoicings and
congratulations of the people. After establishing many neces
sary and salutary regulations for the due administration of
justice, he intrusted the government of the city to the cardinal
Regino. On his return to Rome, he passed through the city
of Urbino, where he remained for several days, partaking of
the splendid amusements which the duke and duchess had
prepared for him.*
Among all the commanders who had signalized themselves
in the recent commotions of Italy, no one had acquired
greater hfinour and more general esteem than the Great
Captain Gonsalvo, who, after having, by his courage and
perseverance, accomplished the conquest of Naples, had ^on-
ciliated the exasperated and discordant minds of the people
by his clemency, liberality, and strict administration of
justice, and had thereby confirmed to his sovereign that
authority which he had previously obtained. These impor
tant services had been acknowledged by Ferdinand, who,
besides appointing Gonsalvo his viceroy in the kingdom of
* Murat. Ann. vol. x. p. 31. Carm; Illust. Poet. Ital. toI. _ri.
p. 339, ftc.

222 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
Naples, had invested him with domains in that country,
which produced him annually upwards of twenty thousand
gold ducats, and had conferred upon him the high hereditary
office of grand constable of the realm. Notwithstanding these
external demonstrations of confidence and regard, the jealousy
of Ferdinand was excited by the extraordinary greatness of
his too powerful subject, which he conceived might inspire
him with the hope of obtaining for himself the sovereign
authority. No sooner was the mind of the king possessed
with this idea than the virtues of Gonsalvo were converted
into crimes, and his well-judged attempts to allay the jea
lousies and engage the affections of the people were con
sidered only as preparatory measures to the asserting his
own independence. Under the influence of these suspicions,
Ferdinand requested the presence of Gonsalvo in Spain,
pretending that he wished to avail himself of his counsels;
but Gonsalvo excused himself, alleging that the newly-acquired
authority of his sovereign was not yet sufficiently established.
The injunctions of the king were repeated, and again proved
ineffectual. Alarmed at these indications, Ferdinand re
solved to hasten in person to Naples, and take the reins
of government into his own hands. He accordingly arrived
there with his young queen about the end of October, 1506,
and was met at Capo Miseno by Gonsalvo, who received
him with every demonstration of loyalty and respect. Neither
the death of his son-in-law Philip, of which he received
intelligence on his journey through the Genoese, nor the
remonstrances of his ministers, who entreated him to return to
take upon himself the government of the kingdom of Castile,
could induce Ferdinand to interrupt his journey or to quit his
Neapolitan dominions, until he had effectually secured him
self against the possibility of an event, the contemplation of
which had occasioned him so much anxiety. After a resi
dence of seven months, in the course which he established
many excellent regulations for the government of his new
subjects, and cautiously replaced all the military officers
appointed by Gonsalvo by others on whose fidelity he had
greater reliance, he retired, on the fourth day of June, 1507,
from Naples, on his way to Savona, accompanied by Gon
salvo, in whose place he had substituted, as viceroy of Naples,

GONSALVO REPENTS OF HIS ERRORS. 223
Don John of Aragon. By a previous arrangement with
Louis XII., an interview took place at Savona between the
two monarchs, and four days were passed in secret and im
portant conferences. The superstition of mankind has sought
for the prognostics of future evils in the threatening aspects
and conjunctions of the planets ; but a conjunction of this
kind is a much more certain indication of approaching com
motions ; nor is it perhaps without reason, that the origin ot
the celebrated league at Cambray, which involved Italy in
new calamities, has been referred to this interview.*
On this occasion the two sovereigns contended with each
other in their respect and attention to the Great Captain.
Louis XII. was unwearied in expressing his admiration of the
character and talents of a man who had wrested from him a
kingdom, and by his solicitations Gonsalvo was permitted to
sit at the same table with the royal guests. As this day, in
the estimation of the vulgar, was the highest, so it was con
sidered as the last, of the glory of Gonsalvo. On his arrival
in Spain he received a notification from Ferdinand to retire to
his country residence, and not to appear at court without
leave. From that moment his great talents were condemned
to oblivion, and he remained useless and unemployed till the
time of his death, in the year 1515 ; when he received the
reward of his services in a pompous funeral, furnished at the
expense of the king.
In reviewing the transactions of his past life, Gonsalvc
was accustomed to say that he had nothing wherewith to
reproach himself, except his breach of faith to Ferdinand, the
young duke of Calabria, and the transmitting Caesar Borgia
as a prisoner to Spain, contrary to the assurances of protec
tion which he had given him. To these acknowledged errors
he is, however, said to have added, that be had committed
another crime, the nature of which he would never ex
plain.174 Of these defects in the Great Captain, and particularly of
his conduct towards Caesar Borgia, a vindication has been
attempted by Jovius, founded on the atrocious character of
Borgia, which, as the apologist contends, justified any mea-
* Vide Bembo, Istor. Veneta. lib. vii. in Op. vol. i. pp. 188, 189.

224 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
sures that might be adopted against him ; and on the com-
pliance of Gonsalvo with the commands of his sovereign and
with the wishes of the supreme pontiff.175 It is not, however,
difficult to perceive, that Gonsalvo, in his treachery to Borgia,
gave a sanction to those very crimes which he affected to
punish. However desirable the destruction of such a man
may be, it is still more desirable that those principles of good
faith by which human society is bound together should bo
kept sacred and inviolate. The other plea urged by Jovius
is equally unsatisfactory. Gonsalvo had acted under the
authority of his sovereign when he granted a safe conduct,
and neither he nor his king could rightfully revoke an act
which had induced another to confide his safety in their hands.
It is indeed extremely singular, that the bishop of Nocera
should attempt to justify the Spanish general in a transaction
in which he could not justify himself. Thus the historian
sinks below the soldier, who redeemed his crime by his con
trition, and afforded a presumption that, under similar cir
cumstances, he would not have again repeated it ; but the
vindication of Jovius is intended to recommend to future
imitation that guilt of which Gonsalvo repented, and to set
up motives of temporary expediency against the eternal laws
of morality and of truth.
With respect to the third accusation of Gonsalvo against
himself, the tertium gravius factum, it has been referred to.
the error which he is supposed to have committed, in suffer
ing himself, when he had the whole, military force at his
command, to be divested of his authority in Naples, and
reduced to a state of humiliation and solitude during the
remainder of his life.* But the friends of Gonsalvo who
thus construed his meaning were probably mistaken. When
a person contemplates the awful period to which he was fast
approaching, he seldom repents that he has not sacrificed his
virtue to his interest, and his conscience to his ambition ; and
Gonsalvo's third cause of regret would, in this case, have im
plied a contradiction to his two former. He could probably
have unfolded a tale — but he died a penitent, and trusted it
with his ether sins to the bosom of his God.
* Jov. in Vita Consalv. lib. iii. p. 275.

JEV.L0USY OF EUROPE AGA1_\ST VENICE. 225

CHAPTER VIII
1507—1512.
Causes of the jealousy of the European powers against the republic of Ve^
nice — Recent improvements in military discipline — The Venetians repel
the attack of the emperor elect, Maximilian — Reasons alleged by Louis
XII. for his hostility against them — League of Cambray — Pretexts
resorted to by the allies — The Venetians prepare for their defence —
Opinions of their commanders — Hostilities commenced — Louis XII.
defeats the Venetians at Ghiaradadda — Dismemberment of the Venetian
territories — Exertions of the Senate — Recovery of Padua and capture
of the marquis of Mantua — Ineffectual attack on Padua by the emperor
elect, Maximilian — The Venetian flotilla defeated on the Po by the
duke of Ferrara — Pisa surrenders to the Florentines — Julius II. deserts
his allies and unites his arms with the Venetians — Excommunicates the
duke of Ferrara — Is besieged by the French in Bologna — Louis XII,
opposes the authority of the pope — Mirandula captured by Julius II
in person — Bologna captured by the French — The cardinal of Pavia
assassinated by the duke of Urbino — Council of Pisa — The holy league
— Julius II. determines to restore the Medici — Bologna besieged by
the allies, and relieved by de Foix — Discordant opinions of the
cardinal Legate de' Medici and the Spanish general Cardona — Brescia
taken and sacked by the French — De Foix attacks Ravenna — Battle
before the walls — The allies defeated by de Foix, and the cardinal
Legate de' Medici made prisoner — Death of de Foix — The cardinal
despatches Giulio de' Medici with intelligence to Rome — Fatal effects
of the battle of Ravenna to the French — The cardinal de' Medici'
conveyed to Bologna — Is brought prisoner to Milan on his way to
France.
The republic of Venice had hitherto been in a great measure
exempt from those evils which had overturned, or endangered,
the other states of Italy : but the storm that had so long
poured down its wrath on the northern and southern pro
vinces now began to gather in the east, with a still more
threatening aspect. From the advantages of her local situ
ation, and the prudence of her councils, Venice had been
701.. I. Q

226 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
enabled, in the course of the wars in which Italy had been
engaged, not only to increase her trade and improve her naval
strength, but also to extend her continental possessions, and to
annex to her dominions most of the maritime cities on the
Adriatic coast ; nor is there any period of her history in which
she rose to an equal degree of strength and importance. In
the part which she had taken" in the commotions of Italy she
had generally acted on the offensive. She had supported her
armies at the expense of others, or had obtained a compen
sation for their labours in her conquests. She was now at
peace with all the European powers on both sides the Alps,
nor was it easy to perceive from what quarter any serious
cause of alarm could arise ; but in the midst of this prosperity
the mine was preparing which was intended to involve her in
destruction ; nor was it long before she experienced its effects,
in an explosion which had nearly occasioned her total and
irreparable ruin. The motives and effects of her conduct had
indeed been too obvious not to excite the jealousy of all the
surrounding states. To the emperor elect, Maximilian, her
increasing power rendered her a dangerous rival ; and
Louis XII. seemed to be indebted for his Milanese dominions
rather to her forbearance, than to her inability to deprive
him of them. The possession of the cities of Trani, Brindisi,
Gallipoli, and Otranto, which had been ceded to her by
Federigo, the exiled king of Naples, and which she retained
after the conquest of the rest of the kingdom by Ferdinand of
Spain, caused that monarch to regard her as a future enemy,
from whom he must, at some time, wrest those important
places. Nor was the part which she had lately acted in
Romagna likely to conciliate the favour of Julius IL, who had
been compelled to enter into a treaty which guaranteed to hei
the cities of Faenza and Rimini, and who therefore only
(vaited for a favourable opportunity to attempt the recovery
of those places.* Bat although the republic had excited the
envy or resentment of almost all the powers of Europe, yet to
reconcile all their discordant interests, and to unite them in
one great object, might have been found a difficult, and perhaps
an impracticable, task, if some peculiar and predisposing cir-
* Hist. d_ la Ligue de Cambray, liv. i. vol. i. p. 39

IMPROVEMENTS IN MILITARY DISCIPLINE. 227
cumstances had not prepared the way to such a communication
of their mutual dissatisfaction, as speedily terminated in the
adoption of open hostilities against her.
Since the time of the arrival of Charles VIII. in Italy, a
considerable alteration had taken place in the mode of war
fare and the military preparations of the sovereigns of Europe.
Before that important event, a regular standing army of
infantry, set apart from the community for the purposes of
war, was unknown. Sudden levies were raised as occasion
required, and when the contest was over they again returned
to the general mass of the inhabitants. The strength of an
army consisted almost entirely in the number of its armed
cavalry, who were denominated gensdarmes, lances, or men at
arms, and when united together were emphatically called
the battle. Into these ranks none were admitted, for a long
time, but gentlemen by birth. Every man at arms brought
with him into the field a certain number of horses and attend
ants, which varied in different countries and at different
times. The full appointment of a man at arms in France
was six horses and four men on foot, two of whom were
archers ; but in Italy the number of horses seldom exceeded
three.* When in actual engagement, the archers generally
composed the second and third ranks, in which station they
were also at hand to render any services to the men at arms,
who, from the weight and nature of their armour and offensive
weapons, stood in frequent need of assistance. In the contest
of Charles VIII. in Italy, and particularly at the battle of the
Taro, the use of the foot soldiery, or fanti, began to be better
known and more highly appreciated ; but the first nation
which gave respectability and importance to this mode of
warfare was the Swiss, who raised the discipline of infantry
to a degree of perfection which has seldom been since equalled,
and perhaps never excelled. In the assembling of the nume
rous bodies of troops, which in the beginning of the sixteenth
century were poured forth from the Helvetic states, and who
sold their assistance to the highest bidder, the services of the
individual seem to have been voluntary, and his motive and
his reward were generally his share of the subsidy, or his
* Cornazzano, de re Militari, lib. iii. cap. 3,
Q2

228 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
chance of the spoil. When in action, the Swiss were remark
able for their discipline and firmness, but above all for their
fidelity and unshaken attachment to each other. Their
armour consisted of a casque and breast-plate, or, when these
could not be procured, of the skin of a buffalo or other
beast ; their usual weapons were a halbert, which when not _
employed was slung at their back, a sword, and a pike of
eighteen feet in length. When united together they formed
a kind of moveable fortification called the herisson, against
which the utmost efforts of the cavalry were of no avail.
They were in an army what the bones are in the human
body, but when once thrown into disorder they were not
easily prevailed on to renew the conflict. Before the end of
the fifteenth century, the French sovereigns had frequently
experienced the value of their assistance and the ill-effects of
their resentment ; and they may be considered as having set
the example of a regular system of infantry to the other
nations of Europe. One of the earliest establishments of this
nature in France consisted of a body of six thousand men,
subsidized from the duke of Gueldres by Louis XII., who
were denominated the bandes noires, or black bands, because
they fought under a black standard ; by which name they
acquired great reputation in the wars of Italy.* The Spanish
infantry, which had been chiefly formed in the wars of
Naples by the great captain Gonsalvo, were remarkable be
yond all others for their courage, sobriety, and discipline.
Besides the pike, the battle-axe, and the poniard, they were
generally armed with a heavy harquebus. In an attack,
when their numbers bore a reasonable proportion to the
enemy, they were considered as irresistible ; and even when
defeated, they seldom took to flight without rallying and re
turning with fresh ardour to the charge. Besides the gens-
darmes, bodies of light-armed cavalry began about this time
to be frequently employed ; and large troops of horse were
also obtained from the continental territories of the state of
Venice, and the adjacent provinces of Greece, who fought in
the irregular manner of the Turks, and urder the name of
stradiotti, or hussars, were the usual harbingers of an attack,
and the terror of a defeated enemy.
* Hist, de la Ligue de Cambray, liv. iii. vol. ii. p. 13.

THE VENETIANS ATTACK MAXIMILIAN 229
Towards the close of the year 1507, the emperor elect,
Maximilian, having some important designs upon Italy, the
object of which he did not choose to define, but which he dis
guised under the pretence that that he meant to proceed to
Rome, to receive from the hands of the pope the imperial
crown, requested permission from the Venetians to pass with
his army through their states. The senate were at this time
in strict alliance with Louis XII., and, being apprehensive
that Maximilian meant to attack the Milanese, and unwilling
to afford any pretext for a rupture with the French monarch,
refused to comply with his request ; at the same time assuring
him of an honourable and respectful reception and a safe-
conduct for himself and his retinue, in case he wished to pass
in a pacific manner through their dominions. On this re
fusal, Maximilian resolved to effect a passage by force, and
descending through the Tyrol, entered the Venetian states
in the beginning of the year 1508, and captured several im
portant places in the district of Friuli.176 He was, however,
soon opposed by Bartolommeo d'Alviano, who had lately
entered into the service of the Venetians, and who having by
rapid marches unexpectedly attacked the imperialists under
the command of the duke of Brunswick at Codauro, defeated
them with such slaughter that scarcely one of them survived
to carry to Maximilian the intelligence of his disaster.177
The Vdnetians, having thus speedily recovered their posses
sions, attacked in return the territories of their adversary,
and would have possessed themselves of the city of Trent, and
the whole district of the Tyrol, had not the inhabitants,
although deserted by the imperialists, courageously defended
their country. Humiliated by these events, Maximilian
listened with eagerness to terms of accommodation ; and a
treaty of peace for three years, was on the sixth day of
¦June, 1508, concluded between him and the senate, which
seemed once more to have restored the public tranquillity.
This hasty reconciliation gave, however, great dissatisfac
tion to Louis XII., who, being at enmity with Maximilian,
and having despatched a body of troops, under the command
of Trivulzio, to the assistance of the Venetians, although with
directions, as it was supposed, rather to regard the motions of
the adverse armies, than to take an active part on the behalf

230 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
of either,* affected to be highly offended that the Venetians
should have accommodated their differences with Maximilian
without previously consulting him on the terms proposed. It
is true, the senate had in the treaty reserved a power for the
king of France to accede to it if he should think proper, of
which power he afterwards availed himself ; but he was no
party to the preamble, and was introduced only as their
auxiliary, like a potentate of a secondary rank.t Affecting
great displeasure at this apparent insult, and perhaps alarmed
at the increasing power of the Venetians, Louis now deter
mined to accommodate his differences with Maximilian, and
to secure or extend his Milanese possessions by the humilia
tion of these haughty republicans. For the attainment of the
first of these objects he had recourse to a stratagem, which
sufficiently proves that in political artifice the French were
not inferior to the Italians. Whilst he assigned as a cause of
his resentment against the Venetians their want of confidence
in him, he despatched his envoys to Maximilian to inform
him, that the Venetians had disclosed to him the most secret
particulars of the negotiation ; thereby endeavouring to con
vince Maximilian that they had betrayed his interests, and to
excite his anger against his new allies who had treated him
with so much duplicity and disrespect.;}: By such representa
tions the fluctuating mind of Maximilian again changed its
purpose, and his resentment against the senate was confirmed,
on finding that his name and achievements had been made the
subject of caricature exhibitions, and satirical ballads, which
were sung through the streets of Venice. The animosity
that had so long subsisted between these rival monarchs was
by these means suddenly extinguished. The representations
made by Louis XII. to Julius II. and to Ferdinand of
Aragon were equally successful, and the attack and dismem
berment of the states of Venice were determined on with a
celerity and unanimity which seemed to insure success to the"
attempt. In the month of October, 1508, the plenipotentiaries of the
confederate powers met in the city of Cambray. The repre-
* Murat. Ann. vol. x. p. 38.
t Ligue de Cambray, hv. i. vol. i. p. 64.
t Bembo, Istor. Venet. lib. vii

LEAGTJ*! OF CAMBRAY. 231
Mutative of Maximilian was his daughter, Margaretta, the
same princess who had been repudiated by Charles VIII., and
who, having survived her second husband, Philibert, duke of
Savoy, had undertaken, during the minority of the archduke
Charles, the government of the Netherlands, which she con
ducted with great credit and ability. George of Amboise,
cardinal of Rouen, appeared in the two-fold capacity of am
bassador of Louis XII. and legate of the pope, and Jacopo
de Albion as the envoy of the king of Spain. On the tenth
day of December a treaty was concluded for the attack and
dismemberment of the territories of Venice.* By the terms
of this treaty Maximilian was to possess the cities and districts
of Rovereta, Verona, Padua, Vicenza, Trevigi, and Friuli,
with the patriarchate of Aquileja, and all places of which he
had been divested by the Venetians in the course of the late
war. The king of France stipulated for the cities of Brescia,
Crema, Bergamo, and Cremona, and the whole district of
Ghiaradadda, as part of the ancient possessions of the dukes
of Milan. Ferdinand of Spain was to be remunerated for
his share in the war by the restitution of the maritime cities
of Naples ; and the pope was to recover the territories in
Romagna, which on the expulsion of Caesar Borgia had been
occupied by the Venetians, and which included the cities of
Ravenna, Cervia, Faenza, and Rimini. To these were also
added in the treaty the cities of Imola and Cesena, which
were not then under the Venetian government, and which it
has been supposed were inserted through the ignorance of the
cardinal of Rouen ;+ but it is much more probable that these
places yet retained their allegiance to Borgia, and required
the aid of the confederates to reduce them to the obedience of
the church. A power was reserved for the duke of Savoy, as
king of Cyprus, the duke of Ferrara, and marquis of Mantua,
to become parties in the league, to which they afterwards
acceded ; and that nothing might be wanting to overwhelm or
terrify the devoted republic of Venice, the kings of England
and of Hungary were also invited to take a share in the
attack. As Maximilian had so lately entered into a treaty of amity
* Lfinig, torn. i. p. 134. Dumont, torn. iv. par. i. p. 114.
t Murat. Ann. vol. __. p. 39. Lrgue de Camoray, liv. i. torn. i. p. 50.

232 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
with the Venetians, which he had solemnly sworn to maintain,
and as no offence had since been given by them which could
be construed into a justification of hostilities on •his'part, it
became necessary to resort to some measure which might
afford, in the eyes of the world, a sufficient reason for the
part which he intended to act. For the accomplishment of
this object, and to satisfy the honour and conscience of Maxi
milian, it was therefore expressly agreed that Julius IL, who
it seems stood in no need of any pretext for infringing the
treaty-which he had himself entered into, should call upon the
emperor elect, as defender of the rights of the church, to
assist in asserting its claims; and that Maximilian should,
within forty days after the first of April, 1509, the day par
ticularly agreed on for the commencement of hostilities, enter
the Venetian territories at the head of his' army, without
further regard either to his alliances or his oath. The nature
and object of this treaty were, however, cautiously concealed
from the Venetians, under the pretext that it related to an
accommodation between the archd'ike Charles and the duke
of Gueldres ; and in order to give a greater degree of proba^
bility to this assertion, another treaty was actually concluded
between those parties, which bears the same date as that
which it was intended to conceal.178
The rumours of the measures adopted at Cambray, and the
preparations making by the chief powers of Europe for some
great undertaking, from which the Venetians were cautiously
excluded, at length excited their suspicions, and they directed
Condelmaro, their ambassador at the court of France, to ob
tain such explanations from the cardinal of Rouen as might
allay their apprehensions, or justify their conduct in preparing
for their defence. The cardinal attempted for a time to im
pose on the Venetian envoy by equivocal assurances and crafty
representations; but finding these would not avail, he had
recourse to direct falsehood, and assured the envoy, on the
faith of a cardinal and a prime minister, that the king would
still adhere to the treaty of Blois, and that nothing had
occurred at Cambray which could be injurious to the Venetian
Republic.* These assurances were, if we may give credit to
* Hist, de la Ligue de Cambray, liv. i. vol. i. p. 70.

SPIRIT OF THE VENETIANS. 233
Bembo, confirmed by the king himself, who pledged his faith
to Condelmaro to the same effect ; and added, that he consi
dered himself as the friend of the senate, and consequently
would not have consented to any measures which might prove
prejudicial to its interests.179
No sooner, however, were the Venetians aware of the
magnitude of the danger with which they were threatened,
than they began to prepare for a vigorous defence. Nor did
they neglect such measures as they thought most likely to
avert the anger or to soften the resentment of their enemies.
They proposed to Julius II. to surrender up to him the places
which they had occupied in Romagna ; and they employed
their utmost efforts to detach the emperor elect and the king
of Spain from their alliance with the king of France. Re
pulsed in these attempts, they resorted for assistance to the
other powers of Europe, and endeavoured to prevail on the
king of England to attack the dominions of France, whilst
Louis XII. and his gensdarmes were beyond the Alps :*
nor did they hesitate, in this dangerous emergency, to call
upon the Turkish emperor Bajazet for his assistance against
the confederates, who, by the very terms of their alliance,
had avowed their hostility against him. Towards whatever
quarter they turned for aid they met only with disappoint
ment or neglect ; and the republic was left without a single
ally, to oppose itself to a combination more powerful than
any that Europe had known since the time of the crusades.
Their spirit was, however, unbroken, and their resources such
as" might be expected from a rich and powerful people.
Their generals were soon enabled to take the field at the
head of forty thousand men, under the various descriptions of
infantry, men at arms, light horse, and stradiotti, or hussars,
composed chiefly of Greeks. A powerful naval armament
was at the same time directed to co-operate with the army
whenever it might be practicable ; but at the very moment
when every effort was making to increase the maritime
strength of the country, the arsenal, at that time the admira
tion of Europe, was treacherously set on fire, by which a
considerable quantity of ammunition and naval stores, and
* The Venetian envoy on this occasion was Andrea Badoardo, who had
resided many years in England.

234 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
twelve of their galleys of war, were destroyed. A few days
afterwards information was received that the castle of
Brescia was blown up ; and about the same time the building
fell, in which were kept the archives of the republic ; inci
dents which, from the critical period at which they occurred,
gave reason to the superstitious to believe that the destruction
of the republic was near at hand.
The chief military commanders in the service of the senate
at this period were Nicolo Orsino, count of Pitigliano, and
Bartolommeo d'Alviano, both of them men of great courage
and experience, but of very different characters ; d'Alviano
being daring and impetuous almost to rashness, whilst the
count was cool, deliberate, and cautious, to an opposite
extreme. The object of the one was to terminate the war by
a single effort ; that of the other to defeat the enemy by in
volving him in difficulties, so as to prevent even the necessity
of an engagement. One of the first measures of the senate
was to call these commanders to Venice, and to request their
deliberate sentiments on the best methods to be adopted for
the defence of the state. These opinions were conformable
to the different tempers and views of those who delivered
them. The count of Pitigliano advised the senate to fortify
their continental cities, and to act upon the defensive, until
events should occur which might weaken or destroy a league
that had within itself the principles of dissolution. D'Alviano,
on the contrary, contended that it was more expedient to take
the field before their enemies were prepared for the attack ; and
rather to carry the war into the states of Milan, than to wait
the approach of the French king within the Venetian terri
tories. Without wholly adopting either of these opinions,
the senate steered a middle course ; and whilst they prepared
for the defence of their strong cities, they directed that their
generals should not proceed beyond the Adda.*
Scarcely had the Venetian army taken the field, when the
tempest burst upon that devoted state from all quarters.
Francesco Maria della Rovere, nephew to the pope, and who
was now become duke of Urbino, proceeded through the
territories of Faenza and stormed the town of Brisinghalla,
* Guicciard. lib. viii. vol. i. p. 416. Murat. Ann. vol. x. x>. 42.

LOUIS XII. DEFEATS THE VENETIANS. 235
where he put to death upwards of two thousand persons, and
by his unsparing cruelty led the way to still greater enormi
ties. The marquis of Mantua attacked the district of
Verona, but was vigorously opposed by d'Alviano. Amids*
the storm of war, Julius II. rolled forth the thunders of the
Vatican, and placed the state of Venice under the interdict
of the church. The French army, consisting of twenty
thousand foot, of whom six thousand were Swiss mercenaries,
and of five thousand horse, with Louis XII. at their head,
passed the Adda at Cassan. , and captured the towns of
Trevigli, Rivolto, and other places, which they sacked ; but
on the approach of the count of Pitigliano they retreated
across the river, having first garrisoned the fortress of
Trevigli. The count, having bombarded the fortress with
heavy artillery, compelled the garrison, after an obstinate
defence, to surrender; but no sooner were the Venetian
soldiery in possession of the town, than they followed the
example of their enemies, in slaughtering and despoiling the
unfortunate inhabitants. Such was the licentiousness of the
troops, that the discipline of the army was greatly relaxed ;
and before they could be compelled to return to their duty it
was found necessary to complete the ruin of the inhabitants,
by setting fire to the town. This disgraceful incident afforded
the king an opportunity of again passing the Adda, of which
he did not fail to avail himself.
In the beginning of the month of May, 1509, the two
armies were opposed to each other in the district of Ghiara-
dadda,* where the king made several efforts to compel the
Venetian commanders to a decisive engagement. For some
time the advice of the count of Pitigliano, to avoid so hazard
ous a measure, prevailed ; but the impetuosity of d'Alviano
seconded the views of the king, and after some partial move
ments it became no longer possible to avoid an engagement.
The vanguard of the French army was led by the marshal
Trivulzio ; the centre, by the king in person, accompanied
by Charles of Amboise, sieur de Chaumont and governor of
Milan ; 18° and the rear by the sieur de la Palisse. Of the
* Ghiara, a gravelly beach, or bed of a river ; hence Ghiara d' 'Adda,
or the beach of the river Adda, from which the whole district __> deno
minated.

236 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
Venetian army, d'Alviano led the attack ; the count of Piti
gliano with the battle, or cavalry, occupied tire centre ; and
the rear-guard was commanded by Antonio de' Pii, accom
panied by the Venetian commissaries. The action, which
took place on the fourteenth day of May, at a place called
Agnadello, continued only three hours; but in that time
upwards of ten thousand men lay dead on the field ; of whom
the greater part were Italians. D'Alviano, after displaying
many instances of undoubted courage, was wounded and taken
prisoner, and the French remained complete masters of the
day, with the artillery, standards, and ammunition of the
vanquished. 181 The count of Pitigliano, with a small body of
cavalry, escaped to Caravaggio. Some authors have asserted,
that the defeat of the Venetians is chiefly to be attributed to
the misconduct of the count, who disgracefully fled in the
midst of the battle ;* but the senate were too severe judges
to allow such an instance of treachery, or of cowardice, to
pass without a bitter retribution ; instead of which we find
the count soon afterwards confidentially employed in their
service. The result of the battle, if not to be attributed to
the superior courage and impetuosity of the assailants, among
whom the celebrated Gaston de Foix, then very young, was
greatly distinguished, may be accounted for from the whole
of the French army having been brought into action, whilst
the Italians engaged only in detached bodies ; in consequence
of which their vanguard was defeated with " an immense loss,
before their cavalry, in which consisted the strength of their
army, could take a part in the contest.
Before Louis XII. proceeded to reap the fruits of his
victory he determined to give a signal proof of his piety
and his gratitude, by erecting a church on the field of battle.
An edifice was accordingly raised on the very spot which
yet streamed with the blood of those who had died in de
fence of their country, and was designated by the name of
S. Maria della Vittoria, although it might with much more
propriety have been dedicated to the deities of treachery, of
rapine, and of slaughter. 182+ This structure has been con
sidered by the French as an omen of success in subsequent
* Murat. Ann. vol. ». p. 44. f Ibid. vol. x. p. 45.

THE VENETIAN STATE DISMEMBEBED. 237
times : the duke of Vendosme having, in the beginning of
the last century, defeated the imperial army within sight of
its walls.
The intelligence of this decisive engagement and the terror
of the French arms facilitated their progress through the
Venetian dominions. The districts of Ghiaradadda and Cara-
vaggio, the cities of Cremona, Bergamo, Brescia, and Crema,
instantly surrendered to the conqueror. The fortress of
Peschiera, defended only by five hundred men, for some time
resisted his efforts ; but overpowered by the French artillery,
the besieged at length desired to capitulate, and made fre
quent signals that they were ready to surrender. Their
submission was ineffectual. The assailants entered the citadel
by storm, put all persons within it to the sword, and seizing
upon the Venetian commissary, Andrea Riva, and his son,
hanged them from the walls of the castle.183 Notwithstand
ing the partiality of the French historians to the conduct and
character of Louis XII., it is acknowledged that on this occa
sion he appeared to have forgotten his maxims of clemency;
and it would have been well for the reputation of that
monarch if the observation could have been confined only to
this event. Misfortunes so unexpected and atrocities so un
paralleled struck the senate with terror ; and, despairing of
any further defence of their continental possessions, they only
sought how they might most effectually mitigate the resent
ment, or gratify the ambition, of their numerous adversaries
They therefore signified to Julius II. their readiness to sur
render to him the whole of their possessions in Romagna;
they proposed to relinquish unconditionally to Ferdinand of
Spain the cities which they held on the Neapolitan coast ;
and they despatched an ambassador to the emperor elect,
Maximilian, informing him that they had already given
directions to their governors at Verona and Vicenza to de
liver those places up to him, as soon as he should make his
appearance.184 Maximilian, however, displayed no great
ardour in availing himself of the advantages prepared for
him by his allies ; but in due time the imperial army arrived
and triumphantly took possession of those cities, as well as
of Padua, without being under the necessity of making an

238 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
hostile effort.* Whilst the chief parties to the league were
thus appropriating to themselves their share of the spoil, the
inferior allies were not idle. Alfonso, duke of Ferrara, now
dignified with the title of gonfaloniers of the church, pos-.
sessed himself of the Polesine, and of the districts of Este,'
Montagnano, and Monfelice, the ancient heritages of his
family.t Other commanders eagerly embraced this opportu
nity of stripping the Venetians of their possessions. Cristo
foro Frangipani seized upon several fortresses in Istria, and
the duke of Brunswick rendered himself master of Feltri and
Belluno, with several parts of Friuli. Never before had
the Venetian lion been so shorn of his honours, never had
St. Mark been so inattentive to the interests of his faithful
votaries, as on this occasion.185
In the midst of their calamities the Venetians had, how
ever, some peculiar advantages. The situation of their
capital, surrounded by the waves of the Adriatic, secured
them from the apprehensions of total destruction. Whatever
the limbs might suffer, the head was sound and capable of
strong exertion. In their numerous and well-appointed fleet
they had a bulwark which defied the utmost malice of their
enemies. If, under these circumstances, they appeared to -
have resigned themselves to despair, it was not of long con
tinuance, and the depression served only to give a more
elastic impulse to their efforts. Their attempts to mitigate
the anger of Julius II. had hitherto been as ineffectual as
their submissive representations to Maximilian. A perse
cution so relentless, instead of continuing to excite their
terror, began at length to awaken their resentment ; and the
senate resounded with the most unqualified abuse of the
father of the faithful, who was represented as much better
qualified for the office of a public executioner, than for that
to which he had been promoted.^ They therefore began to
collect together the remains of their unfortunate army ; they
directed the soldiers who had garrisoned their fortresses in
Romagna and the kingdom of Naples to repair to Venice ;
* Murat. Ann. vol. x. p. 46.
t Gibbon Posth. Works, vol. ii. p. 685.
j " Non pontefice, ma carnefice, d'ogni crudclta maestro."- -Bembo.

CAPTURE OF TnE MARQUIS OF MANTUA. 239
and they obtained from Istria, Albania, and Dalmatia, con
siderable bodies of brave and experienced troops. The count
of Pitigliano exerted his utmost efforts in their service ; and
by his personal credit and authority, and the liberal rewards
which he offered, he induced many of the Italian Condottieri
to join his standard with their followers. In a short time
the Venetians were enabled to oppose the imperialists in the
vicinity of Trevigi, where they defeated a body of troops
under the command of Constantine, despot of the Morea, who,
after having been despoiled of his dominions by the Turks,
had engaged in the service of Maximilian.
This success led the way to bolder efforts, and the count of
Pitigliano was directed to attempt the recovery of the impor
tant city of Padua, which, under the impressions of terror,
had been surrendered to the imperialists. The inhabitants,
already disgusted by the licentiousness of the German
soldiery, had shewn a manifest disposition to return to the
obedience of their former lords.* By the united efforts of
treachery and of force, the count of Pitigliano succeeded in
obtaining possession of the city ; the Germans betook them
selves to flight, and such of the Paduan nobility as had
favoured their cause, severely expiated, by imprisonment, by
exile, or by death, their versatility or their treachery. This
event, which was considered as of infinite importance to the
republic, took place on the feast of S. Marina, the seven
teenth day of July, 1509,188 and was speedily followed by
another scarcely of inferior importance. Francesco, marquis
of Mantua, having withdrawn himself into the island of
Scala, with a small party of troops, was unexpectedly attacked
by a body of the Venetians, assisted by the neighbouring in
habitants, who, under favour of the night, dispersed and
plundered his soldiers. The marquis, amidst the alarm,
descended from a window, almost naked, and endeavoured to
shelter himself in a corn-field, but was betrayed by a peasant
to whom he had promised a great reward if he would favour
his escape. Being made a prisoner, he was first brought
to Lignano, and afterwards sent to Venice, where he was
committed to the Torreselle, in which he was some month*
confined.187 * Murat. Ann. d'ltal. vo\x. p. 48.

240 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
The return of Louis XII. to France soon after the battle
of Ghiaradadda was another circumstance highly favourable
to the republic; nor was this advantage greatly counteracted
by the efforts of the emperor elect, Maximilian, who, towards
the end of the month of August, arrived in Italy, at the head
of a considerable body of troops, of various nations, languages,
and manners, bringing with him an immense train of artillery,
with which he immediately applied himself to the recovery of
Padua.188 He was reinforced by Ippolito, cardinal of Este,
who, following the example of the pontiff, marched in his
ecclesiastical habiliments at the head of his troops. After
having for some time desolated the defenceless country, and
captured a few places of little importance, Maximilian com
menced in the month of September the siege of Padua, with
an army and an apparatus that seemed to command success.
The Venetians were, however, indefatigable in preparing for
its defence. With a magnanimity which has seldom been
equalled, the doge Loredano requested that the senate
would permit him to send his children to be shut up within
the besieged city. His proposal was received with joy.
The enthusiasm of the young nobility of Venice was excited
to the highest degree, and three hundred of them voluntarily
accompanied the sons of the doge to Padua.* The contest
continued during fifteen days, with the loss on both sides of
many thousand lives. On the twenty-seventh day of
September Maximilian made his last effort, and attempted to
carry the place by storm ; and that the courage of his troops
might be excited by national emulation, the Germans, the
French, and the Spaniards were directed to assail the place in
three different bodies. A vigorous resistance, however,
frustrated the efforts of Maximilian, and destroyed his hopes.
Looking around him he saw his army thinned by desertion.
The sum of one hundred and fifty thousand ducats, which he
had obtained from the pope, was already expended, and there
appeared no possibility of a further supply. He therefore
abandoned the siege, and withdrew with his army to
Vicenza,t whence, after dismissing from his service a great
part of his followers, whom he was no longer able to pay, he
* Bembo, lib. ix. Ligue de Cambray, liv. i. torn. i. p. 126.
t Gnicciard. lib. viii. vol. i. p. 453. Bembo, lib. m.

THE VENETIANS DEFEATED BY THE DUKE OF FERRARA. 241
returned to Vienna to add one more to his former triumphs ;
whilst the Venetians not only retained the city of Padua, but
soon afterwards recovered from him the principal part of the
district of Friuli.189
Among the confederate powers, no one had excited the
resentment of the Venetians in so great a degree as Alfonso,
duke of Ferrara, and they no sooner began to recover their
strength than they resolved to punish him for the active part
which he had taken against them. For this purpose they
prepared an armament of eighteen galleys, with a large supply
of ammunition, and a considerable body of troops, which pro
ceeding up the Po, devastated the country on each side, and
filled the inhabitants of Ferrara with terror. Alfonso, at the
head of his troops, and with a powerful reinforcement from
the French, hastened to oppose their progress ; and a bloody
engagement took place at Polesella, in which Lodovico Pico,
count of Mirandula, perished by a shot, whilst standing at
the side of the cardinal of Este. A few days afterwards the
Venetians entered the city of Comacchio, which, with a
barbarity common to all parties, they delivered up to the
fury of the soldiery. A severe retribution, however, awaited
them ; under cover of the night the cardinal of Este had
brought down a large train of heavy artillery to the banks
of the river ; one part of which he stationed above and the
other below the Venetian flotilla. At break of day he
opened these batteries upon them with such effect as to
overwhelm them in inevitable destruction. Two of the
galleys perished in the midst of the stream, a third was
destroyed by fire, and whilst the Venetians were attempting
to escape with the remainder of their fleet, they were attacked
by several barks, strongly manned with soldiers from Ferrara,
and were totally routed. The loss of the Venetians on this
occasion exceeded three thousand men, and Ippolito led
fifteen galleys in triumph to Ferrara.*
The example of the dreadful enormities committed by the
conquering party upon every place which resisted their arms
was an awful lesson to the inhabitants of Pisa, who, notwith
standing the utmost efforts of the Florentines, had hitherto
* Ariosto, Orl. Fur. cant. iii. st. 57.
VOL. I. B

242 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
defended their city, and refused all terms of reconciliation,
A bold, -but unsuccessful attempt made by the assailants to
turn the course of the Arno served only to give new courage
to the besieged ; but the Florentines had at length reduced
the art of famishing to a system, and deprived the inhabitants
of Pisa of all hopes of supply. Expedients horrid to relate
were resorted to ; but human efforts are bounded by human
weakness, and the long sufferings of the people of Pisa now
approached their termination. Propositions were at .length
made by the inhabitants for the- surrender of the place, by
which they reserved to themselves considerable rights, and
claimed great indulgences. To these the Florentines willingly
and wisely acceded, and on the eighth day of June, 1509,
their commissioners entered the city, and by the generosity
of their conduct, their strict observance of the stipulated
terms, and their attention to repair the injuries of the war,
soon convinced the inhabitants that they had been contend
ing for the space of nearly fifteen years, with unexampled
obstinacy and incredible sufferings, against their own real
interests.* Hitherto the Venetians had relied only on their own
courage and resources, and in spite of all the efforts of the
powerful league which had been so unexpectedly formed
against them, their affairs continued daily to improve, when
the loss of the count of Pitigliano, who had served them
many years with great fidelity, deranged their military
operations and excited their just regret. His death was
attributed to the fatigues which he had suffered in the service
of the republic ; and so sensible were the senate of his merits,
that they erected to his memory a statue of brass with an
honourable inscription.t
But whilst the Venetians were thus struggling with their
misfortunes, a favourable gleam at length appeared, and gave
them the promise of fairer times. Julius II. by the recovery
of Romagna had accomplished the object which had induced \
him to become a party in the league of Cambray. If this \
could have been done without the intervention of his allies, '
he would gladly have dispensed with their services ; Du(
• Murat. Ann. d'ltal. vol. x. p. 54.
t Carm. Illustr. Poet. Ital. vol. viii. p. 59.

\

JULIUS II. DESERTS THE ALLIES. 243
having now reaped the full benefit of their assistance, his
next consideration was, how he might best secure the advan
tages which he had obtained. The rapid successes of the
French, compared with the tardy progress and fruitless
attempts of Maximilian, seemed likely to give them a pre
ponderating influence in Italy ; and the destruction of the
Venetian republic would have rendered Louis XII. the
sovereign of all the northern part of that country, from the
gulf of Genoa to that of Venice. Induced by these consi
derations, Julius admitted to his presence the Venetian am
bassadors, who had before in vain solicited an audience, and
having received their submission, he released the republic
from his spiritual censures with assurances of his future
favour and support.190 As this event could not long be
concealed from the knowledge of the French monarch,
Julius lost no time in adopting the most effectual measures
to secure himself against his resentment. By the offer of a
large sum of money he attempted to detach Maximilian
from his alliance with France.* He endeavoured to excite
against Louis XII. an insurrection in the city of Genoa,
where he had considerable influence. By the most earnest
representations he tried to prevail upon Henry VIII. of Eng
land to make a descent on the French coast, t He was
more successful with Ferdinand of Spain, who having also
now obtained his object, was easily persuaded to join in
expelling the French from Italy; but what was of still
greater importance, he engaged in his service fifteen thousand
Swiss mercenaries, for the purpose of making an irruption
into the Milanese dominions of the French king. J The
unexpected assistance of such an active and determined
ally gave fresh courage to the^Venetians. They increased
the numbers of their army, the general command of which
they intrusted to Lucio Malvezzo, and that of their infantry
to Lorenzo, or Renzo, da Ceri. They engaged a body of
five hundred Turkish horse, under the command of Giovanni
Epirota, and they set at liberty the marquis of Mantua
* Liinig, vol. ii. p. 2002.
¦f At the same time the pope sent Henry the consecrated rose, dippcJ
in chrism, and perfumed with musk. — Rapin, vol. i. p. 708.
% Liinig. vol. ii. p. 2499. R 2

244 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
upon such liberal terms as induced him in f ature to favour
• their interests.*
These events may be considered as the entire dissolution of
the league of Cambray, and shortly occasioned a new aspect
of public affairs. Julius, having now secured the aid of the
Swiss, and having in his service two powerful armies, one of
which was commanded by Marc- Antonio Colonna, a young
soldier of high worth and splendid talents, to whom he had
given his niece in marriage, the other by his nephew, the
duke of Urbino, dismissed from his presence the French
ambassadors and those of the duke of Ferrara. He also ad
monished the duke to desist from further hostilities against
the republic of Venice, and in particular to relinquish the
siege of Lignano, which he was then carrying on with great
activity.191 As the duke did not appear inclined to relax in
his efforts, Julius instantly deprived him of his title of
gonfaloniere of the church, which he conferred with great
solemnity on the marquis of Mantua, and soon afterwards ex
communicated the duke and all his family, declaring him
deprived of his dominions, and pointing him out to the ven
geance of all Christendom as a rebel to the holy see. At the
same time the duke of Urbino entered the territory of Ferrara,
where, with the assistance of the Venetians, he captured
many important places, and among others the city of Modena;
carrying the war almost to the walls of Ferrara itself, f The
indefatigable activity of Alfonso, with the aid of the French
troops from Milan, preserved him, however, from the de
struction with which he was threatened, and in the variable
events of the year he obtained, in his turn, considerable
advantages over the Venetian and papal troops.
For the purpose of conducting the war with greater vigour,
Julius II. had proceeded from Rome to Bologna, accom
panied by most of the cardinals and attendants of his court.19?
At the same period Chaumont, governor of Milan, instigated
by the representations of the Bentivoli, directed his arms
against that place ; where Julius, indisposed by sickness, and
wholly unprepared for defence, had nearly fallen into the
hands of his enemies. He had, however, the policy to open
* Murat. Ann. vol. x. pp. 57, 6C. f lbi<l- 59> 60-

LOUIS XII. OPPOSES THE POPE. 245
__ treaty with the French general, whose exorbitant demands
afforded him a pretext for delay. The ambassador on whose
talents he relied in this emergency was Giovan-Francesco
Pico, count of Mirandula, the nephew of the celebrated Gio
vanni Pico, and himself one of the most learned men of his
age. It soon, however, appeared that the only object of the
pontiff was to gain time, till his allies, whom he had informed
of the dangers of his situation, could arrive to his relief. A
large body of Spanish and Venetian troops made their appear
ance most opportunely for his holiness, and Chaumont, re
gretting the opportunity which he had lost, and suffering from
the want of supplies, withdrew himself into the Milanese.*
During the residence of the pope at Bologna, he had enter
tained suspicions of Giuliano, the brother of the . cardinal de"
Medici, whom he confined in the palace, under an idea that
he had conspired with his ancient friends the Bentivoli to
effect their return ; a few days, however, convinced the pope
that his distrust was unfounded, and Giuliano was again
restored to liberty, t
The vehemence of Julius IL, in subjecting all his enemies
indiscriminately to the penalties of ecclesiastical censures, at
length gave rise to a more alarming opposition than any which
he had heretofore experienced. In devoting Alfonso, duke
of Ferrara, to the pains of excommunication, he had expressly
included in the same censure all those who supported his
cause. The emperor elect, Maximilian, and Louis" XII.
were therefore virtually under the anathema of the church.
Considered merely in a spiritual point of view, this was by
no means an object of indifference at a time when the
efficacy of the keys of S. Peter had never yet been ques
tioned ; but, however insensible these monarchs had been to
their spiritual welfare, the censures of the pope, in releasing
their subjects from their obedience, had laid the foundations
of rebellion and tumult in every part of their dominions.
Louis XII. endeavoured to remonstrate with Julius on this
unjustifiable use of his pontifical power ; but the pope, in
stead of attending to his representations, shut up his minister,
the cardinal of Auch, in the castle of S. Angelo.J Alarmed
* Murat. Ann. vol. x. p. 62.
t Guicciard. lib. viii. vol. i. p. 464. % Ibid. lib. ix. vol. i. p. 484.

246 THE LIFE OF LEO X,
and exasperated to a high degree, Louis called together the
French prelates, and requested their united opinion, whether
he was justifiable in defending against the papal arms a
prince of the empire, whom the pope had endeavoured to
divest of a state which had been held under the imperial
sanction for more than a century.193 The reply of the clergy
was, as might be expected, favourable to the views of the
king, and, in removing his scruples, emboldened him to a
more decided opposition. As a mark of his determined hos
tility against the pope, he caused a medal to be struck with
his own portrait, bearing the title and arms of king of
France and Naples, and the motto, Perdam Babylonis
nomen.* He Opened a treaty with Maximilian for the con
vocation of a general council of the church at Lyons, and five
cardinals had already expressed their willingness to attend
the assembly. Maximilian not only listened with eagerness
to the proposal, but, it has been said, formed also the design
of procuring himself to be elected to the papacy; and although
this has been considered as an empty and unfounded report,+
yet it accords too well with the vain and fluctuating dispo
sition of Maximilian, and is too well supported by historical
evidence to admit the supposition of its being wholly desti
tute of foundation.194 Whether this gave rise to difficulties
which were not easily obviated, or whether other causes pre
vented the assembly of the proposed council of Lyons, that
measure did not take place ; but it was not long before a
similar proceeding was resorted to, which for some years
divided the authority and disturbed the repose of the
Christian world.
The great object to which the pope now turned his exer
tions was the destruction of the duke of Ferrara, and the
reunion of his territories with the states of the church ; but
before he could attack the dominions of Alfonso with a full
prospect of success, he judged it necessary to possess himself
of the principalities of Mirandula and Concordia, then held
by Francesca, the widow of Lodovico Pico, and daughter of
Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio. In the month of December 1510,
* Thuani Histcr. lib. i. p. 16. The meaning of this inscription htii
given rise to much discussion.
t Murat. Ann. vol. __. p. 64.

mirandula capt-'hed by julius ii. 247
Concordia submitted to his arms ; but Francesca refused to
surrender her capital, and avowed her intention of defending
it to the last extremity. For a considerable time the united
force of the Venetian and papal troops was ineffectually
employed to reduce the place ; when at length the pope,
exasperated beyond measure at the delay, and distrusting
even his own generals, among whom his nephew the duke of
Urbino held the chief command, determined to join the army
in person, and forward the operations of the assailants. In
the midst of the severest winter that had been known "in
Italy for many years, the hoary pontiff marched at the head
of his troops, amidst frost and storms, to the attack of
Mirandula. He directed in person the planting of tho
artillery ; he regulated the order of the attack ; he exposed
himself fearlessly to the fire of the enemy, till at length he
effected a breach in the walls, and reduced the besieged to
the necessity of a capitulation. In compliance with the
terms agreed on, the inhabitants hastened to open their gates ;
but such was the impetuosity of the pontiff, that, without
waiting for a formal surrender, he mounted a scaling-ladder,
and entered the city sword in hand, through the breach in
the walls.195 Having there received the submission of
Francesca, he delivered up the place to his adherent, Giovan-
Francesco Pico, who justly claimed the supreme authority as
his right of inheritance. After remaining about ten days at
Mirandula, to recover from his military fatigues, Julius pro
ceeded to Ravenna, with a determination to attack the city
of Ferrara, but the vigilance of the duke was equal to the
violence of his enemies, and in several engagements, this
experienced soldier and magnanimous prince defeated the
united arms of the Venetians and the pope with considerable
loss. Some overtures being about this time made for the resto
ration of peace, the pope left Ravenna and repaired to
Bologna, for the purpose of meeting the ambassadors of the
different potentates ; but Julius was not formed for a mediator,
and the interview served only to kindle fresh animosities.
No sooner was the unsuccessful event of the negotiation
known, than the marshal Trivulzio, at the head of a formid
able body of French troops, hastened towards Bologna.

248 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
The pope being apprized of his approach, and not choosing
to confide in the courage or the fidelity of .the inhabitants,'
suddenly quitted the place, and, accompanied by his whole
court, returned to Ravenna. He did not, however, fail to
admonish his faithful subjects to retain their allegiance to
him, and to defend themselves to the last extremity ; and he
intrusted the chief command to Francesco Alidosio, cardinal
of Pavia, who, on the departure of the pope, took the
speediest measures for the defence of the place. The exhort
ations of the pontiff were, however, soon forgotten. As the
enemy approached, the inhabitants began to dread the
lingering torments of a siege, or the sudden horrors of a
direct attack. The exiled family of the Bentivoli had yet
their partisans within the walls. It was to no purpose that the
cardinal entreated the citizens to co-operate in the defence of
the place with the duke of Urbino, who closely watched the
motions of the French army, or that he requested them to
admit a body of one thousand papal troops within the walls.
The revolt became apparent, and the cardinal with some dif
ficulty effected his escape to Imola ; whilst Annibale and
Hermes Bentivoli, who had followed the French army, were
received into the city with joy, and reassumed the govern
ment of their native place. One of the first outrages of
popular fury was the destruction of the beautiful statue of
Julius II. cast in brass by Michael Agnolo, which, after
having been indignantly dragged about the city, was broken
in pieces, and sent by the French commander to the duke of
Ferrara, who formed it into a cannon, to which he gave the
name of "Julio." The head alone was preserved, and
continued for some time to ornament the ducal museum at
Ferrara.196 The loss of the city of Bologna, which was soon followed
by the defeat and dispersion of the papal troops in its
vicinity,197 led the way to another incident which occasioned
the pope still greater distress. From Imola the cardinal of
Pavia had hastened to Ravenna, to excuse himself to the
pope fcr having left the city of Bologna to be occupied by
the arms of the French ; in the course of which exculpation
it was supposed that he intended to charge the duke of
Urbino with having, through inattention or negligence, con-

COUNCIL OF PISA. 249
tributed to this disaster. The pope, who entertained a
favourable opinion of the cardinal, was well disposed to listen
to his representations, and appointed a time when he should
visit him ; but as the cardinal was proceeding on horseback
with his attendants to the proposed interview, he was met in
the street by the duke of Urbino, who passed through the
midst of the guards, and whilst they ranged themselves on
each side to shew him respect, rode up to the cardinal and
stabbed him with a dagger, so that he fell instantly dead from
his horse.198 Such an atrocious and sacrilegious act of
treachery excited at once the grief and the indignation of the
pontiff,199 who, with severe denunciations against the perpe
trator of the crime, instantly quitted Ravenna and hastened
to Rome, where he instituted a formal process against the
duke, and deprived him of all his dignities. The resentment
of the pope was not, however, of long continuance. At the
expiration of five months he allowed himself to be prevailed
upon, by the representations of his courtiers, to restore his
nephew to his honours ; and upon his visiting the city of
Rome, and supplicating pardon for his offence, the pope
absolved him from his homicide in the presence of all the
cardinals, and restored him again to his favour.
Whilst the grief of the pope for the loss of Bologna was
thus increased by the death of the cardinal of Pavia, and he
was hastening from Ravenna to Rome, to pursue measures
against the murderer, he found, on passing through the city
of Rimini, that notices were published of a general council
of the church, which was to be held in the city of Pisa, on
the first day of September, 1511, and at which he was cited
to appear in person. This measure was the result of long
deliberation between Louis XII. and the emperor elect,
Maximilian, who having prevailed on several of the cardinals
to unite in their views, at length succeeded in exciting against
the pope. this formidable opposition. At the head of this
council was Bernardo Carvajal, cardinal of Santa Croce, who
was equally distinguished by his literary acquirements and
political talents, and held a high rank in the college. He
was powerfully supported by the cardinal Sanseverino, who,
being of a Milanese family, and devoted to the cause of the
French, was supposed to have prevailed upon the cardinal of

£50 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
Santa Croce to engage in this hazardous undertaking, by
representing to him the probability of his obtaining the
pontifical dignity on the abdication or expulsion of Julius II.
Among the other cardinals who concurred in this measure
were those of S. Malo, Bajosa, and Cosenza. The influence
which Louis XII. had acquired over the republic of Florence
had induced the magistrates, after great hesitation, to concede
to him the city of Pisa as the place of assembly ; but their
assent was rather tacit than avowed, and with such secrecy
were the preliminaries adjusted, that Julius was not informed
of them until he found himself called upon to appear as a
public delinquent, and his authority openly opposed
throughout the whole Christian world. Such a decided
instance of disobedience to the supreme head of the church
would, at any other time, have moved the indignation of the
pontiff, but as it occurred at a moment when his mind was
already agitated with his misfortunes, it almost overwhelmed
him, and a severe indisposition had nearly completed the
wishes of his enemies. This council did not, however, open
under the happiest auspices. The appearance of seven
cardinals and a few bishops formed a very inadequate repre
sentation of the Christian church ; and the clergy of the city
of Pisa not only refused to take any part in the deliberations
of the assembly, but even to allow them the implements for
celebrating mass, and closed the doors of the cathedral against
them. Nor were the inhabitants of Pisa less dissatisfied, that
the Florentines had subjected their city to the disgrace and
danger which were likely to be the result of this measure ;
and in a contest which took place between them and the
French troops, on the bridge of the Arno, the French com
mander, Lautrec, who had been appointed to protect the
council, would in all probability have lost his life, had he not
been preserved by the courage and the promptitude of his
son.* A sudden terror struck the assembled ecclesiastics,
who began to suspect that they might be betrayed by the
inhabitants and delivered up to the pontiff. They therefore
quitted the city of Pisa, within the space of fifteen days from
the time of their meeting, f and repaired to Milan; where,
• Jovii, Vita Leonis X. lib. ii. p. 3£t
t Guicciard. lib. x. vol. i. p. 559.

THE HOLY LEAGUE. 251
under the immediate protection of the French monaioh, they
constituted themselves a legal assembly, and began to issue
their decrees.
No sooner was the health of the pope in some degree
restored, than he took the most effectual steps to obviate the
ill effects of this alarming opposition. He appointed a gene
ral council of the church to be held at Rome in the course of
the ensuing year, and he admonished the refractory cardinals
to return to their duty within sixty-five days, under pain of
the deprivation of their dignities and forfeiture of their eccle
siastical revenues. By the most earnest representations to
Ferdinand of Aragon, and the grant to him of the tenths of
the clergy throughout his dominions, he prevailed upon that
monarch to unite with him and the Venetians in a treaty for
the defence of the church. For the purpose of giving greater
credit to this alliance, it was denominated the holy league*
and was celebrated at Rome with great rejoicings. The king
of Aragon agreed to furnish twelve hundred men at arms,
and ten thousand foot, under the command of Don Raymond
de Cardona, viceroy of Naples, with a train of artillery and
eleven galleys of war ; the pope, six hundred men at arms,
and the Venetians, their whole forces- by land and sea. The
influence which Ferdinand possessed with his son-in-law,
Henry VIII. of England, and the promise of the assistance
of the allies in acquiring for that young and ambitious prince
the province of Guienne, induced him to become a party in
this alliance, and another treaty for this purpose was signed
at London, by Thomas Howard, earl of Surrey, and George
Talbot, earl of Shrewsbury, on behalf of Henry, on the seven
teenth day of November, which was confirmed by Ferdinand
at Burgos on the twentieth day of December, 1511.200 In
addition to these formidable preparations, Julius again took
into his service a large body of Swiss, for the purpose of
making a descent into the Milanese, whilst the pope and his
allies were to engage the attention of the French in other
parts of Italy, and Henry VIII. was to send an army into
Guienne. On this occasion the Swiss mercenaries carried
the celebrated standard which had often been the terror of
* Liinig, Cod. Ital. Diplomat, vol. ii. p. 7U8.

252 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
their enemies, and on which was inscribed in letters of gold,
Domatores Principum. Amotores JuSTICL-E. Defen-
sores Sanct-E Romance Ecclesle. An inscription, the
tenour of which they were not, however, at all times suffi
ciently careful to observe.
The conduct of the Florentine republic, in permitting the
pretended council of the church to assemble in Pisa, had
subjected the magistrates, and particularly the gonfaloniere,
Pietro Soderini, to the resentment of the pontiff, who resolved
to avail himself of the first opportunity of punishing with due
severity so heinous an offence. The most effectual method
which occurred to him for this purpose, as well as to secure
the city in future to his own interests, was to restore the
family of Medici to their former authority in that place.
During all the vexation and dangers which the pontiff had
experienced, the cardinal de' Medici had adhered to him with
constant fidelity, and had obtained his confidence in an
eminent degree. In selecting, at this important crisis, a fit
person to superintend the papal army, and to direct the
operations of the war, the choice of the pontiff fell on the
cardinal, who was invested with the supreme command under
the title of legate of Bologna.201 At the same time, in order
to stimulate-the exertions of the cardinal, and to punish the
•Florentines for the part which they had taken, it was under
stood, that on the expulsion of the French from Bologna and
other parts of the dominions of the church, the cardinal
should be allowed to make use of the forces under his com
mand for the re-establishment of his authority in Florence.
Already the friends and relations of the Medici within the .
city had opposed themselves to the party of the gonfaloniere
with great boldness. A conspiracy was formed against his
life, which is attributed, but without any authentic evidence,
to the machinations of the pope and the cardinal de' Medici.
Princivalle della Stufa, the principal agent in the transaction,
was apprehended within the city, but such was the indiffer
ence of the people to the safety of their chief magistrate, or
the reluctance of Soderini to exert his declining authority,
that Princivalle was suffered to escape with only a sentence
of banishment pronounced against him.* Alarmed at these
* Comment, di Nerli, lib. v. p. 104,

BOLOGNA BESIEGED BY THE ALLIES. 253
indications, Soderini endeavoured to prevail on the Floren
tines to espouse the cause of Louis XII. and to take a decided
part in the approaching contest ; but in this his efforts were
frustrated by the more prudent counsels of his fellow-magis
trates, who judged it highly inexpedient to risk their political
existence on the event. A temporizing line of conduct was
therefore resolved upon, as most suitable to the situation and
resources of the republic ; and the celebrated historian, Guic-
ciardini, was, on this occasion, despatched as ambassador to
the king of Spain, although he was then so young as to be
disqualified by the laws of the republic from exercising any
office of public trust. These measures, instead of satisfying
any of the contending parties, gave offence to all, and the
Florentine envoy seems sufficiently to have felt the difficulties
of the task imposed upon him.*
Whilst the pope, the Venetians, and the king of Aragon,
were thus combining their efforts for the purpose of expelling
the French from Italy, the celebrated Gaston de Foix, nephew
to Louis XII., then only twenty-three years of age, had
assumed the command of his countrymen, and given early
proofs of his courage and military talents. He did not,
however, wholly rely upon these qualifications for the success
of his enterprises. Scarcely had the Swiss made their
appearance in the states of Milan, than he found means to
open a treaty with them, and by the timely application of a
large sum of money to their commander and other principal
leaders, prevailed upon these adventurers, who carried on war
only as a matter of trade, to return once more across the
Alps.t After having thus secured the states of Milan, he
proceeded to the relief of Bologna, the siege of which had
been commenced by the allied army on the twenty-sixth day
of January, 1512. The supreme direction of the papal troops
was on this occasion intrusted to the cardinal de' Medici, as
legate of Bologna, under whom Marc-Antonio Colonna acted
as general of the church. The Spaniards were led by Don
Raymond de Cardona, assisted by Fabrizio Colonna and
Pietro Navarro. The Bentivoli within the walls were also
encompassed by powerful adherents, and a party of French
* Guicciard. lib. x. vol. i. p. 567.
t Murat. Ann. vol. x. p, 72.

254 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
troops under the command of Lautrec and Ivo d'Allegri were
within the city. The allies had now made their approaches
in due military form, and a considerable portion of the walls
was at length destroyed by the continued fire of their artil
lery. Whilst this open attack continued, Pietro Navarro
had with great assiduity formed an excavation under the
city for a mine of gunpowder, which he at length completed.
At the appointed moment, the match was applied to the
combustibles, which were intended to have laid the city in
ruins. It happened, however, fortunately for the inhabi
tants, that these materials had been deposited under the
chapel of the holy virgin del Barracane ; so that when the
explosion took place, the chapel rose up into the air, but
instantly returned without injury to its former station. As
the chapel adjoined the walls, the besiegers had a temporary
view of the interior of the city, and of the soldiers engaged
in its defence ; but from this they derived little satisfaction,
as the wall immediately returned to its place, and united
together as if it had not been moved ! Such is the grave
account given of this incident by contemporary historians,
which has been as gravely assented to by writers of more
modern times. After so decisive a proof of the inefficacy
of all further attempts, it can occasion no surprise that the
French general de Foix entered the city at the head of six
teen thousand men, without the besieging army having been
aware of his approach.* The allies had now no alternative
but to raise the siege ; after which they retreated in great
haste for safety to Imola.
But whatever doubts may remain respecting the manner
in which the siege of Bologna was raised, there can be no
difficulty in ascertaining the causes of it, when we are in
formed that an open difference of opinion had subsisted
between the Spanish general Cardona and the cardinal legate
de' Medici ; the latter of whom, wearied with the slow pro
ceedings of the allied generals, and well acquainted with the
impatient temper of the pope, endeavoured to prevail on
Cardona to persevere vigorously in the attack. He lamented
that so much time had been suffered to elapse without any
* Guicciard. lib. a. vol. i. p. 573. Murat. Ann. vol. x. p. 75.

INTERFERENCE OF THE CARDINAL LEGATE. 255
impression being made on the city, of which they might
then have been in possession ; he entreated the Spanish
general not to persist in so fatal an error ; he represented
to him the danger and disgrace of appearing in a hostile
manner at the gates of a city, without having the courage
to commence an attack ; and assured him that he knew not
what reply to make to the couriers who arrived daily from
the pope, whom he could no longer amuse with vain expec
tation., and empty promises. Displeased with the impor
tunity of the legate, the Spanish general complained in hia
turn, that the legate, who from the nature of his education
had no experience in military affairs, should by his intem
perate solicitations prepare the way for rash and incon
siderate measures ; that the interests of all Christendom
were concerned in the event of this contest, and that too
much caution could not be employed on such an occasion ;
that it was the custom of the pontifical see and of repub
lican states to engage precipitately in war, but that they
were soon wearied with the expense and trouble attending
it, and sought to terminate it on any terms ; that the legate
ought in this instance to submit his opinion to that of the
military commanders, who had the same objects as himself
in view, with much greater experience in such concerns.
The result, however, demonstrated that on this occasion the
churchman was the better gfeneral ; nor does it seem to have
required much penetration to have discovered, that in the
situation in which the allies were placed, the capture of
Bologna, before the French army could arrive to its relief,
was the great object towards which the assailants ought to
have directed all their efforts. It was not therefore without
reason that the cardinal suspected that the inactivity of
the Spanish general was to be attributed to the orders of
his sovereign, who, whilst he professed to be desirous of
adopting decisive measures in concert with his allies, always
directed the operations of his generals in such a manner
as he thought most conducive to his own private interests.*
The disappointment and disgrace which the allies had
experienced before Bologna were, however, in some degree
* Guicciard. lib. a. vol. i. p. ".71.

256 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
counterbalanced by the successes of the Venetians, who about
the same time recovered the important cities of Brescia and
Bergamo, whence they proceeded to the attack of Crema;
but the timely arrival of Trivulzio preserved that place to the
French. On receiving information of these transactions,
Gaston de Foix resolved to lose no time in repairing the
losses of the French arms. Leaving, therefore, a body of four
thousand foot, with a reinforcement of cavalry and archers,
for the defence of Bologna, he proceeded by rapid marches
towards Brescia, and having in his route defeated two bodies
of the allied troops, one of them under the command of Gian-
Paolo Baglione, and the other of the count Guido Rangone,
he arrived in the vicinity of that city, having, as we are as
sured, on the last day of his march, led his cavalry fifteen
Italian miles without once drawing the reins.*
On the arrival of the French general before Brescia, he
found, that although the Venetians had possessed themselves
of the town, they had not been able to reduce the citadel,
which was yet held by the French. His first object was,
therefore, to reinforce the garrison, which he effected under
cover of the night, by introducing three thousand foot and
four hundred dismounted cavalry. The defence of the place
was intrusted by the Venetians to their commissary, Andrea
Gritti, upon whom was imposed the double task of attending
to the attack of the citadel and the safety of the town. He
was, however, supported by a formidable body of troops.
The inhabitants of the vicinity were favourable to his cause.
Great numbers of them had joined his arms, and the citizens,
disgusted with the severity and disorders of the French
government, had avowed their determination to sacrifice their
lives in the struggle, rather than be compelled to return
under its dominion. The summons of the French general,
who promised the inhabitants the pardon of the king on their
again submitting to his arms, and threatened to sack the city
in case of their refusal, produced no other answer than that
they were ready to defend themselves to the last extremity.
The day preceding the expected attack, the women and
children were conducted to the monasteries, and all money
* Murat. Ann. vol. ... p. 77

DE EOIX ATTACKS RAVENNA. 257
and articles of value were concealed with as much privacy as
possible. In the morning of the nineteenth day of February,
1512, the French garrison made an irruption from the citadel
in great force, whilst de Foix led on his army to attack the
ramparts. A bloody engagement ensued between the garrison
and the Venetian soldiery, in the great square of the city, in
which two thousand of the latter perished. Despairing of all
iiirther resistance, the count Luigi Avogadro, one of the
Venetian commanders, at the head of two hundred horse,
rushed through the gate of S. Nazaro, in the hopes of effect
ing his escape, and of this opportunity de Foix availed himself
to complete the rout of the Venetians and the ruin of the
inhabitants. The whole French army entered the city sword
in hand, and a most dreadful and indiscriminate carnage
ensued, in which upwards of eight thousand persons fell a
sacrifice to that vindictive rage, which has in all ages dis
gracefully characterized mankind on similar occasions.202 The
Venetian commissary, Andrea Gritti, with the chief com
manders within the city, were made prisoners. Luigi Avogadro
being taken in his flight was put to death as a traitor, by the
orders of de Foix, with circumstances of peculiar barbarity.*
Enormous sums were exacted from the citizens as their
ransom. For seven days the place was delivered up to the
violence and rapine of the soldiery. Even the monasteries
were forced and plundered ; but, amidst this scene of horror
and of bloodshed, the authority of de Foix is said to have
been exerted in preserving the honour of the women who had
resorted thither for shelter. Many of the French soldiers
were executed by his orders for violating the sanctuary of
the convents, and he at length gave peremptory orders that
the army should quit the city and return to their encamp
ments. The vigour and rapidity of this young conqueror, who had
in the space of fifteen days raised the siege of Bologna, de
feated several detachments of the allies, and captured the city
of Brescia, alarmed his enemies, and astonished all Italy.
The city and district of Bermago, without waiting for the
approach of the French, again raised the standard of Louis
XII., and there was reason to believe that the whole conti-
* Jovii, Vita Leon. X. lib. ii. p. 41.
VOli. I. *

258 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
nental possessions of the Venetian republic would follow the
example. Whatever might be the sensations of the senate,
Julius II. displayed, however, no symptoms of dismay. On
the contrary, his undaunted spirit seemed to rise with the
occasion, and no measures were omitted by him which might
encourage his allies, and give effect to the great design which
he yet entertained of expelling the French from Italy. By
the bribe of fifty thousand florins he prevailed upon the
emperor elect, Maximilian, to conclude with the Venetians a
treaty for ten months.* He incited Henry VIII. of Eng
land to prepare a powerful naval armament, for the purpose
of attacking the coasts of Normandy and Bretagne, and he
induced Ferdinand of Aragon to commence hostilities in
France, by sending an army across the Pyrenees. Assailed
on all sides by powerful adversaries, Louis XII. perceived
that he must rely for his security on the prompt and suc
cessful efforts of his Italian troops. He therefore directed
Gaston de Foix to use all bis diligence to bring the allies to
a definitive engagement. To such a commander little incite
ment was necessary ; and Gaston immediately hastened to
Ferrara, to determine with the duke on the measures neces
sary to be adopted. He had at this time under his command
eighteen hundred men at arms, four thousand archers," and
sixteen thousand infantry ; and being joined by the duke of
Ferrara, with an additional body of troops and an extensive
train of artillery, he proceeded towards Romagna. The car
dinal legate de' Medici and the viceroy Cardona, who were
at the head of fifteen hundred men at arms, three thousand
light horse, and eighteen thousand foot, retired towards the
mountain of Faenza, choosing rather to harass the army of
the French, and to cut off their supplies, than to risk the fate
of Italy on the event of a single battle. The French general
was determined, however, not to remain inactive, and direct
ing his course towards Ravenna, he stormed in his progress
the fortress of Russi, where he put to the sword not less than
a thousand persons. Arriving under the walls of Ravenna,
he instantly commenced the attack. The artillery of the duke
of Ferrara, which was on all occasions irresistible, soon
effected a breach in the walls, and the French rushed on to
* Vide Lunig, Cod. Ital. Diplomat, vol. ii. p. 2003

BATTLE BEFORE RAVENNA. 259
the assault. It appeared, however, that on this occasion the
vigilance of the allies had been equal to the activity of the
French commander. Marc- Antonio Cclonna, with a powerful
body of troops, had entered the city to assist in its defence.
An obstinate engagement took place on the ramparts, which
continued for four hours, and in which about fifteen hundred
soldiers were killed ; but notwithstanding the utmost efforts
of the assailants, they were at length obliged to relinquish the
attempt.* But although the French general had failed for the present
in his attack upon Ravenna, in another respect he accom
plished the purpose which he had in view, by compelling the
commanders of the allied army to abandon their system of
procrastination, and to hasten towards that city for its more
effectual relief. Whilst Gaston de Foix was rallying his
soldiers to a second attack, he received intelligence of the
approach of the enemy, and before he was prepared to oppose
them in the field, he found that they had raised intrenchments
within three miles of Ravenna. In this conjuncture, his
situation was critical. To persist in the siege of the eity was
impossible, whilst an army equal in number to his own lay
ready to seize the first opportunity of a favourable attack. To
assail the allies in their intrenchments, and force them to an
engagement, whilst his enemies might harass him from the
fortress of Ravenna, seemed almost equally inexpedient.
The sufferings of the soldiers and horses, from the want of
accommodation and provisions, would not, however, brook
delay, and Gaston resolved, at all events, to storm the enemy
in their intrenchments, and force them to an open conflict.
The order of this dreadful battle, which took place on the
eleventh day of April, 1512, and in which the flower of both
armies was destined to perish, is described at great length
both by the French and Italian historians. + Among the
French commanders the most conspicuous was the cardinal
Sanseverino, legate of the council of Milan, who, clad in com
plete armour, marched at the head of the troops, and being of
a tall and imposing figure, appeared like another S. George.
The cardinal de' Medici, as legate of the church, held the
* Murat. Ann. vol. x. p. 80.
t Jovius, Guicciard., Ligue de Cambray.
82

260 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
chief authority in the allied army ; but although in the midst
of a camp, his habiliments were those of peace, and ho
differed no less from his brother cardinal in his mild and
humane disposition, than in the pacific demonstrations of his
external appearance. For the more active part of warlike
operations the cardinal de' Medici was indeed in a great
degree disqualified by the imperfection of his sight, but in
maintaining the good order of the camp he was indefatigable,
and he frequently and strenuously exhorted both the comman
ders and the soldiery to contend with courage and unanimity,
for the protection of themselves and their possessions, the pre
servation of the holy see, and for the common liberties ot
Italy.* The Spanish troops, on which the principal reliance
was placed, were led by the viceroy Cardona ; the Italians by
Fabrizio Colonna ; and the command of the light-armed
cavalry was intrusted to the young and accomplished Ferdi-
nando Davalos, marquis of Pescara, who had lately married
Vittoria, the daughter of Fabrizio CBlonna, one of the fairest
patterns of female excellence and conjugal affection that the
world has hitherto seen.
The reputation which Pietro Navarro had acquired by his
superior skill as an engineer had not only raised him to a high
command in the allied army, but had given great authority
to his opinion. On this occasion, he earnestly recommended
that the army should remain in its intrenchments, and should
trust for success in the first instance to its artillery, which he
had advantageously arranged in front of their works. In
this opinion he was opposed by Fabrizio Colonna, who con
tended, that as the French army were under the necessity of
crossing the river Ronco to proceed to the attack, it would be
more advisable to oppose them as they approached in detached
bodies, than to wait till the whole army had formed itself in
order to assault the intrenchments. The advice of the
Spaniard prevailed, and the French army arrived unmolested
within a short distance of the allied camp. Perceiving, how
ever, that the allies, did not choose to quit their intrenchments,
they formed their line, with the artillery in front, and for the
space of two hours the adverse armies employed themselves in
* Guicciard. lib. x. vol. i. p. 588.

CARDINAL DE MEDICI MADE PRISONER. 261
cannonading each other; in the course of which a great
slaughter was made without any decisive effect being pro
duced. In this contest the allies had, from their situation, a
manifest advantage ; but the duke of Ferrara, perceiving the
fortune of the day inclining against the French, hastened with
his artillery to their relief, and having obtained an advan
tageous position, which commanded the intrenchments,
attacked the allies in flank with such impetuosity, that they
could no longer resist his fury.* The mingled slaughter of
men and of horses, who fell without an opportunity of resist
ance, roused the resentment of Fabrizio Colonna, who, with
bitter reproaches against the Spanish generals, at length
rushed from his intrenchments, and was followed by the rest
of the allies. The hostile shock of these armies, each of their.
inflamed by national enmity, and exasperated to the highest
degree by the preceding events of the war, was bloody and
destructive beyond all that had been known in Italy for many
years. The whole body was in immediate action. The cou
rage of the Spanish infantry changed more than once the for
tune of the day. In the declining state of the allied army,
the marquis of Pescara made an impetuous attack on the
wing of the enemy with the whole of the light cavalry, but
was repulsed with great loss, and after a severe conflict the
allies were compelled to give way, and to seek their safety by
flight. All their artillery, standards, and equipage, fell into
the hands of the enemy, and upwards of nine thousand of the
allies lay dead on the field. The cardinal legate de' Medici,
Fabrizio Colonna, the marquis of Pescara, Pietro Navarro, and
many other eminent commanders, and men of high rank, were
made prisoners. The viceroy Cardona effected his escape to
Cesena, where he endeavoured to collect together the scat
tered remains of his troops. But if the Italians and Spa
niards had just reason for lamentation, the French had no
cause for rejoicing. The number of their slain is authenti
cally stated to have exceeded even that of the allies, and to
have amounted to no less than ten thousand five hundred
men.f Among this number were the celebrated Ivo d'Alle-
* Ariosto attributes the success of the French on this occasion to the
courage and conduct of the duke of Ferrara. Orl. Fur. cant. iii. st. f)5.
f Murat. Ann. vol. x. p. 82.

262 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
gri, who had for several years fought the battles of his sove
reign in Italy, and two of his sons. The sieur de Lautrec,
uncle to de Foix, and second in command, was found on the
field of battle covered with wounds ; from which he, however,
recovered. But the greatest disaster of the French army was
the death of the general in chief, the celebrated Gaston de
Foix, who, burning with an insatiable thirst of slaughter,
engaged, at the head of one thousand horse, in the pursuit
of three thousand Spanish infantry, and in the midst of his
career received a shot from , a harquebus, which instantly
terminated his days. The untimely fate of this young hero
damped the ardour of his countrymen in the moment of
victory, and his memory has seldom been adverted to, even
by the Italians themselves, without the highest admiration
and applause.203 The benignant philosopher, in the recesses
of his closet, may perhaps lament that such extraordinary
talents were exerted, not for the benefit, but the destruction
of mankind ; and the generous soldier may regret, that on
some occasions, this great man sullied the glory of his arms
by unnecessary acts of vindictive barbarity ; but it would be
invidious in a modern historian to attempt to tear the laurels
which have now bloomed for nearly three centuries round his
tomb. The victorious army now returned to the attack of Ra
venna. Marc- Antonio Colonna, despairing of the defence of
the place, withdrew his troops into the citadel, where he de
fended himself for four days, at the expiration of which time
he quitted the city under a capitulation, by which it was
agreed that he and his followers should not, for the space of
three months, carry arms against the king of France or the
council of Pisa.* A deputation from the inhabitants had
also endeavoured to arrange with the French commander the
terms of surrender ; but a party of Gascons having led the
way through the breach of the walls into the city, a general
and indiscriminate slaughter of the inhabitants took place,
without regard either to age or sex. Even the monasteries
on this occasion afforded no shelter to the unhappy victims of
brutal ferocity ; until the sieur de la Palisse, on whom the
* Ligue de Camb. liv. iii. torn. ii. p. 154.

PLUNDER OF RAVENNA. 263
chief command of the French army had devolved, being
informed of these disgraceful enormities, hastened into the
city with the laudable resolution of repressing them to the
utmost of his power. He first directed his steps towards a
convent, into which thirty-four of his soldiers had intruded
themselves by violence, and ordering his attendants to seize
upon them, he had them instantly hanged through the win
dows.* This decisive measure was followed by a procla
mation, threatening the same fate to all who should not in
stantly relinquish their depredations and return to their duty;
and having thus restrained his soldiery, he led them again
to their encampments. The cities of Imola, Forli, Cesena,
Rimini, and several other places, alarmed at these disastrous
events, sent deputies to testify their obedience to the king of
France, and almost the whole extent of Romagna was once
more occupied by his arms.
In this bloody contest, in which so many of his friends and
adherents had fallen, the cardinal de' Medici gave eminent
proofs of constancy and firmness of mind. Although un
armed and defenceless in the midst of the battle, he still con
tinued to encourage his troops, and displayed an example of
that patient fortitude which is perhaps more difficult than the
fiercer spirit of active hostility. Even when the fate of the
day was decided, he did not immediately attempt to quit the
field, but devoted himself to the care of the dying, and to the
administration of that spiritual comfort, which consoled the
last moments of life by the animating hopes of immortality. t
Whilst engaged in the performance of these duties, he was
seized upon by two horsemen, who, regardless of his high
dignity, were proceeding to treat him with insult ; but from
their hands he was rescued by the courage and promptitude of
the cavalier Piatese of Bologna, who having killed one of the
assailants, wounded the other and dragged him from his horse.
A body of Greek cavalry in the French service soon after
wards made their appearance, and rendered all further resist
ance on the part of the cardinal fruitless. By tbem he was
delivered over to Federigo Gonzaga of Bozzolo, to whom, as
to an officer of high rank and honour, he willingly surren ¦
» Murat. Ann. d^Ital vol. a. p. 83. f Brand. Leo. p. 85

""* THE LIFE OF LEO X.
dered himself.* Being transferred by Gonzaga to the custody
of the cardinal Sanseverino, he was received by that warlike
prelate with all the kindness and attention which the equality
of their rank and their former intimacy gave him a right to
expect. By his indulgence the cardinal de' Medici obtained
permission for his cousin Giulio, knight of Rhodes, who had
fled with the viceroy Cardona, to pay him a visit under the
sanction of a safe conduct. On his arrival at the French camp
the cardinal de' Medici lost no time in despatching him to
the pope, under the pretext of recommending himself and his
interests, during his imprisonment, to his holiness and to the
consistory ; but in fact to give them the fullest representation
of the state of both armies, and of the si (nation of the different
parties, in consequence of the important events which had of
late taken place.
The intelligence of the battle of Ravenna had been con
veyed to Rome within two days after it had occurred, by the
vigilance of Ottaviano Fregoso, and the consternation which
it occasioned had nearly induced the pope to quit the city ;
for which purpose he had already ordered the commander of
his galleys to make preparations. + Amidst the clamours of
the cardinals, who earnestly entreated him to listen to terms
of peace, and the instigations of the Venetian and Spanish
ambassadors, who with equal warmth exhorted him to perse
vere in hostilities, Giulio de' Medici arrived, and by the ful.
information which he brought, relieved in a great degree the
apprehensions of the pontiff. He was immediately introduced
into a full consistory, where he represented to the assembled
ecclesiastics the debilitated state of the French army ; the
number of able oommanders of whom it had been deprived,
and of soldiers who were disabled by their wounds from im
mediate service. He informed them that the sacking of Ra
venna had contributed to relax the discipline of the French
army ; the commanders of which appeared to be undetermined
what course they should take, and waited for directions from
the king ; that jealousies had arisen between la Palisse and
the cardinal Sanseverino, who wished to unite in himself the
offices of both legate and general; that rumours were frequent
* Joviiin Vita Leon. lib. ii. p. 46. Amtnirato, vcl. x. p 69.
? Guicciard. lib. x. vol. i. p. 594.

EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE TO THE FRENCH. 265
in the French camp of the approach of the Swiss, and that,
under all these circumstances, no immediate danger was to be
apprehended from the further progress of the French. These
representations were well founded. The battle of Ravenna
was, in every point of view, more fatal to the French than to
the allies. The resistance which they had met with had
diminished that confidence in their superior courage, which
had on many occasions contributed to their victories. Their
favourite leaders had fallen, and the prime of their soldiery,
the vigour and nerve of their army, was destroyed. From
this fatal day the affairs of the French king began lapidly to
decline, and the victory of Ravenna prepared the way for the
total expulsion of his arms from Italy.
From the vicinity of Ravenna the cardinal de' Medici was
conveyed to Bologna, where he was received by the Benti
voli, the ancient friends of his family, with such kindness as
left him nothing to regret but the loss of his liberty. He
wets soon afterwards transferred, in company with many other
noble prisoners, from Bologna to Milan ; whence they were to
be sent by the orders of Louis XII. into France. On passing
tlirough the city of Modena he experienced the friendship and
liberality of Bianca Rangone, one of the daughters of Gio
vanni Bentivolio, who deprived herself of her ornaments and
jewels, to enable him to provide for his wants during his
imprisonment.* That generosity for which she exacted no
return was, however, repaid some time afterwards with ample
interest, and the grateful munificence which she herself
experienced, and the elevation of her sons to the chief offices
of the Roman state, were the result of her disinterested
bounty. On his arrival at Milan he was allowed to reside with the
cardinal Sanseverino, and was frequently visited by the chief
nobility of the place, the Visconti, Trivulzi, and Pallavicini,
by whom he was treated with no less respect than if, instead
of a prisoner, he had arrived there as a conqueror and a friend.-)-
At this place he found that the self-constituted council of the
church continued its meetings with great formality. The late
* Jovius, in Vita Leon. X. et vide Bandello Nov. vol. ii. Nov. 34, *.
Tirab. vii. par. i. p. 83.
f Jovius, in Vita Leon. X. lib. ii. p. 48.

266 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
victories of the French had given additional importance to its
proceedings and frequent publications were made at the doors
of the great church for Julius II. to appear and defend his
cause. Whatever anxiety these measures might produce at
Rome, they only excited the derision of the populace at Milan,
who were accustomed to salute the cardinal Carvajal, as he
passed through the streets, by the appellation of papa, in
allusion to the expectation which he was supposed to enter
tain of filling the pontifical chair on the deprivation of JuliusII.
Nor could all the efforts of the soldiery preserve the
associated prelates and ecclesiastics from similar proofs of
disapprobation. The prudent conduct of the cardinal de'
Medici, who, notwithstanding his misfortunes, supported the
dignity of his rank and the authority of the apostolic see, con
tributed still further to diminish their influence and discredit
their proceedings. By the conveyance of his cousin Giulio
de' Medici, he received from the pontiff a plenary power of
absolving from their offences all those who, in obedience to
the commands of their king, had taken arms against the
church. No sooner was his commission made public than he
was surrounded by crowds of suppliants, eager to obtain from
its legitimate fountain a portion of that healing water which
could obliterate all their stains. Such was the thirst of the
soldiery for this spiritual refreshment, that even the threats
of the council were ineffectual to prevent their resorting to
the cardinal ; and the city of Milan on this occasion exhibited
the singular spectacle of a prisoner absolving his enemies from
the very crime that had been the cause of his imprisonment,
and distributing his pardon to those, who instead of manifest
ing any substantial symptoms of repentance, demonstrated,
even by their detention of him, that they yet persevered in
their sins.

LATERAN COUNCIL OPENED BY JULIUS II. 267

CHAPTER IX.

1512—1513.

Julius II. opens the council of the Lateran — Louis XII. is desirous of a
reconciliation with the pope — Is deluded by him — Expulsion of the
French from Italy — The cardinal de' Medici obtains his liberty-
Bologna restored to the Roman see — The Colonna release the duke of
Ferrara from his dangerous situation at Rome — Ariosto ambassador
from the duke to the pope — Diet of Mantua — The Medici attempt to
effect their restoration — The Florentines resolve to defend themselves
— Indecision of Pietro Soderini — He escapes into the Turkish domi
nions — Restoration of the Medici to Florence — Extinction of the
popular government — Restoration of Maximilian Sforza, duke of Milan
— Measures adopted by the Medici to secure their power — Conspiracy
against them discovered — Death of Julius II. — His character and con
duct considered — His encouragement of learning— Elegant library
formed by him — Letter from Bembo to the pope on the revival of
abbreviated or short-hand writing.
The information brought to Rome by Giulio de' Medici of the
disabled state of the French army was daily confirmed by
further accounts, which effectually relieved the mind of the
pope from the apprehensions which he had at first entertained.
Julius II. easily perceived, that if the French were unable to
reap the promised fruits of their victory, they would soon be
obliged to act on the defensive, and his deliberations on this
subject inspired him with fresh hopes that he should soon see
his desires accomplished in their total expulsion from Italy.
In the mean time he resolved to counteract the dangerous
effects of the assembly at Milan, which was now usuaify
denominated the conciliabulum, by opening a general council
in the church of S. John Lateran ; which he accordingly did
with great solemnity, on the third day of May, in the year
151?. On this occasion he presided in person, accompanied
by thr college of cardinals, and such other dignified ecclesi
astics as were then in Rome. Several of the Italian princes

268 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
and nobles of high rank also attended the assembly ; and the
emperor elect, Maximilian, the kings of England and of
Aragon, the republic of Venice, and most of the Italian states,
declared by their ambassadors their abhorrence of the council
of Milan, and their faithful adherence to that of the Lateran,
as the only true and legitimate representation of the Christian
church.204 The directions given by Louis XII. to his general, la
Palisse, were to follow up the advantages obtained by the
victory of Ravenna, and to proceed immediately to Rome ;
but a more accurate estimate of the situation of his army
induced him to countermand these orders; and the French
troops, in fact, soon found sufficient employment in opposing
the increasing power of the allies. At the same time Louis
began to entertain serious apprehensions for the safety of his
own dominions. Henry VIII. had already notified to him,
that the treaties of amity which subsisted between them were
accompanied by a condition that he should not make war
against either the pope or the king of Aragon ; and that the
infraction of this article would be considered as the commence
ment of hostilities. The first information which Ferdinand
of Aragon is said to have received of the defeat of his troops
at Ravenna was by a letter to his young queen from her
nncle Louis XII., in which he endeavoured to console her
for the loss of her brother, the gallant Gaston de Foix, by
informing her that he died with great glory in the moment of
victory.* With whatever emotions she received this intelli
gence, it was a sufficient admonition to Ferdinand to send
new reinforcements to his kingdom of Naples, which he feared
might be endangered by the rapid successes of the French ;
and it is said that on this occasion he had intended to have
once more availed himself of the services of the great Gon
salvo. The emperor elect, Maximilian, had now accommo
dated his differences with the Venetians, and decidedly
espoused the cause of the pope ; for which he expected his
reward in the possession of the states of Milan and the duchy
of Burgundy. Alarmed by these numerous and powerful
adversaries, Louis XII. began to conceive that the best use
* Guicciard. lib. x. vol. i. p. 597.

LOUIS XII. DELUDED BY THE POPE. 269
which he could make of the recent successes of his arms,
would be to effect a reconciliation with the pontiff with as
little delay as possible.
In the fluctuating politics of these times, negotiations were
always carried on even in the midst of hostilities, and might
in truth be considered as another mode of warfare, in which
superior talents and sagacity were often employed to make
amends for want of success, or inferiority of military strength.
Whilst the conflict took place before the walls of Ravenna,
a treaty was depending between Louis XII. and the pope, in
which it had, among other articles, been proposed, that
Bologna should be restored to the holy see ; that the duke
of Ferrara, on being absolved from spiritual censures,
should relinquish the places of which he had possessed
himself in Romagna ; and that the council of Milan should
be dissolved; the cardinals and prelates who had adhered
to it, not being prejudiced in their dignities or their
revenues. This treaty, the conditions of which were so
favourable to Julius IL, had been transmitted to Rome for
his final approbation and signature ; and having, as he con
ceived, thus in his power the choice of peace or of war, he
had for some time postponed his decision, in the hopes that
events might occur which might enable him to obtain still
better terms. The defeat of his arms at Ravenna called for
an immediate determination ; and although he had already
begun to recover from his panic, yet he thought it advisable
to confirm the treaty nine days after he had received intelli
gence of that event. So far was he, however, from intending
to adhere with fidelity to his engagement, or so fearful was
he of giving offence to his allies, thit he immediately after
wards called into his presence the Venetian and Spanish
ambassadors, and assured them that his intentions with
respect to the prosecution of the war were in no degree
altered ; and that he had only taken this measure to gain
time, and impose upon the king ; * an assurance which in the
result was amply confirmed. The successes of the French
arms in Italy had at first operated as a powerful motive '
with Louis XIL, who was not less ready than the pope to
» Bembo, 1st. Yen. lib. xii. in Op. vol. i. p. 332.

270 THE LIFE OF IEO X.
take advantage of any change of circumstances in his favour,
to disavow his former propositions ; and he particularly
objected to the restoration of Bologna, which he affected to
consider as the bulwark of his Milanese possessions against
the southern provinces of Italy. The intelligence which he
daily received of the rapid decline of his cause, and the
formidable attacks with which he was threatened by the other
powers of Europe, contributed, however, to remove his
objections, and he thought proper to avail himself of an offer
made by the Florentines to interpose their good offices for
effecting a reconciliation. A meeting accordingly took place
in Florence between the envoys of the king and those of the
pontiff, where the conditions of the treaty were assented to,
with some modifications, on the part of Louis XII., which
did not affect the substantial articles of the agreement.
Julius II. was now, however, well aware of the debilitated
state of his adversary. Whilst the negotiations were de
pending, he had engaged in his service a considerable body
of Swiss mercenaries, and the hesitation shewn on the part of
Louis XII. had afforded him a sufficient pretext for refusing
to confirm the treaty. In order, however, to justify himself
to the world, he directed that the terms proposed should be
read in open consistory, that the cardinals might offer their
opinions on the measures which it might be expedient for him
to pursue. On this occasion Christopher Bambridge, cardinal
of York, in the name of the king of England, and the cardi
nal Arborense, in that of the king of Spain, exhorted the
pope, as it is supposed had previously been agreed on be
tween them, not to abandon the cause of the church, but to
persevere with firmness in opposing the arms of the French.
Instead therefore of testifying his assent to the treaty, Julius
avowed his determination to prosecute the war, and pro
nounced, in the consistory, a monitory to the king of France
to release his prisoner the cardinal de' Medici, under the
penalties contained in the sacred canons. A measure so
decidedly hostile was, however, warmly opposed by the other
members of the college, who entreated the pope that he would
not, by such severity, wholly alienate the mind of the king,
but would postpone the publication of the monitory, and
allow them to address to him a letter, signed by themselves

EXPULSION OF THE FRENCH FROM ITALY. 271
individually, requesting him, as a sovereign bearing the title
of the most Christian prince, to restore to liberty their cap
tive brother.* To this proposal Julius with some difficulty
assented ; but fortunately for the cardinal de' Medici, he had
no occasion to rely on the clemency of the king, who, not
withstanding he is represented by the French historians as
" the best of monarchs," had given frequent proofs, that his
resentment was as implacable in peace, as his cruelty was
unsparing in war.205
At this critical juncture, information was received of the
approach through the Tyrol of a large body of Swiss in the
service of the pontiff. The number for which he had agreed
was six thousand ; but on this occasion they were stimulated,
not only by the certainty of pay and the hopes of plunder,
but by their resentment against Louis XII., who, as they
were led to believe, had undervalued their courage and
despised their services; and on their. arrival in Italy their
number was found to be no less than eighteen thousand.
Descending into the territory of Verona, they were joined by
the Venetian and papal troops ; the former under the com
mand of Gian-Paolo Baglioni, the latter under that of the
duke of Urbino ; and forming in the whole an army of up
wards of thirty thousand men.t La Palisse had attempted
to fortify himself in Valeggio, but finding the place too weak
for defence, and being unable to contend with such superior
numbers, he distributed a great part of his troops in the
strong garrisons of Crema, Brescia, and Bergamo ; and with
the remainder, consisting only of seven hundred lances, two
thousand French infantry, and four thousand Germans,
retired to Pontevico, a place of considerable strength, and
well situated for maintaining a communication between the
last-mentioned cities and the territory of Milan.J On the
morning after his arrival at this place, an order was received
from the emperor elect, Maximilian, that the imperial soldiers
in the pay of the king of France should instantly withdraw
from his service. These troops, which were chiefly composed
of Tyrolese, willing to shew a ready obedience to their
sovereign, and perhaps glad to abandon the declining cause
* Guicciard. l'b. x. vol. i. p. 598. f Murat. vol. x. p. 84,
J Guicciard. lib. x. vol. i. p. 601.

272 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
of the French, departed on the same day from the camp, and
thereby occasioned the total ruin of their late allies. From
Pontevico, la Palisse retreated to Pavia ; but being closely
pursued by his adversaries, who had prepared their artillery
for .an attack, he suddenly quitted that place and took the
road to Asti. This was the final relinquishment of all
attempts on the part of the French to maintain their conquests
in Italy. The inhabitants of Milan, exasperated at the rest
less tyranny of their rulers, had already expelled them from
the city, and terminated the proceedings of the conciliabulum
at the very moment when it had passed a decree for suspend
ing the pope from the exercise of his functions. No sooner
were the inhabitants of Lombardy freed from the apprehen
sions of the French army, than their hatred burst forth in
acts of violence and revenge. All the French soldiers and
merchants found in Milan, amounting in the whole to about
fifteen hundred persons, were indiscriminately slaughtered.
In other towns of the Milanese similar massacres occurred.
Even whilst the French soldiery were retreating towards the
Alps, they were pursued and harassed by the peasantry;
who destroyed without mercy such as from incaution, or
infirmity, were found at a distance from the main body.*
On quitting the city of Milan, the French cardinals had
brought along with them, by the express orders of Louis
XII., the cardinal legate de' Medici ; but the important
change which had taken place in the affairs of Italy, and the
hurry and confusion which prevailed among the retreating
party, soon suggested to him the practicability of an escape.
They had already arrived at the banks of the Po, and were
preparing to cross the stream, when the cardinal, pretending
to be sick, was allowed to repose during the night at the
pieve or rectory of Cairo. Having thus obtained a favour
able opportunity of effecting his purpose, he communicated
his intentions to the abate Bengali o, who had attended on
him with great fidelity, requesting him to use his endeavours
to influence some person of rank or authority in the vicinity
to afford him a temporary refuge. The request of Bengali o
was fortunately made to Rinaldo Zazzi, a man of family,
* Murat. Ann. vol. x. p. 86.

CARDINAL DE MEDICI ESCAPE. 273
who had exercised in his youth the profession of arms, and
was considered as the chief person in the district. His en
treaties, which he is said to have urged with tears, might,
owever, have failed of their effect, had they not been ac
companied by a favourable concurrence of circumstances. The
memory of Lorenzo de' Medici, who had so long been the
pacificator of Italy, and the importance of whose loss had
been so fully shewn, was yet fresh in the public mind, and
induced a favourable disposition towards his family. Nor
was the cardinal himself known by any other qualities than
imcli as conciliated esteem and respect. Such are the motives
to which Jovius has attributed the compliance of Rinaldo ;
but to these he might have added the declining state of the
French cause, which, whilst it rendered the fugitives more
earnest to effect their own escape than to prevent that of the
cardinal, at the same time encouraged the efforts of their
opponents. The consent of Rinaldo was, however, obtained
only upon condition that Isimbardi, another person of some
importance in the neighbourhood, and of an opposite party
to Rinaldo, would also assent to the measure. Isimbardi,
though with great reluctance, was at length prevailed upon
to afford his assistance ; and by the concurrence of these
new and unexpected friends, a small party of the inhabitants
was secretly armed, for the purpose of rescuing the cardinal
from his conductors. No sooner were the necessary prepara
tions made, than information of them was despatched by
Rinaldo to the abate ; but even then, the attempt had nearly
miscarried, by a mistake of the messenger, who meeting with
another ecclesiastic of the same rank as Bengallo, was on the
point of communicating to him the purport of his errand
before he was aware of his error. The French detachment,
among whom was the cardinal, were now preparing to em
bark, but some pretext was still found by him for delay, and
he was among the last who arrived at the banks of the river.
Mounted on his mule, he had now reached the side of the
vessel, when a sudden tumult, raised by Rinaldo and his fol
lowers, afforded him a pretext for turning about, as if to see
from what cause it arose. In a moment he found himself
encircled by his friends, who, without much difficulty, or any
bloodshed, repelled the efforts of those who attempted to pro-
VOL. i. T

274 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
vent his escape. Thus happily liberated, the cardinal now
assumed the habit of a common soldier, and passing the Po
by night, arrived at the castle of Bernardo Malespina, a
relation of Isimbardi. He had here to encounter new
dangers. Bernardo was of the French faction, and the re
commendations of Isimbardi lost their effect. The cardinal
was thrust into a dovehouse and closely guarded, whilst a
messenger was despatched by Malespina to the French
general Trivulzio, to inform him of the illustrious fugitive
who had fallen into his hands, and to request directions in
what manner he should dispose of him. Trivulzio, though in
the service of France, was by birth and disposition an Italian.
He saw that the cause of the French was ruined, and was
unwilling to aggravate the misfortunes of his countryman ;
and by his recommendation, or connivance, the cardinal Was
once more restored to liberty. Arriving at Voghiera, he
met with a priest who supplied him with horses, with which he
hastened to Piacenza, where he first found himself in a place
of safety. He soon afterwards repassed the Po and pro
ceeded to Mantua, at which city he was received with great
kindness by the marquis Francesco Gonzaga, whom he
accompanied to his villa of Anda, where he speedily recovered
from the effects of his fatigues.206
The sudden retreat of the French army from Italy had left
little more to be done by the allies than to divide amongst
themselves the territories which had thus been abandoned to
their fate. The fortresses of Brescia, Cremona, and 'a few
smaller places, were yet held by the French ; but the cities
of Romagna once more avowed their allegiance to the pope.
The states of Parma and Piacenza, which were claimed by
the pontiff as part of the exarchate of Ravenna, also sub
mitted to his authority ; and, if we may judge from the ex
pression of the public voice on this occasion, the satisfaction
of the inhabitants was not less than that of the pope, who
had reunited these important domains to the territories of the
church. w The duke of Urbino, at the head of a powerful
body of troops, summoned Bologna to surrender. The Ben
tivoli, deprived of all hopes of succour, thought themselves
sufficiently fortunate to effect their escape, and on the tenth
day of June, 1512, the city capitulated to the papal arms

THE DUKE OF FERRARA RELEASED. 27.)
To such a degree was the pope exasperated against the in
habitants, who had opposed his authority, torn down his
statue, and treated his name with contempt, that he subjected
them to grievous fines, and deprived them of many of their
privileges, threatening even to demolish the place, and remove
the inhabitants to Cento. The return of the cardinal de'
Medici, who soon afterwards assumed the government as
legate of the district, allayed the apprehensions of the
populace, and restored the tranquillity of the city. The
fuorusciti, or refugees, who had been . expelled on account
of their adherence to the pope, returned at the same time ;
and as the victorious party expressed their joy, whilst tho
friends of the Bentivoli were obliged to repress their vexation,
the whole city seemed to resound only with acclamations and
applause. Although the celebrated Italian commander, Fabrizio
Colonna, had been made a prisoner at the battle of Ravenna,
he was more fortunate than the cardinal de' Medici, having
fallen into the hands of Alfonso, duke of Ferrara, who knew
his worth, and treated him with the respect due to his high
and unimpeachable character. Louis XII. had at different
times requested that Fabrizio might be delivered over to his
generals, to be transferred to France; but the duke found
reasons to excuse his non-compliance, till the total expulsion
of the French from Italy enabled him to gratify the gene
rosity of his own disposition, by freely restoring his captive
to liberty. The bloody contest in which the duke had been
compelled to take so active a part, being now terminated, he
became desirous of obtaining a reconciliation with the pope,
and an absolution from the spiritual censures under which
he yet laboured ; and as Fabrizio, on quitting Ferrara, had
returned to Rome, the duke availed himself of his services
to discover the disposition of the pope, as to the terms on
which he would concede his pardon. Julius expressed no
great reluctance in complying with the wishes of the duke,
but suggested, that some important arrangements were pre
viously requisite, for which reason his presence would be
necessary in Rome. A safe conduct was accordingly granted
by the pope; and the Spanish ambassador, in the name of
his sovereign, also pledged himself to the duke fcr his secure
t 2

276 THE LIFE OF LEO X,
return- In the month of June, 1512, he quitted his capital,
and on his arrival at Rome was admitted into the consistory,
where he humbly requested pardon for having borne arms
against the holy see ; entreating to be restored to favour, and
promising to conduct himself in future as a faithful son and
feudatory of the church. Julius received him with apparent
kindness, and deputed six cardinals to treat with him as to
the terms of the proposed reconciliation ; but the surprise of
the duke may be well conceived when the ecclesiastics pro
posed to him that he should divest himself of the territory
of Ferrara, which he had derived through a long train of
illustrious ancestors, and should accept as a compensation
the remote and unimportant city of Asti, to which the pope
had of late asserted some pretensions. Of all his family
there was no one less likely than Alfonso to have submitted
to such a disgrace ; but his astonishment was converted into
indignation, on hearing, that whilst he was humbly suing for
pardon at Rome, the duke of Urbino, at the head of the
papal troops, had entered his dominions, and had occupied
not only all such parts of Romagna as had been united with
the duchy of Ferrara, but the towns of Cento, Brescello,
Carpi, and Finale ; and had even prevailed upon the inha
bitants of the important city of Reggio to admit him within
their walls. The design of the pope in requesting the
presence of the duke in Rome, if not already sufficiently
apparent, was further manifested by his refusal to allow him
to quit the city and return to his own dominions. To no
purpose did the Spanish ambassador and the nobles of the
family of Colonna, some of whom were closely connected by
affinity with the pope, intercede with him for the strict and
honourable performance of his engagement. Julius answered
their remonstrances only by reproaches and threats. Con
vinced of his perfidious intentions, and anxious for the pre
servation of their own honour, Fabrizio and Marc-Antonio
Calonna resolved to rescue the duke from the danger to
which he was exposed. Having, therefore, selected a small -
band of their confidential adherents, Fabrizio rode at their
head towards the gate of S. John Lateran, followed at a short
distance by the duke and Marc- Antonio ; but, to his surprise,
he found the gates more strongly guarded than usual, and

ARIOSTO AMBASSADOR TO THE POPE. 277
his further progress opposed. It was now, however, too late
to retreat, and directing his followers to effect a passage by
force, he conducted the duke in safety to the fortress of the
Colonna family at Marino. The protection of the duke was
now intrusted to Prospero Colonna, who secretly conducted
him through various parts of Italy ; but so diligently were they
pursued by the emissaries of the pope, that the duke was
frequently obliged to change his disguise, and after having
for upwards of three months appeared in the successive cha
racters of a soldier, a cook, a hunter, and a monk, he had
the good fortune to arrive in safety at Ferrara.* If, amidst
the long catalogue of treachery and of crimes, it be pleasant
to record a generous action, it is doubly so to find that such
action met with a grateful return.
The vexation and resentment which the pope manifested
on this occasion were extreme ; and the duke was not without
apprehensions that he might have sufficient influence with the
allies, to induce them to turn their arms against Ferrara.
He determined, therefore, if possible, to mitigate his anger by
a respectful and submissive embassy ; but such was the well-
known character of the pontiff, that he found it difficult to
prevail on any of his courtiers to undertake the task. At
length he fixed upon the poet Ariosto for this purpose, who,
preferring the will of his prince to his own safety, hastened
to Rome. On his arrival he found that the pope had quitted
the city, and retired to a villa in the vicinity. To this place
Ariosto followed him ; but, on being admitted into the pre
sence of his holiness, he soon discovered that the only chance
which he had for his life was to save himself by flight ;t the
ferocious pontiff having threatened, that if he did not instantly
quit the place, he would have him thrown into the sea. J The
poet was happy to avail himself of the safer alternative, and
returned with all possible expedition to Ferrara, to relate tho
result of his embassy to the duke.§
Shortly afterwards a diet was held at Mantua, for the pur
pose, real or ostensible, of securing the peace of Italy, at
* Jovius, in Vita Alfonsi, p. 1 78. Sardi lib. xii. p. 226
f Mazzuchelli, vol. ii. p. 1063.
J Tirab. vol. vii. par. 3, p. 101.
| To this embassy Ariosto himself alludes in his second Satire.

<>,78 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
which Matteo Langio, cardinal of Gurck,, attended with full
powers on behalf of the emperor elect, Maximilian. The
envoy of Julius II. on this occasion was Bernardo da Bib
biena, the intimate friend and faithful adherent of the cardinal
de' Medici. Giuliano de' Medici also appeared at this meet
ing,' for the express purpose of obtaining the support of the
diet in restoring the Medici to Florence.* The conduct of
the Florentines, and particularly of the Gonfaloniere Soderini,
had already excited in a high degree the resentment of
Julius II. The part which they had acted during the late
war, in which, under the plea of a treaty with Louis XII.,
they had supplied him both with money and troops, had been
aggravated by the permission granted to the refractory car
dinals to hold their council at Pisa. In order effectually to
destroy the influence of the French in Italy, a change in the
government of Florence was regarded as indispensably neces
sary. The pope had already sent to Florence his datary,
Lorenzo Pucci, a native of that place,t who having many
friends, and great influence there, endeavoured to promulgate
opinions adverse to the ruling party ; insinuating that it was
now become necessary, not only to detach the city from its
connection with France, but to remove Soderini from his office
of Gonfaloniere, and call back the Medici to their former
authority. These practices had, however, failed of success,
and the agent of the pope had been compelled to quit the
city. J The diet of Mantua afforded the pontiff a more
favourable opportunity of effecting his purpose. Giovan-
Vittorio Soderini, brother of the Gonfaloniere, who attended
at this meeting as envoy of the Florentines, endeavoured to
justify the conduct of the republic, by alleging, that in assist
ing the French to defend their Milanese possessions, they
were acting under a particular convention, which obliged
them to that measure, in the same manner as they had also
stipulated to defend the Neapolitan dominions of the king of
Spain ; but arguments of this kind were of little avail.
Jovius, who appears not to have been unacquainted with
political intrigue, attributes the failure of these representa
tions to the sordid avarice of the Florentine envoy, who
" Guicciard. vol. xi. pp. 2, 8. f Afterwards cardinal.
J Nerli, Comment, lib. v. p. 106. Guicciard.

ATTEMPTED RESTORATION OF THE MEDICI. 279
ought to have enforced them by the offer of a considerable
sum of money to his brother negotiators.* Those who, like
Jovius, judge of others from themselves, may frequently be in
the right ; but the overthrow of the Gonfaloniere was already
resolved upon, and on this occasion it may well be doubted
whether even that powerful lenitive would have softened the
severity of his fate.
No sooner had their envoy quitted the diet than the Floren
tines were declared to be enemies of the league, and the
Spanish forces, under the command of Cardona, were directed
to assist in restoring the Medici to their native place. The
duke of Urbino, then at the head of the papal troops, actuated
either by partiality to the cause of the French, of which he
had frequently been suspected, or by envy and ill will to the
cardinal de' Medici, refused either to take an active part, or
to grant the use of his artillery on this occasion ; nor would
he even consent that such of his troops as were commanded
by the Vitelli and by the Orsini, the near relations of the
Medici, should join in the attempt.t These commanders,
however, quitted his camp, and joined the allied army in
person. Having, on the ninth of August, 1512, passed the
Apennines, Cardonna arrived at Baberino, accompanied by
the cardinal de' Medici, under the title of legate of Tuscany ;
and proceeded from thence by the Valdemarina to the plain
of Prato.J They were met in their progress by ambassadors
from the magistrates of Florence, who requested to be
informed of the object of the league ; professing themselves
willing to comply with it to the utmost of their power, and
representing in the strongest terms their adherence to his
Catholic majesty, and the advantages which he might expect
from their services. To this the viceroy replied, that his
appearance there was not merely in consequence of the
directions of his sovereign, but was a measure which had
been resolved on at the general diet at Mantua, for the common
security of Italy, and that whilst the Gonfaloniere, Soderini,
continued to preside in the Florentine state, the rest of Italy
could have no assurance that the republic would not, when
an oppo rtunity again occurred, attach itself to the interests of
* Jovius. f Ibid. Guicciard.
J Nerli, lib. v. p. 107.

280 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
France. He therefore required, in the name of the leaguu,
that the Gonfaloniere should be deprived of his office, and
that a new form of government should be substituted, which
might enjoy the confidence of the allied powers ; a measure
that could not, however, be effected without the restoration
of the Medici to their former privileges and rights.
These propositions gave rise in Florence to violent dissen
sions and debates; but before a definitive answer was
returned, the Gonfaloniere called together the Consiglio mag
giore, or general assembly of the citizens, whom he addressed
in an energetic and affecting harangue. He represented to
the assembly the principal transactions which had occurred
for the space of ten years, during which he had enjoyed his
office, and freely offered his services, his possessions, and his
life, for the benefit of his fellow-citizens, and the preservation
of their liberties. He professed himself willing, at "any
moment, to relinquish his authority to those who had so long
intrusted him with it, should it, in their opinion, be likely to
conduce to the general good ; but he entreated them to be
cautious, lest the measures which were avowedly directed
against himself, should in the event subject the republic to an
absolute and tyrannical authority, in comparison with which,
the subordination in which they were held by Lorenzo the
Magnificent might be considered as an age of gold. The
oration of Soderini had a most powerful effect.* The
assembly resolved, that the established form of their govern
ment should still be maintained ; that the Medici should be
allowed to return as private citizens, but that the Gonfalo
niere should not be removed from his office ; and that if the
commanders of the allied army should persist in this demand,
they would defend their liberties and their country to the last
extremity. The first apprehensions of the Florentines were for the
town of Prato, about ten miles from Florence, the garrison
of which they reinforced with two thousand soldiers, hastily
collected, and one hundred lances, under the command of
Luca Savello, who had grown old in arms without having
acquired either experience or reputation. To these was also
• The oration is given by Guicciard. lib. xi. pp. 2, 11

PRATO CAPTURED AND SACKED. 281
added a bodj- of Florentine troops, which, after having been
attacked and dispersed by the papal army in Lombardy, had
again assembled under their leaders. The army of the vice
roy consisted of five thousand experienced and well-disci
plined foot soldiers, and two hundred men at arms, but they
were ill supplied with ammunition and artillery, and even
with the necessary articles of subsistence; insomuch that
their commander began to entertain serious apprehensions
that he should not long be able to maintain his position. He,
therefore, proposed to the Florentine magistrates to withdraw
his troops, without insisting on the deposition of the Gonfa
loniere, if they would admit the Medici into the city as
private inhabitants, and pay to him such a sum of money as
should be agreed on, but which should not exceed thirty
thousand ducats. For the further negotiation of this treaty,
he granted a safe conduct to the Florentine envoys, and pro
posed to refrain from his projected attack on the town of
Prato, if the Florentines would send to his camp a temporary
supply of provisions. This was one of those critical moments
on which the fate of a people sometimes depends. Notwith
standing the resolutions of the general assembly, many of
the principal citizens earnestly entreated the Gonfaloniere to
conclude the negotiation, and in particular to furnish the
approaching army with the proposed supply. Soderini hesi
tated ; and this hesitation accomplished his ruin. In conse
quence of his indecision, the envoys were prevented from
returning to the enemy's camp on the day which had been
prescribed for that purpose. The claims of hunger admit not
of long procrastination. The town of Prato, which offered a
plentiful supply, was attacked with the only two pieces of
artillery that accompanied the army, and which had been
brought by the cardinal de' Medici from Bologna ; the gar
rison, which consisted in the whole of upwards of four
thousand men, shamefully abandoned its defence ; and the
Spaniards having effected a breach rushed into the town, and
made an indiscriminate slaughter, as well of the inhabitants
as of the soldiery. The number of those who perisl ed is
variously estimated from two to five thousand persons. The
unsparing violence, licentiousness, and rapacity of the Sp.u
niards, are displayed by all the Florentine historians in terms

282 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
of sorrow and execration ;* and it is said that if the cardinal
de' Medici and his brother Giuliano had not, at the risk of
their lives, opposed themselves to the fury of the conquerors,
these enormities would have been carried to a still greater
excess. + By the exertions of the cardinal, a guard was
placed at the door of the great church, whither the chief part
of the females had retreated for safety; J but that these
precautions were not always sufficient to answer the intended
purpose, is evident from the instances which have been given of
the magnanimous conduct of some of the women on this occa
sion.208 The intelligence of this alarming transaction was received
by the Florentine envoys, as they were proceeding to the
camp of the allies to conclude the negotiation ; but the oppor
tunity for reconciliation was now past, and they therefore
speedily returned to Florence to apprize their fellow-citizens
of the event. Though distinguished by many good qualities,
the Gonfaloniere was not possessed of the courage and promp
titude requisite on such an occasion. No effectual measures
were yet taken for the defence of the city ; and his impolitic
adherence to the French had, in this emergency, left him
without an ally. His helpless condition was too evident not
to be perceived by the friends of the Medici within the city,
who resolved not to wait the approach of the viceroy for
effecting a revolution. About thirty young men of the prin
cipal families, uniting themselves in a body, entered the
palace of magistracy, and seizing on the Gonfaloniere, threat
ened to put him to death if he did not instantly accompany
them ; at the same time offering him an asylum in the house
of Piero Vettori, two of whose sons had engaged in the under
taking, and pledging their faith for his personal safety.
Unprovided with the means of resistance, and deserted by
his adherents, Soderini peaceably submitted to his fate ; and
the insurgents having called together the other magistrates,
and obtained a solemn deposition of the Gonfaloniere, entered
* Nardi. Nerli, Comment, lib. v. p. 109. Guicciard. lib. xi.
t Jovius, lib. ii. p. 53.
1 Guicciard. Other authors, however, affirm that no respect or mercy
was shewn either to the sanctuaries of religion, or even to children in
tte arms Vide Nardi, Murat., Ammirato.

SODERINI ESCAPES INTO TURKEY. 283
into an immediate treaty with the viceroy.* By this act
of violence, which is always adverted to by the Florentine
historians with great disapprobation and regret, the free
constitution of the city received its fatal wound ; but it may
justly be doubted whether, if such an event had not taken
place, the consequences would not have been still more to be
lamented. Had the allied army entered the city in an
hostile manner, an absolute and severe dominion would pro
bably have been substituted for the more moderated authority
which the Medici continued to exercise for several years after
their return ; whilst the carnage and devastation which would
have ensued might have added new horrors to the page of
history, already too deeply stained with the relation of similar
events. The friends of the Medici within the city having thus
accomplished their purpose, conducted Soderini on the same
evening from the house of Vettoria, and sent him under a
guard to Siena ; to which place he was also accompanied by
several of his relations and friends. Here he obtained from
the pope a passport to proceed to Rome ; but having been
apprized by his brother, the cardinal Soderini, that Julius
had a design to despoil him of his riches, which he was sup
posed to have amassed to a considerable amount, he hastened
to Ancona, where he took shipping and proceeded to Ragusa.
Being informed, soon after his arrival, that the pope had
expressed great resentment against him, he quitted Ragusa,
and took up his residence within the Turkish dominions, t
In effecting his escape he had been assisted by Antonio di
Segna, who had been sent to him by his brother to apprize
him of the danger which would attend his visit to Rome.
Antonio had no sooner returned to the city, than he was
seized upon by the order of the pope, and committed to prison,
where he was subjected to the torture, to compel him to dis
cover the place of retreat of the Gonfaloniere, and the cir
cumstances attending his escape. Being liberated in the
course of a few days, he returned to his house, where he soon
afterwards died, in consequence of the sufferings which hb
had undergone, leaving on the memory of Julius II. a stah-
• Guicciard., Nardi.
f Guicciard. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 15. Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. v. p. 152_

284 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
which will present itself in strong colours, as often as his
name occurs to the notice of posterity.
On the last day of August, 1512, Giuliano de' Medici
entered the city of Florence, from which he had been expelled
with his brothers, eighteen years before. He was accompa
nied by Francesco Albizi, at whose house he alighted, and
where he was visited by most of the principal families in the
place. On this occasion it was remarked, that many of those
who had been the most forward in offering their lives and
fortunes in the support of Soderini,' were the most assiduous
in their endeavours to secure the favourable opinion of Giu
liano de' Medici.* It was not, however, until the viceroy
Cardona entered the city, that the depending negotiations
were finally terminated. Seating himself in the vacant chair
of the Gonfaloniere, he prescribed to the magistrates the
terms of the treaty on which alone he would consent to with
draw his army. His propositions, although confusedly ex
pressed or ill understood by his reluctant hearers, who were
still eager to preserve, at least, the external forms and
shadows of liberty, were assented to without opposition.t In
these discussions the Medici displayed great moderation. They
only demanded that they should be allowed to return as
private citizens, and should have the right of purchasing their
forfeited property and effects at the prices for which they
had been sold by government ; paying also the amount of
such sums as had been laid out in their improvement. With
respect to the political connections of the state, it was agreed
that the Florentines should enter into the league with the
other allies for the common defence of Italy ; that they
should pay to the emperor elect, Maximilian, forty thousand
ducats, to the v:ceroy Cardona, on behalf of his sovereign,
eighty thousand, and for his own use, twenty thousand ; and
they also engaged in a particular alliance with Ferdinand of
Aragon for the mutual defence of their respective posses
sions. The return of the Medici to their native place had already
overthrown the popular form of the Florentine government,
and the expalstan of the Gonfaloniere rendered it necessary to
* Nerli, Comment, lib. v. p. 11.
t Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. v. p. 151.

EXTINCTION OF THE POPULAR GOVERNMENT. 285
adopt new regulations for the conduct of the state. As tho
cardinal yet remained at Prato, the magistrates and principal
executive officers met together, and admitting Giuliano and
his adherents to their councils, they attempted to form such a
system, as, whilst it sanctioned the return of the Medici,
might counterbalance the preponderating influence which that
family had before enjoyed. To this end, they proposed that
the Gonfaloniere should be elected for one year only,. and
that he should not be allowed to carry on any negotiation, or
hold correspondence with foreign powers, without a thorough
participation with the other members of the state. A council
of eighty citizens was to be chosen every six months, and the
principal magistrates were to be created by the Consiglio
grande, as had formerly been the custom.* In these regula
tions Giuliano, who is said to have inherited the mildness
and urbanity of his ancestor Veri de' Medici, rather than the
political sagacity and vigilance of the great Cosmo, readily
concurred ; and Giovan-Batista Ridolfi was appointed the
first Gonfaloniere under the reformed government. It soon,
however, appeared, that by this institution the Medici were
left without authority at the mercy of their opponents ; and
as the new Gonfaloniere was not only a man of great
influence, but strongly attached to the popular party, appre
hensions were justly entertained that as soon as the Spanish
troops should be withdrawn from the vicinity, the Medici
and their adherents would again be expelled. In this
emergency many of the chief citizens resorted to the cardinal
at Prato, and concerted with him, and with Giulio de' Medici
and Lorenzo, the son of the unfortunate Piero, the means of
repairing the error of Giuliano, and of establishing the govern
ment in the same manner as it had been conducted before
the expulsion of the Medici in 1494. Whilst the members
of the senate were debating on the best mode of carrying
into effect the proposed system of their government, the
palace was surrounded by armed men, who put a speedy
period to their deliberations. In their stead a new council
of sixty- six citizens was appointed, the members of which
were known to be wholly devoted to the Medici. Ridolii
* Nerli, Commert. lib. vi, pp. 112, 114.

286 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
was compelled to renounce the office of Gonfaloniere, which
he had so lately accepted. The brother and nephews of
Piero Soderini were ordered to be confined at different places
within the Florentine territory, and Giuliano was expressly
acknowledged as chief of the state. This event may be con
sidered as the overthrow of the popular government of
Florence, and it may perhaps be doubted whether, if the
rights of the citizens had been less rigidly insisted on in the
deliberations held with Giuliano de' Medici, a greater share
of authority might not have been preserved to the people at
large than it was afterwards possible to secure. The freedom
of a state is as much endangered by intemperance and
violence, as by indifference and neglect; and when once the
spirit of opposition is roused to such a pitch, that either
party sees its own destruction in the success of the other,
they both resort by common consent to the indiscriminating
authority of a despot, as the only shelter from that political
resentment, which, whilst it professes to aim only at the
public good, seems to be of all passions the most unextin ¦
guishable and the most ferocious.
About the same time that the Medici returned to Florence,
Maximilian Sforza, the son of Lodovico, who had for several
years found a refuge at the imperial court, was restored by
the arms of the league to the supreme authority of the state
of Milan, as had been agreed on at the diet of Mantua.* He
entered his capital on the fifteenth day of December, 1512,
amidst the rejoicings of the populace, accompanied by the
chief commanders of the allied troops, and an immense con
course of Italian, German, Spanish, and Swiss nobility and
captains. These important services were not, however,
rendered to him, without such claims for compensation as
greatly diminished their value. The Swiss laid him under
heavy contributions for their pay, and the pope had already
divested his dominions of the important territories of Parma
and Piacenza. Unfortunately for the repose of Italy, the
yoUng duke was not endowed with vigour and talents to
contend with those who had long been exercised in political
iutrigues, and habituated to violence and plunder; and the
* Guicciard. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 7.

ORDERS OF MERIT ESTABLISHED. 287
state of Milan, which ought to have been the barrier of Italy
against the dangerous inroads of the French, was debilitated
and abridged, at the very time when it should, in sound
policy, have been invigorated and supported by every possible
means. With the suppression of the fanatical party, formed under
the influence of Savonarola, and the restoration of the Medici
to Florence, the vivacity and gaiety of the inhabitants re
turned, and the spectacles and amusements for which that
city had formerly been remarkable were revived. Among
other methods adopted by the Medici to strengthen their own
authority, and conciliate the favour of the populace, was the
institution of two companies, or orders of merit. One of
these was denominated the order of the diamond, alluding to
the impresa, or emblem of a diamond ring with three feathers,
and the motto, semper, adopted by Lorenzo the Magnificent,
and now restored by his youngest son, Giuliano, with a view
of securing his own influence by recalling the memory of his
father. The other order, of which Lorenzo de' Medici, the
son of the unfortunate Piero, was considered as' the chief, was
called the company of the broncone, in allusion to the impresa
of Piero, representing trunks of wood consuming in the midst
of flames.* This society was chiefly composed of the younger
part of the citizens, who from their rank and time of life were
judged to be most suitable companions for Lorenzo, upon
whom, as the representative of the elder branch of his family,
the authority which it had enjoyed in the state was expected
to devolve. To the members of these societies precedence
was given on public occasions, and it was their particular
province to preside over the festivals, triumphs, and exhi
bitions, which now once more enlivened the city of Florence,
and which were doubtless intended to turn the attention of
the people from the consideration of their new state of
political degradation. In compliance with the fashion of
the times the cardinal also adopted an emblem, which
sufficiently manifested his intention to retain the authority
which he had thus, by the labour of sa many years, re
gained in his native place ; but in choosing on this occasion
• Nerli, Comment, lib. vi. p. 121. Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. vi. p. 153.

288 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
the decisive representation of the giogo, or yoke, he ondea-
voured to render it less offensive by the scriptural motto,
Jugum meum suave est, et onus meum leve. " My yoke is
easy, and my burthen light."* It is, however, highly pro
bable, that such an unlimited assumption of absolute power
as that emblem implies, was not compensated by the
language which accompanied it, in the estimation of those
inflexible friends to the liberties of their country, many of
whom still remained within the city; and who were well
aware, that if they were once effectually placed under the
yoke, the weight of it must in future depend upon the will of
their master.
The return of the Medici to Florence had not been sig
nalized by any act of severity against the adverse party ; yet
neither the moderation of the cardinal in this respect, nor the
means adopted by him and his family to gratify the people
by public spectacles and amusements, could prevent the dan
gerous effects of individual dissatisfaction and resentment
Scarcely had the public ferment subsided, than a project was
formed for the destruction of the Medici and the restoration
of the ancient government, the chief promoter of which was
Pietro Paolo Boscoli, a young man of family, whose proficiency
in literature had led him to the contemplation of the ex
amples of ancient courage, and inspired him with that enthu
siasm for liberty which is of all passions the most noble and
the most dangerous. In the Medici he saw the oppressors of
his country; and whilst he dwelt with admiration on the
splendid treachery of Brutus, he avowed his determination to
imitate him, if another Cassius could be found to second his
efforts." Such an associate was soon discovered in Agostino
Capponi. Many persons of great reputation, and extensive
influence, secretly favoured the enterprise, and a plan was
concerted for the assassination of the obnoxious parties. An
accident, occasioned by the negligence of Capponi, pre
vented, however, the execution of their project, and not only
involved in destruction both himself and his companion, but
led to the accusation of many citizens of the first respecta
bility. As Capponi was entering the house of the Pucci, a
* Ammirato, Ritratto di Leone X. Opusc. vol, iii. p 73.

DEATH OF JULIUS II. 289
paper fell from his bosom, which contained tho names of such
persons as had either engaged in the conspiracy, or were
thought by those with whom it originated likely to favour
their cause. This dangerous scroll was immediately commu
nicated to the magistrates. Boscoli and Capponi were appre
hended, and on their examination confirmed the suspicions to
which the paper had given rise. Among those who appeared
to have been implicated in the conspiracy were Cosmo de'
Pazzi, archbishop of Florence, Nicolo Valori, the biogra
pher of Lorenzo the Magnificent, the celebrated historian
Nicolo Machiavelli, then secretary of the republic, Giovanni
Folchi, Piero Orlandini, and many other persons of eminence,
all of whom were ordered to be closely confined until their
guilt or their innocence might be ascertained by a further
inquiry.* In the midst of the agitation to which this alarming dis
covery gave rise, the attention of the cardinal de' Medici was
suddenly called to a yet more important object, which induced
him to quit the city of Florence in the midst of the investi
gation, and to proceed, with as much expedition as the state
of his health would permit, to Rome. This was the death of
the supreme pontiff Julius IL, which happened on the twenty-
first day of February, in the year 1513.
Notwithstanding the ample successes which, in the latter
part of his life, had attended the arms and crowned the de
signs of Julius IL, they were by no means commensurate with
the reach of his ambition, and the extent of his views. Not
satisfied with having acted the principal part in the expulsion
of the French from Italy, he had determined to free that
country from all foreign powers, and to model its governments
at his own pleasure. Hence he certainly meditated hostili
ties against his ally, the king of Spain, whose sovereignty of
Naples was incompatible with his designs. " If heaven be
willing," said he, shaking the staff which supported his aged
steps, and trembling with rage, " the Neapolitans shall in a
short time have another master." The late proceedings of the
Medici in Florence had, however, given him no slight offence;
• Nerli, Comment, lib. vi. p. 123.
VOL I. U

2S0 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
inasmuch as they had not required his participation or con
currence in the political arrangements of the place, but had
secured to themselves a supreme and independent authority.
But whilst Julius was immersed in these meditations, he for
got the uncertain tenure by which he held his own existence,
and a few days' sickness terminated his extensive projects,
and laid him to rest. It has been asserted, that he died
phrenetic, exclaiming, " Out of Italy, French ! Out, Alfonso
of Este!" But Muratori conjectures that he retained his
reason to the last ; and it is indeed highly probable, that those
expressions, which were considered as the proofs of delirium,
were nothing more than the effects of " the ruling passion
strong in death."
The foregoing pages have afforded us sufficient oppor
tunities of appreciating the character and talents of Julius II.
Bold, enterprising, ambitious, and indefatigable, he neither
sought repose himself, nor allowed it to be enjoyed by others.
In searching for a vicar of Christ upon earth, it would indeed
have been difficult to have found a person whose conduct and
temper were more directly opposed to the mild spirit of
Christianity, and the example of its founder ; but this was
not the test by which the conclave judged of the qualifications
of a pontiff, who was now no longer expected to seclude him
self from the cares of the world in order to attend to the
spiritual concerns of his flock. Julius II. is therefore not to
be judged by a rule of conduct, which he neither proposed to
himself, nor was expected to conform to by others. His
vigorous and active mind corresponded with the restless spirit
of the times, and his good fortune raised him to an eminence
from which he looked down on the proudest sovereigns of the
earth. His ambition was not, however, the passion of a
grovelling mind, nor were the advantages which he sought to
attain of a temporary or personal nature. To establish the
authority of the holy see throughout Europe, to recover the
dominions of the church, to expel all foreign powers, or, as
they were then called, barbarians, from Italy, and to restore
that country to the dominion of its native princes, were tlia
Vast objects of his comprehensive mind. These objects he
lived in a great degree to accomplish ; and it may well be

CHARACTER OF JULIUS II 291
doubted whether, if he had entered on his career at an earlier
period of life, he would not have oarried his designs into
full effect. In suppressing the vicars of the church, and
uniting their territories to the holy see, he completed wha!
Alexander VI. had begun ; but without incurring an equa\
degree of odium to that which has been attached to the
memory of his predecessor. The Italian historians have not,
however, shewn themselves favourable to his fame ; and
Guicciardini asserts,* " That if he be considered as a great
man, it is only by those who, having forgotten the right
meaning of words, and confused the distinctions of a sound
judgment, conceive that it is rather the office of a supreme
pontiff to add to the dominion of the apostolic - see by
Christian arms and Christian blood, than to afford the ex
ample of a well-regulated life."
That the martial character of this pontiff, who frequently
led his troops in person, tended to diminish the reverence due
to the holy see, and like the enormities of Alexander VI.
prepared the way for the reformation which speedily fol
lowed, has been conjectured by many writers, and seems
indeed highly probable.209 In his private life he is said, to
have been addicted to the inordinate use of wine, which may
account for some of the eccentricities recorded of him ; but it
is admitted by all writers that he did not, like too many
pontiffs, disgrace his pontificate by dissipating the revenues
and domains of the church among his relations and
favourites. With the exception only of the city of Pesaro,
the investiture of which, with the consent of the college 01
cardinals, was granted to his nephew, the duke of Urbino,
the conquests of Julius were annexed to the dominions of the
church ; and he withstood the entreaties of his daughter
Felice, the wife of M. Antonio Colonna, who solicited the
hat of a cardinal for Guido da Montefeltro, the half-brother
of her husband, having openly declared to her that he did
not think him deserving of that rank. Julius was the first
pontiff who revived the custom which had long been discon
tinued by his predecessors, of suffering his beard to extend to
• Guicciard. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 31.
U2

<92 THE LIFE OF LEO X
its natural length, which he is supposed to have done in order
to give additional dignity to his appearance ; but which may
with more probability be attributed to his impatient temper
and incessant occupations, which left him no time for the
usual attentions to his person.
That Julius was no scholar is asserted on his own autho
rity ; but although he did not devote himself to sedentary
occupations, he was not, like Paul IL, a persecutor of men of
learning. On the contrary, those few ecclesiastics whom he
raised to the purple by the suggestions of his own judgment,
and without the solicitation of foreign powers, were all men of
considerable talents and acquirements. At no time have
the professors of literature been sparing of their acknowledg
ments for the favour of the great ; and Julius II. is the
frequent theme of applause in the works of his contemporaries,
who devoted themselves to the cultivation of Latin poetry.210
Of these, some have celebrated his magnanimity, his courage,
his promptitude in war, and others his strict administration
of justice, and his attention to the arts of peace. In a copy
of versos addressed by Valerianus to the pope, on the pro
ficiency made by his nephew, Giovanni Francesco della
Rovere, in the study of the law, that author asserts that not
only polite literature, but the severer studies, had begun to
assume a new form, and were cultivated under his influence
with great success. Nor can it be denied, that during his
pontificate, amidst the tumults of war, the depopulation of
cities, the ravages of pestilence and of famine, and all those
calamities and commotions which agitate and distract the
human mind, the great and distinguished characters who were
destined to illustrate by their works the more pacific reign of
his successor, were principally formed. Already had Bembo
distinguished himself by numerous productions both in the
Italian and Latin tongue, which had spread his reputation
through the whole extent of Italy. Castiglione had com
posed his elegant work, to which we have before adverted,
and Ariosto had not only formed the design, but made a
considerable progress in the execution of his immortal poem.
Of the favourable disposition of Julius towards men of
talents, a, decisive instance appears in his conduct towards

LIBRARY FORMED BY JULIUS II. 293
Giovanni Antonio Flaminio, the learned father of a still more
learned son ; and who, having pronounced an oration before
him at Imo.a in the year 1506, was honoured by him with
the most friendly demonstrations of esteem and respect, and
invited to take up his residence at Rome. Flaminio excused
himself ; and the pope, instead of manifesting his displeasure,
presented him with fifty gold crowns. Some time after
wards, the bishop of Narni, having occasion to pay a visit
to Imola, was ordered by the pope to call upon Flaminio, and
to assure him of the continuance of his regard, and of his
wish to know in what manner he could give him the most
effectual proofs of it. The favour of the pontiff induced
Flaminio to address to him a copy of Latin verses, in which
the poet encourages him to persevere in his great design of
delivering Italy from a foreign yoke, and to crown his glory
by becoming the assertor of the liberties of his country. An
exhortation so consonant to the disposition an,d views of the
pope was doubtless received with favour, and the stern
mind of Julius might perhaps trace with satisfaction, in the
elegant lines of Flaminio, the durable records of his future
fame.* The Vatican library, which had been begun by Nicho
las V., and enlarged by the attention of succeeding pontiffs,
derived no great advantage from the patronage of Julius II.
But this is not to be attributed so much to his disregard of
literature, as to the design which he had formed of collecting
a separate library for the use of the Roman pontiffs, which
(vas not to owe its importance to the number, so much as to
jhe value of the books and manuscripts of which it was to be
eomposed. It was also intended that the splendour of this
collection should be enhanced by works in painting and sculp
ture by the most distinguished artists of the time ; but the-
death of the pope prevented, in all probability, the comple
tion of the plan ; and as no such distinct- collection has been
adverted to in later times, it may justly be conjectured that.
* Carm. Illustr. Poet. Ital. vol. iv. p. 357. Many further particulars
illustrative of the character and conduct of Julius II. are given bv Count
Bossi (Ital. ed. vol. iii. pp. 187, 222), and by Mr. Henke (Germ. ed.
vol. ii. p. 28, 4to. &c).

294 THE LIFE OF LEO X,
it has been united with that of the Vatican. In a letter21
of Bembo to the pope, written only a few days before his
death, this library is particularly mentioned ; and from the
same letter we learn some curious particulars, respecting not
only the attention of that pontiff to the promotion of litera
ture, but the restoration of the long lost art of abbreviated or
short-hand writing, of which Bembo may be considered a__
the reviver in modern times.

ASSEMBLY OF THE CONCLAVE. 295

CHAPTER X.
1513.
Assembly of the conclave — Mode of electing a pope — Election of the
cardinal de' Medici — Motives of the choice of the conclave — Reason of
his taking the name of Leo X. — His coronation — Procession to the
Lateran — Embassy from Florence — Leo pardons the Florentine con
spirators — Recals Pietro Soderini — Appoints Bembo and Sadoleti his
secretaries — Resolves to establish the peace of Europe — Louis XII.
threatens the state of Milan — Treaty of Blois — Leo endeavours to
dissuade Louis XII. — Opposes him and forms with Henry VIII. the
treaty of Mechlin — Subsidizes the Swiss — Louis XII. attacks the
Milanese — Battle of Novara, and defeat of the French — Leo recom
mends lenient measures — Expulsion of the French from Italy — Henry
VIII. invades France — Battle of the Spurs — The king of Scotland
attacks England — Battle of Flodden — Congratulatory letter of Leo X.
to Henry VIII. — Treaty of Dijon — Battle of Vicenza — The emperor
elect and the Venetians submit their differences to Leo X. — Leo renews
the meetings of the Lateran council — Nominates four cardinals-
Lorenzo de' Medici assumes the government of Florence — Giuliano de'
Medici admitted a Roman citizen — Leo pardons the refractory cardinals
— Humiliation and absolution of Louis XI L
On the third day of March, 1513, the cardinals who happened
to be then in Rome entered the church of S. Andrea, where
the mass of the Spirito Santo was celebrated by the cardinal
of Strigonia ; after which the bishop of Castello, having made
the usual oration de pontifice elegendo, they went in proces
sion to the conclave to proceed to the choice of a pope. It
was not until the sixth day of the same month that the
cardinal de' Medici arrived in Rome and joined his brethren.
The whole number of cardinals who were assembled on this
occasion was twenty-five.
There are four different modes of electing the supreme
pontiff; by inspiration, by compromise, by scrutiny, and by
ac:ess.* * Supplem. au Corps Diplom. torn. v. p. 46, &c

236 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
An election by inspiration is effected by several of tho
cardinals calling aloud, as by a sudden impulse, the name of
the person whom they wish to raise to the pontifical dignity.
This method of resorting to the pretext of supernatural aid is
seldom relied on, except when all human means have failed
of success. If, however, a powerful party can be raised, and
their efforts happen to be strongly seconded, the rest of the
cardinals, unwilling to distinguish themselves by a decided
opposition, or to be the last in expressing their consent, hasten
to concur in the choice.
It is called an election by compromise when the cardinals,
not being able to determine on a proper person, agree to
submit the choice of a pontiff to one or more of their
own body, nominated for that purpose. It was thus that
John XXIL, after having obtained the solemn assent of the
whole college to abide by his decision, assumed to himself the
pontificate ; an event which induced the cardinals not to
intrust this power in future to any of their number, without
such restrictions as might effectually prevent the recurrence
of a similar event.
In choosing a pope by scrutiny, the cardinals each write
their own name, with that of the person whom they wish to
recommend, on a billet, or ticket ; which they afterwards
place, with many ceremonies and genuflexions, in a large and
highly ornamented chalice, on the altar of the chapel in which
they assemble. The tickets are then taken out by officers ap
pointed from their own body for that purpose, and the number
is carefully compared with that of the persons present ; after
which, if it appear that any one of the cardinals has two-thirds
of the votes in his favour, he is declared to be canonically
elected pope. When, however, after repeated trials, this does
cot occur, a new proceeding takes place, which is called elec-
**» by access j in which any cardinal may accede to the vote of
u other by an' alteration of his ticket in a prescribed form.
T^Lien by these means the choice of a pontiff is effected, the
tickets are prudently committed to the flames, to prevent all
pretexts for further inquiry.*
After a deliberation which lasted for the space of seven
* Ceremonial de Rome, in Supplem. au Corps Diplomatique, com. <.
pp. 48, 49. .

MOTIVES OF THE COLLEGE. 297
days, the choice of the conclave fell upon the cardinal de'
Medici, who was elected by scrutiny.* As he was at this
time the chief cardinal deacon, it was his office to examine the
votes, in which he conducted himself with great modesty;
and when he had the happiness to find that he was himself
the fortunate candidate, not the least alteration was perceived
in his countenance. He immediately received the adoration
of the cardinals, whom he embraced and kissed in return.
They then requested to know what name he would assume ;
to which he replied that he should submit it to the sacred col
lege ; but, on being again intreated to make his choice, he
answered that, among his other vain cogitations, he had at
some times thought, that if he should ever be called to the
pontifical chair, he would take the name of Leo the Tenth ;
which, if agreeable to them, he would now adopt ; but if not,
he would alter his intention. On this many of the cardinals
expressed their approbation, alleging that, if they had been
elected, they would have made the same choice. One of the
windows of the conclave, which had been closed up as usual
on such occasions, was then broken down, and the cardinal
Alessandro Farnese announced to the people, in the usual
form, the election of a pope and the name which he had
assumed.212 He was then placed in the pontifical chair, and
carried to the church of S. Pietro, accompanied by the whole
conclave and the ecclesiastics of the city, amidst the rejoicings
of the people and the discharge of cannon ; the clergy singing,
as they passed, Te Deum laudamus ; and being brought
before the great altar, he was there enthroned.
The causes which determined the college in their choice of
a pontiff on this occasion rest chiefly on conjecture. It is,
however, sufficiently understood, that whilst the elder mem
bers inclined towards the party of the cardinal Alborese, who
had on one examination thirteen votes in his favour, the
younger, and particularly those of royal and noble families,
adhered to that of the cardinal de' Medici. Of the elder
members, no one possessed greater influence than Raffaello
Riario, nephew of Sixtus IV., whom the cardinal de' Medici
found means, after several days' deliberations, to attach to his
* Conclave d Leone X. p. 178.

298 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
interests, and whose favour probably secured his election.
From the narration of Jovius it appears, that the cardinal de'
Medici was at this time seriously indisposed, from an abscess,
the breaking of which diffused through the whole conclave
such an intolerable stench, that the cardinals, thinking it
impossible that he could long survive, determined to elect
him pope ;* but this story is rejected by a more judicious
writer, t as having arisen from the misrepresentations of those
who'have insinuated that the irregularities of his past life had
subjected him to this disorder. It is, however, certain, that
at the time when the cardinal qu:tted Florence, he was so
much indisposed as to be obliged to be carried by slow stages
in a litter to Rome, and that on the day after his arrival a
surgeon was admitted into the conclave, who performed an
operation on his person, after which the cardinals would not
permit the surgeon, notwithstanding his entreaties, to quit the
place ; but the certainty of this fact by no means authorizes
those inferences which some have attempted to draw from
it.213 The real motives of the choice of the college may, with
more candour, and perhaps with more truth, be sought for in
the high estimation in which the name of Lorenzo de' Medici,
the father of the cardinal, was yet held throughout Italy; in
the decorum and respectability of his own life and manners ;
and in the remembrance of the services which he had ren
dered to the church, and of the dangers which he had sus
tained in the defence of her rights. At this important junc
ture the cardinal de' Medici is also said -to have owed great
obligations to Bernardo da Bibbiena, whom he fortunately
selected as his conclavist, and who, by his dexterous manage
ment and artful representations, removed the opposition of the
cardinal Soderini, brother of the late Gonfaloniere of Florence,
and others, who were at first adverse to the elevation of his
patron.214 But whatever were the motives which led to that
event, it is on all hands agreed, that his elevation was not
disgraced by that shameless traffic and open prostitution of
the favours and emoluments of the church, which had been
so usual on similar occasions, and Leo ascended the pontifical
throne without any imputation on his character for integrity,
* Jovius, lib. iii. p. 56. f Fabron. in Vita Leonis X. p. 60.

CORONATION OF LEO X. 299
even by that propensity to scandal by which the city of
Rome has always been distinguished. The populace would
not indeed relinquish their privilege of mingling their satire
with their joy on this occasion ;21S but when satire attaches
only to slight imperfectious, it becomes the surest proof that
there are no glaring defects to provoke the severity of animad
version. In assuming tho name of Leo X.216 it has been supposed
by some, that the cardinal de' Medici meant to allude to the
insignia of his native place, and by others, that he intended
to verify the dreams of his mother ; * but as he was not re
markable for a superstitious adherence to the expiring follies
of the age, we may rather assent to those writers who suppose
that he intended to allude to the courage and magnanimity
with which he was resolved to execute the high office to which
he had been called. It may also be observed, that it had been
the custom of many of his predecessors to adopt appellations
of a warlike nature ; and after an Alexander and a Julius,
the name of Leo, already sanctioned by a long succession of
pontiffs, if not dreaded by his enemies, might at least seem
formidable to his subjects ;t but it is yet more probable that
he was induced to this choice by the consideration, that all
his predecessors of the same name had been eminently dis
tinguished by their virtues, their talents, or their good for
tune, and he therefore thought it not unadvisable to revive a
name which, although so celebrated, had not occurred in the
annals of the church for more than four centuries.J
As the pope, before his elevation, was only a cardinal
deacon, it was necessary to admit him into priest's orders ;
which ceremony was performed on the fifteenth day of March,
four days after his election. He was consecrated bishop on
the seventeenth, and crowned on the nineteenth of the same
month. On this occasion a large platform was erected on the
steps of the church of S. Pietro, with columns, and a cornice
in imitation of marble, on which was inscribed in letters of
gold, Leoni X. Pont. Max. Literatorum pr_esidio, ac
bonitatis fautori. On the morning of the day appointed,
Leo proceeded to the church of S. Pietro, accompanied by
* Jovius, in Vita Leon. X. lib. iii. p. 56. f Jovius, ut sug
J Brandol. Leo. in not. 74, p. 112.

300 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
the college of cardinals and dignified ecclesiastics, where ha
was habited as a priest for the celebration of mass. Thence
he went to the great altar, preceded by the master of the
ceremonies with a reed in each hand, to the summit of one of
which was attached a lighted candle, and to the other a bunch
of tow. This officer kneeling before the pope, set fire to the
tow ; at the same time repeating the words — Pater sancte, sic
transit gloria mundi. Having celebrated his first mass, the
pope was conducted to the steps of the church, where the
tiara or triple crown was placed on his head by the cardinal
Farnese and the cardinal of Aragon; after which, having
conferred his benediction on all present, he returned to the
apostolic palace.
On the coronation of a new pontiff, it is customary for him
to grant to the cardinals whatever they may request. Such
an unlimited privilege certainly presumes no small share of
discretion in those who avail themselves of it ; but on this
occasion the well-known generosity of the pontiff had raised
the hopes of the college beyond all reasonable bounds, and
Leo could not avoid expressing his astonishment at the num
ber and nature of the demands which were made upon him.
" Take my tiara, rather," said he to the cardinals, smiling,
" and then you may agree among yourselves, as so many
popes, to divide things as you may think proper."
His predecessor Julius II. had conducted himself in the
public offices of devotion with great negligence, and had even
refused to expose his feet for adoration in the form of a cross,
on Good Friday ; for which his master of the ceremonies has
assigned a singular, if not a sufficient cause.* It had also
been observed, that in performing the ceremonial of washing
the feet of the poor on Holy Thursday, Julius had only placed
his thumbs across and kissed them. Leo had at least more
policy, if not more devotion. He performed the former rite
with his feet exposed, and hesitated not to kiss those of the
poor ; observing at the same time, that this mysterious act of
piety ought not to be evaded by a pretext.217
The more splendid ceremony of the procession of the pope
to take possession of the Lateran see was postponed until the
" Quia totus erat ex morbo gallice alterosus." — P de Grass. MS. 61,
ap. Not. des. MSS. du Roi, vol. ii. p. 579.

PROCESSION OF THE LATERAN. 301
eleventh day of April, being the anniversary of the day on
which he had been made a prisoner at the battle of Ravenna,
and already consecrated in the Roman calendar to S. Leo tho
Great. That the contrast between his past misfortunes and
his present prosperity might not be unobserved, he also chose
to be mounted during his procession on a favourite white
steed, which had borne him on that occasion, and which from
this day he released from all further service. This spectacle,
at all times sufficiently superb, was now rendered much more
magnificent by the desire of the citizens to gratify that predi
lection for grandeur and for elegance, which the new pontiff
was well known to possess.218 All the nobility then in Rome,
with many of the independent sovereigns of Italy, and the
ambassadors of most of the European states, contributed to
give dignity and importance to the ceremony. Alfonso, duke
of Ferrara, no longer a rebel to the church, made a journey
to Rome to be present on this occasion, and had the honour
of assisting the pontiff in mounting his horse. His formidable
adversary, Francesco Maria, duke of Urbino, joined in the
same procession, and bore the pontifical standard. The
counts of Pitigliano, of Anguillara, of Carpi, and of Came
rino, with other subordinate princes, were also present; but
the most striking, and perhaps the most pleasing spectacle to
the Roman people, was that of the chiefs of the two powerful
families of the Orsini and the Colonna, whose dissensions had
for ages disturbed the repose of the Roman state, accompany
ing each other in token of perpetual reconciliation. Giulio
de' Medici bore the standard of the knights of Rhodes, whose
society, however, he from this day abandoned to devote him
self to the more lucrative offices of the church. The streets
and squares through which the pontiff had to pass were
spread with tapestry, and strewed with $ jwers ; the arms and
emblems of the Medici were emblazoned with every variety
of ornament ; the most beautiful works in painting and
sculpture, of which the city could boast, or which the inge
nuity and talents of the Roman artists could produce, were
exultingly displayed ; and triumphal arches with appro
priate inscriptions gave to the whole the appearance rather of
the return of a Roman hero from conquest, than of the pacific
procession of an ecclesiastical prince. On the arrival of the

302 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
pope at the castle of S. Angelo, he was met by the Jews then
resident in Rome, who presented to him the volume of their
law, and requested the confirmation of their privileges.
Receiving from them the book, he opened it and appeared to
read ; then letting it suddenly fall, he replied, " We confirm,
but we do not assent ;" * and proceeded on his way. With
this state the pontiff arrived, amidst the acclamations of the
populace ;+ at the church of S. Giovanni Laterano, at the
great door of which was placed, under a portico, a marble
chair, to which he was conducted by the prior and canons of
the Lateran. Three cardinals then approached and raised
him from his seat, chanting at the same time, He raiseth the
poor from, the dust, fyc.% This ceremony, which has given
rise to various conjectures, may be considered as intended to
represent the inferiority of the former condition of the pontiff,
in comparison with his present elevation, as that of the
burning of the tow on his coronation is figurative of the
instability of worldly grandeur. He then entered the church,
and having prostrated himself before the high altar, received
the insignia of his dignity. Thence he passed to the chapel
of S. Silvestro, where the nobility were admitted to the
honour of kissing his feet. To each of the bishops he dis
tributed a silver medal, and to each of the cardinals two of
silver and one of gold. The prelates here congratulated him
on his assumption, and, more favoured than his secular atten
dants, were allowed to kiss his hand. Having rested here for
the space of an hour, he was accompanied to the palace or
hall of Constantine, where he took a formal possession of his
dominions, and passed the remainder of the day. In the
evening he returned to the Vatican, with the same state and
attendants with which he had quitted it in the morning.
The opinion which the public had already formed of the
character of the new pontiff was strongly expressed in the
numerous inscriptions which were displayed on the triumphal
arches, and the palaces of eminent individuals. Of these,
* " Confirmamus, sed non consentimus.'' — Penni, ut sup
f Leone, Leone, P.-_lle, Palle ; the name of the pontiff, and the
arms of the Medici. — Penni.
J " Suscitat de pulvere egenum, et destercore erigit pauperem."—
Not. des MSS. du Roi, vol. i. p. 179 ; vide ante, chap. iii.

EMBASSY FROM FLORENCE. 303
Borne alluded to his well-known love of peace, to the vicissi
tudes of his former life, to his attention to the encouragement
of literature, to the acknowledged decorum of his private life
and morals, to the discriminating lenity and moderation
which he had already displayed, and to his disposition to
promote the public happiness. Agostino Chisi, a rich mer
chant from Siena, and a great promoter of the arts, adopted
on this occasion an inscription which refers with some degree
of freedom to the preceding pontificates of Alexander VI. and
Julius II.21*
" Once Venus ruled ; next Mars usurped the throne ;
Now Pallas calls these favour'd seats her own."
No sooner had Agostino displayed his device, than Antonio
da S. Marano, a goldsmith in his neighbourhood, exhibited an
elegant statue of Venus, under which he inscribed, in allusion
to the former lines,
" Once Mars prevail'd, now Pallas reigns ;
But Venus yet her power retains."
The exultation which took place at Rome on the elevation
of Leo X. was most cordially re-echoed from his native city,
where the Medici had now gained a complete ascendency,
and where even their enemies had relinquished their hostility,
in the hopes of obtaining at length that peace and security
to which they had so long been strangers. An embassy of
the most respectable inhabitants was despatched to congratu
late the pontiff, and as it became necessary to select some
person of rank and learning to address his holiness, the choice
of the citizens fell upon Bernardo Ruccellai, who, from his
elegant historical tracts in the Latin tongue, was justly con
sidered as another Sallust, and from the great authority which
he enjoyed among his fellow-citizens, and the near connection
in which he stood to the pope, was regarded as the most
proper person for that honourable office. Bernardo, however,
declined the task, alleging as a reason, the infirm state of
his health ; but his refusal gave no small displeasure to the
citizens of Florence, who suspected that his indisposition
was feigned, for the purpose of exousing himself from an
undertaking which did not accord with his feelings. Nor
is it, indeed, improbable that this illustrious citizen felt an
insuperable reluctance to the expressing his congratulations

304 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
on an event, which he perhaps foresaw would confirfii the
subjugation of his country. The office of orator devolved
therefore on Pietro Guicciardini, who acquitted himself with
distinguished ability; and the reply of the pontiff was admired,
not only for its promptitude and elegance, but for its kind and
conciliatory tendency, and the assurances which he gave to
his countrymen of his paternal care and regard. A deputa
tion soon afterwards arrived from the city of Siena, and the
time had been fixed upon for the introduction of the delegates
to the pope. The cardinals were already met, but the dele
gates not making their appearance, several messengers were
despatched to hasten them. Arriving at length, they apolo
gized for their delay, by alleging that they were Sienese, and
followed the customs of Siena.* Their public orator, Giovan
Antonio Saraceno, then began a tiresome and absurd oration,
to which Leo replied in so appropriate and jocular a style, as
to delight his attendants without offending even the deputies
themselves. In fact, the pontiff possessed in an eminent
degree that versatility of talent which accommodates itself to
every occasion, and that discretion which points out the
proper season to .make use of it. As many other ambassadors
were expected from the different states of Christendom, Leo
inquired from his master of the ceremonies whether he ought
on all occasions to reply in person, or whether he might
not with propriety delegate the task to another. From the
researches made by that officer on this important subject, it
appeared that Pius II. (__Eneas Sylvius) was the first pontiff
who had set the example of always answering for himself on
public occasions. Paul II. was desirous of continuing this
custom, but his memory frequently betrayed him. Sixtus IV.
always spoke in person, and acquitted himself with credit.
Innocent VIII. never attempted to deliver his sentiments in
public. Whenever Julius II. was expected to make a reply,
he pretended to be suddenly taken ill, and to be deprived of
all memory, insomuch, that it became necessary for his master
of the ceremonies to rouse him, as it were, from the dead, and
to remind him of what was passing before him. The result
of these inquiries was, that in a first audience it would be
* " Se esse Senenses et more Senensi fecisse," which some of the livelv
attendants on the pontiff interpreted, ' ' Se esse t'atuos et more fatuo fecisse.'"'

CLEMENCY OF LEO X. 305
proper for the pope himself to roply, but in few wor'ils, and
that his secretary should be ready, if it became necessary, to
enter more fully into the subject. It was afterwards settled,
that the pope in replying to a sovereign prince should speak
for himself, but that in replying to an ambassador, he might
employ a substitute.*
A very favourable opportunity of manifesting those virtues
for which he had already been so highly commended, was
afforded to the new pontiff by the affairs of Florence, where
the magistrates, after his departure for Rome, had proceeded
in examining into the conspiracy of Boscoli and Capponi, and
after having obtained from those two leaders a confession of
their crimes, had sentenced them to decapitation. Of the
other conspirators, Nicolo Machiavelli had been remanded into
custody at Florence, and Nicolo Valori and Giovanni Folchi
were condemned to perpetual imprisonment in the tower of
Volterra. The crime of Valori consisted merely in having
heard one of the conspirators give some indication of his in
tentions, without having revealed it to the magistrates ;220 and
in such a light was this offence considered, that had not the
powerful influence of his nephew, Bartolommeo Valori, a
zealous partisan of the Medici, been exerted in his favour, the
historian of Lorenzo, the father of the pontiff, would in all
probability have forfeited his life. No sooner, however, was
Leo seated in the pontifical chair, than his interference ob
tained the liberation of the prisoners ; and it was conjectured,
that his pardon would also have been extended to the princi
pals, had not the severity of the Florentine magistrates pre
vented it, by ordering them to execution immediately after
the sentence was pronounced.t The conduct of Leo X.
towards the family of Soderini was calculated still more to
increase his reputation for clemency and generosity. He well
remembered' his paternal maxim, that "to convert an enemy
into a friend, is not less consistent with sound policy, than
with true humanity.'' Among the members of the college, the
first whom he singled out as the object of his particular k_;id-
ness, was the cardinal Francesco Soderini, the brother of
Pietro Soderini, the exiled Gonfaloniere of Florence. On ths
* Par. de Grass. Diar. ap. Not. des MSS. du Roi, vol. ii p. 581.
f Nerli, Comment, di Fir. lib. vi. p. 123.
VOL. I. X

306 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
invitation of the pope, Pietro hastened to Rome, where he met
not only with protection, but favour, and where he passed the
remainder of his days in an honourable independence, still
retaining the title of Gonfaloniere. Nor did Leo hesitate to
cement the connection between this powerful family and his
own by the ties of affinity ; and a marriage was soon after
wards celebrated between Luigi, the son of Piero Ridolfi, by
his wife Contessina, the sister of the pontiff, and a niece of the
Gonfaloniere. Nor was the liberality of Leo confined merely to the for
giveness of injuries. The character which he had for many
years sustained as the promoter of letters and of arts, had
occasioned a general expectation, that on his being raised to
the supreme dignity, and obtaining the direction of the trea
sures and emoluments of the Roman see, it would be impossi
ble for genius, worth, and talents, to remain unnoticed, or
unrewarded. Before he quitted the conclave on his election,
he had nominated as his pontifical secretaries, Pietro Bembo
and Jacopo Sadoleti, who were then in Rome, and were justly
esteemed two of the first scholars of the age. The appoint
ment to such a confidential situation of two men, who had not
risen by the indirect means of ecclesiastical intrigue, and were
only known by their talents and their acquirements, gave
additional hopes of that patronage to science, to literature,
and the arts, which was shortly afterwards so effectually
realized. Under these impressions Rome became at once the
general resort of those who possessed, or had pretensions to,
superior learni ,g, industry, or ability : all of whom took it
for granted, that the supreme pontiff had now no other
objects of attention, than to listen to their representations,
to admire their productions, and to reward their labours. If
their expectations were not immediately fulfilled, it may, in,
justice to the character of the new pontiff, be observed, that
upon his elevation to his high office, his first attention was
turned to objects of yet greater importance, and more suited
to his dignity. From the elevated station in which he was
placed, he took a comprehensive view of the whole extent of
Europe ; resolved, as far as lay in his power, to terminate the
disgraceful contests that subsisted among the Christian princes;
and to exercise his authority, as head of the Christian church,

DESIGNS OF LOUIS XII. ON MILAN. 307
in promoting the repose and happiness of those whom he con
sidered as committed to his care. Even before his coronation
he addressed a letter to Sigismond, king of Poland, who was
then meditating a formidable attack upon Albert, marquis of
Brandenburg, entreating him to suspend hostilities, until a
legate should arrive from Rome, who might endeavour to
reconcile their dissensions without their having recourse to
the sword. In this letter he avows his intention of labouring
to maintain the repose of Europe ; for which purpose he had
resolved to send as his legates, to every nation, men of high
rank and authority ;* and expresses his strong sense of the
folly and wickedness of those destructive quarrels which had
so long disgraced and depopulated the Christian world.
At this time, the expulsion of the French from Italy had
given a momentary repose to that unhappy country, and the
union formed by Julius II. between the emperor elect,
Maximilian, the kings of Aragon and of England, the Vene
tians, and the church, by which that event had been accom*
plished, seemed to secure the general tranquillity, Louis ~
XII. was, however, too ambitious, and too powerful a prince,
to suffer himself to be deterred from the prosecution of his
claims on the duchy of Milan, by the unfortunate events
which had conspired to frustrate the acknowledged successes
of his arms ; and at the very time when Leo assumed the
pontifical chair, that monarch was exerting all his influence to
compose the dissensions which subsisted between himself and
Henry VIII. of England, and to terminate the disputes in
which he was involved with the emperor elect, that he might
be enabled to devote his attention and resources towards this,
his favourite object. Unsuccessful in these negotiations, he
endeavoured to obviate the opposition which he had hitherto
experienced from the holy see. The death of Julius II. , who
had been the soul of the league, had released him from an
implacable enemy, and afforded him hopes that his successor
might be more favourable to his views ; and these hopes were,
perhaps, encouraged by a declaration which the pope had
taken occasion to make, " that he would not attempt anything
against the French monarch." f With these expectations,
* Bembi, Ep et. nom. Leon, X. lib i. ep. v. ante coronationem.
t Par. de Grass. Diar,
X2

308 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
Louis XII. addressed himself to Giuliano de' Medici, then at
Florence, professing the most earnest desire of promoting his
interest, and his joy on the elevation of his brother to the
pontifical throne. At the same time he expressed his hopes
that the pope would not oppose his designs upon Milan ; in
which case he would not pursue his conquests further, and
would make Leo himself the arbiter of the terms of peace.*
These proposals were immediately forwarded to Rome by
Giuliano, who, attentive rather to the personal obligations
which, during his exile, he had contracted to Louis XII., and
to the promises contained in his letters, than to the political
consequences of the measure, earnestly entreated the pontiff
to enter into the proposed alliance. The reply of the pope to
his brother, which was doubtless intended to be communicated
to Louis XII., whilst it further manifests his earnest wishes to
maintain the repose of Italy, indisputably proves that he was
well aware of the ambitious projects of the king, and was by
no means inclined to promote them.t Louis was not, how
ever, to be deterred by the coldness or the enmity of the pope;
who, notwithstanding the conciliatory tenour of this letter,
had made no offer to relieve him from the sentence of ex
communication pronounced against him by Julius II. He
therefore redoubled his exertions with the other parties to the
league, and at length prevailed upon Ferdinand of Aragon to
agree to a cessation of arms for one year. The king of Eng
land and the emperor elect were also introduced as contracting
parties in this treaty ; but circumstances occurred which
effectually prevented their assenting to it.221
The efforts of Louis XII. to engage the Venetians in his
interests were, however, more decidedly successful. By a
versatility which in other times would have appeared extra
ordinary, these republicans deserted their allies who had
saved them from destruction, and entered into a treaty with
the king for assisting him in the recovery of Milan, and for
ascertaining the limits of their respective territories. This
treaty was concluded at Blois, on the thirteenth day of
March, and was subscribed on the part of the senate by
Andrea Gritti, who had been carried a prisoner into France.
* Guicciard, lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 36.
+ This letter is given in Bembi, Ep. Pont. lib. i. ep. 18.

DISSUASIONS OF LEO X. 309
It purported to be an offensive and defensive league between
the contracting powers. The Cremonese, with the district ol
Ghiaradada, were to be annexed to the state of Milan ; but tba
cities of Bergamo, Brescia, and Crema, were again to submit
to the authority of the senate.* Among the Italian pri
soners in France, who were now restored to liberty, was
Bartolommeo d'Alviano, who immediately repaired to Venice,
to justify himself from the imputations under which he
laboured on account of the unfortunate battle of Ghiaradada,
the loss of which he attributed to the misconduct of the count
of Pitigliano. The dead warrior could not refute the charge,
and d'Alviano was again appointed to the chief command of
the Venetian troops.
The preparations making by Louis XII. and the Venetian
states were observed by Leo X. with the greatest anxiety.
Besides his uniform desire of maintaining the public tran
quillity, various motives concurred in rendering these pro
ceedings highly obnoxious to him. By the first visit of the
French into Italy, he and his family had been expelled from
their native place, and compelled to wander as fugitives for
the long space of eighteen years. The adherence of the Flo
rentines to the interests of France during this period, had
given rise to a spirit of party, by which the cause of the
French and that of the Medici were habitually regarded as
hostile to each other. Nor could Leo so soon forget the un
fortunate day of Ravenna, when he was made a prisoner by
the French arms, and was indebted for his liberty, not to the
generosity of his conquerors, but to his own good fortune.
To these personal motives of opposition might be added the
apprehensions entertained by the pope, that by the success of
the French in Milan, the Roman see would again be divested
of the territories of Parma and Piacenza, which, after having
been added by the vigilance of Julius II. to the dominions
of the church, were, immediately on the death of that pontiff,
restored by the viceroy Cardona to the duke of Milan, and by
him again surrendered to Leo X.+ For these reasons, Leo
determined to exert all the means in his power either to pre
vent the expedition of the king, or to frustrate its success.
* Liinig. vol. ii. p. 2005. Dumont, vol. iv. par. i. p. 182.
f Murat. Ana- vol. ._.. p. 95. Liinig. vol. ii. p. 802.

310 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
On the first rumour of the treaty of Blois, he despatched a
messenger to his legate, Pietro da Bibbiena, directing him to
express to the Venetian senate his confidence that they would
not engage in any measure of importance, without first con
sulting him as their ally. He also addressed himself by letter
to Louis XII., who had communicated to him the terms of
the treaty concluded with Ferdinand of Aragon ; assuring
him that nothing could be more agreeable to his disposition
than to see the princes of Christendom united in bonds of
amity, but expressing at the same time his regret, that the
French monarch had avowed his intention of again attacking
the state of Milan. He justly reminds him that, instead of
relinquishing hostilities, this is only transferring his arms to
another object ; and earnestly exhorts him not to interrupt
again the repose of Italy, but to spare that unhappy country
a repetition of those calamities which she had experienced for
such a series of years. This letter the pontiff despatched by
a confidential servant named Cinthio, the object of whose
mission has been grossly misrepresented by some authors;
who conceive that they are displaying their own talents, in
accounting for the conduct of others, by attributing it to indi
rect and culpable motives.222
Confiding, however, but little in these representations, Leo
had already begun to adopt such measures as he thought most
effectual for preserving Italy from another conflagration.
To this end he had endeavoured to prevail upon the emperor
elect, Maximilian, and Ferdinand of Aragon, to unite with
him in a general opposition to the French king. The cold
and deliberating policy of Ferdinand, and the weak and ver
satile temper of Maximilian might have frustrated the hopes
of the pontiff; but their reluctance, or inability, was amply
compensated by the introduction of another ally, whose
youth, disposition, and resources, were well calculated to
render him an object of alarm to the French monarch. This
was Henry VIII. of England, who had succeeded to the
crown in the year 1509, and being now in the vigour of life,
burnt with an ambitious desire of emulating the conquests
of his ancestors by a descent upon France. The immense
wealth accumulated by his predecessors, and which he re
tained to his own use, whilst he sacrificed to the popular fury

LEO SUBSIDIZES THE SWISS. 311
the unhappy wretches who had been the instruments of
extorting it, enabled him not only to raise a powerful army,
but to subsidize his continental allies ; and the spirit of the
people, recovering from its torpor, earnestly sought for an
opportunity of exertion and of danger. Under these circum
stances, the pope, who had already endeavoured to secure
the favour and friendship of Henry,* found no great diffi
culty in engaging him to unite with the emperor elect, the
king of Aragon, and himself, in a league against France.
which was concluded and signed at Mechlin, then the resi
dence of the Archduchess Margaret of Austria, on the fifth
day of April, 1513, and by which they agreed to unite toge
ther for the defence of the church, and to attack the king
dom of France within two months, in such provinces as are
particularly specified in the treaty. As the emperor elect
could only be induced to lend his name to this alliance by a
Considerable bribe, Henry undertook to pay him one hundred
thousand crowns ; thirty-five thousand of which were to be
paid within one month after Maximilian declared war against
Louis XII., as much more when he appeared by himself or
his commanders in actual arms against him, and the remainder
within three months from the commencement of the war.t
The English historians have considered Henry as the dupe of
his pretended allies in this transaction ; and it is certain, that
Ferdinand of Aragon carefully concealed from him the truce
which he had lately entered into for a year with- Louis XII.,
and which he intended either to adhere to, or to violate, as
might best suit his future views. J
The efforts thus made by Leo X. for the defence of Milan,
were but ill seconded by Maximilian Sforza, who inherited
neither the warlike spirit, nor the political sagacity by which
many of his ancestors had been distinguished. Wholly devoid
of those qualities which might attach the affection or command i
the respect of his subjects, he was unfortunately placed in a
situation in which his public measures required a degree of
indulgence seldom conceded without murmurs, even to the
most favourite rulers. In order to gratify the Swiss merce-
* Vide the letter from Leo. X. to Henry VIII. in App. No. VI.
+ Rymer Fcedera, vol. vi. par. i. p. 41. Dumont, vol. iv. par. i. p. 1 73<
j Rapin, book xv. vol. i. p. 720.

312 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
naries, by whose aid he had been raised to the chief authority,
he had been obliged to have recourse to oppressive taxations ;
and the dissatisfaction to which these gave rise was increased
by the measures necessary to be adopted for the defence erf
his dominions. Disgusted with their new sovereign, whose
personal appearance too well corresponded with the imbecility
of his mind, the inhabitants of Milan looked with a favour
able eye towards the approaching contest. The presence and
activity of Prospero Colonna, whom Leo had despatched to
the assistance of the duke, compensated, however, in a great
degree for his defects ; but the principal reliance of the pontiff
was on the courage of a large body of Swiss mercenaries, whose
friendship and support he had effectually secured, by conti
nuing to them the stipends agreed to be paid by Julius II.
Of these auxiliaries, five thousand had already made their
appearance in the district of Tortona, where they expected to
be joined by the viceroy Cardona, at the head of the Spanish
troops. In this they were, however, disappointed; the
Spanish general having, under various pretexts, kept aloof
from the probable scene. of action. The Swiss, not discou
raged by the indecision of their supposed ally, and expecting
numerous reinforcements of their own countrymen, hesitated
not to take upon themselves the defence of the Milanese; and
Maximilian Sforza, quitting his capital, raised his standard in
the midst of them, and prepared to repel the threatened invasion.
The French army designed for this expedition, consisting
of fifteen hundred men-at-arms, eight hundred light horse, and
fourteen thousand foot, among whom were the celebrated
bandes noires* was commanded by the duke de la Tremouille,
assisted by the Italian general, Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio, mar
shal of France.223 Descending from Susa into Lombardy,
these commanders possessed themselves, without opposition, of
Asti and of Alessandria. The adherents of the French in
Milan, availing themselves of the absence of the duke, again
avowed their partiality to Louis XII., and introduced into the
citadel, which was yet held by a French garrison, additional
troops, and plentiful supplies of provisions. About the same
time tla French fleet arrived before Genoa, where a popular
* Murat. Ann. vol. x. p. 95.

BATTLE OF NOVARA. 313
commotion also took place, and the Milanese governor, Giano
Fregoso, with difficulty effected his escape. Whilst the arms
of Louis XII. were thus successful, both by sea and land, his
allies, the Arenetians, were not inactive.* Bartolommeo
d'Alviano, at the head of a well-appointed army of twelve
thousand men, attacked the city of Cremona, from which he
expelled the Milanese general, Cesare Fieramosca, and rein
forced the citadel, which was still in the hands of the French.
Bergamo soon opened her gates, and raised the banner of S.
Mark ; Brescia followed the example ; and the Spaniards, who
had occupied that city, were compelled to take shelter in the
castle. Every thing, in short, announced the sudden and
favourable termination of a war, begun on the part of tht
assailants with equal unanimity, vigour, and success.
In the mean time, Leo, on whose assistance the duke of
Milan principally relied for his defence against these powerful
adversaries, was not idle. He could not, indeed, send to his
aid a military force equal to the urgency of the occasion ; but
he immediately despatched Girolamo Morone, the Milanese
envoy at the Roman court, with forty-two thousand ducats as
the arrears of the stipend due to the Swiss, for the protection
so faithfully and effectually offered by them to the church and
her allies, t The viceroy Cardona, who had probably re
ceived directions from his master not to infringe the truce so
lately entered into by him for one year with Louis XII., had
quitted his encampment on the Trebbia to return to Naples,
and leave the Milanese to its fate ; but the intelligence of
this timely supply of money, and of the arrival of a large
additional body of Swiss troops, induced him to change his
purpose, and return to his former station. The whole of
the Milanese was now in the possession of the French, ex
cept Como and Novara, which still retained their allegiance
to the duke, who had retired to the latter of these places,
accompanied by his Swiss auxiliaries. His sensations could
not, however, be of the most agreeable kind, when he recol
lected, that at this very place his father had, a few years
before, been betrayed by the same people in whom he now
confided, to the marshal Trivulzio, the very man who was
* Murat. Ann. vol. x. p. 96 , + Guicciard. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 39.

Sl4 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
now pressing forward to besiege the place ; and it is aver
red, that Trivulzio was, in fact, so confident of a similar
event, that he wrote to Louis XII. assuring him that he
would deliver up this duke into his hands, as he had before
done his predecessor; an assurance which led to a conjec
ture, that he had also employed the same means for that
purpose.* Elated with their success, the French forces
commenced the siege of Novara, which they attacked with
a formidable train of artillery. On the other hand, the
Swiss, although as yet much inferior in number, were so
far from betraying any symptoms of apprehension, that they
threw open the gates, and afforded their adversaries an
opportunity of entering the place, of which they did not
choose to avail themselves. At this critical juncture, another
large body of Swiss arrived, and approached the besieged
city, the information of which circumstance no sooner reached
the French commander, than he retired from before the place,
and encamped at the Riotta, about two miles distant. The
Swiss reinforcements, under the command of their general,
Mottino, entered the town of Novara ; and on a deliberation,
which immediately took place among the leaders, it was re
solved to proceed to the attack of the French, without wait
ing for the arrival of the baron of Halle Saxony, their
commander in chief, who was shortly expected with an
additional body of troops. Soon after midnight, on the sixth
day of June, 1513, the Swiss troops accordingly quitted the
city. Without artillery, without cavalry, and greatly \nferior
in numbers, they furiously assaulted the French in their
intrenchments before break of day. Though not prepared
for instantaneous action, the French had not been inattentive
to their defence, and an engagement ensued, which was sup
ported on both sides with equal courage for several hours.
The artillery of the French being brought to bear upon the
assailants, thinned their numbers, and disordered their line ;
but nothing could resist the impetuosity and courage of the
Swiss, who conceiving themselves to be contending for glory
with the German mercenaries in the pay of the French king,
repeated their attack with fresh ardour, until at length they
• This conjecture is admitted by the Cav. Rosmini to be well-founded.
Rosmini, Istor. vol. i. p. 470.

ROBERT DE LA MARCK.

315

possessed themselves of the artillery, and turned it against its
former masters. This event effectually decided the fortune
of the day. The rout of the French became general. The
cavalry led the way in the retreat. All the baggage and
ammunition fell into the hands of the conquerors. It was
expected that the French would have rallied their troops in
Piedmont, and returned again to the charge ; but, notwith
standing the remonstrances of Trivulzio, they again crossed
the Alps, leaving their conquests in Milan and their allies the
Venetians to the mercy of their enemies. The Swiss re
turned in triumph to Novara, elated with a victory which
may be compared, as well with regard to the magnanimity of
the attempt as the courage of its execution and its decisive
consequences, with any action in the records of either ancient
or modern times.*
Brilliant, however, as was the success of the Swiss on this
occasion, it was not obtained without great sacrifices. Of ten
thousand men who left Novara, about one-half were left dead
on the field, among whom was their gallant commander
Mottino ; but the loss of the French was still greater, and
has been estimated by the joint consent of the French and
Italian historians at eight thousand men. These historians,
although discordant in many other points respecting this
remarkable contest, have joined in commemorating a noble
instance of heroic courage and paternal affection in Robert de
la Marck ; who, at the head of a body of cavalry, pierced
through the Swiss ranks and liberated his two sons who had
been wounded and made prisoners. The apology of the
French writers for the loss of this memorable day is, that
their cavalry, from the situation of the place or the miscon
duct of Trivulzio, could not be brought into action ; but if
the love of glory had been as powerful in them as tho
love of his children in Robert de la Marck, it is evident
that the difficulties of their position would have been readily
surmounted. As this signal victory and the consequent expulsion of the
French from Milan were wholly to be attributed to the Swiss,
who had been engaged in the cause by the precaution and
* Guicciard. lib- xi. Ligjie de Cambray, ii. 300, &c.

316 TnE LIFE OF LEO X.
liberality of Leo X., these events reflected great honour on
that pontiff, His apprehensions from the irruption of the
French being now removed, he did not hesitate to express to
his brave auxiliaries, in a public letter, the satisfaction which
he had received from their services.* In this letter he
professes to lament, no less from the humanity of his own
disposition than from his duty as the common parent of
Christendom, the dreadful slaughter which had taken place ;
but he rejoices that they who had vexed the spouse of God,
and attempted to rend that garment not made by hands, and
by which they had subjected themselves to the anathema of
the church, had received the just reward of their demerits.
He then avows his high regard for his courageous allies,
entreating them not to credit the representations of those who
insinuate, that as soon as peace shall be restored he shall
disregard their favour and' their services, and assuring them
that as long as they may choose to continue their alliance
with him, he will strictly adhere to its stipulations. On the
same occasion he addressed a congratulatory letter to Maxi
milian, duke of Milan, in which he admonishes him not only
to return due thanks to God for so signal an interposition in
his favour, but to shew himself worthy of it by his future
conduct. " This," says he, " will be most effectually done
by your not allowing yourself to be too much elated with
your success, and by your avoiding to persecute or destroy
those who have been induced to oppose you. Let me there
fore most earnestly entreat you, by the affection which I bear
you, to deal kindly with them ; and if any have erred (as
has perhaps been the case with many), to consider them
rather as objects of pardon than of resentment. By these
means you will conciliate the minds of those who have been
alienated from you, without incurring any diminution of
your authority ; and I trust you will therefore make a mode
rate and lenient use of your victory." To the same effect Leo
also wrote to the viceroy Cardona, f requesting him to inter
pose his kind offices with Maximilian, " to prevent his
treating with severity any of his subjects, and to represent to
him, that as on the one hand there was nothing more becoming
* Bemb. Ep. Pent. lib. iv. ep. i. + Ibid. ep. ii.

THE FRENCH EXPELLED ITALY. 317
a prince than placability, lenity, and compassion ; so, on the
contrary, there was nothing more detestable than cruelty,
wrath, and resentment." As the enforcing these truly wise
and generous maxims is the chief purpose of the letters
referred to, we may justly ccinclude, that the pontiff sincerely
felt the humane sentiments which he has there expressed ;
and this opinion is indeed confirmed by several subsequent
letters, in which he exhorts the conquerors not to treat with
severity the neighbouring and subordinate sovereigns who
had been obliged to espouse the cause of the French, and espe
cially recommends to their lenity the family of Pallavicini,
and William, marquis of Montferrat.*
The Venetian general d'Alviano had, prior to the battle of
Novara, advanced as far as Lodi, intending to join, the
French ; but Cardona, although he had before shewn no great
alacrity, interposed on this occasion to prevent the junction. -f
No sooner was the event of that contest known, than d'Al
viano, abandoning his former intention, demolished the
bridge on the Adda, and retreated to Padua, where he
strongly fortified himself. The inhabitants of Milan, thus
decidedly left to the mercy of their sovereign, sent deputies
to entreat his forgiveness, and, in order to prove the sincerity
of their contrition, they put to the sword all the French in
Milan, excepting only a few who had the good fortune to
obtain shelter in the citadel, which was still held by their
countrymen. The other cities of the Milanese adopted a
similar measure, and three hundred Gascons who remained in
Pavia fell a sacrifice to the cowardice and the fears rather
than to the resentment of the populace. The city of Genoa
yet acknowledged the authority of Louis XII., but Cardona,
desirous of making reparation for his apparent inactivity,
despatched Ferdinando Davalos, marquis of Pescara, at the
head of four hundred horse and three thousand foot, with
which he possessed himself of the place ; and having expelled
Antoniello Adorno, the French governor, appointed to the
office of Doge, Ottaviano Fregoso, who had accompanied him
on this expedition, and who liberally rewarded his services
by a heavy contribution raised from the inhabitants.
* Bemb. Epist. nom. Leon. X. lib. iii. ep. 3, 4.
+ Murat. Ann. vol. x. p. 98, &c.

318 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
Whilst these transactions occurred in Italy, Henry VIII.,
in strict performance of the treaty of Mechlin, passed in the
month of June, 1513, over to Calais with a powerful body of
troops. The earl of Shrewsbury, who had preceded him,
had already effected a landing and laid siege to Terouenne.
Henry expected to have been joined, according to the terms
-of the treaty, by a strong reinforcement from the emperor
elect, Maximilian ; but that mean and crafty sovereign, in
order to entitle himself to the payment of the subsidy which
Henry had agreed to advance on his appearing in arms
against the French king, came in person to the English camp,
and offered his services to Henry as a volunteer in his army.
The pride of the English monarch was gratified in having an
emperor in his service. He assigned to him a subordinate
command in the British army, and Maximilian thought it no
disgrace to receive, under the name of his wages, one hundred
crowns per day.*
The approach of the French army, under the command of
the duke de Longueville, to the relief of Terouenne, brought
on the memorable engagement of Guingaste, usually called
the battle of the spurs, from its having been said that the
French made more use of those implements than of their
swords on that occasion. + The consequent fall of Terouenne
was soon followed by that of the important city of Tournay.
The former of these places Henry gave to Maximilian, who
razed its foundations, and Terouenne has since been blotted
from the map of Europe. The latter he retained under his
own authority, but as the bishopric was then vacant, he con
ferred it, with its episcopal revenues, which amounted to a
considerable sum, on his new favourite Wolsey, who had
attended him on his expedition. J
Whilst Henry was thus carrying his victorious arms into
France, he received information of the most alarming nature
respecting the safety of his own dominions. James IV., of
Scotland, who had married Margaret, the sister of Henry
VIII.,224 availing himself of the absence of his brother-in-law
* Rapin, vol. i. p. 722. f Hume, chap, xxvii.
X The manner in Which the Intelligence of this victory was receiveo ll
Rome appears by a letter from the cardinal of York to Henry VIII. Vide
Ajip.Na. VII,

BATTLE OF FLODDEN. 319
and prevailed upon by the representations of "the French
envoy to unite his arms with those of Louis XII., assembled
an army which has been said to have consisted of one hun
dred thousand men, but which probably was composed of
somewhat more than half that number. He then sent a
herald to Henry to acquaint him with the reasons of his
- hostile preparations, the chief of which was to compel him
to relinquish the war with France. The answer of Henry,
written before Terouenne, was a defiance, and a threat.* He
informed him, that he was not surprised to find him breaking
the treaty between them upon frivolous pretences, since he
thereby imitated the example of his ancestors. He upbraided
James, that whilst he knew him to be in England he had
never avowed an intention of espousing the cause of France,
but had waited for his absence to carry his treacherous pur
pose into execution. He assured him, however, that, being
perfectly aware of his character, he had taken such measures
before his departure for the defence of his kingdom as he did
not doubt would, with the help of God, frustrate the endea
vours of all schismatics excommunicated by the pope and the
council of the Lateran. James did not, however, wait for
this answer; but entering Northumberland in the month of
August, 1513, possessed himself of several places of strength.
The earl of Surrey, then in Yorkshire at the head of twentv-
six thousand men, marched to oppose his progress, and the
contest was decided on the ninth day of September by the
memorable battle of Flodden, in which the flower of the
Scottish nobility, and many dignified ecclesiastics, with eight
or ten thousand soldiers, lost their lives.225 The loss of the
English on this occasion was upwards of five thousand men,
but among them were few persons of distinction. James IV.
was never seen after the battle. The English supposed they
had found his body amidst a heap of slain ;226 and although
the Scots denied it, yet they were never afterwards able to dis
cover their unfortunate monarch. The intelligence of these
important successes no sooner arrived in Rome, than Leo ad
dressed the following letter to Henry VIII, who yet remained
in France. * ftsnin, vol. i. p. 724,

320 THE LIFE OF LEO X. r
Leo X. to Henry VIII. King of England.12''
" The perusal of your letters, in which you inform me of
your victory over the French, and your conquests in that
kingdom, has afforded me great pleasure ; as well on account
ot my paternal kindness for you, as from the importance of
your achievements. I give thanks to God, that he hap
favoured the exertions of those who have taken up arms for
the pious and commendable purpose of supporting the cause
of his church. It is true, I had previously considered as
certain the event which has now occurred ; for when I knew
that in preparing for this attack you had the advantages
of prudent councils, immense wealth, and numerous and
courageous troops ; that you had also the advice of the em
peror elect, Maximilian, and, above all, that you were engaged
in defending the cause of God, I had sufficient reason to hope
for that success which has attended your arms. But whilst I
was expressing my joy on this occasion to your ambassadors,
and intended to congratulate you upon such an event, I
received your further letters, informing me of another and a
much more important victory, obtained over James, king of
Scotland ; who having attempted to invade your dominions,
has been defeated with the loss of his life and that of many
of his nobility, and the slaughter or captivity of a great
part of his troops. Thus a few days have decided a most
cruel and .dangerous war. On receiving this information,
although it was certainly very painful to me to hear of such
an effusion of Christian blood, the destruction of so many
thousands of the people of our common Lord, and the death
of a Christian king of great fame and undoubted courage, the
husband of your sister, who has fallen under the sword of a
Christian king so nearly allied to him ; yet I could not but
rejoice in this victory over an enemy who sought to deter you
from the prosecution of the commendable cause in which you
are now engaged. On this account I have already, on my
knees, offered up my thanks to God, who has thus crowned
your arms with a double victory,' and laid the foundation of
that future glory which you have so well begun, in under
taking at so early a period of life the defence of his church.
On yeur part, it will be proper that you should reflect that all

TREATY OF DIJON. 321
this is his gift, and not the result of human aiu. Nor will he
refuse to recompense your virtues with much greater honours
and rewards, provided that you acknowledge your depend
ence upon him, with that humility which such an occasion
requires. If this be done, it is not only highly probable that
the contest in which you are now engaged will have a happy
termination, but that he will also in future prepare the way
through which you may pass, and by great achievements con
secrate your name to immortality. This event will take
place, if you propose to yourself the termination of your
differences with your present enemies, and apply yourself to
humble the pride and subdue the ferocity of the Turks.
Even in the situation in which we now stand there is no great
time allowed for deliberation. Already the kingdoms of
Hungary and Bohemia are harassed and depopulated by their
incursions ; whilst Italy herself, by the loss of many strong
places on her frontiers, sees these barbarians approaching still
nearer; an alarming and a melancholy spectacle! Thesa
dangers, if I may be allowed openly to express my feelings,
keep me in apprehension and solicitude, and deprive me in a
great degree of the satisfaction which I should otherwise ex
perience. I offer up, however, my prayers to God, that as
the dignity of his church, of late so greatly impaired, has
now been so happily restored by the efforts of those whose
duty it is to assert her cause, he will at length place his
shrines aud temples in security from that conflagration, and
the people devoted to his service from those chains, with
which they are threatened by his irreconcilable enemies.
On all these subjects I have, however, spoken more fully to
your ambassador, the bishop of Worcester, who will explain
to you yet more particularly my wishes. Dated 5 Id. Oct.
1513." From the purport of this letter it is not difficult to perceive,
that however much the pope was gratified by the success of
the English monarch, it was by no means his wish that he
should prosecute his victories. In fact, Leo had already, by
the defeat of the French, and their consequent expulsion from
Milan, obtained the object which had led him to take a share
in the contest; but besides these decisive events, other circuin
vol. i. v-

322 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
stances had occurred which induced the pope to relax in his
hostility against the French monarch. A body of fifteen thou
sand Swiss had made an irruption into the territories of
France, where they had carried terror and consternation
through the country, and having besieged Dijon, had com
pelled the duke de la Tremouille, who had shut himself up in
that fortress, to a most disgraceful capitulation ; by which he
agreed that his sovereign should, in consideration of the
retreat of the Swiss, relinquish all pretensions to the duchy of
Milan, and should pay them the enormous sum of six hundred
thousand crowns ; twenty thousand of which he immediately
advanced to them. The apprehensions which the pope had
entertained for the safety of Italy were therefore for the
present sufficiently allayed. Nor is it improbable that Henry
allowed himself to be prevailed upon by the letter of the
pope to relax in his hostilities, for he soon afterwards with
drew his armies, and on the seventeenth day of October left
Lisle, and arrived on the twenty-fourth at his palace at
Richmond. Nor did Leo relinquish his endeavours to reconcile the
differences which had so long subsisted between the Venetians
and the emperor elect ; but finding that the senate continued
to disregard his earnest recommendations, and being called
upon by Maximilian to fulfil the treaty formed with Julius II.
by a supply of troops, he despatched a body of two hundred
men at arms and two thousand horse to the assistance of his
allies. Attacked at the same time by the emperor elect, the
pope, the king of Spain, and the duke of Milan, and threat
ened by the Swiss, who were at once the conquerors of the
French and the terror of Italy, the Venetians had now no
resource but in the courage of their troops and the talents of
their commanders. The first attack of the allied army under
the command of Cardona was directed against the city of
Padua, but the great extent and strength of the place, and the
number and courage of the troops employed under d'Alviano
in its defence, frustrated the efforts of the allies, and after ten
days ineffectually employed in its vicinity they were obliged
to retire to Vicenza. Unable to dislodge the Venetians from
Padua, they resolved to plunder the fertile territories in the
vicinity of the Brenta. which intention they carried into

BATTLE OF VICENZA. 323
execution with circumstances of peculiar enormity, continuing
their excursions along the Adriatic coast, whence they even
discharged their artillery against the city of Venice, to the no
small vexation and terror of the inhabitants.* These measures
induced d'Alviano to take the field in the hopes of cutting off
their retreat. He was accompanied by the Venetian com
missaries, Andrea Gritti and Andrea Loredano. By a judi
cious arrangement on the banks of the Brenta and the
Bachiglione he had already reduced the allied army to great
straits. The commissaries were earnest with him to persevere
in a system which would subdue their enemies by famine ;
but the impetuosity of d'Alviano was not to be restrained ;
and on the seventh day of October an engagement took place
about three miles from Vicenza, which was not less obstinate
and bloody in proportion to the number of the combatants,
than any that Italy had before seen. The attack of the allies
was led by Prospero Colonna and Ferdinando Davalos. For
some time the victory remained doubtful ; but the Venetians
were at length obliged to yield, if not to the courage, to the
superior numbers of their opponents, with the loss in killed
and prisoners of about five thousand men. Among the latter
were the Venetian Admiral Gian-Paolo Baglioni, and Andrea
Loredano, one of the legates of the camp, who afterwards
lost his life in a contest among the allies to determine which
of them should hold him in custody. All the baggage and
artillery of the Venetians fell into the hands of their
enemies, who returned the same evening in triumph to
Vicenza.228 These hardy republicans, who had thus a second time
braved the united attack of the principal powers of Europe,
were not, however, yet subdued. The efforts of their com
mander, Renzo da Ceri, who had possessed himself of the
strong city of Crema, where he not only defended himself
against the army of the allies under Prospero Colonna, but
frequently made excursions and plundered his enemies of the
contributions which they had raised in the adjacent districts,
prevented the Venetians from being wholly deprived of their
continental possessions. Their situation was, however, such
• Murat. Ann. vol. x. p. 102.
V 2

324 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
as would not admit of further hazard ; and they therefore at
length listened to the admonitions of the pope, and expressed
their willingness to submit to him the decision of their dif
ferences with the emperor elect.* The cardinal of Gurck, to
whom Maximilian had intrusted the direction of his army,
now took upon himself the more pacific office of his ambassa
dor, and hastened to Rome to negotiate the proposed treaty ;
which was, however, long protracted by the difficulties which
Leo and his ministers experienced in satisfying the avarice
and ambition of this martial ecclesiastic.
On the restoration of Maximilian Sforza to the duchy of
Milan, the cardinals in the interests of Louis XII. had
removed their assembly, which they dignified by the name of
a council, to Asti, from which place they were soon afterwards
obliged to retire for safety to Lyons. For the purpose of
frustrating their proceedings, which threatened no less thaD a
total schism in the Christian church, and of effecting such
salutary regulations in point of discipline as might deprive
the pretended council of any necessity of interfering on that
head, Leo determined to renew the meetings of the council of
the Lateran, which had been opened by Julius II. and sus
pended only by his death. To this end, he gave directions
that apartments should be prepared for him in the Lateran
palace, where he determined to reside, that he might at all
times be ready to attend the deliberations in person ; and on
the twenty-seventh day of April, 1513, he accordingly opened
the sixth session with great magnificence. If the number
and respectablity of the dignified ecclesiastics who were pre
sent on this occasion did honour to the pontiff, the conduct of
Leo in the discharge of his office is acknowledged to have
conferred no less dignity on the meeting. He was now in
the prime of life ; his manners grave but not austere ; and
in the performance of those public acts of devotion which
were at some times incumbent upon him, he acquitted himself
with a grace and a decorum which gave additional effect to
the splendid ceremonies of that religion of which he was the
head. After the hymn Veni Creator, Leo delivered a pasto-
* Lunig, Cod. Ital. Diplomat, torn. ii. p. 2010. Jovius, in Vita
Leon. X. lib. iii. p. 64. Guicciard. lib. xi. .et Bembi Epist nom
Leon. X.

LEO NOM/NATES JuUR CAiJi/INALS. 325
ral oration, in which he exhorted the assembled fathers to
use their utmost endeavours for the benefit of the church,
and declared it to be his intention to continue the council
until the establishment of a general peace among the princes
of Christendom.*
Having "thus attended to the regulation of the temporal
and ecclesiastical concerns of the Roman see, Leo now con
ceived that he might, without any imputation of indecorum,
confer upon such of his relations and friends as had continued
faithful to him during his adverse fortune, and whose charac
ters seemed to merit such a distinction, some of those high
and lucrative offices of the church which he was now enabled
to bestow. He was also, in all probability, desirous of in
creasing his influence in the sacred college by the introduction
of such additional members as he knew he should find on all
occasions firmly attached to his interests, and was perhaps
not less actuated by the disposition, so common to the Roman
pontiffs, of aggrandizing the individuals of his own family.
Having therefore declared his intention of supplying the
vacant seats in the college of cardinals, he, on the twenty-
third day of September, 1513, nominated to that rank,
Lorenzo Pucci, Giulio de' Medici, Bernardo Do vizi, and Inno-
cenzio Cibo ; who soon afterwards took their seats in the
general council. The first of these persons was a fellow-
citizen of the pontiff; who, born of a good family and well
educated, had early devoted himself to the church, and having
had the good fortune to obtain the favour of Julius IL, had
under that pontiff risen to the rank of apostolic datary, and
been employed by him in the most important affairs of the
state. By his talents and address Pucci rendered himself
conspicuous in the subsequent meetings of the Lateran council,
and acted an important part during the remainder of this
pontificate, particularly in the approaching disturbances occa
sioned by the opposition of Luther to the Roman see. The
partiality of which Leo might have been accused, in selecting
his cousin Giulio de' Medici for this distinguished honour,
was sufficiently palliated by the acknowledged abilities and
unwearied industry of this his faithful associate, the gravity
* Lateran, Concil. p. 7tt.

326 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
of whose disposition was happily formed to remedy cr cdrrect
the occasional sallies of vivacity which distinguished tho
supreme pontiff. It is true the illegitimacy of his birth
would, according to the canons of the church, have formed an
insuperable bar to this promotion; but there was no great
difficulty in adducing evidence to prove that the mother of
Giulio, before her cohabitation with his father Giuliano, the
brother of Lorenzo the Magnificent, had received from him
a promise of marriage ; which was considered as sufficient
to enable the pope to dispense with the rigour of the law.229
Giulio assumed the title of S. Maria in Domenica, by which
the pontiff had formerly been distinguished ; but was from
henceforth usually called the cardinal de' Medici.*
In appointing to the rank of cardinal Bernardo Dovizi,
Leo repaid the obligations which he owed to one of his first
instructors, of whose services he had availed himself on many
important occasions. The cardinal da Bibbiena, as he was
afterwards called, was not one of those ecclesiastics who con
ceive that on entering the church they shut out the pleasures
of the world. Though acknowledged to possess considerable
dexterity in the affairs of state, he did not scruple at times to
lay aside his gravity, and to contribute by his wit and vivacity
to the amusement of his reverend associates ; and his comedy
of " Calandra" will perpetuate his name, when his political
talents and high ecclesiastical rank will probably be disre
garded and forgotten. After his preferment, the cardinal da
Bibbiena became a distinguished promoter of literature and of
the arts ; and such was his attachment to the great painter
Raffaello d'TJrbino, that he had consented to give him his
niece in marriage ; a connection which it has been supposed
was prevented only by the premature death of that accom
plished artist.t
The last of the newly appointed cardinals, Innocenzio Cibo,
was the grandson of Innocent VIII., being the offspring of
Francesco Cibo, son of that pontiff by Maddalena, sister of
Leo X. He was yet too young to have risen by any talents
* He immediately announced his elevation to Henry VIII. in very
respectful terms. Vide App. No. VIII.
+ Vasari, Vite de' Pittori, torn. ii. p. 132. Ed. di Bottari. Rom.
1759.

INNOCENZIO CIBd. 327
or merits of his own, but the advantages of his birth would
probably have compensated for much greater defects than had
fallen to the share of this young man. In the letter which
Leo thought proper to address ou this occasion to Ferdinand
of Aragon, he has briefly enumerated the merits, or preten
tions, of the newly-created cardinals. " Although I know;"
says he, " that you are well advised of the public transac
tions of this place by the diligence of your envoy, yet I have
thought it proper that you should learn from myself what
has lately been done for the credit and advantage of the
Roman state ; not doubting, from your well-known affection
to the Christian church, that it will prove equally agreeable
to you as to myself. You will therefore understand, that
on the twenty-third day of September, with the assent of my
brethren, the cardinals of the church, I, for various and
weighty reasons, elected into the sacred college, Lorenzo
Pucci, my domestic datary, my cousin Giulio de' Medici,
archbishop elect of Florence, Bernardo Dovizi of Bibbiena,
and Innocenzio Cibo, the son of my sister, and grandson of
Pope Innocent VIII. With the prudence and integrity of
three of these, as well as with their skill and experience in
the transaction of public affairs, you are well acquainted ; and
I trust they will add to the stability and to the honour of the
church. As to Inaccenzio, I hope he will not disappoint
the expectations formed of him. His capacity is excellent,
his morals irreproachable, and his natural endowments are
ornamented by his proficiency in literary studies ; insomuch
that no one can be more accomplished, virtuous, or engaging."
Another reason alleged by Leo for admitting into the college
a member who had as yet scarcely completed his twenty-first
year, was his sense of the favours which he had himself, at so
early an age, received from Innocent VIII., which he ex
pressed by saying, " That which I received from Innocent, to
Innocent I restore."
During the short interval of time which had elapsed be
tween the return of the Medici to Florence and the elevation
of Leo X. the affairs of that turbulent city had been directed
by Giuliano, the brother of the pontiff; but in the delibera
tions on this subject in the Roman court, it was determined
that Giuliano should relinquish his authority, and that the

328 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
direction of the Florentine government should be intrusted to
Lorenzo, the son of the unfortunate Piero, under the imme
diate direction of Giulio de' Medici, and the ultimate super
intendence of the pope. This measure has been attributed to
various causes, and, in particular, to the dislike of Giuliano
to the trouble attending the detail of public affairs ; to the
expectation of his obtaining by the authority of his brother
a situation of still greater importance ; and to the prior
claims of Lorenzo to this authority, as representative of the
elder branch of his family, in which it had become in a
manner hereditary.* It is, however, yet more probable,
that the disposition which Giuliano hail always shewn to
gratify the wishes of the citizens, of which many instances
are on record,230 had induced his more politic relations to
doubt his resolution and to distrust his measures; and that
they therefore chose to place in his stead a young man in
whose name they might themselves, in fact, govern the re
public. At this time Lorenzo was in the twenty-first year of
his age, having been born on the thirteenth day of September,
1492, a few months before the death of his grandfather, Lo
renzo the Magnificent, f After the expulsion of his family
from Florence, he had been brought up by his mother, Alfon
sina Orsino, and had early felt the effects of popular resent
ment, having been banished a second time from his native
place when only fifteen years of age, on account of the mar
riage of his sister Clarice with Filippo Strozzi ; an event in
which he could have had no responsible share. Lorenzo
therefore returned to Florence, where the government was
restored to nearly the same form in which it had subsisted in
the time of Lorenzo the Magnificent.J Two councils were
formed ; one of which consisted of seventy members, who
were elected for life ; the other of one hundred members, who
were nominated every six months, and in which all persons
who had served the office of Gonfaloniere might also attend as
often as they thought proper. The province of the council of
seventy was to propose and deliberate on all regulations for
the benefit of the state; but before these could be passed
* Ammirato, 1st. Fior. lib. xxix. vol. iii. p. 315.
t Ibid, in Opusc. vol. iii. p. 102.
J Nerli Comment, lib. vi. p. 126.

GIULIANO ADMITTED A ROMAN CITIZEN. 329
into laws they were also to be considered and approved by
the greater council, with whom the power of granting pecu
niary supplies and imposing taxes on the people was still
allowed to reside. Lorenzo himself, instead of being distin
guished by any honorary title, was appointed one of the coun
cil of seventy, and took his place among his fellow-citizens ;
but under this external form of a free government, the autho
rity of the Medici was as absolute as if they had openly
assumed the direction of the state. The assembly of seventy
was, in fact, a privy council, nominated at their pleasure, and
implicitly following their directions ; whilst the greater
assembly served merely as a screen to hide from the people
the deformity of a despotic government, and as a pretext to
induce them to believe that they were still, in some measure,
their own rulers.
The arrival of Giuliano de' Medici to take up his re
sidence at Rome was considered by the citizens as a great
honour; and his affability, generosity, and elegant accom
plishments, soon procured him a very considerable share of
public favour. On his being admitted to the privileges of a
Roman citizen, which ceremony took place about the middle
of the month of September, 1513, a temporary theatre was
erected in the square of the Capitol ; where a splendid enter
tainment was prepared, and various poetical compositions
were recited or sung by persons equally distinguished by their
talents, and respectable by their rank. The second day was
devoted to the representation of the " Penulus" of Plautus.
These exhibitions, which were resorted to by an immense con
course of people, received every decoration which the taste of
the times and the munificence of the pontiff could bestow ;
and seemed to recall those ages when Rome was the mistress
of the world, and expended in magnificent spectacles the
wealth of tributary nations. Under the influence of the
pontifical favour, talents and learning again revived ; and
" the Theatre of the Capitol " is celebrated by Aurelius Se-
renus of Monopoli, in a Latin poem of no inconsiderable
length, which has been preserved to the present times. The
honours conferred on his brother by the Roman people Leo
affected to consider as a favour to himself ; and as a proof of
his generosity and paternal regard, he diminished the oppres-

330 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
sive tax upon salt, enlarged the authority of the civil magis
trates, and by many public immunities and individual favours
sought to secure to himself the affections of his subjects. On
this occasion the Roman citizens were not ungrateful. By
the general consent of all ranks, a marble statue of the pontiff,
the workmanship of the Sicilian sculptor Giacomo del Duca,
a pupil of Michel Agnolo,* was erected in the Capitol, under
which was inscribed OPTIMI. LIBERALISSIMIQUE. PONTIFICIS.
MEMORISE.
S. P. (J. R.
The total ruin of the French cause in Italy had concurred
with the well-regulated proceedings of the council of the
Lateran in discrediting the measures and destroying the
authority of the assembly held at Lyons ; and the character
for lenity and generosity which Leo had already acquired, in
affording the hope of pardon to the refractory ecclesiastics,
became also a powerful motive for their submission. Eager
to avail themselves of this favourable opportunity of effecting
a reconciliation, the cardinals Sanseverino and Carvajal took
shipping from France and arrived at the port of Leghorn,
whence they proceeded, without interruption, by Pisa to
Florence. On their arrival at this place, Leo was informed
of their intentions ; but although it was his wish to pardon
their transgressions, he did not think it advisable to suffer
them to proceed to Rome until he had prepared the way for
their reception. As well, however, for their safety as for his
own honour, he directed that they should remain at Florence
under a guard ; and that as they had been deprived by Julius
IL, which deprivation had been confirmed by the council of
the Lateran, they should lay aside the habiliments of their
former rank.+ These directions were communicated to the
humbled ecclesiastics by the bishop of Orvieto, whom Leo
had despatched for that purpose, and who at the same time
assured them of the lenient intentions of the pope, which
their proper submission would assist him in carrying into
effect. In truth, the hostility between Leo and these cardi
nals was rather of a political than a personal nature ; and al-
* Vasari, ii. p. 50 ; iii. p. 312.
f Guicciard. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 32.

LEO PARDONS THE CARDINALS. 331
though one of them had presided over the council of Milan, and
the other had marched at the head of the French army at the
battle of Ravenna, yet these circumstances had not obliterated
the remembrance of former kindness, and Leo was, perhaps,
gratified in evincing to the world that he was superior to the
vindictive impulse of long-continued resentment. In pre
paring the way for this reconciliation, he first obtained a
decree of the council of Lateran, by which all those prelates
and ecclesiastics who had been pronounced schismatical by his
predecessor should be allowed to come in and make their
submission, at any time prior to the end of November,
1513. This decree was, however, strongly opposed, not only
by Matthew Schinner, cardinal of Sion, who spoke the
opinions of the Helvetic state, and by Christopher Bam-
bridge, cardinal of York, the representative of the king of
England, but by the ambassadors of the emperor elect and of
the king of Spain ; all of whom expressed their dislike of a
measure so derogatory to the majesty of the apostolic see, and
strongly represented to the pope the pernicious consequences
of granting a pardon to the chief authors of such a dangerous
scandal to the church ; at the same time highly commending
the conduct of Julius IL, who to the last hour of his life had
refused to listen to any proposals of reconciliation. Leo was
not, however, to be moved from his purpose. The repentant
cardinals were ready to sign their recantation, and the council
had approved the terms in which it was expressed. On the
evening preceding the day appointed for their restitution they
accordingly entered the city, deprived of the habit and insignia
of their rank, and took up their abode in the Vatican. In
the morning, they presented themselves before the pope, who
was prepared to receive them in the consistory, accompanied
by all the cardinals, except those of Sion and of York, who
refused to be present. In the simple habit of priests, and
with black bonnets, they were led through the most public
parts of the Vatican, where their humiliation was witnessed
by a great concourse of people, who acknowledged that by
this act of penance they had made a sufficient atonement for
the errors of their past conduct. They were then introduced
into the consistory, where they entreated, on their knees, the
pardon of the pope and cardinals, approving all that had been

332 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
done by Julius IL, particularly the act of their own privation,
and disavowing the conciliabulum of Pisa and Milan as
schismatical and detestable. Having then subscribed their
confession, they were allowed to rise; after which they made
their obeisance and saluted the cardinals, who did not rise
from their seats in return. This mortifying ceremony being
concluded, they were once more invested with their former.
habits, and took their places among their brethren, in the
same order in which they had sat before their privation ;*
but this indulgence extended only to their rank, and not to
their benefices and ecclesiastical revenues, which having been
conferred on others during their delinquency, could not be
restored. In the deplorable condition to which the events of a few
months had reduced the affairs of Louis XII., it was at least
fortunate for him that some of his adversaries wanted the
talents, and others the inclination, to avail themselves of their
success. But although Henry VIII. had returned to his own
dominions, he avowed his intention of renewing his attack, in
the ensuing spring, with a still more powerful armament, for
the equipment of which he had already begun to make
preparations.231 The treaty entered into between the duke
de la Tremouille and the Swiss had, in all probability, pre
vented those formidable adversaries from proceeding directly
to Paris, which, after the capture of Dijon, they might have
done without difficulty ; t but Louis could neither discharge
the immense sum which the duke had, in his name, stipulated
to pay, nor would he relinquish his pretensions to the duchy
of Milan. The terms which he proposed to the Swiss, instead
of those which had been solemnly agreed upon, tended only
still further to exasperate them ; and they threatened within
a limited time to decapitate the hostages given at Dijon, if
the treaty was not punctually fulfilled. These threats they
would, in all probability, have carried into execution, had not
the hostages effected their escape ; but this event, as it in
creased the resentment of the Swiss, enhanced the dangers of
the French monarch, who could only expect the consequences
* A full account of this transaction is given by Leo himself to the em
peror elect, Maximilian, vide Bembi, Ep. Pont. lib. iii. ep. 23.
¦}• Guicciard. lib. xii. vol. ii. r>. 63

HUMILIATION OF LOUIS XII. 333
t f their vengeance in a still more formidable attack. His
apprehensions were further excited by the interception of a
letter from Ferdinand of Aragon to his envoy at the imperial
court, in which he proposed that the duchy of Milan should
be seized upon, and the sovereignty vested in Ferdinand, the
younger brother of the archduke Charles, afterwards Charles
V., which would give the united houses of Austria and
Spain a decided ascendency in Italy ; * that Maximilian
might then assume the pontifical throne, as it had always been
his wish to do, and resign to his grandson Charles the
imperial crown ; and although Ferdinand prudently observed,
that time and opportunity would be requisite to carry these
designs into effect, yet Louis could not contemplate without
serious alarm a project which was intended to exclude him
from all further interference in the affairs of Italy, and re
duce him to the rank of a subordinate power. In addition
to the vexations which surrounded him as to his temporal
concerns, he still laboured under the excommunication pro
nounced against him by Julius II. ; and as his queen, Anne
of Bretagne, was a zealous daughter of the church, she was
incessant in her representations to the harassed monarch to
return to his allegiance to the holy see.j- Whether, as some
historians suppose, it was merely in consequence of these
solicitations, and the remorse of his own conscience, or
whether, as is more probably the case, he was prompted by
the apprehensions which he so justly entertained of his
numerous and powerful enemies, he conceived it was now
high time to effect a reconciliation with the pope. A nego
tiation was accordingly opened, and on the sixth day of
November, 15 1 3, a treaty was signed at the abbey of Corbey,
by which the king agreed to renounce the council of Pisa,
and declared his assent to that of the Lateran ; promising
also to shew no favour in future to the council of Pisa, an 1
to expel those who should adhere to it from his dominions.^
The reconciliation of the French monarch to the church was
not, however, without its difficulties, and three cardinals
were appointed to consider on the means to be adopted for
securing the honour of the king and the dignity of the holy
* Guicciard. lib. xii. vol. ii. p. 65. t Mezerai, Hist, de Fr. torn. iv.
X Du Ment, "ol. iv. par. i. p. 175.

334 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
see. Their deliberations weie not of long continuance ; and
in the eighth session of the Lateran council, which was held
on the last day of the year 1513, the envoys of the king of
France were admitted ; who, producing the mandate of their
sovereign, renounced, in his name, the proceedings of the
council of Pisa, and expressed in ample terms his adherence
to that of the Lateran. They also engaged, that six of 'the
French prelates who had been present at the council of Pisa
should proceed to Rome, to make the formal submission of
the Galilean church. The humiliation of Louis XII. was
now complete ; and Leo, with the consent of the council,
gave him full absolution for all past offences against the
holy see.

DEPRESSION OF POLITE LEARNING AT ROME. 335

CHAPTER XI.
1513—1514.
Extraordinary depression of polite learning in Rome — State of the
Roman Academy — High expectations formed of Leo X. — The Gym
nasium or Roman university restored — Leo X. encourages the study of
the Greek tongue— Giovanni Lascar— Letter of Leo X. to Marcus
Musurus — The Greek Institute founded in Rome — Greek verses of
Musurus prefixed to the first Edition of Plato — Musurus appointed
archbishop of Malvasia — Dedication by Aldo Manuzio of the works of
Plato to Leo X. — Leo grants him the pontifical privilege for publishing
the Greek and Roman authors — Greek Press established by Leo X. at
Rome, and works there published — Agostino Chisi, a merchant at
Rome and a promoter of Literature — Cornelio Benigno of Viterbo
— Greek Press of Zaccaria Calliergo — Greek Literature promoted by
learned Italians — Varino Camerti — His Thesaurus Cornucopia. — Is
appointed librarian to the Medici family and bishop of Nocera — His
Apophthegms — His Greek Dictionary under the name of Phavorinus
— Scipione Forteguerra, called Carteromachus — Urbano Bolzanio —
Publishes the first grammatical rules in Latin for the Greek language —
Leo obtains a more complete copy of the works of Tacitus — Employs
Beroaldo to publish it — The work pirated by Minuziano of Milan —
Rise of the study of Oriental literature — Teseo Ambrogio appointed
by Leo X. professor of the eastern tongues in Bologna — His ele
mentary work on the Chaldean and other languages — Agostino
Giustiniano publishes a Polyglot edition of the Psalter — Great Com-
plutensian Polyglot of cardinal Ximenes dedicated to Leo X. — Leo
directs the translation of the scriptures by Pagnini to be published at
his expense — Encourages researches for eastern manuscripts.
Of the state of literature in Rome at the time when Leo X.,
then cardinal de' Medici, first took up his residence in that
city, 6ome account has already been given in a former part of
this work.* Since that period upwards of twenty years had
elapsed without affording any striking symptoms of improve
ment. Whoever takes a retrospect of the momentous events
* Vide chap. ii.

336 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
which had occurred during that interval, will be lit no loss
to account for that neglect of liberal studies which was ap
parent in some degree throughout the whole extent of Italy,
but was particularly observable at Rome. The descent of
Charles VIII., the contests between the French and Spanish
monarchs for the crown of Naples, the various irruptions of
Louis XII. for the recovery of Milan, the restless ambition
of Alexander VI. and the martial ferocity of Julius IL, had
concurred to distract the attention, to oppress the faculties,
and to engage in political intrigues or in military pursuits,
those talents which might otherwise have been devoted to
better purposes. Amidst the sacking of cities, the downfal
of states, the extinction or the exile of powerful families
and distinguished patrons of literature, and all the horrors of
domestic war, was it possible for the sciences, the muses, and
the arts, to pursue their peaceable and elegant avocations ?
" Whilst thundering _£tna rolls his floods of flame,
Shall Daphne crop the flowers by Arethusa's stream?" os
The indefatigable researches of the Italian scholars have
indeed discovered some slight traces of that literary associa
tion, first formed by Pomponius Lastus, and which, after
having been dispersed by the barbarity of Paul II. had again
been restored by the laudable exertions of Angelo Collocci,
Paolo Cortese, Jacopo Sadoleti, the younger Beroaldo, and a
few other learned men. It appears that these persons met
together at stated times, that they elected a dictator, and
amused themselves with literary pursuits ; but they seem to
have devoted their leisure hours rather to pleasure than to
improvement. Their talents were employed chiefly on ludi
crous subjects,233 and the muses to whom they paid their devo
tions were too often selected from the courtesans of Rome.234
The patronage afforded to these studies by Leo X., whilst he
was yet a cardinal, was of a much more respectable and
effectual nature. His house, which" was situated in the
Forum Agonale, now called the Piazza Navona, was the
constant resort of all those who to the honours of their rank
united any pretensions to literary acquirements. It is not,
therefore, surprising, that on his elevation to the pontificate.
those men of talents and learning who had been accustomed
to share his favour and to partake of his bounty should con-

EXPECTATIONS FORMED OF LEO X. i.37
sider this event as the harbinger of general prosperity, and
tho opening of a better age. This exultation frequently burst
forth in their writings ; and Leo found himself commended
on every hand for labours which he had yet to perform.
"  Now comes the happier age, so long foretold,
When the true Pastor guards his favour'd fold ;
Soon shall the streams with honied sweetness flow,
And truth and justice fix their seats below ;
Retiring Mars his dreadful anger cease,
And all the world be hush'd in lasting peace." *
The high expectations formed of him in the commencement
of his pontificate are yet more fully expressed by another of
his contemporaries, who might on this occasion have rejoiced
in the completion of his own auguries.
"  for now, when all the earth
Boasts none more great, more excellent than thee,
Be it thy task to watch with ceaseless care
O'er all the race of man ; by holy laws
To sanction virtue ; and by just rewards
Raise drooping merit and ingenuous worth.
Nor these alone, but mightier tasks than these,
Await thee. Soon the cheering smile of peace
Shall glad the nations. Kings, and mighty lords,
And warlike leaders, cease their hostile ire,
And at thy bidding join their willing hands." s35
The number and importunity of these writers, who in
truded upon him at every step with their officious suggestions,
became indeed so remarkable, as to give occasion to com
pare them to apes, who imagined they could instruct or amuse
the lion ; a charge which one of their brethren has thus ac
knowledged :
" For oft as we, the muses' faithful train,
Strive with our songs to sooth thy hours of pain ;
What, shall he ne'er, they cry, their teasing 'scape
The lion still tormented by the ape !
From that blest day when first his glory rose,
They haunt his footsteps wheresoe'er he goes j
At home, abroad, within his halls immured,
Nor in his chamber nor his bed secured ;
Debarr'd alike with lonely step to rove
Where spreads the prospect or where glooms the grove.
* I,. Parmenius Genesius, de Leone X. Carm. IUustr. Poet. Ital. vol. v.
p. 282. VOL. I. 2

338 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
—Whether, with mighty cares of state opprert.
The fate of Nations labours in his breast,
Or, wearied with the toils which grandeur knows,
He takes his meal or sinks in bland repose ;
Yet still they follow, exquisite to vex,
His patience weary and his thoughts perplex ;
So, where the monarch of the wood resorts,
In awkward attitudes the monkey sports j
Turns his bare haunch and twirls his tail on high,
More pertinacious than a teasing fly."
The poet then adverts to the conduct of Leo towards the
sons of the muses.
" But more indulgent thou their labours view
And like the lion bear the trifling crew."
He afterwards proceeds in a higher strain to repel the
censure, and to justify the attention paid by the poets to the
conduct of the pontiff.
" Yes, all imports us that thy mind revolves i
Thy secret counsels, and thy deep resolves,
To heal the wounds that Europe now deplores,
And turn the tide of war on Turkey's shores ;
Nor these alone, but bolder themes, inspire
The daring bard that glows with heavenly fire.*
This apology seems to have been admitted by the pontiff;
who, if he was not incited to the laudable acts which distin
guish his pontificate by the exhortations of his literary
admirers, was neither displeased with the high expectations
which had been formed of him, nor inattentive in availing
himself of every opportunity to fulfil them.
Among the establishments which had been formed in Rome
for the promotion of more serious studies, the Gymnasium,
or college, yet subsisted, although in a depressed and languid
state, in consequence of the turbulent events of the preceding
pontificate. This institution was founded by Eugenius IV,236
but the more modern and convenient building which was ap
propriated to its use, was erected by Alexander VI., who had
also called to Rome the most distinguished professors in Italy,
had rewarded them with liberal salaries, and regulated the
discipline of the place so as to render it of essential service to
the promotion of liberal studies. The revenues destined by
Alexander for the support of this institution are said to have
* Jo. Pierii Valeriana, ad Leonem X. Vide Carm. Illustr. Poet Ital.
torn. x. p. 31.

THE GYMNASIUM RESTORED. 339
arisen from the impositions charged upon the Jews within the
ecclesiastical states; but from whatever source they were
derived, they had been perverted during the pontificate of
Julius II. to the purposes of contention and warfare. No
sooner, however, was Leo seated in the pontifical chair, than
this seminary became one of the chief objects of his attention.
The revenues of the college were restored, and the chairs of
its professors were filled with the most eminent scholars, who
were attracted from every part of Europe by the reputation
and liberality of the pontiff.* From the original roll of the
Roman academy, as it existed in 1514, being the year after
its re-establishment by Leo X.,237 it appears that the number
of professors who received a remuneration from the bounty of
the pontiff, and many of whom enjoyed considerable salaries.
amounted to nearly one hundred ; that they read lectures in
theology, in the civil and canon law, in medicine, in moral
philosophy, in logic, in rhetoric, and in mathematics ; and that
there was even a professor of botany and the medical science
of plants, which may perhaps be with confidence considered
as the earliest instance of a public establishment for that pur
pose.238 Among these professors we find the names of many
persons of great eminence in the annals of literature, and
whose merits will necessarily occur to our future notice.
Having thus supplied the Roman college with proper instruc
tors, the next care of the pontiff was to render the benefits to
be derived from it as general and extensive as possible ; "lest,"
as he expressed it, " there should at times be more lecturers
than hearers." He therefore restored to the pupils their an
cient privileges and immunities ; he ordered that the lectures
.should be read both in the morning and evening, and should
not be interrupted on account of the numerous festivals of the
Roman church.t The assiduity with which he promoted this
great establishment, not only at this period, but throughout
his whole pontificate, sufficiently appears from the numerous
letters addressed by him to the most distinguished scholars
of the time, inviting their assistance, and requesting them
to take up their residence at Rome. In a bull, dated in
* The bull of establishment issued by Leo X. anno 1513, is given by
Cherubim, vol. i. p. 404. — Henke, Germ. ed. vol. ii. p. 108.
¦f Marini, Lettera, ut sup. p. 7. Z 2

340 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
the year 1514, he has himself recapitulated, with laudable
exultation, the important services rendered to the cause
of literature and science, by the renovation of this insti
tution.* " Having lately," says he, " been called by Divine
Providence to the office of supreme pontiff, and having restored
to our beloved subjects their rights, we have, among other
things, re-granted to the Roman university those revenues
which had for many years been perverted to other purposes.
And to the end that the city of Rome may assume that supe
riority over the rest of the world in literary studies, which she
already enjoys in other respects, we have, from different parts,
obtained the assistance of men acquainted with every branch
of learning, whom we have appointed professors ; on which
account, even in the first year of our pontificate, such numbers
of students have resorted to this place, that the university of
Rome is likely soon to be held in higher estimation than any
other in Italy."
But amidst the efforts of Leo for the improvement of
letters and of science, his attention was, perhaps, yet more
particularly turned towards the promotion of the study of the
Greek tongue; without which he was convinced, in the lan
guage of one of his contemporaries, that the Romans them
selves would not have had any learning to boast of.f In order
to give new vigour to this study, which had long languished
for want of encouragement, he determined to avail himself of
the services of Giovanni Lascar, a noble and learned Greek,
who had in his youth been driven from his eountry by the
progress of the Turkish arras, and had been indebted to the
bounty of the cardinal Bessarion for his education and conse- -
quent eminence. Having made a considerable proficiency at
the university of Padua, Lascar had been commissioned by
Lorenzo de' Medici to travel to Greece, with the view of
collecting ancient manuscripts ; for which purpose be took
two journeys, in the latter of which he appears to have been
very successful. J After the death of Lorenzo, and the expul
sion of his surviving family from Florence, Lascar accom
panied Charles VIII. into France, where he still continued to
inculcate the principles of Grecian literature, and where the
* Tirab. 7, part i. p. 111. Fabr. in Vita Leon. X. p. 71.
i Codri Urcei Serm. iii. in Oper. p. 92.
X Hodius, de Grsec. Illustr. p. 249. Life of* , de' Med.

LETTER OF LEO TO MUSURUS. 341
celebrated Budeeus was glad to avail himself of his instruc
tions. On the death of that monarch, he obtained in an
eminent degree the confidence of his successor, Louis XII.,
who sent him, in the year 1503, as his ambassador to the
state of Venice, in which capacity he remained there unti.
the year 1508. The contests which arose between Louis
XII. and the Venetians, in consequence of the memorable
league of Cambray, terminated his diplomatic functions ; but
it is conjectured that Lascar still resided at Venice, although
in a private capacity ; and it is certain, that at this place he
had the credit of instructing the celebrated Erasmus. On
the elevation of Leo to the pontificate, Lascar wrote to
congratulate him, and immediately afterwards quitted Venice
to pay him a visit at Rome. On his way, he received a
letter from the pope, assuring him of his friendship, and of
his constant attention to the promotion of those studies by
which Lascar was himself so eminently distinguished.
After deliberating with Lascar on the means to be adopted
for facilitating and extending the study of the Greek tongue,
Leo formed the design of inviting a number of young and
noble Greeks to quit their country and take up their residence
under his protection at Rome ; where, by the directions of
Lascar, they were not only to prosecute the study of their
native tongue, but to be instructed also in Latin literature.
On the recommendation of Lascar,239 the pontiff also addressed
himself on this occasion to Marcus Musurus, one of the disci
ples of Lascar, who, after having taught in the university
of Padua, had chosen his residence at Venice. The letter
written by Leo on this occasion, whilst it sufficiently explains
the object which he had in view, will shew with what ardour
he engaged in its prosecution.
Leo X. to Marcus Musurus.
" Having a most earnest desire to promote the study of
the Greek language and of Grecian literature, which are
now almost extinct, and to encourage the liberal arts as far as
lies in my power, and being well convinced of your great
learning and singular judgment, I request that you will take
the trouble of inviting from Greece ten young men, or as
many more as you may think proper, of good education, and
virtuous disposition ; who may compose a seminary of liberal

342 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
studies, and from whom the Italians may ierive the proper
use and knowledge of the Greek tongue. On this subject
you will be more fully instructed by Giovanni Lascar, whose
virtues and learning have deservedly rendered him dear to me.
I have a confidence also, that from the respect and kindness
which you have already shewn me, you will apply with the
utmost diligence to effect what may seem to you to be neces
sary for accomplishing the purposes which I have in view."
Dated viii. Id. Aug. 1513.*
For the accommodation of these illustrious strangers, Leo
purchased from the cardinal of Sion his residence on the
Esquilian hill, which he converted into an academy for the
study of Grecian literature, and of which he intrusted the
chief direction to Lascar, to whom he assigned a liberal pen
sion. This establishment is frequently adverted to in terms
of high commendation by the writers of this period.
At the very time when Leo requested the assistance of
Musurus, for the establishment of his Greek seminary in
Rome, that elegant scholar was terminating the first edition,
in the original Greek, of the writings of Plato, of which great
work he had, by the desire of Aldo Manuzio, superintended
the printing. To this edition he prefixed a copy of Greek
verses, which are so extremely applicable to the circumstances
of the times, and to the character and conduct of the pontiff,
that they cannot fail, even in a translation, of throwing addi
tional light on these subjects.f
The result of these verses, and of the assiduity of Musurus
in executing the commission intrusted to him by the pope,
was manifested in his appointment to the archbishopric of
Malvasia in the Morea,240 which had lately become vacant by
the death of Manilius Rhallus, another learned Greek, on
whom Leo had before conferred that dignity as a reward for
his talents and his learning.241 Nor did Musurus live long to
enjoy his honours, having died at Rome in the autumn of the
year 1517. It has been asserted, on the authority of Vale-
rianus and Jovius, that his death was occasioned by his regret
* Bemb. Epist. lib. iv. ep. 8. Hodius, de Gr_ec. Illustr. p. 251.
t Of these verses, a handsome edition was published at Cambridge, in
1797, by Samuel Butler, A.B. (afterwards bishop of Lichfield). An
English translation of them will be found in the App. No. X

WORKS OF PLATO DEDICATED TO LEO. 343
and vexation at not having been honoured with the purple as
a reward for his literary labours ; but there seems to be
neither truth nor probability in this opinion ; and although
the Greek poem of Musurus entitled its author to rank with
the most celebrated scholars of the age,* yet the munificence
of the pope seems not to have been inferior to the pretensions
of the poet. In fact, those writers, always in search of the
marvellous, are frequently obliged, to resort to the doubtful or
the false in order to complete their literary wonders ; which,
if true, would be sufficient to deter posterity from those
studies, that, according to their representation, can only
terminate in disappointment, poverty, and disgrace.
The before-mentioned edition of the works of Plato way
published in the month of September, 1513, and is allowed
to have conferred great honour, not only on the talents and
diligence of Musurus, but on the professional abilities of Aldo ;
who has prefixed to it a dedication in prose to Leo X., in
which that eminent printer refers in so particular a manner
to the character, of the pontiff, and to the expectations formed
of him at this early period, as to render some parts of it
peculiarly interesting.
" It is an ancient proverb, most holy father," says he,
"that when the head aches, all the members suffer. If
this be true as to the chief part of the human body, it is
still more so with respect to the manners and conduct of
those princes and great men, who are, as it were, the head
of the people. It has been shewn by long experience, that
such as governors are, - such are the subjects ; and that
whatever the former propose for their imitation, the lattor
are also eager to copy. On this account your elevation to
the pontificate was regarded with such satisfaction by all
Christians, that they did not hesitate to congratulate each
other on the cessation of those evils by which we have been
so long afflicted, and on the return of the blessings which
distinguished the golden age. We have, said they, obtained
a prince, a pontiff, and a father, such as we have long wished,
and of whose assistance, in these times, we stand in the
greatest n'eed. This I have myself heard repeated from
* Valer. de Literat. infel. lib. i. p. 16. Jovius, in Iscritt. p. 63.

344 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
all quarters. Nor is their confidence unfounded ; for many
things concur to shew that you will fulfil their wishes.
First, it may truly be observed, that even from your infancy
until your arrival at the pontificate, your life and conduct
have been pious and irreproachable. In the next place,
the family of Medici is the nursery of eminent men. From
this stock sprung (not to speak of others) your excellent
father, Lorenzo ; a man endowed with such prudence, as
whilst he lived to have preserved the tranquillity not only
of his own country, but of all Italy. That his life had still
been prolonged is my earnest wish ; for, in that case, the
war which broke out in Italy soon after his death, and which
now rages in that country, and in consequence throughout
all Europe, would either never have commenced, or if it had
commenced, would, as is generally believed, have been
speedily extinguished by him, by means of that authority
and prudence which he so successfully exerted on many
other occasions. O most deplorable event! O loss ever
to be regretted and lamented! One consolation, however,:
remains to us; that, as these dreadful commotions began
soon after the death of your father, so by the elevation of
you, his son, to the dignity of supreme pontiff, they will,
by your labours and your care, be extinguished. In the
third place, when I advert to your time of life, and consider
that, in your elevation to the pontificate, when you had not
attained your thirty-eighth year, you were preferred to so
many respectable fathers and venerable prelates, it seems to
me to manifest the divine interposition. For as there was
much to be done in correcting the affairs of the Christian
church, and reforming the morals of those who reside in
every part of the world, the task required a long life ; and
God has therefore chosen you, a young man of unimpeachable
conduct and morals, to fulfil by long services this important
task, without being disheartened by labour or discouraged by
difficulties. ' Brief are the hours of rest the man must share
On whom a nation casts its weight of care.' " — I!, b 28.
Aldo then adverts to the extension of the Christian
territory by the discoveries of Emanuel, king of Portugal,
in the east ; after which, returning to his immediate subject,

WORKS OF PLATO DEDICATED TO LEO. 345
he thus proceeds : " Nor does less honour await you, holy
father, from the restoration of literature and the supplying
learned men of the present and future ages with valuable
books for the promotion of liberal arts and discipline^ This
has in former times been attempted by many, not only
among the Greeks and Latins, but in other nations; and
the good effects of their labours have secured immortality
to their names. It has also been done in later days, both
by those in private stations and by supreme pontiffs and
illustrious sovereigns. Not to refer to others, how greatly
was literature promoted by the labour of Nicholas V. ! How
greatly, too, by your father, Lorenzo ! By whose assiduity,
had they enjoyed a longer life, many works would certainly
have been preserved which are now lost, and those which
we possess would have been rendered much more correct.
It remains, therefore, for you, the great successor of the one,
and the worthy son of the other, to complete that which they
were, by a premature death, prevented from accomplishing."
This excellent and indefatigable artist then refers to his own
labours. " This stone," says he, " I have long endeavoured
to roll ; in which attempt I seem to myself another Sisyphus;
not having yet been able to reach the top of the hill. Some
learned men consider me, indeed, rather as a Hercules; because,
unmindful of difficulties and dangers, I have rendered greater
services to the cause of letters than any other person for many
ages past. This has so far entitled me to their esteem, that,
both in person and by letter, they almost weary me with
their commendations ; sed non ego credulus Mis ; nor in
truth have I ever yet published a book which has pleased
myself. Such is the regard which I bear to literature, that
I wish to render those books which are intended for the use
of the learned, not only as correct but as beautiful as possible.
On this account, if there be an error, although ever so trivial,
occasioned by my own oversight, or by that of those who
assist me in the task of correction, although opere in magno
fas est obrepere somnum, for these works are not the labour
of a day but of many years, without rest or intermission, yet
so greatly do I regret these errors, that I would gladly ex
punge each of them at the expense of a piece of gold."
Leo was neither unacquainted with the merits of Aldo, nor

348^ THE LIFE OF LEO X.
insensible to his commendations ; the former of which he ac
knowledged, and the latter of which he repaid, by a papal
bull, bearing date the twenty-eighth day of November, 1513.
He there notices the strenuous exertions and great expenses
of Aldo, during many years, in the cause of literature ; parti
cularly in the printing Greek and Latin books with metal
types, which, he observes, are so elegantly executed as to
appear to be written with a pen. He then grants to him an
exclusive privilege for fifteen years, of reprinting and pub
lishing all Greek and Latin books which he had already
printed, or might afterwards print, in types discovered by
himself, as well as for the use of tho cursive, or Italic type,
of which he was the inventor. These concessions he secures
to him by denouncing not only heavy pecuniary penalties, but
also the sentence of excommunication against all such as
should encroach upon his privileges ; recommending to him,
however, to sell his books at a reasonable price, of which he
declares that he has the fullest confidence from the integrity
and obedience of the printer.242
The restoration of the Roman Academy, and the institution
of the Greek seminary in Rome, speedily led the way to the
establishment of a press for printing Greek books in that city;
the superintendence of which was also intrusted to Lascar,
who himself corrected the works which issued from it. His
abilities in this province had already been sufficiently evinced
by his edition of the Greek " Anthologia," printed in capital
letters at Florence, in the year 1494, and inscribed by him to
Piero de'- Medici ; and by that of Callimachus, printed in
capitals at the same place, and most probably about the same
period. It has also been conjectured, that for several other
works which about the same time issued from the press of
Lorenzo Francesco de Alopa, the world is indebted to the
industry of the same distinguished scholar.243 As the Roman
press was more particularly intended to promote the objects of
the Greek seminary, and as the works of Homer, which had
been splendidly published at Florence in the year 1488, were
unaccompanied by any commentary, it was thought expedient
to print the ancient Greek Scholia on that first of poets, which
was accordingly published in the year 1517; and was fol
lowed, in the year 1518, by the Scholia oa the tragedies of

LITERATURE PATRONIZED BY AGOSTINO CHIGI, 347
Sophocles, which then also for the first time issued from the
press. In these works the citations from the text are printed
in capitals, in order to distinguish them from the comment,
and facilitate the use of the books to the pupils.
The efforts of Leo X. for the promotion of liberal studies
were emulated by many persons of rank and opulence ; but
by no one with greater munificence and success than by a
merchant who had for some time resided at Rome, and who
deserves more particular commemoration in the annals both
of literature and of art, than he has hitherto obtained. Agos
tino Chisi, Chigi, or Ghisi, as he is variously named, was a
native of Siena, who having frequent occasion, in his mer
cantile concerns, to resort to Rome, at length fixed his abode
there, and erected for himself a splendid mansion in the
Transtevere, which he decorated with works in painting
and sculpture by the greatest artists of the time.* He had
long been considered as the wealthiest merchant in Italy,
and on the expedition of Charles VIII. against the kingdom
of Naples, had advanced for the use of that monarch a con
siderable sum of money, which, however, there is reason te
believe he had not the good fortune to recover. That he
carried on an extensive intercourse with foreign parts, may
be conjectured from the applications made on his behalf to
the French court, for the liberation of certain ships belong
ing to him, which had been captured during the contests
between Louis XII. and Julius IL, and detained in the
ports of France. On the rejoicings which had taken place
on the procession of Leo X. to the Lateran, Agostino ex
ceeded, in the magnificence and taste of the devices exhi
bited in honour of the pontiff, every other individual in
Rome. A great part of his wealth was supposed to have
arisen from his having rented, under Julius IL, the mines
of salt and of alum belonging to the Roman see. On the
elevation of Leo X. the profits of the latter had been
granted to Lorenzo, the nephew of the pontiff; but, after a
long negotiation between him and Agostino, in which the
latter appears to have conducted himself with great, pro-
* Vasari, Vite de' Pittori, passim. This mansion was afterwards pur
chased by the family of the Farnese, to whom it yet belongs, and is known
by the name of the Farnesina.

348 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
priety, and even liberality, the contract with him, as sole
vender of this article, was renewed. From this period we
find him frequently mentioned in the confidential correspond
ence of the Medici family, as. their associate and friend.
Of the liberal encouragement which he afforded to the pro
fessors of painting, sculpture, and every other branch of
art, and of the partiality and attachment with which he
was regarded by them, instances will occur to our future
notice ; but the professors of literature were not without their
share of his attention ; and whilst Leo X. was employing all
his efforts for the restoration of ancient learning, Agostino
had devoted himself to the same object in a manner which
confers great honour on his memory. Among those learned
men whom he had distinguished by his particular favour, was
Cornelio Benigno of Viterbo,244 who united to a sound
critical judgment an intimate acquaintance with the Greek
tongue, and had before joined with a few other eminent
scholars in revising and correcting the geographical work of
Ptolemaeus, which was published at Rome in the year 1507.
Under the patronage of Chigi, Cornelio undertook to super
intend an edition of the writings of Pindar, accompanied by
the Greek Scholia. The printer whose assistance they had
recourse to on this occasion was Zaccaria Calliergo, a native
of Crete, who had formerly resided at Venice, and had ob
tained considerable applause by his edition of the great
Etymological Dictionary of the Greek language, which he
published there by the assistance of Musurus, in the yeai
1499. A printing-press was established in the house of
Agostino ; and at his expense, and by the labour of his
learned associates, a fine edition in quarto of the works of .
Pindar was published in the mouth of August, 1515, which
was allowed to be executed with great accuracy, and as well
on account of the beauty of the workmanship as of the Scholia
by which it was accompanied, and which were now for the
first time printed, is even preferred to the first edition of the
same author given by Aldo two years before. By this pub
lication, Agostino anticipated the pontiff in the introduction of
the Greek typography, and produced the first book which
had been printed in that language at Rome. To the same
press we are also indebted for a correct edition of the Idvllia

VARIN0 CAMERTI. 349
and Epigrams of Theocritus, which appeared in the year
1516, and which has been resorted to by a learned modern
editor, as the most accurate and complete among the
early editions of that charming author, and as that on which
he chiefly relied, for the correction of those errors which
the inattention or inaccuracy of subsequent printers had in
troduced.245 The labours of Lascar, of Musurus, and other native Greeks,
in diffusing the study of the Greek language throughout
Italy, were rivalled, if not surpassed, by several learned
Italians, who had devoted themselves chiefly to this depart
ment of literature, and shared with them in the esteem and the
favour of the supreme pontiff. Among these, one of the most
distinguished was Guarino, a native of Favera, in the state
of Camerino, whence he assumed the surname of Favorino ;
and having, in compliance with the custom of the Italian
scholars, transformed his name of Guarino into the more
classical appellation of Varino, he sometimes styled himself
Varinus Favorinus, or Phaeorinus, and at others Marino
Camerti. The period of his birth is placed by a well-
informed writer some years after the middle of the fifteenth
century.* In acquiring a knowledge of the Greek and Latin
languages he had the good fortune to obtain the instructions
of Politiano, who has left in one of his letters an honourable
testimomy of the proficiency of his pupil ; 246 of the opportu
nities thus afforded him, he availed himself with such dili
gence, that very few, even of the Greeks themselves, could
equal him in the knowledge of that language. During his
residence in Florence, he appears to have been particularly
devoted to the service of the Medici family, and is said,
although perhaps erroneously, to have given instructions, as
preceptor, to Giovanni de' Medici, afterwards Leo X.247 He
also formed an intimacy there with Giulio de' Medici, after
wards Clement VII., which continued uninterrupted until the
death of that pontiff. The first publication of Varino was a
collection of grammatical tracts in the Greek language,
selected with incredible labour from the remains of thirty-
four ancient grammarians, whose names are prefixed to the
* Zeno, Giorn. d'ltalia, vol. j_ix. p. 91.

350 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
work.248 In this compilation he was assisted by Carlo Anti-
nori, another disciple of Politiano, and even by Politiano
himself, who also honoured him with a recommendatory
letter and a Greek epigram to be prefixed to the volume.
The publication was undertaken by Aldo Manuzio, in which
he was assisted by the celebrated Urbano Valeriano, who will
occur to our future notice as another successful promoter of
Grecian literature. The first edition of this work made its
appearance in the year 1496,249 and is justly considered as one
of the finest productions of the Aldine press. Succeeding
grammarians have adverted to this collection in terms of
approbation, and the learned Budseus is said to have made
considerable use of it in his commentaries on the Greek
tongue. It was, however, reserved for the indefatigable
Henry Stephens to complete the building of which Varino
had laid the foundation ; which he did in his " Thesaurus
Lingua. Grascse," which is considered as the most complete
body of grammatical knowledge extant in any language, but
for the title and idea of which he appears to have been in
debted to Varino.
Having engaged in an ecclesiastical life, and entered into
the order of Benedictines, Varino was, in the year 1508, no
minated by Julius II. archdeacon of Nocera, and, in 1512,
was intrusted by Leo X., then the cardinal de' Medici, with
the superintendence of his private library, an office which he
continued to enjoy after the elevation of that pontiff to the
supreme dignity. The collection made by the cardinal in
Rome had, in the year 1508, been enriched by the addition
of the library formed by the assiduity of his ancestors in
Florence, which, after the expulsion of his family in 1494,
had been sold, as confiscated property, to the convent of
S. Marco, for three thousand gold ducats. From the monks
of this convent, who either were or pretended to be in want
of money to discharge their debts, the cardinal afterwards
purchased the same on reasonable terms, and the library was
conveyed to Rome, where, however, it was always kept dis
tinct from that of the Vatican, and was considered as the
peculiar collection of the Medici family. The high esteem in
which Varino was held by this family sufficiently appears
in the secret correspondence which was maintained at this '

VARINO CAMERTI. 351
period between Rome and Florence, where he is generally
mentioned by the friendly appellation of Guerino nostro. In
the year 1514, the general of the rich monastery of Vallom-
brosa, having been accused of misconduct in his office, was
committed by order of the pope to the castle of S. Angelo;
where, on being threatened with the question, according to
the detestable practice of the times, when the cord was
applied to draw him up he confessed that he had been guilty
of some errors, one of which, it seems, was his having caused
the handle of a razor to be adored as a piece of the wood of
the cross. The real offence of the general appears, however,
to have consisted in his having been an adversary to the
Medici family, and in having selected his orisons from the
Canticles in such a manner as to pray for their destruction.*
His removal from his office was determined upon, and it was
proposed that Varino should succeed him in this respectable
and lucrative situation ; but this not taking effect, the pope,
in the month of July following, nominated Varino to the
bishopric of Nocera, which diocese he governed with great
credit during upwards of twenty-three years.250 In the same
correspondence many instances occur of the respect paid to
his opinion on subjects of literature, and concerning the manu
scripts of ancient authors. The high estimation in which he
was held by the pontiff caused him also to be frequently re
sorted to by those who wished to obtain the favours of the
Roman see ; and it was chiefly by his means that Gianmaria
Varani, lord of Camerino, was honoured by the pope with the
title of the first duke of that territory, by a decree which
passed the consistory on the thirtieth day of April, 1515. t
The cardinal Innocenzio Cibd was deputed from Rome to
place the ducal diadem on the head of Gianmaria, in which
embassy he was attended by two bishops, one of whom was
Varino, who had the honour of celebrating mass on the occa
sion, and of investing the duke with the insignia of his new
rank, as also with those of prefect of Rome, and count of
Sinigaglia. * MSS. Florent. Vide App. No. XI.
+ On this occasion, Varani struck a medal in honour of Leo X. with
the arms of Camerino on one side, and on the reverse, a laurel wreath,
with the motto, " Ikonis X. cultui."

352 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
The next publication of Varino was a translation into Latin
of the apophthegms of various Greek authors, collected by
Stoba.us, which he dedicated to Leo X., and printed at Rome
in the year 1517. Of this work another edition was published
at Rome, in,1519, under a very different title;251 and this
was reprinte'd at Cracow in 1529, with a Latin epigram in
praise of the author by a learned native of Poland.
But the great work by which Varino is known to the pre
sent times, and which will always secure to him an honour
able rank among the promoters of Grecian literature, is his
Greek dictionary, which, after the labour of many years, was
completed by him in the lifetime of Leo X., who granted him
a privilege for its publication ; notwithstanding which it did
not make its appearance until the pontificate of his successor,
Adrian VI., in the year 1523, when it was published at Rome
from the press of Zaccaria Calliergo. In this department
Varino had indeed been preceded by Giovanni Crastone, a
Carmelite monk,252 but the production of this ecclesiastic is so
defective, that Varino is ranked as the first who favoured the
learned world with an useful and authentic lexicon. The
merit of this performance is fully confirmed by the authority
of the celebrated Henry Stephens, in his " Thesaurus Linguse
Gra_c_e ;" not indeed in express terms, for he has not even
mentioned the labours of his industrious predecessor; but by
the more unequivocal circumstance of his having transcribed
many parts of the volume published by Varino, and inserted
them in his own more extensive work. The dictionary of
Varino was on its publication dedicated by him to Giulio,
cardinal de' Medici, afterwards Clement VII. Another
edition was printed at Basil in the year 1538 ;* and notwith
standing the various wo:ks of the same nature which have
since been published, the authors of which have availed them
selves without scruple of the labours of Varino, his dictionary
was again reprinted at Venice in the year 1712, by Antonio
Bartoli, in a correct and elegant manner, and yet retains its
rank among those useful and laborious compilations, of which
it set the first laudable example.253
Another eminent Italian scholar who at this period dis-
* This edition was superintended by the celebrated Camerarius, and
Inscribed by him to Albert, marquis of Brandenburg.

SCIPIONE FORTEGUERRA. 353
tinguished himself by his proficiency in Greek literature, was
Scipione Forteguerra of Pistoja, better known by his scholastic
appellation of Carteromachus, by which he chose to express
his family name in his favourite language. His origin was
respectable, and his father .had several times held the supreme.
magistracy of his native place. He was born in the year
1467, and received the rudiments of his education at Pistoja,
whence he afterwards removed to Rome ; but it was in the
city of Florence, and under the directions of Politiano, that he
acquired that thorough knowledge of the Greek language on
which his reputation is founded. On this occasion he was the
fellow-student of Varino, and being associated with the
Anteaori and other young men of rank, was allowed to receive
instructions in the family of the Medici. From Florence he
transferred his residence to Padua, whence he wrote, in the
month of April, 1 493, to his preceptor Politiano, with whom,
as appears from this lett&r, he still maintained the most
friendly intimacy. About the year 1500, he was invited by
the senate of Venice to give instructions in the Greek lan
guage in that city. At this period he had acquired such credit
by his proficiency in that tongue, that we are assured that the
Greeks themselves acknowledged his superiority, even in
their native language.* On the elevation of Julius II.
Scipione was called to Rome by that pontiff, and by him ap
pointed to attend as preceptor and companion on his nephew,
the cardinal Galeotto della Rovere, to whom Scipione soon
afterwards inscribed an oration of Aristides, which he trans
lated, from the Greek. From the intimacy which subsisted
between Galeotto and the cardinal de' Medici, it may be pre-
sumad, that Scipione at this period renewed that friendship.
with the latter which had been formed when they were fellow
students at Florence. During his attendance on Galeotto,
he met at Bologna with the celebrated Erasmus, who has
described him as a man of deep and consummate erudition,
but so remote from all ostentation, that unless called forth by
controversy, no one would have suspected him to have been
possessed of such accomplishments. The acquaintance which
these distinguished scholars then contracted was ripened into
* P. Alycon. de Exsilio ap Zeno. Giora, d'ltal. vol. xx. p. 282.
VOL. 1. £ a

354 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
more particular friendship when they met together at Rome.*
Ontiie untimely death of Galeotto in the year 1508, Scipione
attached himself to Francesco Alidosio, cardinal of Pavia;
after whose assassination at Ravenna by the duke of Urbino,
in the year 1511, he returned to Rome, and enjoyed the
society of the few men of learning then resident there, and
particularly of Angelo Colocci. If we may credit an eminent
Italian critic, Scipione was indebted to Colocci for his intro
duction to the friendship of the cardinal de' Medici ; but we
have already found sufficient reason to conclude that their
acquaintance had commenced at a much earlier period j*5*
and it is certain that before the elevation of Leo X. to the
pontificate, Scipione was not only ranked among his friends,
but resided with him under his roof.255 After that fortunate
event, Leo is said to have appointed Scipione to direct the
studies of his cousin Giulio de' Medici, then archbishop elect
of Florence, but it is scarcely probable that Leo would have
interfered with the studies of his relation, who was then of
mature age and fully competent to choose his own associates
and instructors. Scipione had, however, reason to flatter him
self, that from the liberality of such a pontiff he should receive
the just remuneration of his talents and his services ; nor. is it
likely that his expectations would have been defrauded, had
not his premature death prevented his obtaining the full reward
of his merits. The precise time when this event happened has
been a subject of doubt ; but from the most authentic account,
founded on the records of his family, it appears that he died at
Pistoia, about six months after the accession of Leo X., or in
the mouth of October, 1513. In consequence of his untimely
fate, Scipione is indebted for his literary reputation rather to
the numerous commendations of his contemporaries and friends
than to his own writings, many of which are said to have
been dispersed at his death, and usurped by others into
whose hands they had fallen. Among those which remain,
is his oration in praise of Grecian literature, recited by him
before a full and noble audience at Venice, in 1504, and
published from the press of Aldo in the same year ;f besides
* Erasm. Ep. lib. xxiii. ep. 5.
¦f Reprinted by Frobenius, at Basil, in 1517, and also prefixed by the
loarned H^nry Stephens to his " Thesaurus Lingua. Grseesc,"

URBANO BOLZANIO. 355
which several epigrams in Greek and Latin, and a few
Italian compositions, are extant in the publications of the
times.* " It might be truly observed of him," says Vale-
riano, " that there was nothing written before his time
which he had not read ; nothing that he had read which he
did not convert to the utility of others." During his
residence at Venice he frequently assisted in correcting the
editions of the ancient authors published by Aldo, who has
mentioned him in several of his publications in terms of
high commendation and esteem. He also united with
Cornelio Benigno of Viterbo, and other learned men, in
correcting the edition of the geographical works of Ptolema_us,
printed at Rome in 1507, which has before been noticed.
Fra Urbano Valeriano Bolzanio, of Belluno, has already
been mentioned as one of the coadjutors of Varino and Aldo
in the publication of the " Thesaurus Cornucopije ;" but the
services which he rendered to Grecian literature by his sub
sequent labours entitle him to more particular notice He was
born in the year 1440, and is said by his nephew, Piero Va
leriano, to have been the earliest instructor of Leo X. in the
knowledge of the Greek tongue. Although an ecclesiastic of
the order of S. Francesco, he quitted the walls of his mona
stery with the laudable curiosity of visiting foreign parts ;
and having had an opportunity of accompanying Andrea
Gritti, afterwards doge of Venice, on an embassy to Constan
tinople, he thence made an excursion through Greece, Pales
tine, Egypt, Syria, Arabia, and other countries ; always tra
velling on foot, and diligently noting whatever appeared
deserving of observation.t The disinterestedness of Urbano is
strongly insisted on by his nephew Piero, who informs us thai
he rather chose to suffer the inconveniences of poverty than to
receive a reward for those instructions which he was at all
times ready to give, and that he always persevered in refus
ing those honours and dignities which Leo X. would gladly
have conferred upon him. His activity, temperance, and
placid disposition, secured to him a healthful old age, nor did
he omit to make frequent excursions through Italy, until ho
was disqualified from these occupations by a fall in his garden,
* Zeno, Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xx. p. 294, &c.
t Valerian, de Literat. infelic. lib. ii. p. 166.
2 A 2

356 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
whilst he was pruning his trees.* His principal residence was
at Venice, where he not only assisted Aldo Mauuzio in cor
recting the editions which he published of the ancient authors,
but gave instructions in the Greek language to a great num
ber of scholars ; insomuch, that there was scarcely a person
in Italy distinguished by his proficiency in that language
who had not at some time been his pupil.258 His earnest
desire of facilitating the knowledge of this language induced
him to undertake the composition of his grammar, which was
the first attempt to explain in Latin the rules of the Greek
tongue. This work was first printed in 1497,t and was
received with such avidity, that Erasmus, on inquiring for
it in the year 1499, found that not a copy of the impression
remained unsold.257
The exertions of Leo X. were not, however, exclusively
confined to the promotion of any one particular branch of
literature. Soon after his elevation, he caused it to be pub
licly known that he would give ample rewards to those who
should procure for him manuscript copies of the works of any
of the ancient Greek or Roman authors, and would at his
own expense print and publish them with as much accuracy
as possible. In consequence of this, the first five books of the
Annals of Tacitus, which Lipsius afterwards divided into six,
and which had until that time existed only in manuscript,
were brought from the Abbey of Corvey, in "Westphalia, by
Angelo Arcomboldo, who was remunerated by the pope with
the liberal reward of 500 zechins.J Such of the writings of
that eminent historian as had before been discovered, and
which consisted of the last six books of his Annals and the
first five books of his History, had been printed by Johannes
de Spira at Venice, about the year 1468, and several times
reprinted at Rome and Venice. On obtaining this valuable
copy, which, besides comprehending the additional books,
supplied considerable defects in those before published, Leo
determined to give to tho world as complete an edition as pos
sible ; for which purpose he intrusted the manuscript to the
* Valerian, de Literat. infel. lib. ii. p. 168.
+ Urban i, Grammatica Gk.eca. Ven. ap. Aldum, mensc Janua-
rio, anno 1497, 4to.
J Brotier, Tacit, in prsef. p. 18. Op. ed. Par. 1771

PUBLICATION OF TACITUS. 357
younger Filippo Beroaldo, with directions to correct the text,
and to superintend the printing of it in an elegant and useful
form. In order to reward the editor for his trouble on this
occasion, Leo proposed to grant to him an exclusive privilege
for the reprinting and sale of the work ; and as the brief
in which this privilege is conceded contains a kind of jus
tification on the part of the pontiff for devoting so much of
his attention to the promotion of profane learning, an extract
from its preamble may not be inapplicable to our present
subject. " Amongst the other objeots of our attention since we have
been raised by divine goodness to the pontifical dignity, and
devoted to the government, and, as far as in us lies, to the
extension of the Christian church, we have considered those
pursuits as not the least important which lead to the pro
motion of literature and useful arts ; for we have been
accustomed even from our early years to think, that nothing
more excellent or more useful has been given by the Creator
to mankind, if we except only the knowledge and true wor
ship of himself, than these studies, which not only lead to
the ornament and guidance of human life, but are applicable
and useful to every particular situation ; in adversity con
solatory, in prosperity pleasing and honourable; insomuch,
that without them we should be deprived of all the grace
of life and all the polish of society. The security and
extension of these studies seem chiefly to depend on two cir
cumstances, the number of men of learning, and the ample
supply of excellent authors. As to the first of these, we
hope, with the divine blessing, to shew still more evidently
our earnest desire and disposition to reward and to honour
their merits ; this having been for a long time past our chief
delight and pleasure. With respect to the acquisition of
books, we return thanks to God, that in this also an oppor
tunity is now afforded us of promoting the advantage of
mankind." The pontiff then adverts to his having obtained at great
expense the five books of Tacitus, which he confides to the
care of Beroaldo for publication, with high commendation on
his talents, industry, and integrity ; and in order to secure to
him the reward of his labours, he denounces the sentence trf

358 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
excommunication, latw sentential, with the penalty of two
hundred ducats, and forfeiture of "the books, against any per
sons who should reprint these works within ten years, without
the express consent of the editor.*
But notwithstanding the censures of the Christian church
were thus employed by the pontiff for protecting the writings
of a heathen author, neither these, nor the temporal penalties
by which they were accompanied, could prevent another
edition from being printed at Milan in the same year by
Alessandro Minuziano, who had established himself there as a
printer, and contended with Aldo Manuzio in the publication
of the writings of antiquity. So vigilant' was MiDuziano in
this respect, that he obtained the sheets of the Roman edition
as they came progressively from the press ; and it is probable
that his own edition was nearly completed before he was
aware of the heavy denunciations against those who should
presume to pirate the work. By this measure the incautious
printer not only incurred the penalties in the papal brief, but
excited the indignation of the pope, who found his monitory
treated with contempt in the very place which he had lately
freed from the yoke of the French, and who ordered
Minuziano immediately to appear at Rome. The inter
position of some powerful friends, and not improbably
that of Maximiliano Sforza, was, however, exerted in
his behalf; and such representations were made to the pope
as induced him to relax from his severity, and release the
offender from his excommunication ; which was followed by
a kind of compromise between him and Beroaldo, by which
the Milanese printer was allowed to dispose of the remaining
copies of his work.258
The restoration of the Greek and Roman languages was
accompanied, or speedily followed, by the study of the oriental
tongues, which although so necessary to the perfect know
ledge of the sacred writings, now first began to engage the
more particular attention of the learned.259 To the successful
prosecution of these inquiries the favour of the great was yet
more necessary than to the other branches of learning ; and
the assistance afforded by Leo X. to those who engaged in.
* Published, Rotasa. m.d.xv.

STUDY OF ORIENTAL LITERATURE. 359
them may serve to shew that his munificence was not con
fined, as has generally been supposed, to the lighter and more
ornamental branches of literature. Among those who had
made an early proficiency in the knowledge of the eastern
tongues was Teseo Ambrogio of Pavia, regular canon of the
Lateran,* who arrived at Rome in the year 1512, at the
opening of the fifth session of the Lateran council. The
great number of ecclesiastics from Syria, Ethiopia, and other
parts of the east, who attended that council, afforded him
an opportunity of prosecuting his studies with advantage ; and
at the request of the cardinal Santa Croce, he was employed
as the person best qualified to translate from the Chaldean
into Latin the liturgy of the eastern clergy, previously to the
use of it being expressly sanctioned by the pope. After having
been employed by Leo X. for two years in giving instruc
tions in Latin to the subdeacon Elias, a legate from Syria to
the council, whom the pope wished to retain in his court, and
from whom Ambrogio received in return instructions in the
Syrian tongue, he was appointed by the pontiff to the chair of
a professor in the university of Bologna, where he delivered
instructions in the Syriac and Chaldaic languages for the first
time that they had been publicly taught in Italy. Ambrogio
is said to have understood no less than eighteen different lan
guages, many of which he spoke with the ease and fluency of
• a native. In the commotions which devastated Italy after
the death of Leo X. he was despoiled of the numerous and
valuable eastern manuscripts which he had collected by the
industry of many years, as also of the types and apparatus
which he had prepared for an edition of the Psalter in the
Chaldean, which he intended to have accompanied with a
dissertation on that language. This, however, did not deter
him from the prosecution of his studies, and in the year 1539,
he published at Pavia his " Introduction to the Chaldean,
Syrian, Armenian, and ten other tongues, with the alpha
betical characters of about forty different languages ;" which
is considered by the Italians themselves as the earliest attempt
* He was of the noble family ot the Conti d'Albonese, and born in
1469. At fifteen years of age, he is said to have written and spoken
Greek and Latin with a facility equal to any person of the time. — Maz
zuchelli, Scrittori d'ltal. vol. ii. p. 609.

360 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
made iu Italy towards a systematic acquaintance with the
literature of the east.
The labours of Ambrogio were emulated by several other
learned Italians, and particularly by Agostino Giustiniaui,
who with more success than Ambrogio undertook an edition
of the Psalter in four languages, which he published at Genoa
in 151 6.260 It is observable that Tiraboschi considers this work
as the first specimen of a polyglot Bible which had been seen
in Europe ;* but this praise is justly due to the great Com-
plutensian polyglot of cardinal Ximenes, of which the earliest
part bears the date of 1514, and which work is inscribed to
Leo X. On being informed that Saute Pagnini, a learned
ecclesiastic then in Rome, had undertaken to translate the
Bible from the original Hebrew, Leo sent to him and requested
to be allowed the inspection of his work. The satisfaction
which he derived from it was such that he immediately
ordered that the whole should be transcribed at his own ex
pense, and gave directions that materials should be provided
for printing it. A part of it was accordingly executed, but
the death of the pontiff retarded its completion, and the
labours of Pagnini were not published until the pontificate of
Clement VII. The Hebrew tongue was also publicly taught
at Rome, by Agacio Guidacerio, a native of Calabria, who
published a grammar of that language, which he dedicated to
Leo X., and of which he gave a more complete edition at
Paris in 1539. Francesco de' Rosi, of Ravenna, having,
during his travels into Syria, discovered an Arabic manu
script, under the title of " The Mystic Philosophyof Aristotle,"
caused it to be translated into Latin, and presented it to the
pope, who, in his letter of acknowledgments, expresses his
earnest desire of promoting similar researches, and his appro
bation of the labours of Francesco, to whom he also grants
a privilege for the publication of the work, which was ac
cordingly printed at Rome in the year 1519. These brief
notices of the rise of oriental learning in Europe may suffi
ciently demonstrate the interest which Leo X. took in
promoting those studies, and the success which attended his
efforts. * Tirab. vol. vii. par. ii. p. 403.

THANKSGIVINGS IN ROME. 361

CHAPTER XII.
1514.
Public thanksgivings at Rome for the success of the Christian arms —
Splendid embassy from the king of Portugal to Leo X . — Papal grant
of newly-discovered countries to the king of Portugal — Louis XII. en
deavours to engage in his interest the Helvetic states — Proposed
alliance between the Royal Houses of France, Spain, and Austria —
Efforts of Leo X. to prevent such alliance — Leo endeavours to reconcile
the French and English sovereigns — Treaty of alliance between England
and France— Wolsey appointed archbishop of York — Marriage of
Louis XII. with the princess Mary, sister of Henry VIII. — Singular
interview between Erasmus and the papal legate Canossa — Magnificent
exhibitions at Florence — Triumph of Camillus — Tournaments — De
liberations at Rome for aggrandizing the family of the Medici — Leo X.
forms designs upon the kingdom of Naples and the duchies of Ferrara
and Urbino — Enters into a secret alliance with Louis XII. — His
motives explained — Leo obtains the city of Modena — Endeavours to
reconcile the Venetians to the king of Spain, and the Emperor elect
—Legation of Bembo to Venice — The senate refuses to comply with
his proposals — Historical mistakes respecting this negotiation — Death
of Louis XII. — His character — His widow marries Charles Brandon,
duke of Suffolk.
The reconciliation which had been so happily effected between
Louis XII. and the Roman see was extremely agreeable to
the pope ; not only as it afforded a subject of triumph to the
church, in having reduced to due obedience so refractory and
powerful a monarch, but as having also extinguished the last
remains of that schism which had originated in the council of
Pisa, and had at one time threatened to involve in contention
the whole Christian world.
This satisfaction was soon afterwards increased by the
intelligence of the important victories which the kings of
Hungary and of Poland had obtained over the common
enemies of the Christian faith, and of the discoveries of
Emanuel, king of Portugal, in the east, under the conduct

362 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
of the celebrated Vasco del Gama.* Such a concurrence of
great and prosperous events induced the pope to direct the
celebration of a public thanksgiving in Rome, which was
accordingly observed with extraordinary pomp, and splendid
processions to the churches of S. Maria del Popolo and
S. Agostino ; in which the pontiff appeared in person, and,
by the propriety and decorum which always distinguished
him on public occasions, gave additional dignity to the
ceremony. At the same time he ordered Camillo Portio to
pronounce, in the pontifical chapel, a Latin oration in praise
of the character and actions of the king of Portugal, who
had communicated to him his success, and testified his dutiful
obedience to the Roman court, and his personal attachment
to the supreme pontiff.
This mutual interchange of civility and respect between
the king of Portugal and the pontiff was, however, rendered
much more conspicuous by a splended embassy from the
Portuguese monarch, which soon afterwards arrived at Rome,
to the great delight and astonishment of the inhabitants. The
chief ambassador on this occasion was the celebrated Tristano
Cugna, who had himself held a principal command in the
expedition to the east, and had acquired great honour by
his conduct and courage in its prosecution. He was accom
panied by Jacopo Paceco and Giovanni Faria, professors of
the law, of great eminence and authority. Three sons of
Cugna, with many others of his relatives and friends, accom
panied the procession, which was met at the gates of the
city by a select body of cardinals and prelates, who con
ducted the strangers to the palaces appointed for their
residence. But the respectability of the envoys was of less
importance in the eyes of the populace than the singular
and magnificent presents for the pope by which they were
accompanied. Among these were an elephant of extra
ordinary size, two leopards, a panther, and other uncommon
animals. Several Persian horses, richly caparisoned, ap
peared also in the train, mounted by natives of the same
country dressed in their proper habits. To these was added
a "profusion of articles of inestimable value ; pontifical vest-
* This event supplied the celebrated Portuguese poet, L lis de Camoens, -
with tbe subject of his '' Lusiad."

EMBASSY FROM TIlE KING OF PORTUGAL. 363
ments adorned with gold and jewels, vases and other imple
ments for the celebration of sacred rites, and a covering for
the altar, of most exquisite workmanship. A herald bearing
the arms of the Portuguese sovereign led the procession.
On their arrival at the pontifical palace, where the pope
stood at the windows to see them pass, the elephant stopped,
and, kneeling before his holiness, bowed himself thrice, to
the ground. A large vessel was here provided and filled
with water, which the elephant drew up into his trunk and
showered down again on the adjacent multitude, dispersing
no small portion of it among the more polite spectators at
the windows, to the great entertainment of the pontiff-
Six days afterwards the ambassadors were admitted to a
public audience, on which occasion the procession was re
peated. The pope, surrounded by the cardinals and pre
lates of the church, and attended by the ambassadors of
foreign states and all the offioers of his court, was addressed
in a Latin oration of Paceco, at the conclusion of which
Leo replied to him in the same language, highly commending
the king for his devotion to the holy see. Of this oppor
tunity the pontiff also availed himself, to recommend the
maintenance of peace among the states of Europe, and the
union of their arms against- the Truks ; expressing himself
with such 'promptitude, seriousness, and elegance, as to
obtain the unanimous admiration of the auditors. On the
following day, the presents from the king were brought into
the conservatory of the gardens, adjoining the pontifical
palace, where, on the introduction of animals proper for
that purpose, the wild beasts displayed their agility in taking,
and their ferocity in devouring, their prey ; a spectacle which
humanity would have spared, but which was probably highly
gratifying to the pontiff, who was devoted to the pleasures
of the chase. The Portuguese monarch had intended to have
surprised the Roman people with the sight of another and
yet rarer animal, which had not been seen in Rome for many
ages ; but the rhinoceros, which he had brought from the east
with this view, unfortunately perished in the attempt tc get
him on board the vessel prepared to transport him to Italy.
In return for these public testimonies of consideration and
respect on the part of the king of Portugal, Leo addressed to

364 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
that monarch a public letter of acknowledgment,* and soon
afterwards transmitted to him a consecrated rose. His holi ¦
ness had, in truth, for some time hesitated whether he should
present this precious gift to the king or to the emperor elect,
Maximilian ; but the attention which he had experiencbd
from the former seems to have effected this important deci
sion. He also granted to Emanuel the tenths and thirds of
the clergy in his dominions, as long as he should carry on the
war in Africa,t together with the right of presentation and
ecclesiastical preferment in all countries discovered by him
beyond the Cape of Good Hope ; and these concessions were
soon afterwards followed by a more ample donation of all
kingdoms, countries, provinces, and islands, which he might-
recover from the infidels, not only from capes Bojador and
Naon to the Indies, but in parts yet undiscovered and un
known even to the pontiff himself. xl About the same time
the pope beatified the memory of Elizabeth, queen of Portu
gal, who had signalized herself by the sanctity of her life,262
and enrolled in the list of martyrs the seven Minorites, who
are said to have been the last family in Africa who suffered
martyrdom for their adherence to the Christain faith.
Although Leo was highly gratified by the event of his
negotiations with Louis XII., the success of which might
justly be attributed to his own firmness and moderation, yet
he could not but perceive that this alliance with that monarch
gave rise to considerable embarrassment, as to the course -of
political conduct which it would in future be necessary for
him to adopt. With his hostility to the church, Louis had
by no means relinquished bis pretensions to the duchy of
Milan, for the recovery of which he had already begun to
make, formidable preparations. As he had been frustrated
in his former attempts by the opposition and promptitude of
Leo X. and by the courage of the Swiss, he determined, after
having secured the favour of the one, to obtain, if possible,
the assistance, or at least the neutrality, of the other. Iu
this attempt he met, however, with greater obstacles than he
expected. During the late contests, the Swiss had imbibed
* This letter, which bears date 21 March, 1514, is given iu Sad. Epist
Pont. ep. 20.
^ Dumont, Corps Diplomat, torn. ii. par. i. p. 26.

NEGOTIATIONS OF LOUIS XII. 365
a spirit of resentment against the French monarch, which had
at length been inflamed to a high degree of national antipathy.
The treaty of Dijon, by which Louis stood engaged to pay to
them the enormous sum of six hundred thousand crowns, as
the price of their evacuating his dominions, had not yet been
fulfilled ; and the preparations making by the king for another
invasion of Milan were a sufficient demonstration that he did
not consider himself as bound by a treaty of which the chief
article was his relinquishment of all pretensions to that duchy.
It was to no purpose that he endeavoured to justify himself
to the Helvetic states for this open breach of a compact by
which his own dominions had been released from the most
imminent danger. Those hardy and independent republicans
had even the magnanimity to refuse a much larger sum than
that for which they had before stipulated, and which was
offered them on the condition of their releasing the king from
his engagements and favouring his enterprise against the
states of Milan.*
Unable either to secure the favour, or to mitigate the
resentment of the Swiss, who threatened not only to take
upon themselves the defence of the Milanese, in case of a
future attack, but also to make a second irruption into France,
Louis had recourse to another expedient. The affinity that
already subsisted between him and Ferdinand of Aragon,
who had married his niece Germaine de Foix, afforded him
an opportunity of proposing an alliance by marriage between
his youngest daughter Renee, then only four years of age,
and the archduke Charles, afterwards emperor by the name
of Charles V., who stood in an equal degree of relationship,
as grandson, both to Ferdinand and the emperor elect, Maxi
milian. By this union Louis expected to secure the co-opera
tion of both these powerful monarchs in his designs upon
Italy ; and as the Venetians still remained firmly attached
to his interests, for the support of which they had indeed
made great sacrifices, he had no doubt that he should now be
able to accomplish his purposes. The preliminaries for the
marriage were accordingly agreed upon,283 and as this im
portant union could not, from the youth of both parties, be
* Louis had offered to pay down 400,000 ducats, and 800,000 more
by instalments at future periods.— Guicciard. lib. xii. vol. ii. p. 68.

366. THE LIFE OF LEO X.
carried into immediate effect, the truce which had been al
ready established for one year between Louis and Ferdinand,
was soon afterwards again renewed, with a reservation for
the emperor elect and the king of England to_accede to it if
they should think proper.
These proceedings were a cause of great alarm to Leo X.,
who perceived, that by this union of the courts of Aragon,
Vienna, and France, the duchy of Milan and its dependent
states would fall an easy prey to the invaders.264 Nor were
the fears of Leo confined to this district. He well knew that
the opposite interests of these great continental powers had
hitherto preserved from a foreign yoke those provinces of
Italy which yet remained under the dominion of their native
princes ; and he justly dreaded that this coalition would only
be the harbinger of a general partition of that country, to
almost every part of which one or another of these potentates
had already advanced pretensions. In this emergency, all
his talents and exertions were employed to prevent the pro
posed union from taking effect. He was well aware that
Louis had been chiefly impelled to this measure by his mis
understanding with the Swiss ; on which account he earnestly
laboured to reconcile the differences which had arisen between
them. Nor was the French king unwilling to listen to his
representations, in the hope that he might yet obtain thp.
assistance of those warlike mercenaries ; in which case he
would gladly have relinquished his treaty for the alliance with
Spain and the emperor, which he already began to sus
pect could only terminate in the aggrandizement of the
united house of Aragon and of Austria, and in the humilia
tion of that of France. Under these impressions he proposed
to unite his interests with those of the pope and the Helvetic
states, provided they would not oppose his pretensions to the
state of Milan ; at the same time offering to the pope a com
pensation in some other part of Italy for any injury which
he might sustain. "Whatever might have been the determi
nation of Leo, who appears to have balanced in his mind the
probable consequences of the alliance between France and
Aragon, with the certainty of the loss of Milan, he had not
* Dumont, Corps Diplomat, vol. iv. par. i. p. 179.

ENDEAVOURS TO RECONCILE HENRY VIII. AND LOUIS. 367
an opportunity of making his election ; the Swiss having
positively refused to relax in their pretensions, or to enter
into any alliance with the king, unless the treaty of Dijon
was carried into full effect. In order to mitigate their
resentment, Leo despatched to the Helvetic diet, as his
legate, the cardinal of Sion ; but although that prelate had
great influence on the minds of his countrymen, he could not
on this occasion prevail on them to depart from their resolu
tion. On the other hand, Louis XII. displayed equal per
tinacity in maintaining his pretensions to the state of Milan,
the relinquishment of which he considered as not only dero
gatory to his just rights, but as a stain on the honour and
dignity of his crown.*
But although Leo was thus disappointed in his expecta
tions, he did not relax in his endeavours to defeat the dreaded
alliance, which he considered as pregnant with danger to the
independence and repose of Italy. The cautious and procras
tinating temper of Ferdinand of Spain, and the folly and
indecision of Maximilian, had hitherto prevented this pro
jected union, which might have subjugated all Europe to
the dominion of a single sovereign. In this emergency a
dawn of hope appeared in another quarter, of which the
pope did not fail most eagerly to avail himself. Henry VIII.
of England, who had acted so important and so honourable a
part in the league against France, had learnt with extreme
indignation that his father-in-law, Ferdinand of Aragon, had.
without his concurrence, renewed his treaties with Louis XII.,
and had thereby, as he asserted, a third time deceived and
imposed upon him ; on which account he avowed his deter
mination not to interfere further in the contest.T This change
in the disposition and views of Henry was communicated by
him to the pope, who was no sooner apprized of it, than he
determined to encourage the resentment of Henry against
his father-in-law, and to promote, as far as in his power, an
alliance between the French and English sovereigns; well
judging, that if he should be fortunate enough to accomplish
this object, it would frustrate the treaty yet depending for
the marriage of the archduke Charles with the daughter ol
* Guicciard. Storia d'ltal. lib. xii. vol. ii. p. 67.
-f Guicciard. lib, xii. vol. ii. p. 72,

368 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
Louis XII. Nor was Louis less inclined to listen to term.1
of accommodation than Leo was to propose them ; being
fully persuaded, that whilst he had so formidable an enemy
as the king of England, who had lately carried the war in.to
the heart of his dominions, he could not without extreme
imprudence undertake his favourite expedition into Italy.
Of this Leo was also sufficiently apprized ; nor was he
desirous of facilitating the views of the French monarch ;
but of the two evils with which that country was now
threatened, an attack upon Milan by the unassisted arms of
the French appeared to him to be the least, as he still hoped
to provide for its defence by the aid of the Swiss, with whom,
in case an alliance took place between France and England,
the emperor elect and the king of Aragon would probably
join ; whilst, on the other hand, the union of the powerful
houses of France, Spain, and Austria, left not the slightest
hope of successful resistance.
The high consideration in which Leo was now held both
by the French and English monarchs afforded him the fairest
prospect of success. To the former he had lately been
solemnly reconciled, and had received him as a repentant son
into the bosom of the church. In the dissensions between
Louis and the Swiss, he had acted the part of a mediator ,
and although his interference had been unsuccessful, and he
had, in fact, other purposes in view than the promoting the
ambitious views of the king, yet it gave him fair pretensions
to his confidence, and added weight to his opinions. Louis
had lately been deprived of his queen, Ann of Bretagne, with
whom he had lived in great harmony, and who died in the
begiuning of the year 1514, leaving behind her the reputation
of a princess of extraordinary virtue, talents, and piety ; an
event which, as it afterwards appeared, was of no inconsider
able importance in facilitating and cementing the proposed
reconciliation between the contending powers. With Henry
VIII. the pope was upon terms of still closer amity. In the
war with France, Henry had on all occasions avowed himself
the champion of the holy see, and expressed his determination
to frustrate the efforts of all schismatics. In return for his
attachment and his services Leo had presented to him a con~
secrated sword and hat; a distinction conferred only on those

TREATY BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.

369

princes who have obtained in person a signal victory in
defence of the church.*165 But, what was of more importance,
Wolsey, already bishop of Lincoln and of Tournay, was
daily rising in the favour of his master, and was eagerly
grasping at those higher preferments which Leo alone had it
in his power to bestow. Under these flattering auspices Leo
communicated his project to Bambridge, cardinal archbishop
of York, who then resided at Rome as ambassador of the
English monarch, requesting him to represent to his sovereign,
that after the glory which he had obtained in his contest with
France, and the unexampled breach of faith which he had
experienced from his allies, he might now with justice and
honour consult his own interest, in effecting such a league
with Louis XII. as might not only indemnify him for the
expenses which he had sustained, but secure to him the result
of his victories.266 To this advice Henry listened with appro
bation ; and in a conversation with the duke de Longueville,
whom he had taken prisoner at the battle of Guingaste, and
who seems to have obtained no small share of his confidence,
he gave such indications of his pacific intentions, as induced
the duke to acquaint his sovereign with this fortunate change
in the disposition and views of the English monarch. No
sooner was Louis apprized of this event, than he despatched
Jean de Selva, president of the parliament of Normandy, as
his envoy to the English court, upon whose arrival a truce
was agreed on between the two monarchs, to continue as long
as the ambassador should remain in England.267 For the pur
pose of promoting this negotiation, the pope also sent to Paris
Lodovico Canossa, bishop of Tricarica, a man of noble birth,
and of great ability and address, who, after having prepared
the way for pacific measures, proceeded thence to England.
These deliberations were not of long continuance. Louis XII.
had fully authorized his envoy to conclude the proposed
treaty ; and in order to shew that his intentions were sincere,
he directed the duke de Longueville to request in marriage
for the French monarch the princess Mary, sister of Henry
VIII., then only eighteen years of age. In the commence
ment of this negotiation, to which Wolsey was the only
person admitted on behalf of the king of England, the demands
of Henry were extravagant ; but the representations of the
vol. i. 2 b

#70 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
duke de Longueville and the policy of Wolsey, who well
knew that by promoting this alliance he should recommend
himself to the favour of the Roman court, soon induced him
to relax in his demands. The pride of Henry was also grati
fied by the proposed union between his sister and Louis XII.,
•who, to use his own words, " had sought so gentely unto him
for both amytie and marriage."* Some objections, however,
arose respecting Tournay, of which Wolsey was yet bishop,
to the restitution of which Henry positively refused to assent ;
and Canossa, the pope's legate, again hastened to France, to
prevail upon Louis XII. to consent to its being retained by
the English monarch. His efforts were successful ; and the
convenient recommendation of the French king's counsellors
was procured, to shield their sovereign from the disgrace of
having, by his own free will, assented to the dismemberment
of his kingdom.t On the second day of August, 1514, the
treaty was signed at London, by which the two sovereigns,
after declaring that they have been chiefly induced to concur
in this arrangement by the exhortations and mediation of the
pope, bind themselves to afford each other mutual assistance
in the prosecution of their rights, and the defence of their
respective dominions.268 The claims of Louis XII. to the
states of Milan and Genoa are explicitly asserted, and vir
tually admitted. The treaty is to continue during the joint
lives of the contracting parties, and for one year afterwards,
and they mutually promise to endeavour within twelve months
to obtain from the pope a sentence of excommunication
against him who should first infringe the terms.269
This treaty was immediately followed by two others be
tween the same parties ; the one for the marriage of the princess
Mary with Louis XIL, the other for the payment of a million
of crowns by Louis to Henry, " as well for the arrears of
certain sums already due, as on account of the good affection
he bore him, and to the end that their amity might be the
more lasting." By the treaty of marriage Henry agreed to
convey his sister at his own expense to the city of Abbeville,
where within four days after her arrival the king of France
was solemnly to marry her. He also promised to give as her
* Rapin, book xv. t Guicciard. lib xii. vol. ii. p. 73.

WOLSEY MADE ARCHBISHOP OF YORK. 371
portion four hundred thousand crowns, one-half of which
should be reckoned for her jewels and preparations, and the
other half deducted from the million of crowns agreed to be
paid by Louis XII., who on his part undertook to make the
jointure of his bride equal to that of Ann of Bretagne, or any
other queen of France.*
These important negotiations were scarcely concluded, when
messengers arrived at Paris from the emperor elect and the
Spanish monarch, with full powers to ratify the proposed
alliance, by the marriage of the archduke with the princess
Renee, on such preliminary terms as the French monarch
might approve ;t but Louis had now less occasion for their
support, and hesitated not to reject their overtures, and the
princess afterwards became the wife of Ercole IL, duke of
Ferrara. It has been supposed by the English historians,
that in his transactions with Louis XII. Henry suffered him
self to be misled by his great favourite, and imposed upon by
that monarch, who eventually prevailed upon him to rest sa
tisfied with his bond for the million of crowns, which was the
price at which Henry had estimated his friendship. But
whatever were the private objects or private disappointments
of the parties, it must be confessed, that as a great public
measure of precaution for the safety of Europe, it ivas one or
the most important alliances that ever was formed ; as it
served not only to terminate the bloody contests between
England and France, but prevented the coalition of the French
monarch with the united houses of Spain and of Austria, and
was well calculated to raise up a formidable barrier to that
preponderating power which was shortly afterwards concen
trated in the person of the emperor Charles V.
The active part which Wolsey had taken in effecting this
reconciliation recommended him still further to the favour of
his sovereign, to whom an opportunity soon occurred of testi
fying his approbation. Whilst the treaty was yet depending,
the cardinal archbishop of York, Christopher Bambridge. sucl-
denlydied, having been poisoned by Rinaldo da Modena,270 who
is said to have confessed, on being put to the rack, that he was
induced to commit the crime in revenge for a blow given him
* Dumont, vol. iv. par. i. p. 188, 8. c.
t Guiccard. lib. xii. vol. ii. p. 74.
2e2

THE LIFE OF LEO X.

by his master.271 With this event the cardinal Giulio de* Me
dici immediately acquainted tho king of England, at the_ samo
time informing him that the pope had resolved not to dispose
of the livings held by the archbishop until the king's pleasure
should be known.* Henry immediately requested that the
archbishopric of York might be conferred on his favourite
Wolsey, with which the pope without hesitation complied, and
thereby repaid the obligations which he owed to Wolsey, for
the active part whioh he had taken in the negotiation, under
the appearance and with tho credit of oomplying with the
wishes of the king.f
The preparations for the marriage of the princess Mary
occupied nearly two months, during which Louis XII. fre
quently addressed himself by letter to Wolsey, entreating him,
with all the impatience of a youthful lover, to expedite the
departure of his intended bride, and assuring him that his
most earnest desire was to see her in France, and find himself
along with her.272 On the second day of October, 1514, she
embarked at Dover ; to which place she had been accompa
nied by the king and queen, who then consigned her to the
duke of Norfolk, to be conducted to Abbeville. A numerous
train of the chief nobility also attended her to that city, where
the marriage \ms celebrated with great splendour on the ninth
day of the same month. After the ceremony her whole reti
nue was dismissed, except a few confidential attendants, among
whom was Ann Boleyn, the daughter of Sir Thomas Boleyn.273
The coronation took place shortly afterwards at Paris, on
which occasion magnificent spectacles were exhibited, with
jousts and tournaments, in which the duke of Suffolk and the
marquis of Dorset came off with honour. The king and queen
ot France were spectators ; but Louis, although not at an ad
vanced age, was so infirm that he was obliged to recline upon
a couch. The important part which England had lately taken iu
the affairs of the continent, and the negotiations for the
marriage of Louis XII. had opened a more direct inter
course between this and other countries than had before
* Vide Rymer, vi. par. 1, p. 61.
•f Soon afterwards the king sent the Cardinal de' Medici a present at
two horses with splendid trappings.— Rymer, iv. par. 1, p. 86.

INTERVIEW BETWEEN ERASMUS AND CAN0SSA. 373
subsisted, and certainly contributed to promote in no incon
siderable degree the growth of those studies which had shortly
before been transplanted from Italy by the labours of William
Grocin, Thomas Linacer, Richard Pace, and other English
men. Among those learned foreigners who had fixed their
residence here, and were honoured with the patronage and
friendship of the great, was Andrea Ammonio, a native of
Lucca, who held an important office in the English court,
and who, by his correspondence with Erasmus, appears to
have enjoyed the particular esteem of that eminent scholar,
and to have been possessed of no inconsiderable share of
talents and of learning.274 The arrival of Canossa, the papal
legate, who was one of the most accomplished men of his
time, extended still further the literary intercourse between
the two countries. For the better effecting the purposes of
his important mission, he had laid aside his ecclesiastical cha
racter, and appeared only as a private gentleman, to which
rank he had just pretensions both by his education and his
birth.275 Erasmus was then in England, and having been
invited to dinner by his intimate friend Ammonio, he there
met with a stranger in a long vest, his hair inclosed in a
caul, or net. and attended only by one servant. After won
dering for some time at what Erasmus calls his military air,
he addressed his friend Andrea in Greek, and inquired who
this person was; to which he received for answer, in the
same language, that he was an eminent merchant; which it
seems Erasmus thought a sufficient reason for treating him
with marked contempt. The party then sat down to dinner,
when Erasmus and his friend entered into conversation on
various topics, in which Erasmus did not fail to express his
opinion of their associate, who he conceived was ignorant of
the language in which he spoke. At length he adverted to
the politics of the day, and inquired whether the report was
true, that a legate was arrived from the pope, to reconcile
the differences between the French and English monarchs;
observing, that the pope did not want his opinion, otherwise
he should have recommended that not a word should have
been said about peace ; but should rather have advised the
establishment of a truce for three years, which might have
given time for concluding negotiations. He then proceeded

374 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
to make further inquiries respecting the legate, and asked
whether he was a cardinal, which led to a jocular contest
between Erasmus and his friend, all which Canossa heard in
silence. The patience of the latter being, however, at length
exhausted, he first spoke a few words in Italian, and then
turning towards Erasmus, told him in Latin, that he won
dered he would reside in so illiterate a country, unless he
chose to be the only scholar in England, rather than the first
in Rome. Struck with the acuteness of this observation in
a merchant, Erasmus replied, that he was better satisfied
with residing in a country where there were many men of
great learning, among whom he might occupy the lowesf
place, than in Rome, where he should hold no rank whatever.
Erasmus did not, however, discover the imposition until he
was afterwards informed of it by his friend, with whom he
was in no small measure displeased ; for, as he justly observes,
he might perhaps have used some expressions respecting the
legate, or even the pope, which might have proved to his dis
advantage.* From this incident Erasmus imagined that the
legate was offended with him ; but this was so far from the
truth, that Canossa, after his return to France, whither he
went as apostolic legate, and where he was appointed by
Francis I. bishop of Bayeux, wrote to invite Erasmus to come
and reside with him ; promising not only to maintain him, but
to pay him two hundred ducats yearly, and to provide him
with two horses and two servants ;+ an offer which Erasmus
did not choose to accept ; and which it seems could not remove
from his mind the illiberal dislike which he had conceived
against a man whom he had first known and conversed with
iu the borrowed character of a merchant.276
Whilst Leo X. was diligently attending to every variation
in the political horizon of Europe, the immediate direction of
the Florentine state was still intrusted to his young nephew
Lorenzo de' Medici, who continued to reside at that city, and
to maintain the rank of his ancestors, as representative of the
elder branch of his family. But notwithstanding the autho
rity of Lorenzo, and the external form of a popular govern-
* Erasmi Ep. lib. xxiv. ep. 24.
t Lettere di Principi, vol. i. p. 18, b. In this letter Canossa jocu
larly alludes to his first interview with Erasmus.

EXHIBITIONS AT FLORENCE. 375
ment which was still preserved, the city of Florence was at
this time virtually governed by the Roman court, and Lo
renzo himself acted only in conformity to such directions as
he received from the cardinal Giulio de' Medici, who was the
organ of the papal will in all the transactions of the Tuscan
state. The amity which now subsisted between the pope and
the other European sovereigns restored to the city of Florence
that tranquillity which it had not for many years enjoyed ;
and its history at this period is little more than the succession
of its public officers, and the records of those splendid exhibi
tions, of which one of the chief objects was to reconcile the
minds of the inhabitants to the loss of their former independ
ence. These exhibitions, first introduced by Lorenzo the
Magnificent, were peculiar to that city, and were intended to
unite the charms of poetry with the most striking effects of
picturesque representation.277 For this purpose some well-
known incident in ancient history, which might admit of the
introduction of a splendid procession, was generally fixed upon,
and neither expense nor labour was spared in displaying it to
the utmost advantage. The triumph of Paulus Emilius had
thus, in the time of Lorenzo the Magnificent, afforded a sub
ject for the talents of Francesco Granacci, the fellow-pupil of
Michael Agnolo, who had represented it with such a variety
of invention, and in so characteristic a manner, as to have
obtained great applause. Even after the exile of the Medici
from Florence these exhibitions were occasionally continued,
although with circumstances suitable to the more gloomy and
superstitious character of the place. Among those who dis
tinguished themselves by the singularity of their inventions
was Piero di Cosimo, a Tuscan painter, who having made his
preparations in secret, and engaged the necessary attendants,
brought forth, in the midst of the public rejoicings of the city,
"The Triumph of Death." This he represented by a car
drawn by black oxen, and painted with imitations of bones
and skulls, intermingled with white crosses. On the car
stood a large figure of Death, armed with his scythe ; and
beneath, in the sides of the car, were openings representing
sepulchres, from which, as often as the procession stopped,
issued a troop of persons, who being clothed in black, and
painted with white, so as to imitate the bones of the human

376 THE LIFE OF LEO X
body, appeared in the gloom of night like so many skeletons.
These figures, seating themselves on the car, sung the verses
written for the occasion by Antonio Alamanni, among which
were the impressive lines :
" Once like you we were,
Spectres now you see ;
Such as we now are,
Such you soon shall be." *
This spectacle, which was accompanied by great crowds of
attendants with appropriate standards and devices, affected
the whole city with mingled sentiments of surprise and
horror ; but the novelty of the sight, and the invention which
it displayed, excused so bold an attempt, and even obtained
for the artist great commendation. There is, however, reason
to believe, that a deeper meaning was couched under this ex
hibition than might at first sight have been suspected; and
that it was in fact intended by the adherents of the banished
family of the Medici, to represent the wretched and death
like state of Florence, whilst deprived of those to whom she
had been indebted for her former happiness and glory.
The twenty-fourth day of June, in the year 1514, being
the anniversary festival of St. John the Baptist, the patron
saint of the city of Florence, and which had for ages been
celebrated by the inhabitants with particular hilarity, was
fixed upon by the young Lorenzo de* Medici for the exhibition
of a splendid spectacle, accompanied with tournaments and
rejoicings, intended to commemorate the return of the Medici
to Florence, and the recent elevation of the family. This
intelligence no sooner arrived at Rome than it threw the whole
court into commotion, and the concerns of nations and the
interests of the church were forgotten for a while in the anti
cipated pleasures of this great event. Many of the cardinals
requested permission to be present at Florence on the occa
sion. Among these were Cibo and Rossi, both near relations
of the pontiff, the cardinals of Ferrara and of Aragon, Cornaro,
Bibbiena, and Sauli ; who having obtained the consent of
the pope, prepared for their journey ; and that the dignity
of their rank might not prevent their sharing in the aniuse-
• Vasari, Vite de' Pittori, vol. ii. p. 387. The whole of this piece
may be found in the Canti Carnascialeschi, p. 131. Ed. Fior. 1558.

TRIUMPH OF CAMILLnS. 377
ments of the populace, they determined to assume borrowed
characters. The cardinal Giulio de' Medici, although at that
time indisposed, expressed his earnest desire to accompany
his brethren ; and even the supreme pontiff interested him
self with such warmth in the preparation and conduct of
this spectacle, as evidently demonstrated that he would him
self have been present, had he not been prevented by a sense
of the decorum due to his high station. He gave, however,
positive directions that the most minute account of whatever
might occur should be transmitted to him from day to day.
His brother Giuliano, under less restraint, and accompanied
by his friend Agostino Chigi, again visited his native place.
The principal incident proposed to be represented was the
"Triumph of Camillus" after his victory over the Gauls. In
order to give greater magnificence and novelty to the proces
sion, Lorenzo requested that the pope would permit the
elephant and other animals which had been presented to him
by the king of Portugal, to be sent to Florence. Thi request
the pope thought proper to decline, as far as respected the
elephant, which it was alleged could not, on account of the
tenderness of his feet, travel to so great a distance ; but the
two leopards and the panther were sent under the direction of
the Persian keeper. That these spectacles, besides tending to
reconcile the Florentines to their dependent situation, generally
concealed some political allusion, has already been observed ;
and the " Triumph of Camillus " was undoubtedly selected
with a particular reference to the late expulsion of the French
from Italy. The very recent accommodation of all differences
between Louis XII. and the pope had, however, in some
degree changed the disposition and views of the Roman
court ; and although it was not thought absolutely necessary
to abandon the subject proposed, and to adopt one of a less
hazardous tendency, yet strict admonitions were given that
nothing offensive to the French nation, who were stated to
be particularly susceptible of such insults, should be allowed
o take place.
The extreme attention paid by the Medici to the acquisi
tion of popular favour and applause is strikingly manifested
in the correspondence between Rome and Florence on this
occasion. Lorenzo is reminded that in the giostra, or tourna-

378 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
ments, which were to take place, and of which great expec
tations had been formed, he should be particularly cautious in
making such choice of his partisans as might insure his
success, so that the honour might rest with the family, as had
been usual on former occasions. He is also advised not to
rely on the Florentines, but to engage on his party strangers
who had been more accustomed to such exercises ; in other
words, he was to assure himself of the victory before he
entered the lists. The prudent advice of his political pre-'
ceptors was accompanied by the still more cautious admoni
tions of his mother, Alfonsina, who then resided at Rome,
and felt all the solicitude which a fond parent may be sup
posed to experience on such an occasion for an only son.
"Your mother has been informed," says the faithful secretary,
" that you practise' yourself in tilting, wearing heavy armour,
and managing the great horse, which may in all probability
be injurious to your health. I can scarcely express to you
how much she is dissatisfied with these proceedings. In the
greatest distress, she has enjoined me to write to you on her
behalf, and to observe to you, that although your ancestors
have displayed their courage on similar occasions, yet you
should consider who and what they were. When Piero di
Cosmo appeared in a tournament, his father, who governed
the city, was then living, as was also his brother. At the time
Lorenzo exhibited, his father was also in being, and he had a
brother, Giuliano, the father of our most reverend cardinal ;
and when the same Giuliano tilted, Lorenzo himself governed.
When your father appeared in the lists, he had two sons and
two brothers; notwithstanding which he did not escape blame.
You are yet young, and the magnificent Giuliano and your
self (both of you yet unmarried, and he infirm in his con
stitution) are the only support of the family. You cannot,
therefore, commit a greater error than by persevering in such
conduct, and she recommends that you should rather engage
others in the contest, and stand by to enjoy the entertainment;
thereby consulting your own safety and preserving the hopes
of your family." How far these remonstrances were effectual
it is of little importance to inquire ; but they serve to shew
with what an habitual solicitude every circumstance was
regarded which could contribute to the support and aggran-

DELIBERATIONS FOR AGGRANDIZING THE MEDICI.. 379
dizement of the family of the Medici ; when even the solicita
tions of a mother to prevail on a son to attend to his personal
safety were supposed to be most strongly enforced by such an
argument. The preparation of the apparatus on this occasion, as far
as respected the machinery and decorations of the painter,
was intrusted to Francesco Granacci, the same artist who
had displayed his talents with so much applause in the service
of Lorenzo the Magnificent ; and his invention and ability in
executing the task imposed upon him are highly celebrated in
the records of his art.278 Besides the furnishing appropriate
designs for the cars, standards, dresses, escutcheons, and
emblems attending this magnificent spectale, Granacci erected
a triumphal arch opposite to the great gate of the monastery
of S. Marco, in a rich and ornamental style of architecture.
Several historical pieces, finely painted, so as to imitate
tablets in basso rilievo, and elegant statues modelled in clay,
gave additional grandeur to this temporary structure, and on
the summit of the arch appeared in large characters i
LEONI X. FONT. MAX. FIDEI CU1.TOBI.
On the return of Giuliano de Medici to Rome he was
accompanied by his nephew Lorenzo, for the purpose of
deliberating with the pope and the cardinal de' Medici on
the measures to be adopted for increasing the power and
authority of the family, and securing it against those dangers
to which it might be exposed, in case it should be deprived of
the protection of the pontiff. The cardinal had already made
a decisive election in devoting himself to the church, and
from his high station, and the influence which he now pos
sessed, he was enabled to lay the foundations from which he
hoped to rise to that supreme dignity which he afterwards
obtained. It was therefore only in the persons of Giuliano
and Lorenzo that the pope could realize those secular honours
which he considered as necessary to the establishment and
aggrandizement of his family. The character and disposition
of these near relatives were, however, widely different. Of
all the descendants of the Medici, Giuliano seems to have
least inherited the ambition of his ancestors. Attached to
the studies of polite literature, and delighted with the society

880 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
of those men of learning and of talents whom he met with
at Rome, he preferred the charms of private life to the
exercise of that authority which was within his grasp. The
delicacy of his constitution was, perhaps, an additional motive
to the choice which he had made ; yet he was not without
pretensions to military honours, and had frequently been m
arms during the various attempts of the Medici to re-esta
blish themselves in their native place. His nephew Lorenzo
had, on the contrary, already given sufficient indications of a
bold and aspiring mind. Dissatisfied with the administration
of the Florentine state, in which he held no ostensible rank,
except such as he enjoyed in common with other citizens, he
had already begun to estrange himself from the society of the
inhabitants, and to devote himself to military exercises, in
the hope of being enabled, by the support of the pontiff,
either to assume the absolute dominion of his native place, or
to obtain an independent sovereignty in some other part of
Italy. The result of these deliberations appeared in the measures
soon afterwards adopted by the pontiff; which have given
occasion to the historians of these times to charge him with
inconsistency in his designs and conduct, but which a nearer
view of the state of Europe, compared with his own situation,
and that of his family, will perhaps sufficiently explain. The
character of Leo X. now stood high in the estimation of all
the sovereigns of Christendom. Although not of royal
descent, he was considered in his own person as the represen
tative of the most respectable family in Europe that did not
assume the insignia of sovereignty. To this was added the
dignity of his high office, which entitled him to take the prece
dence of the proudest monarchs of the time ; and these preten
sions to superior respect were strengthened by the active and
important part which he had taken in the political transac
tions of the times. It is true, it had been principally, if not
wholly owing to his interference, that the emperor elect and
the Catholic king had been disappointed in their endeavours
to effect the proposed alliance with the crown of France;
but Leo had so conducted himself on this occasion as to retain
the favour of those sovereigns, even whilst he counteracted
their purposes. By the emperor elect and the Venetian state

ALLIANCE BETWEEN THE POPE AND LOUIS. 381
he had been appointed the arbiter of their differences ; and
although his decision had hitherto been rendered ineffectual
by the continual vicissitudes of the \* ar, and the avarice and
ambition of the cardinal of Gurck,279 yet he still maintained
his credit with both parties. The influence which he had
acquired in the English councils was apparent on many
important occasions, and might be accounted for, not only
from the great attachment and respect which Henry yet
entertained for the Roman see, but from the earnest desire of
Wolsey to ingratiate himself with the pontiff. Of all the
European sovereigns, Louis XII. was the prince with whom
Leo stood in the most delicate situation : yet Louis was the
very potentate whose favour he considered as of greater
importance to him than that of any of the rest. He was now
fully convinced that it was not in his power to divert the
king from his projected expedition against Milan ; and as the
facilities afforded the king by his new alliance with England
left little doubt of his success, it became a subject of serious
deliberation to the pontiff how he might best counteract the
injurious consequences of this measure, or rather how he
might convert it to the advantage of himself and his family.
For this purpose he turned his views towards the kingdom of
Naples, conceiving that from the advanced age of Ferdinand
of Spain, an opportunity would soon be afforded, both to
Louis XII. and himself, of interfering in its concerns, and
perhaps of occupying its government, to the exclusion of the
young archduke ; for whom it would not in such case be
difficult to find sufficient employment in other parts of his
widely dissevered dominions. This important acquisition
Leo probably destined for his brother Giuliano ; whilst
the state of Tuscany , to which he also hoped to unite the
duchies of Ferrara and Urbino, were the intended inheritance
of his nephew Lorenzo. By these means the family of the
Medici would have enjoyed a decisive superiority over any
other in Italy, and by the subsequent union of these territo
ries, which was likely to take place at no distant period,
would have held an important rank among the sovereigns of
Europe. No sooner was this ambitious project determined on at
Rome, than Leo not only began openly to relax in Ma

382 .THE LIFE OF LEO X.
opposition to the king respecting his pretensions on the
Milanese, but actually to make representations to him to
prevent his relinquishing his projected enterprise; assuring
him that the Spanish army in Italy was greatly diminished in
its numbers ; that the soldiery were unpaid, the people of
Milan wretched and dissatisfied, and that with respect to the
Swiss, there was no one who would undertake to subsidize
them, and that it was well known they would not move with
out such an inducement. At the same time he gave the king
to understand that he would exert his influence with Otta
viano Fregoso, to restore the authority of the king at Genoa,
where the fortress of the Lanterna was yet in possession of the
French. After having thus manifested his dispositions, Leo
addressed himself to the cardinal Sanseverino, who was then
considered as the agent of the French monarch at Rome,* by
whose means he proposed to the king, that as the jealousy of
other powers would not at this juncture permit them to enter
into an ostensible and avowed alliance, it was his desire that
they should at least lay the foundation of that future union
which he hoped would ere long be established between them.
For this purpose the pope transmitted to the king certain
minutes, as heads of a private treaty, on which he requested
to know his sentiments. The French monarch, in reply,
expressed his acknowledgments for the confidence placed in
him by the pontiff ; but whether some of these propositions
were of such a kind as to require long deliberation, or whether
any other circumstance prevented the king from returning an
earlier answer, certain it is, that he did not send his definite
reply to Rome for the space of fifteen days, or upwards.
Although this delay may appear inconsiderable, yet from the
critical nature of the business, it alarmed the pontiff, who
probably conceived, that if Louis disclosed this communication
to the emperor elect and the king of Spain, it might draw
down upon him their resentment. He therefore availed him
self of an opportunity which was afforded him in this interval of
renewing his treaties with those sovereigns for the term of a
vear, by which the contracting parties bound themselves to
the mutual defence of their respective states. The reply
* Guicciard. lib. xii. vol. ii. p. 74.

MOTIVES OF LEO X. 383
of the king of France to the proposals of the pope arrived
immediately after the signing these treaties, and the king
thereby expressed his entire approbation of the terms of
amity offered by the pontiff; suggesting, however, that as
one article in the minutes obliged the king to the protection
of the Tuscan state, and of Giuliano and Lorenzo de' Medici,
it would be necessary that they should become parties in the
engagement. On the arrival of this answer, the pope ex
cused himself to the king for his apparent precipitancy in
renewing his treaties with the houses of Aragon and Austria,
the cause of which he attributed in some degree to the un
expected hesitation of the king himself. This apology Louis
thought proper to consider as satisfactory, and the convention
was agreed on. In order, however, to prevent the terms from
transpiring, they were not declared by any public instrument,
but remained in the form of a schedule under the signature
of the respective parties.
These extraordinary measures are attributed by a great
contemporary historian to the artifice and insincerity of the
pope, who either conceiving that the king of France would
undertake this expedition without his incitement, expected, in
case it should prove successful, to secure his favour ; or know
ing that in the truce which Louis had entered into with the
Spanish monarch and the emperor elect, it was stipulated that
he should not attack the state of Milan, was desirous of em
broiling him with those powers. It may, however, be pre
sumed, that Leo had yet more important objects in view, and
that he was at this period sincere in his endeavours to prevail
upon the French monarch to make another descent upon Italy.
The secret treaty undoubtedly contained some articles favour
able to the advancement of the family of the Medici, and Leo
might suppose that if he assisted the king in the accomplish
ment of so favourite an object as the recovery of Milan, he
might in return expect his aid in obtaining the sovereignty
of Naples ; a proposition to which there is indeed reason to
believe that the French monarch had given his express con
sent.280 If this great object could have been accomplished,
Leo would not only have laid the foundation of a splendid
monarchy in his own family, but would have rescued the most
extensive state in Italy from the opprobrium of a foreign

384 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
yoke. In sacrificing to this acquisition the duchy of Milan,
he might also perhaps have looked forwards to a time when
he might be able, by the aid of the Swiss, with whom he still
maintained a secret but strict alliance,* to repeat the part
which he had acted on a former- occasion ; and thus by libe
rating Italy from both the Spaniards and the French, to place
on the head of his brother the only crown of which that
country could boast.
In order to confirm the proposed union between the French
monarch and Leo X. it had been further agreed, that a family
alliance should be formed between them, by the marriage of
Giuliano de' Medici with Filiberta, daughter of Philip, duke
of Savoy, and sister to Louisa, the mother of Francis, duke of
Angouleme, who succeeded at no distant period to the crown
of France by the name of Francis I. This marriage, not
withstanding the important alterations which soon afterwards
occurred, was celebrated in the early part of the ensuing year,
and although unproductive of any offspring, probably led the
way to those future alliances by which the family of the
Medici became so closely connected with the royal house of
France, and which all Christendom has had such ample reason
to deplore.
But whether the proposed attempt was frustrated by the
unexpected hesitation of the king, and the consequent engage
ments of the pontiff with other powers, or by the reluctance
of Giuliano de' Medici to take an active part in so bold and
hazardous a transaction, certain it is, that Leo soon abandoned
his representations to Louis XII. on this subject, and began
to adopt the most decisive measures for the defence of his
new possessions in Lombardy, and for defeating the projected
expedition of the French monarch against the states of Milan.
He therefore gladly availed himself of an opportunity afforded
him by the necessities of the emperor elect, Maximilian, of
purchasing from that sovereign the city and state of Modena,
for a sum of forty thousand gold ducats, subject to a right of
redemption in the emperor on repayment of the money, which
there was not the slightest probability that he would ever be
enabled to reimbursed This acquisition was of the utmost
* Balth. da Pescia a Lor. de' Med. 26 Mai, 1514. MSS. Flor.
t Murat. Ann. vol. x. p. 108.

LEO OBTAINS THE CITY OF MODENA. 385
consequence to the pontiff, as it opened an uninterrupted com
munication between the states of the church and the cities of
Reggio, Parma, and Piacenza, and in conjunction with those
territories composed a rich and populous district of no incon
siderable extent and importance.
In the mean time, the war between the emperor elect,
Maximilian, and the king of Spain, on the one part, and the
Venetian state, on the other, was carried on with great acti
vity ; and as the latter was considered as the bulwark of
Europe against the Turks, Leo availed himself of the informa
tion lately received respecting the successes of the Turkish
arms, to attempt once more to effect a reconciliation between
the contending powers, well knowing that if he could detach
the Venetians from their alliance with Louis XII. it would
either prevent his proposed expedition to Milan, or in all
probability frustrate his expected success. To this end he
despatched as Ms legate to Venice the celebrated Pietro Bembo,
who still enjoyed the office of his domestic secretary, with
directions to exert all Ms efforts for the purpose of prevailing
on his countrymen to listen to such overtures of pacification
as the pope was already authorized on the part of their adver
saries to propose.
Bembo having undertaken this task, proceeded from Rome
towards Ms native place ; and that he might not commit him
self by any unguardedexpression in a negotiation of so delicate
a nature, he, in the course of his journey, reduced into writing
the arguments which he judged proper on such an occasion,
which he read as a proposto or proposition from the pontiff
to the senate. This singular document yet remains, and
throws a strong light on the state of public affairs, and on
the conduct which the pope thought it consistent with his
duty or his interest to pursue.* After expatiating in ample
terms on the services which the pope had sought to render
to the republic, the orator adverts to the part which Leo X.
had acted in effecting a reconciliation and alliance between
France and England, and to the encouragement which he
had given to Louis XII. to attempt the conquest of Milan,
" whence he expected some advantages might have accrued
Bembi Op. iii. p. 478.
VOL. I. 2 C

386 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
to the Venetian state." The delay of the king in this long-
threatened attempt is attributed to Ms indifference, or to
his weariness of a contest wMch had involved Mm in such
enormous expense. Under these circumstances, the legate
earnestly advises the Venetians to terminate their differences
with the emperor elect and the king of Spain, and to aban
don their alliance with France ; in which case he proposes
to them, on the authority of Ms Catholic majesty, that all
their continental possessions occupied by their enemies,
excepting only the city of Verona, then held by the emperor,
should be restored to them; they paying to the emperor
four hundred thousand gold florins, or such other sum as the
pope should judge reasonable. In directing the attention of
the senate to the improbability of their deriving any future
benefit from their alliance with France, the legate adduces
arguments of a very extraordinary nature. "It may not
only," says he, " be expected, but believed, that the king of
France has relinquished his attempt upon Italy. Some months
have elapsed since he concluded the treaty with England, at
wMch time he had twenty thousand men in arms for this en
terprise, and might have engaged in it with the consent and
favour of the pope, and with the reputation acquired by his
new alliance. At that time he might also have attacked Ms
adversaries wMlst they were unprepared and unwilling to
oppose him, as well from other circumstances, as from their
reverence for Ms holiness, who would openly have favoured
his cause. If therefore he would not engage in this attempt,
although invited and solicited by the pope, how can it be
supposed that he will now undertake it, when the Swiss, the
Spamards, the emperor, the states of Milan, of Florence, and
of Genoa, are all united with Ms holiness to oppose Mm, and
are employed in preparations for that purpose ? Add to this,
that he has lately married a beautiful wife, who will daily
withdraw his mind more and more from the concerns of war.
There are, indeed, some who think that these nuptials will
abridge his days, or rather render them very short indeed ;
considering that he is already advanced in years, not remark
able for his continence, and devoted to the love of tiiis young
damsel, who is not more than eighteen years of age, and the
most beautiful and attractive woman that has been seen in

SENATE REFUSES BEMBo's PROPOSITIONS. 387
France for many years. In short, he is said to be already on
the decline, and to have contracted complaints which will
shortly bring him to the grave." When the legate ventured
not only to utter, but to commit to writing such observations
as these on so great a monarch, the avowed ally of his master,
it is no wonder that he entreated his hearers, " in the name of
heaven, to bury them in eternal secrecy." After having ex
erted all his eloquence in endeavouring to prevail on the senate
to accede to Ms propositions, he proceeds to lay before them
in strong terms the consequences of their refusal, which he
asserts will infallibly lead to a conclusion of the treaty already
in agitation between the king of Spain, the Swiss, the states
of Milan, Genoa, and Florence, and the pope ; who would be
under the necessity of regarding the Venetians as their com
mon enemy.
But although this oration nas been regarded as a specimen
of diplomatic skill and eloquence, it failed to produce the in
tended effect on the minds of the Venetian senators ; nor can it
be denied, that in committing topics of so delicate a nature to the
formality of a written composition, the Roman legate acted
the part rather of a scholastic rhetor, than of a judicious ne
gotiator. A few days afterwards Bembo was again admitted
into the senate, when a written paper was read to Mm in reply
to Ms oration ; by which, after expressions of respect to his
holiness, the senate refuses either to relinquish Verona to the
emperor, or to annul their alliance with the king of France.
This answer was immediately despatched to Rome by Agos
tino Beazzano, a scholar of considerable eminence, who accom
panied Bembo on his legation ; and Bembo himself soon after
wards followed ; but he was so fatigued with his journey that
he was obliged to rest on Ms return a few days at Pesaro,
where he met with Ms friends, Madonna Emilia Pia and the
duchess Elizabetta, the widow of Guidubaldo da Montefeltro,
duke of Urbino. Bembo was aware that he might incur the
suspicion of having feigned indisposition, that he might enjoy
the society of these amiable and accomplished women ; but in
a letter to the cardinal da Bibbiena, wMch bears date the first
day of the year 1515, he makes the most solemn asseverations
that his illness is not a pretext ; and if his assurances were not
2c2

388 THE LIFE OF LEO X.
believed, his delay was excused by his friends and patrons at
Rome.* This embassy of Bembo to the Venetian state was not only
unproductive of those advantages which the pontiff expected
to derive from it, but, if we may place implicit confidence in
some of the historians of those times, tended to injure the cha
racter of the pontiff in the estimation of the French monarch ;
who is said to have been now fully convinced of the insince
rity of the pope, and to have renewed his negotiations with
Ferdinand of Spain, preparatory to his intended attack on the
states of Milan. t Frequently, however, as this has been
repeated as matter of reproach to the pontiff, it may with
confidence be asserted that Louis was never informed of the
result of this negotiation, and consequently that he could not
have manifested that dissatisfaction with the conduct of the
pope which has been so positively attributed to him.J On
the very day that Bembo wrote the before-mentioned letter
from Pesaro, his prophetic representations respecting
Louis XII. were fulfilled by the death of that monarch ;
which event is also said to have been occasioned by the cause
to which Bembo with so much confidence attributed it ; he
having survived his marriage only eighty days. It is not there
fore to be supposed, that the purport of a negotiation which only
terminated at Venice towards the end of December, could be
conveyed to France prior to the first day of January; much less
is it likely that Louis, when at the point of death, should have
had either leisure or disposition to attend to political dis
cussions ; and at all events it is wholly impossible, that those
subsequent negotiations should have takfen place between
Louis XII. and the pope, which are related at great length
by writers of credit, and have given occasion to severe ani
madversions on the supposed duplicity and treachery of the
Roman pontiff.§ But as it is difficult to conceive that the
authors referred to can be mistaken on a subject in which
they have almost uniformly concurred, it may be necessary
further to relate, that on the departure of Bembo from Venice,
* BembiOp.tom. iii. p. 496. f Murat. Ann. vol. i. p. 107.
t Ligue de Cambray, lib. iv. torn. ii. p. 375. Murat. Ann. vol. x. p. 385.
§ Guicciard. lib. xii.

CHARACTER OF LOUIS XH. 389
two envoys were despatched by the senate to the kings of
England and of France, for the ostensible purpose of congra
tulating them on the restoration of peace, and on the alliance
which had been so happily established between them. The
ambassador to France was further instructed to assure the
French monarch of the invariable fidelity and attachment of
the senate to Ms cause, and to incite him by every possible effort
to send an army into Italy without further delay ; but whilst
these envoys were yet on their journey, they received intel
ligence of the death of the French king, which terminated
the cMef object of their mission, and obliged them to wait for
the instructions of the senate respecting their further destina
tion.* Whatever, therefore, might have been the feelings,
or the resentment, of Louis XII. had he lived to have been
informed of the embassy of Bembo, it is sufficiently apparent
that the sarcastic remarks on the conduct of the pontiff to
wMch tMs incident has given rise have been falsely attri
buted to that monarch, and can only be considered as the
fabrication of those who have substituted the fictions of their
own fancy for the authentic records of historical truth
_ The latter events in the life of Louis XII. had greatly
diminished the glory wMch he had acquired in the former
part of his reign ; and the sanguinary and fruitless victories
of Ghiaradadda and Ravenna were counterbalanced by
the insults and defeats which he suffered from Leo X. and
Henry VIII., the former of whom had expelled him from
Milan, and the latter had established the English arms in the
midst of his dominions, and reduced him to the necessity of
securing, by the stipulated payment of an enormous sum of
money, the safety of the rest. That inordinate and blind
ambition which sacrifices the peace and happiness of a coun
try to the vain expectation of foreign acquisitions, the attain
ment of wMch is often a greater misfortune than the miscar
riage of the attempt, is in no instance more to be lamented
than in that of Louis XII., who, if he had not been misled
by this deplorable frenzy, would indeed have merited the
appellation bestowed upon him by his subjects, of the father
of Ms people. Throughout his whole reign no new taxes
* Paruta, Hist. Ven. lib. ii. p. 102.

390 THE LIFI OF LEO X.
were imposed in his dominions. He was the first sovereign
who secured the peasantry of France from the rapacity of the
soldiery, who were before accustomed to plunder them with
impunity : and his memory was rendered dear to his country
by his edict in 1499, by which he ordered, that the law should
on all occasions be strictly enforced, notwithstanding any con
trary directions which the importunity of individuals might
obtain from the sovereign.
About two months after the death of the king, his young
and beautiful widow married the accomplished Charles Bran
don, duke of Suffolk, to whom she is supposed to have been
attached before her former marriage, and who attended her
to France, although he was not nominated as one of the
embassy. Mezerai asserts that the duke of Angouleme,
afterwards Francis I., caused this English lord to be narrowly
watched, lest he should give the king a successor. This second
marriage was a cause of great displeasure to Henry VIIL,
but his sister assuming the blame to herself and protesting
that she had almost compelled the duke to this rash action,
the anger of the king was not of long duration. The pro
geny of this marriage was numerous. Frances, one of the
daughters, married Henry Grey, afterwards duke of Suffolk,
by whom she became the mother of the accomplished and un
fortunate lady Jane Grey, who reluctantly contended with the
bigot Mary for the crown of England. The other descendants
of the princess Mary, intennanying with the English nobility,
have diffused a portion of the royal blood through many of
the principal families in the kingdom.

DISSERTATION

CHARACTER OF LUCRETIA BORGIA,

DISSERTATION

CHARACTER OF LUCRETIA BORGIA.

If the Lucretia of ancient history has been considered as the
glory of her sex, the Lucretia of modern Rome has been alleged
as an example of its disgrace and its shame. From her own
times to the present, her depravity is on historical record ; yet
many circumstances concur to raise considerable doubts in the
mind of an impartial inquirer, whether the horrible accusations
under which her memory labours be well founded. Amidst the
licentiousness that characterized the age in which she lived, the
most flagrant charges acquire a probability which they could not
in another period obtain ; and among the vices of the times,
calumny and falsehood have in general been at least as active as
the rest.
To the present day Lucretia is, for the most part, only known
as the incestuous daughter of Alexander VI., the prostitute, in
common, of her father, and of her two brothers ; one of whom is
supposed to have assassinated the other from jealousy of his
superior pretensions to her favour. If nothing more had been
recorded respecting her than the charges of her accusers, we
must have submitted to receive their information as true ; with
those doubts only wMch the abominable nature of the accusa
tion must always inspire. But Lucretia Borgia is known, from
other sources of information, to have been a woman of great
accomplishments, as well of mind as of person, and to have
passed the chief part of her life in an eminent station, not only

394 CHARACTER OF
without reproach, but with the highest honour and esteem. If
the Ethiopian cannot change his skin, nor the leopard his spots,
how are we to conceive it possible, that the person who had,
during- so many years of her life, been sunk into the lowest
depths of guilt and of infamy, could at once emerge to respect
ability and to virtue? The history of mankind furnishes no
instances of such a rapid change ; and we are therefore naturally
led to inquire upon what evidences such charges have been made;
and as from their nature it can scarcely be supposed that they
are capable either of positive proof, or of positive refutation, we
must be satisfied to form our belief according to the best evidence
of probability.
That accusations of this nature were brought against Lucretia
early in life, and during the pontificate of her father, there is
great reason to believe. The first traces of them appear in the
writings of the Neapolitan poets, who being exasperated against
Alexander VI. for the active part wMch he had taken in the
expulsion of the house of Aragon, placed no limits to their
resentment.141 These imputations might, however, scarcely have
deserved a serious reply, had they not received additional credit
from the pen of the distinguished historian Guicciardini, who
informs us, that " it was rumoured, that not only the two bro
thers, but even the father, were rivals for the love of Lucretia." *
By these rumours it is probable that he alludes to the writings
of the Neapolitan poets, with whose works, it is to be remarked,
he was well acquainted, as appears from the manner in which he
refers to the small river Sebeto, near Naples, so frequently the
theme of their applause.
These authorities have been considered as sufficient grounds
for future Mstorians to assert the guilt of Lucretia in the most
explicit terms ; nor have even the writers of the Romish church
hesitated to express their conviction of her criminality in the
most unqualified manner, and the tale of her infamy has accord
ingly been admitted into general compilations and biographical
dictionaries as undoubted matter of fact.t It can, therefore
* Guicciard. lib. iii. f Moren, art. Casar Borgia, &c.

LUCRETIA BORGIA. 895
occasion no surprise, that the Protestant authors have frequently
expatiated on a subject which, as they suppose, reflects such dis
grace on the Roman see. In the writings of Henry Stephens, *
of Bale,+ and of Gordon, this accusation forms a conspicuous
feature ; nor is it less decisively admitted by the discriminating
Gibbon, in his "Antiquities of the House of Brunswick." "In
the next generation," says this author, "the House of Este was
sullied by a sanguinary and incestuous race ; by the nuptials of
Alfonso I. with Lucretia, a bastard of Alexander VI., the Tibe
rius of Christian Rome. This modern Lucretia might have
assumed with more propriety the name of Messalina ; since the
woman who can be guilty, who can even be accused, of a crimi
nal intercourse with a father and two brothers, must be aban
doned to all the licentiousness of venal love."
Such being the evidence on which these charges have been
generally believed, it may now be proper to state such circum
stances as may throw additional light on the subject. This will
perhaps be most effectually done, by taking a brief review of
the principal circumstances in the life of Lucretia, as far as they
can be collected from the writings of her contemporaries ; and
by comparing her conduct and character, as it is represented by
those to whom she was well known, and by whom she was highly
respected, with her conduct and character as represented by
those who have, either directly or indirectly, countenanced im
putations against her of so detestable a nature.
Before the elevation of Alexander VI., his daughter Lucretia,
not being then of marriageable age, had been betrothed to a
Spamsh gentleman •% but on his obtaining the pontificate, he
dissolved the engagement, apparently with the ambitious view of
forming a higher connection. On the twelfth day of June, 1493,
being in the first year of her father's pontificate, she was accord
ingly married to Giovanni Sforza, lord of Pesaro, a grandson of
the brother of the great Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan. § With
* Apologie pour Herodote, liv. 1. p. 559, ed. 1692.
t Pageant of Popes, p. 173, ed. 1574.
X Nardi, lib. iv. p. 75, § Murat. An, vol. ix. p. 569.

396 CHARACTER OF
him she resided till the year 1497, when some dissensions having
arisen between her and her husband, she quitted him, and the
pope afterwards dissolved the marriage; "not being able," as
Guicciardini asserts, " to bear even a husband as a rival, and
having proved, by suborned evidence, before judges delegated by
himself, that Giovanni was impotent.* This separation gave rise
to a disagreement between the pope and Sforza, in consequence
of wMch, the latter was in danger of being deprived of his domi
nions, which he preserved only by resorting to the Venetians for
assistance. If the reason given by Guicciardini for the interference of the
pope on this occasion be the true one, he soon changed his mind,
having shortly after entered into a treaty for a marriage between
his daughter and Alfonso, duke of Bisaglia, and natural son of
Alfonso IL, king of Naples.t This marriage was celebrated in
the year 1498, and the pope conferred on his daughter the perpe
tual government of the duchy of Spoleto, and invested her with
the territory of Sermoneta, of which he had shortly before de
prived the family of Gaetani.J The offspring of tMs marriage
was a son, who was born in the month of October, 1499, and
named after the pontiff, Roderigo. The attention paid by Alex
ander to the education of this child has been considered as a
presumptive proof, that he stood related to him in a still nearer
.character than that which he avowed ; but when it is recollected,
that this son was the future hope of an ambitious and aspiring
family, and, detached from all criminality, was allied to the pon
tiff by the near claims of consanguinity, there seems no need to
resort to other motives to explain the conduct of Alexander on
this occasion. From the explicit evidence of Burchard, who
appears to have intruded himself into the most secret transac
tions of the apostolic palace, we may exonerate the pontiff and
his daughter from this heinous charge, and allow that there are
good grounds to admit that Alfonso of Aragon was the father of
the cMld.
* Guicciard. lib. iii. f Burchard, Diar. ap. Gordon.
X Murat. vol. ix. p. 601.

LTJCRETIA BORGIA. 397
The unfortunate husband did not long survive this event. In
the month of June, 1500, he was attacked on the steps, before
the great door of the church of S. Pietro, by a band of assassins,
by whom he was dangerously wounded. That the perpetrators
of this crime were persons of rank, may be conjectured from
their having been escorted out of the gates of Rome by a body
of forty horsemen, who protected them in their flight. Alfonso,
yet living, was conveyed into a chamber in the apostolic palace,
where he struggled with the consequences of his wounds upwards
of two months, and, as Burchard asserts, was then strangled in
his bed. The physicians who had attended him, and a person
who had waited on him during Ms confinement, were appre
hended and examined, but were soon afterwards liberated. The
death of Alfonso, like that of the duke of Gandia, has been attri
buted to Csesar Borgia, but with no other evidence than that
which arises from presumptions, founded on the general atrocity
of his character, and the supposed criminal attachment to his
sister ; to which it has been added, that the new connections
wMch he had formed with Louis XII. operated as an inducement
with him to terminate Ms alliance with a family which he had
already devoted to destruction.282
A few days after the death of Alfonso, his widow, who has
never been accused of having had any share in this horrid trans
action, retired for some time to Nepi, for the purpose of indulging
her grief. On her return to Rome, she was intrusted, during the
absence of the pope, with the management of public affairs ; for
wMch purpose she was empowered to open all letters addressed
to the pontiff, and directed, in cases of difficulty, to consult with
some of the cardinals in the confidence of the pope. We may
agree with Muratori, that this mode of government conferred
but little honour on the pontiff ; but we can scarcely admit it as
a proof, as some have been willing to assume, of an incestuous
intercourse between the father and the daughter. To a short
time subsequent to this period, we may, however, refer those
abominable scenes of lewdness, which are said to have been
transacted within the precincts of the apostolic palace, and which,
however incredible, are recorded by Burchard, not only without

398 CHARACTER OF
a comment, hut with as much indifference as if they were only
the usual occurrences of the day. But it is higMy important to
our present subject to observe, that throughout the whole narra
tive of this loquacious master of the papal ceremonies, who seems
on no occasion to have concealed what might disgrace either his
superiors or himself, there appears not the most distant insinua
tion of that criminal intimacy between Alexander and Ms daugh
ter, or between her and her brothers, which if he had known or
suspected it to have existed, it is not likely, from the tenor of
other parts of his narrative, that he would have been inclined
wholly to conceal.
However this may be, the pope, who never for a moment lost
sight of the aggrandizement of Ms family, in the latter part of
the year 1501, entered into a negotiation for uniting Lucretia in
marriage to Alfonso of Este, the son of Ercole, duke of Ferrara.
This connection was highly flattering to the house of Borgia, as
well from the elevated rank of the husband, who was expected
shortly to take a respectable station among the sovereigns of
Italy, as from Ms personal character, which had already given
rise to expectations, that his future conduct abundantly con
firmed. In accounting for an union which has in later times
been considered as degrading to the family of Este, some have
been inclined to attribute it to the advantageous proposals made
by the pope, who, Resides an immense sum which he expended
in jewels and apparel, gave to his daughter on her marriage one
hundred thousand gold crowns, and accompanied them with the
grant of the territories of Cento and Pieve ; whilst others have
conjectured, that the princes of Este were rather terrified than
allured to such a measure, by their apprehensions from the am
bition, rapacity, or resentment of the family of Borgia.883 The
marriage ceremony was performed at Rome on the nineteenth
day of December, 1501, with circumstances of uncommon magni
ficence, which are related by Burchard with great minuteness.
Her journey thence to Ferrara, and her splendid entry into that
* "Principe glorioso nel mondo," says Muratori, "che in senno e
afore ebbe pochi pari al suo tempo." — Annali d'ltal. vol. x. p. 262.

LUCRETIA BORGIA. 399
city on the second day of February, 1502, are dwelt upon at great
length by contemporary writers, whose narratives exhibit a
curious picture of the manners of the age.*
At this period of the life of Lucretia, when she was finally
removed from the Roman court to the city of Ferrara, which
became her residence during the remainder of her life, some
reflections occur on her past conduct. That the daughter of
Alexander VI., young, beautiful, and accomplished, educated in
the midst of a luxurious city and a profligate court, might, on
all occasions, have escaped the general contagion, will not perhaps
be readily believed ; but with respect to the incestuous inter
course, of which she had been so generally accused, the circum
stances of her life and conduct afford no evidence ; on the
contrary, the anxiety of her father, to avail himself of the first
opportunity of uniting her to another husband, must he con
sidered as a strong indication, that his own attachment to her
was not of the criminal nature before referred to. Were it also
to be granted, that the family of Este was induced to accede to
this marriage by the allurements and persuasions, or was terrified
into it by the dread of the vengeance of the pontiff, it must still
require a considerable portion of credulity to believe, that either
Ercole, duke of Ferrara, or Alfonso his son, who were dis
tinguished by their virtues and their talents, both civil and
military, beyond any of the sovereigns of the time, would have
submitted to have perpetuated their race through the contami
nated blood of a known and incestuous prostitute.
The arrival of Lucretia at Ferrara gave a new impulse to those
studies and literary amusements, by which that place had been
so long distinguished. Among the many men conspicuous by
their talents and their learning, who at this time frequented the
court, was the celebrated Pietro Bembo. He had accompanied his
father, who had visited that city in a respectable public character,
and the attractions which he had met with in the literary society
of the place had induced him to prolong his residence there.
The reputation wMch Bembo had already obtained by his
* Muratori, Rer. Ital. Scrip, vol. xisvii. p. 398.

400 CHARACTER OF
writings, and perhaps his personal address and accomplishments,
early introduced him to the notice of the duchess, who received
Mm with that freedom and affability for which the Italian courts
were then remarkable. At this time Bembo was about thirty
years of age, and it appears from Ms letters, that he had twice
been the slave of an amorous but unsuccessful passion. The
extraordinary beauty, the various endowments, the vivacity and
condescension of the duchess, were attractions too powerful for
him to resist, and there is reason to believe, that Lucretia Borgia
was destined to complete that amorous servitude of three lustres,
or fifteen years, of which he frequently complains. The episto
lary correspondence of Bembo contains several letters addressed
to the duchess of Ferrara, to which she frequently replied.28*
But although it might be presumed, from her letters, that she
was not wholly insensible to the passion of her admirer, by whose
attentions it is probable she was MgMy flattered, yet it must be
observed, that Mazzuchelli, one of the most judicious critics that
Italy has produced, considers this attachment as having been
regulated by sentiments of propriety and honour; nor is it
indeed likely, that a friendly epistolary intercourse would have
been continued for so long a time after the termination of a con
nection, which could never have been recollected by either of the
parties without sentiments of compunction and of shame. In
the letters of Bembo to the duchess of Ferrara, which extend
from the year 1503 to the year 1516, he at some times communi
cates to her Ms own sorrows, and at others congratulates her on
the birth of her children : but the warmth of the lover, if it
ever existed, soon gave place to the respect of a friend, and the
introduction of frequent apologies for Ms neglect, or omissions,
clearly indicates that he had long relinquished that character,
which on their first acquaintance he appears to have been willing
to assume.
The attachment of Bembo to Lucretia Borgia was not, how
ever, so cautiously concealed, as to have escaped the notice of Ms
friends, the two Strozzi, with whom he lived at Ferrara on terms
of the utmost intimacy, and at whose villa, in the vicinity of
that city, he passed a considerable portion of his time. Tito, the

LUCRETIA BORGIA. 401
father, has recorded this passion in an enigmatical epigram,
which it is not now difficult to explain, and Ercole, the son, in
confiding to Bembo his own amours, adjures him to conceal them
with the same secrecy with which he has himself preserved those
intrusted to him by the confidence of his friend.
From this period the conduct of Lucretia Borgia, during the
remainder of her life, being an interval of upwards of twenty
years, was not only without reproach, but in the highest degree
commendable and exemplary. Amidst the disturbances which
agitated Italy, and which frequently threatened Ferrara with
destruction, she was intrusted by the duke, during those warlike
expeditions in which he so eminently distinguished Mmself, with
the government of the state, in which she conducted herself so
as to obtain, not only the approbation of her husband, but the
respect and affection of Ms subjects. By Alfonso she was the
mother of three sons, the eldest of whom succeeded to the
government of the state of Ferrara, by the name of Ercole II.285
Towards the close of her life she became severely rigid in her
religious duties, and devoted herself to works of benevolence and
piety. From the official letters of Leo X. it appears that she
had applied to that pontiff, soon after his elevation, for his
spiritual advice and consolation, which he conceded to her in the
fullest terms, with Mgh commendations of her exemplary life.
It is true, that long after she had established a character beyond
all just reproach, and when her father was no more, and her
brother was driven from Italy, the voice of calumny did not fail
to pursue her amidst the splendour of a court ; and in the
vindictive lines of Sanazzaro, Lucretia is the heifer that wanders
disconsolate on the banks of the Po, lamenting the loss of her
mate. But the motives of these accusations have already been
explained, and even if Sanazzaro had been more impartial, the
distance of his residence from Rome would prevent his being
considered on such an occasion as an authentic evidence.
But although the charges against Lucretia Borgia appear to
be wholly unsupported, either by proof or probability, it would
be unjust to her talents and her character, to elose the present
inquiry without adducing some of those numerous testimonies in
VOL. I. 2d

402 CHARACTER OF
her, favour, with which the writings of the most celebrated
scholars of the age so frequently abound. In this we need not
rely on the applauses bestowed on her by Ercole Strozzi, or
Antonio Tebaldeo, who may be considered as the poets-laureate
of Ferrara, the former of whom has in particular availed himself
of every opportunity of resounding her praise.* Still less must
we found our decision on the various poems, both in the Latin
and Italian tongue, which Bembo has consecrated to her honour,
because he may not be considered as an impartial judge. Yet
we cannot pass unnoticed the letter, in which he inscribes to her
his romance of the " Asolani," which he completed and published
at her request, and in which he addresses her " as a princess, who
was more desirous of ornamenting her mind with excellent
endowments, than her person with the decorations of dress.
Applying all her leisure hours to reading or composition. — To
the end," says he, "that you may surpass other women, as
much in the charms of your understanding, as you already do in
those of external beauty, and may be better satisfied with your
own applause, than witb. that, however infiaiife, of the rest of the
world." The historians of Ferrara, so far from supposing that the
family of Este was degraded by their union with Lucretia Borgia,
mention her with the highest praise. Giraldi denominates her
" a woman of uncommon excellence ;" and Sardi, " a most beau
tiful and amiable princess, adorned with every virtue." Yet
more honourable is the praise of Libanori ; who describes her as
" a most beautiful and virtuous princess, endowed with every
estimable quality of the mind, and with the highest polish of
understanding ; esteemed as the delight of the time, and the
treasure of the age."t Caviceo, in the year 1508, dedicated to
her his work, entitled "II Peregrino," and adverting to the cele
brated Isabella of Este, daughter of Ercole I. duke of Ferrara
and wife of Francesco Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua, he conceives
* Several of the principal poems of Ercole Strozii, as his "Venatio'
and " Gigantomachia," are inscribed to Lucretia.
f Mazzuch. vol. v. p. 1751.

LUCRETIA BORGIA. 403
that he has given her sufficient praise, in asserting ¦ that she
approaches ne__.t in excellence to Lucretia Borgia.* If the most
remote idea liad been entertained, that Lucretia had been the
detestable character which the Neapolitan poets have represented,
is it to be conceived, that this author would have introduced one
of the first women in Italy, in point of rank, character, and
accomplishments, as only second to her in merit ?
The marriage of Lucretia with Alfonso of Este was celebrated
in a Latin epithalamium by Ariosto ; but this may be considered
as one of those complimentary tributes, wMch a youtMul poet
would be proud to pay to Ms prince. If, however, the moral
character of the bride had been so notoriously disgraceful as to
render her an object of abhorrence, it is scarcely to be supposed
that Ariosto would have had the effrontery, or the absurdity, to
represent her, as "rivalling in the decorum of her manners, as
well as in the beauty of her person, all that former times could
boast."t The same author has, however, on a subsequent occasion
given a more decisive testimony of his approbation. In the
forty-second book of his immortal poem, he has raised a temple
of female excellence, the splendid niches of wMch are occupied
by women of the greatest merit and chief distinction in Italy ;
and among these, Lucretia Borgia assumes the first, and most
conspicuous station. It is remarkable, that in the lines devoted
to her praise on this occasion, the poet asserts that " Rome ought
to prefer the modern Lucretia to the Lucretia of antiquity, as
well in modesty as in beaiuty ;" a comparison which, if the asper
sions under wMch she has laboured had obtained the slightest
credit, could only have been considered as the severest satire.
Each of Ms heroines is attended by two of the most distinguished
poets of Italy, as heralds of their fame ; those assigned to Lucretia
Borgia, are Ercole Strozzi and Antonio Tebaldeo.
These commendatory testimonies might be increased to a con
siderable extent from the works, both in prose and verse, which
have *>»en inscribed to her by those authors to whom she afforded
• Quadrio, vol. vii. p. 70.
f Carm. Must. Poet. Ital. vol. i. p. 344.
2 D 2

404 CHARACTER OF LUCRETIA BORGIA.
encouragement and protection ;**» but in addition to those already
adduced, it may be sufficient to cite the grave and unimpeach
able testimony of one, who, from the respectability of Ms charac
ter, cannot be suspected of flattery, and who indeed cannot be
supposed to have had any other motives for his commendation,
than such as he has himself assigned ; the favour and assistance
which he afforded to every meritorious undertaking, and to every
useful art.
The person referred to, is the celebrated printer, Aldo Manuzio.
From the tenor of Ms address to her, prefixed to Ms edition of
the works of Tito and Ercole Strozzi, it appears that she had
offered, not only to assist riim in the establishment of his great
undertaking, but also to defray the whole expense attending it.
If the sentiments wMch he attributes to her, were in fact expressed
by her, of wMch there appears no reason to doubt, they suffi
ciently mark a great and a virtuous mind. " Your chief desire,"
says he, " as you have yourself so nobly asserted, is to stand
approved of God, and 10 be useful, not only to the present age,
but to future times ; so that, when you quit this life, you may
leave behind you a monument that you have not lived in vain."
He then proceeds to celebrate in the warmest terms of approba
tion, her piety, her liberality, her justice, and her affability. If
Lucretia was guilty of the crimes of wMch she stands accused, the
prostitution of her panegyrists is greater than her own ; but of
such a degradation several of the authors before cited were inca
pable ; and we may therefore be allowed to conclude, that it is
scarcely possible, consistently with the known laws of moral
character, that the flagitious and abominable Lucretia Borgia,
and the respectable and honoured duchess of Ferrara, could be
united in the same person.297

APPENDIX

APPENDIX.

No. I. P. 12.
Innocentio VIII. Pont. Max.
Sanctissime ac beatissime Pater et Domine. Post pedum oscula
beatorum. Intendendo dall' imbasciatore nostro che la S. V. e in fermo
proposito di fare nuovi cardinali in brevi giorne, me parebbe
meritare grandissima reprensirtne, se io non le ricordassi in questo
caso l'honore di questa citta et mio anchora, che per sua dementia
sono certissimo, secondo mi scrivi l'imbasciatore predetto, che
quella se ne ricorda. Ringratio la S. V. di tale sua dispositione,
e supplico a quella molto humilmente, se mai sono psr ricevere
alcuno rilevato beneficio da quella, si degni abondantemente e
con effecto porgerne il premio della gratia sua, della quale la
ricMeggo questa volta con quella efficaoia che farei a N. S. Dio la
salute dell' anima mia. Io non credo che in tutto el tempo del
pontificato suo la S. V. possa fare cosa che porti seco maggiore
obligatione di questa citta verso la S. V. perche come questa
dignita e stata molto rara, et par consequenza da uno tempo in
qua molto desiderata, cosi passerebbe con grandissima molestia
quando restassi mal contenta. Di me in particolare non parlo,
perche non potrei desiderare piu questa cosa che e in effecto un
desiderio ardentissimo dello honore mio, el quale havendo sempre
preposto alia vita propria, puo considerare la S. V. quando
seguissi altrimente ch'io speri, in che termine mi troveria, che
non mi parebbe esser piu al mondo. L'imbasciatore nostro e
informato a punto de' pensieri miei, dalli quali non sono punto
mutato, ne vorrei perdere il bene pe'l meglio, quando il meglio
non si possa. Pero non potendo obtenersi el primo, supplico la
S. V. si degni nell' altro tenere la mano su lo honore mio,

408 APPENDIX.
ricordando pero alia S. V. con ogni humilta, devotione, et fede,
che in questo caso quella non ha da havere altra legge o resis-
tentia se non quella che lei medesima vorra per benignita ed
humanita sua ; perche in arbitrio di V. S. e, et absolutamente in
mano sua tutta qoesta cosa, et conseguendo questo mimortale
beneficio mi chiamo per sempre satisfacto et obligatissimo.
Senza questo non veggo modo come sia in faculta di V. S. di
satisfare e ricomperare l'honor mio, et la opinione che quella ha
data che io sia nella gratia sua. Raccommandomi humilmente
alii piedi di V.B. e supplieola mi habbi per excusato se io non li
ho scripto di mano propria, che lo ho facto per darle mancho
molestia, non essendo troppo buono scriptore, et anche perche me
trovo iir.pedito da una mano, e sariami stato difficile.
V. S. Humillimus Servitor,
Laur. de Medicis.
Florentine, die 1. Octb. 1488.

No. II. Note 15.
Ex orig. in Archiv. Reipub. Flor.
Magnifico Viro Laurentio de Medicis Patri optimo. Florentios.
Salvus sis. Se e non vi havessi **** (mancante) dare adviso di
qualche cosa. Io Venerdi mattina fui ricevuto in publico, accom-
pagnato da S. M. dal Populo insino a palazzb, e da palazzo in
fino in Campo di Fiore da tucti questi Cardinali, et da quasi tucta
la Corte, et da una grande piova. Fui visto da Nostro Signore
molto gratiosamente : non gli parlai quasi niente ; el di sequente li
Oratori visitarono Nostro Signore ; hebbono gratissima audientia.
El Papa mi riservo il di sequente per udirmi, die e hoggi ; sonvi
ito, et la S. Sta. mi ha parlato tanto amorevolmente, quanto e
possibile ; hami ricordato, et confortato a fare qualche cosa in
queste visitation! de' Cardinali, che le ho cominciate a fare in
questi che ho visitati ; che tucti che vi scrivero un' altra volta chi
sono; dimostrono molto di esser volti benessimo verso voi. Delle
cose passate so ne siete suta advisato. Di me non ho da dirvi

APPENDIX. 409
altro, se non che io mi sforzero di farvi honore. De me proloqui
ulterius, nefas. Io ho havuto molto caro l'adviso del vostro stare
molto meglio ; et non ho altro desiderio, se non di sentirlo spesso,
et di questo per insino a hora ne ringratio Ser Piero. Io mi racco-
mando a voi. Non altro. Jo. Filius.
Romas, die xxv. Martii, 1492.

No. III. P. 64.
Ex orig. in Archil). Palat. Reipub. Flor.
Magnifico Viro Petro de Medicis, fratri meo carissimo. Florentim.
Magnifice frater, &c. Per questa poco m'accade se non signifi-
carti, che sono sano, quale in tanto vulnere decet ; paulatim tamen
me ex dolore, quantum in me est, colligo. Sed hsec missa, ne
vulnus exacerbem. Ho alcune tua, per le quali intendo l'animo
et la voglia tua. Nil eorum, qus petis, adhuc factum est ; terrotti
tamen avvisato del processo di tutto d'hora in hora. Cosi di
questo, come d'ogni altra mia cosa, fa anche tu quello medesimo ;
che non posso havere cosa piu grata, che intendere spesso di voi
nuove, et come stiate tutti ; sicche non t'incresca tenermene
avisato. Questo voglio aggiugnere, che intendendo, che forse s'hara
a mutare el Proposto Di San Giovanni, ti voglio raccomandare
Ser Francesco della Torre, quale e stato per me uno pezzo a
Miramondo, et essi portato molto bene ; et credo questo sara pro-
prio un luogo da lui, sicche te lo r.accomando. Preterea bisogna
che io ti roecomandi Francesco degli Albizi, che desiderebbe che
tu lo facessi sedere Gonfaloniere questo Maggio : faraniene piacere
facendolo, perche ho qua uno suo figliuolo, che mi serve bene :
volendolo fare, ti prego, gli facci mtendere, te lo raccomandato,
di che me ne rimetto a te. Per altra mia ti scivero qualche cosa :
per hora basti quello ti scrivono gl' Imbaseiatori, et questo. Rac-
comandomi a te, et saluta tutta la brigata per mia parte, conte»
regli tutti, se non che el foglio non basterebbe. Non altro.
Tuns Io. Fr.
Romce, die xix. Aprilis, 1492.

41 0 APPENDIX,

No. IV. Note 102.

Ex orig. in Archiv. Reipub. Flor.
Hoc est Inventarium Librorum, qui iwoenti sunt inter Lfbros
Domini Angeli Politiani, quos secernendo extraxit inde Dominus
Johannes Laschari Groicus, ex commissione Dominorum ; coram
Domino Theodoro et coram Domino Bartholommo de Crais ; quod
inventarium confectum fait in domo Petri de Medicis, die xxiv.
Octobris,149B, ut patet in originali
Aristotelis Poetica, et quaedam alia in Graeco. in Papyro.
Galeni de compositione pharmacorum. in Papyro. in Grseco.
Petri Hispani, Dialectica et qusedam alia, in Graecum de Latino
versa, in Papyro.
.Leges quaedam, cum glossis. in Membrana. glossulse vero sunt in
marginibus.
Omeliee Johannis Grisostomi. in Grseco.
Servius, in Virgilium. in Membrana. Latinus codex.
Aristotelis de Mundo, in Graeco ; simul cum Polemonis me-
ditationibus, et Aristotelis Metaphysicis. in Papyro.
Compendium trium Librorum Oribasii ; factum per Haetium.
in Papyro.
Instituta, in Graeco. in Papyro.
Epistolae Theodori Lascharis. in Papyro. in Graeco.
Actuarii opus de Medicina, de Urinis : in Graeco. in Papyro;
et Galeni quaedam.
Galeni quaedam in Medicina, et ejusdem liber de dicto Auctore,
in Graeco. in Papyro.
Alexander Tralianus, in Medicina, in Graeco. in Papyro.
Liber Galeni in Medicina ; cujus primum capitulum de Car-
diacis. in Papyro. In asseribus, sine operimento. in Graeco.
Galeni de compositione pharmacorum. in Papyro. Signatus
No. 225. Graco.
Liber Galeni in Medicina; in Grseco. in Papyro. habens primum
capitulum de Theriacis Alexipharmicis. In asseribus non
opertus. Signatus No. 223.

APPENDIX. 41 1
Galenus de usu particularum in homine, et liber ejusdem de
pulsibus. in Papyro. et Graeco. Signatus No. 215.
Priscianus quidam antiquus. in Membrana. Signatus No. 347.
Latinus.
Priscianus iterum antiquus. in Membrana. No. 626. Latinus.
Demosthenis Orationes. Grsccae. in Papyro.
Historia Zonar_e. in Papyro. in Graeco.
Galeni de pharmacis, secundum genus, in Graeco. in Papyro.
No. 218.
Pedagii Dioscoride Anazarbis, in Grseco. Liber de materia, in
Papyro. Signatus No. 230.
Compendium PhilosopMae Georgii Protertioi. in Graeco. in
Papyro.
Aristotelis Metaphysica parumper, et Galeni de Anatomia.
No. 216 {hunc Codicem D. Io. Lascari penes se).
Pars Poliucis et qusedam alia, et Polienis Stratagemata. in
Grseco. in Papyro, et antiquo codice, volumine, mediocri, tecto
operimento rubro. No. 91.
Excerpta qusedam ex diversis auctoribus, etproverbia, et qusedam
alia. Sine tabulis. in Papyro.
Pvndari Olympia, et pars PytMorum, cum expositione. in
Papyro. in Grseco. No. 87.
X.enophontis Gr__cise Historia, in Papyro. Sine tabulis. in
Grseco. No. 662.
Quaedam in Physica. Primum de Climatibus Terrse, et Expo-
sitio Theonis in Arati phenomena, in Papyro. Sine tabulis.
in Graeco. No. 139.
Aristotelis Politica. in Grseco. in Papyro. Ligata in quadam
carta membranea.
Aratus cum expositione. in Graeco. in Membranis, ligatus in
quadam carta.
Galeni Liber antiquus. in Graeco. in Membranis. In quadam carta.
Vocabula quaedam Medicinalia, et quaedam alia, in Graeco. in
Papyro. In tabulis, sine operimento. Vetustissima. No. 221.
Quaedam reeollecta a Domino Angelo Politiano in pueritia
sua. in Papyro. in Latino, et ligata simul in quadam carta
membranea.

412 appendix.
No. V. Note 201.
Bandini, Collec. Vet. Mm. Areti, 1752.
Ludovici Areosti.
Reverendissima in Christo patri et Domino D. meo col. D. Cardinali
de Medicis Bononim Legato dignissimo.
Ut a tribus incompatibilibus, ut inquit auctor, sohatur, enixe
rogat.
Reverendissime Domine D. mi Colendissime. La servitif, et
observantia mia, che da molti giorni in qua ho sempre avuta verso
Vostra Signoria Reverendissima, e I'amore, e benigniti, che quella
mi ha dimostrata sempre, mi danno ardire, che senza adoperare
altri mezzi, io ricorra ad essa con speranza di ottenerne ogni
grazia ; e quando intesi a di passati, che Vostra Signoria Reve
rendissima aveva avuta la Legazion di Bologna, ne ebbi quell'
allegrezza, che averei avuta, se '1 Patron mio Cardinale da Este,
fusse stato fatto Legato ; si perche de ogni utile, e d'ogni onore
de Vostra Signoria, sono di continuo tanto desideroso, e avido,
quanto un vero, et affectionato Servitore, deve esser de ogni
exaltazione del Patron suo, si anche perche mi parve, che in
ogni mia accurrenzia io fusse per avere quella tanto propicia, e
favorevole, quanto e debitore un grato Patrone ad un suo dedi-
tissimo Servo.
Supplico dunque Vostra Signoria Reverendissima de volermi
per Bolla dispensare ad tria incompatibilia, et a quel pift, che ha
autorita di fare, o che e in uso, et a piik dignitade ensieme, con
quelle ample clausule, che si ponno fare, et de non promovendo ad
Sacros ordines per quel tempo, che pifc si pu6 concedere. Io son
ben certo, che in Casa di Vostra Signoria Reverendissima e chi
sapra far la Bolla molto piu ampla, che non so dimandare io.
L'Arciprete di Santa Agatha presente exhibitore, il quale ho in
loco di Patre, et arno per li suoi meriti molto, venira a Vostra
Signoria per questo effecto. Esso torra la cura di far fare la
supplicatione di quello, che io dimando. Supplico Vostra Sig
noria Reverendissima a farlo expedir gratis, la qual mi perdoni,

appendix. 413
se io le parlo troppo arrogante, che I'affectione, e servitft mio
verso quella, e la memoria, che ho delle offerte fattemi, da essa
molte volte, mi darebbono ardire di domandarle molto maggior
cose di queste (ancorche queste a me paranno grandissime) e
certitudine d'ottenerle da Vostra Signoria. Se ricordi, che dedi-
tissimo Servo le sono, alia quale umilmente mi raccomando.
Ferrariae xxv. Novembris mdxi.
D. V. Reverendissima, Deditissimus, et Humilis Serous,
Ludovicus Ariostus Ferrariensis.

No. VI. P. 311.
Bembi Ep. Pont. lib. i. ep. 23.
Henrico Regi Britanni._e.
Et si est, quae de tua religione atque in hanc rempub. nosque
ipsos propensa prsestantique voluntate, deque tuis plurimis egre-
giisque virtutibus Episcopus Wigorniensis Legatus tuus quotidie
commemorat, mihi per se gratissima jucundissimaque sunt, tamen
ilia ipsa gratiora etiam & jucundiora efficit ejusdem oratoris
probitas, prudentia, virtus, atque is, quo ilium amplexus niagno-
pere sum, sunor charitasque mea prope singularis. Itaque cum
de eo, quae volo, quseque de Rege prsestantissimo magnaeque spei
adolescente possunt dici libenter exaudio, turn propterea quod ab
homine nobis amicissimo & virtute praedito tuae virtutes praedi-
cantur, uberiorem ea res nostram earn voluptatem facit. Spem
enim capio fore, ut quoniam ammi tui magnitudinem atque
prsestantiam, cum egregia in Deum Opt. Max. pietate et in
Romanos Pontifices observantia maxime conjunctam & conso-
ciatam esse intelligo, & tu de tuis virtutibus uberrimos jucun-
dissimosque fructus, & Christiana respub. de te magnos proventus,
egregia incrementa, illustres utilitates sit perceptura. Quam te
in cogitationem incumbere noctes atque dies decet, ut in ista
adolescentia florentique tna aetate, ea fundamenta jacias virtutis

414 APPENDIX.
& probitatis tuae, quibus reliqua aetas omnis egregie prteclareque
nitatur. Quod erit, si in hujus Pontificatus observantia non
modo permanebis, sed etiam in dies singulos magis magisque te
accendes ad ejus dignitatem, majestatem, gloriam, & tuendam &
augendam. Id cum, ut spero, ipse feceris, curabo profecto ego,
enitarque ut ea tibi a me ornamenta proficiscantur, quibus laetari
facile possis te ejusmodi cogitationes suscepisse. Haec autem,
atque his longe plura, deque mea non solum spe, sed etiam erga
te mente, quamquam multa cum oratore tuo egerim, in meas
tamen etiam ad te literas partem eorum aliquam facile conjeci,
ut tibi ipse omnia de me paterna officia polliceri uberius, & cumu
lates posses. Reliquum est ut intelligas, eundem ipsum ora-
torem tuum, quern turn etiam, cum fortuna leviore nitebamur,
unice semper dileximus, nunc, quia is egregiam tibi singula-
remque operam praestat, a nobis etiam impensius amari ; ejus
enim & prudentiam atque agendis rebus probitatem cognitam
perspectamque habuimus jam inde ab illis temporibus cum is viri
clarissimi Patris tui istiusque Regni res negotiaque procurabat
summa atque mirifica diligentia : & postea ex adversis ejus tur-
bulentisque rebus, quse sunt ilia tempora consequutae, magnam
molestiam cepimus : utque hominis plane probi & nobis ami-
cissimi aegre molesteque tulimus illam calamitatem. Quas ob res
atque causas omneis cum eum tibi esse charissimum existimem,
illud magnopere cupio, ut mea commendatione tibi sit etiam
charior, omnibusque in rebus, quae ad ejus dignitatem pertine-
bunt, quibus in rebus ei aspirare provehereque ilium possit aura
studii & favoris tui, quae quidem res erunt semper plurimae atque
maximae, & fid am illius erga te, & meam in ilium benevolentiam
charitatemque recordere. Dat. tertio Non. April. M.D.XIII.
Roma.

APPENDIX. 415
No. VII. P. 318.
Rymer. Fasdera, torn. vi. p. 50.
Ad Regem Litera Cardinalis Eborum, super Victoria in Conflictu
communiter vocato, la Journee d'Esperons, super Indulto
nuper Papas in manibus Cardinalis Sinagalensis deposito, super
Reductione Scismaticorum Cardinalium, 6} de Imperatore movendo
pro Pace cum Venetis.
Please it tour Grace,
The Fifth Day of this Month the Poopis Holinis was advertised
from oon Amba__sadour of the Florentynes, Resident at the
Fransshe Court, upon Yor Grace late Conflict with th' Enny-
myes of the Churche, and the manner of Your moste Victorious
Tryumphe obtenyde against the same ; wMche was unto his
Holines and all odir Your Grace's Frendes Lovers and Ser-
vaunttes here marvalous grette Joye and Comforthe, and surelie
unto your Ennemyes in this Courtt no lesse Paine and Dis
courage. Uppon the Morrowe next aftur I went unto the Cardinali
Sinogalen, desyring him, in Your Graces Name, for to have deli-
verde unto Me the Breve, that Youre Grace knowthe of, putt into
his keeping for Yor Highnes by the Blessed Memorye of Pope
Julye according to the said Popis Commandement :
He answered me that nodre he is ne ever was of oder mynde
but that Your Grace shulde have it uppon t}ie accomplishyng of
such Conditions as be compriside in the same, which he graun-
tithe that nowe Your Grace most noblie and with moost glorious
Victorie hath fullfillide ; Albeit he saithe that, because the said
Breve is of so greate and so weightie Importance, apperteignyng
the perpetuall Honour of so Highe and Myghtie a Prince, he
durste no be so boulde as to deliver itt from his Hands unto ony
levying Creatour without speciall Commandement yeven unto
hym from Your Grace in Writing : whiche hade, he saithe, he
will with all his Hartt and Mynde deliver itt unto Me for Your
Gracis Bihove and Honour, soo he grauntith that the said Pope

416 APPENDIX.
Julie commaunded hym, he praithe Your Grace to latt itt be noo
otherwise shewide butt that Ye hade the saide Breve in Youre
Haundes in Pope July's Days, he wolde nott that the Popis Ho-
lines that nowe is shulde in ony manner knowe the contrary.
And, stonding that his Holines hath Confirmyde all such In-
dulties and Graces as the said -Pope Julie did Graunte unto Your
Grace, whereof this said Breve is oon and moost of Gravite, Me
semyth Your Highnes may right honourabilie and condignlie
desire of his Holines special! Confirmation of the said Breve in
more ample maner under Leade; whiche Itruste verali nodre he
will ne convenyently may denye
I sende unto Your Grace, with thies Presenttes, a Lettre from
my said Lorde Cardinali Sinogalen, writen with his own haunde,
uppon his loving contynuyde good Mynde and Woll towards
Yor Grace in the Premysses.
If it may stonde withe Your Graces Pleasour, att convenyent
tyme, aftyr youre receptt of the said Breve, to Yeve unto hym
some Promotion more or lesse in recompence of his trewe and
feithfull demenour towardis your said Grace in this Bihalf, I
thinke that nat oonlie it should grettlie redunde unto your Ho
nour, but also reteigne hym evir to contyenewe as oone of Your
Gracis moste kynd and loving Frendes during his Lyve.
After that thies Newes afforesaide ware dyvulgate in the Citie
here, th' Ambassadour of Venyce, being here Resident, desiride
Me withe grett instance moste humblelie to besiche your Grace
uppon thare bihalfe, that, stoundying that th' Emperour is now
presentt with Your Grace, ye woll wiche save to move his Ma.
jestie for some goode and indifferentt Peace to be establasMde
betwixt the Same and Them ; He depeeched a Curiour straightlie
unto their Signorie with writing uppon this forsaide Ovarthrowe
of the Franshmen, and saithe he doubtithe nott butt the hoill
Signorie woll in all haste possible addresse their Letters towards
Your Grace of most humble Supplication for the Premysses sup
posing veralie that, by reason of th' Emperiall Majesties Presence
with Your Highnes, ye shal set some goode Ordor betwixt Them,
and doubtith not, as he said, but that the saide Signorie wol be
right tractable thereunto.

APPENDIX. 417
Uppon the Breve of Confirmation of all such Grannies as Pope
Julie had grauntide unto Your Highnes sundrie days affore thai
ye were advertiside thereof frome Me ande my Lorde your Ora-
tour here, and in like maner uppon the Restitution of the Scisma-
tiques Saintt Crossis and Saintt Severyne, I pray Your Grace nott
to thynke herefore that he shulde in your Causes be more dili
gent or use better Studie for th' Exspede therof then We do; well
I am assuride that the said Breve was gvaunted and finallie Ex
spede, save oonlie at the Plombe, Sundrie Days affore that ever he
knewe it laboride ; fore as soon as he hade knowlege of it, he
corruptid oon of the Secretaries, and gatt of hym a Copie, to th'
entent he myght shew unto Your Grace his pretendite Diligence
and goode Service.
He myght right longe affore have shewide unto Your Grace the
intendide Restitution of the said ScMsmatiques ; His Diligence
and Labours were moche more seen in bryngyng that matier to
pass thenever I did see in hym for ony Cause apperteignyng
owdere to Yor Gracis Honour or Pleasour.
Thus I shall most hartlie besiche the Blesside Trinitie for the
Preservation of Your moste Highe and Roiall Astate.
From Rome, the xiith Day of Septembre 1513.
Your moost humble Beedman and Subject.

No. VIII. P. 326,
Rymer. Fcedera, torn. vi. p. 51.
SERENISSIMO AC ExCELLENTISSIMO PrINCIPI ET DOMINO MEO
Colendissimo Domino Henrico, Anglije, &c. Regi.
Serknissime & Excellentissime Rex et Domine, Domine mi
Colendissime, Humillimam Commendationem.
Provexit me nuper non mea quidem virtus, quse exigua aut
nulla est, sed Summi Pontificis Benignitas, cum Tribus aliis
Dominis & Collegis meis ad Cardinalatus Dignitatem :
De qua (verum fatebor) non tam mihi existimo laetandum esse,
vol. i. 2 E

413 APPENDIX.
cm am illud considerandum quo, ut unusquisque se cognoscat,
admonemur. Equidem ut de mp loquar, nam aliis jampridem earn Dignita
tem merito deberi sciebam, in eum ordinem me sentio relatum,
illud fastigium ascendisse ubi sine periculo consistere posse vix
me puto ; nam video quale aequor intravimus & cujus navis
remigio admoti sumus, nee cui confidam certior ac vicinior suc-
currit quam Autor Deus, qui dignabitur sua dementia vires
prsebere sustinendo ponderi quod imposuit, & honorem quem
dedit conservare, meque earn vitam ducere quae creditae mihi
Dignitati conveniat.
Quod vero ad meam in Majestatem vestram servitutem attinet,
visum mihi est nunc Illi scribere non tam ut promotionem Uli
meam significarem (quam ex aliorum Uteris auditsim illi puto)
sed animum ut aperirem meum clarissimis ac felicissimis incly-
tisque ejus rebus gestis Deditissimum & obstrictum.
Et, quicquid ex hac mea Diguitate, qualiscumque futura ea est,
honoris, emolumenti, industrise, laboris, ac studii promittere
possum, Illi omnia dedicare, sicut vero & optimo Principi & de
sancta Universali Ecclesia, difficillimo ejus tempore, tantopere
merito, mihi vero praecipuo & singularissimo Domino ; & cui ego
& Familia nostra omnis omnia debemus, & ejus Regio Servitio
parata semper offerimus.
Habeat in hac Curia plurimos vestra Regia Majestas doctrina,
prudentia & auctoritate praestantiores ; qui me fide, animo &
affectu erga earn sit superaturus inveniet certe neminem, sicut ex
suo ore, qui Servitutis meoe testis est locupletissimus, planius
intelliget, Vestra Regia Majestas ; cui me continue & humillime
cammendo. Roma? ex Palatio Apostolico xxx Septembris, M.D. xiii
Excellentissime Vestra; Regies Majestatis,
Humillimus et Fidelissimus Servitor,
J. 3ARDINALIS DE MeDICJIIc

APPENDIX. 419

No. IX. Note 231.

Rymer. Fader, torn. vi. p. 53.
Litera Pap^; Leonis ad Pacem hortatoria.
Charissime in Chvisto Fili noster, Salutem & Apostolicam Be-
nedictionem. •
Eis ex Literis, quas ad Nos & quibus ad Dilectum Filium
nostrum Cristophorum Tituli Sanctee Praxedis Presbiterum Car-
dinalem rationes tuas de eo ipso Legato non admittendo perscrip-
sisti, cognovimus ammum Majestatis tua non ita, uti vellemus,
deflexum ad Pacem, & a consiliis concordiae aliquantum abhor-
rentem; sed tamen ut ex eisdem literis &constantis Regis & In-
victi Principis virtus atque animus eluceat ; quippe enim Te
religione Foederum & Conjunctorum Regum societate ac Concor
dia impediri scribis, quo minus Tibi consilia Pacis seorsum ab
illis capias ; firma quidem in eo & constans est ratio tua, neque
alitor decet Regem Magnanimum & Prsestantem, sed neque a
Nobis consilium ullum profectum est erga Te ut illis relictis Paci
solus studeres. Nos enim evellere ex animo tuo omnes odii atque
inimicitisurum aculeos voluimus, ut illis ejectistanquam in bonum
solum sic in sensum tuum Pacis & Concordiae semina jaceremus :
nee tamen Tibi soli hoc persuadere nixi sumus ; sed, hortante
Nos nostri honoris munere atque officio, Venerabilibus etiam Fra-
tribus nostris, Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalibus, & ab
initio Pontificates nostri, & postea ssepe tam in Consistoriis nostris
secretoque in Sacri Concilii Lateranensis Sessionibus palam Nos ad
hanc curam suscipiendam conficiendae Pacis vocantibus & obtes-
tantibus, agere cum caeteris quoque Regibus, ad arma si qui
spectant, non destitimus, neque vero desistemus, Deique in eo
voluntati & Saluti Christiani nominis quantum eniti poterimus,
omni & studio & opera adhaerebimus ; praesertim cum etiam
multorum Reg-am atque Principum querelae ad Nos per Literas
& nuncios ipsorum parlatse sint, ferentium graviter & indig-
nantium has perseverare inter Christianos discordias, non solum
2e2

420 APPENDIX.
fidei Catholicae perniciosas, sed ne ipsis quidem qui eas exercent
ullo modo utiles.
Quocirca etiam, Carissime in Christo Fili, Nobisque in amore
& paterna Caritate praecipue adhortamur in Domino & rogamus,
ut dedere Animumtuum nostris amantissimis Consiliis velis.
Etenim cum illud nobile & gloriosum propositum animi tui,
quo ad arma capienda adductus es, ut Libertatem Ecclesiasticam
violatam Injuria nonnullorum defenderes, Sedisque Apostolicae
dignitatem ab omni labe vindicares, jam ad exitum perductum
sit, hostesque tui numine & tua incredibili virtute, tuorum quoque
Confcederatorum Opera, positis animis contumacibus, ad Uni-
tatem Ecclesise & erga Nos ac sedem Apostolicam Reveren-
tiam humiles accesserint, est jam tuum gerere inimicitias placa-
biles, et si tuo Honori satis consultum fuerit, Pacem quoque
potius quam Bellum appetere. Illius enim jam tui prsestantis-
simi facti fructus, qui Tibi ex nostra & totius posteritatis praedi-
catione uberrimi debentur, Tibi sunt & erunt semper paratissimi,
nunc, sicut armis invictum Te preestitisti, ita optimis consiliis
tractabilem Te ut prsebeas, erit nonminoris laudis tuse quam illud
fuit gloriae. Nos quidem, qui & constantiam ac fidem tuam pro-
bamus, & virtutem miro amore complectimur, non Tibi suademus
quae contra tuam honestatem sint, ut sine Confcederatorum tuo
rum consensu Te ad Pacem accedere velimus ; sed salva Dignitate
tua & honorificis conditionibus paratis ut animum promptum ad
Pacem, si caeteri consenserint, habeas, id rogamus ; nee Te ab
Illis avellere, sed, Te, Nobiscum una, Illos adhortante, causamque
Dei & Pacis fovente honestis conditionibus arma ponere animum
cseteri ut inducant, Nos aliquid assecuturos speramus ; Majestas
quidem tua, si Consilia nostra in earn partem acceperit ad quam
diviguntur, seseque ad ilia & suas Deliberationes accommodaverit,
aget & ex Summi Dei Sententia & ex virtute ac humanitate
sua. Datum Romas, apud Sanctum Petrum, sub Annulo Piscatoris,
die Decima septima Decembris, Millesimo quingentesimo decimo
tertio, Pontificatus nostri Anno Primo. J a. Sadoletus.
(jarissimo in Christo Filio nostro Henrico
Regi Anglice Illustri.

APPENDIX. 421

No. X. P. 342.
Translation of the Greek Verses prefixed by Marcus Mitscrcs
to the works of Plato.
Spirit divine, who 'midst thy kindred throng
Of sainted heroes sit'st, to whom 'tis given
To track the burning wheels that bear along
The great Creator o'er the deeps of heaven !
Immortal Plato ! from thy lofty sphere,
Revisiting again tMs genial earth,
Accept the volume we thy votaries bear,
The sacred work that owes to thee its birth.
Where, full displayed, we trace the mighty hand
Of him, the one great Architect ; unchanged
Who fills the void of space, and whose command
Th' empyreal orbs in eight-fold order ranged.
Suspended Mgh, of all his works the chief,
The fix'd sun pours his unextinguish'd light,
Whilst seven inferior stars, in soft relief,
Shed their mild lustre o'er the shadowy night.
Or wondering mark th' unceasing central force,
Bound by whose chain the mighty whole revolves.
While unreluctant in its silent course,
Each in due time its fated round absolves.
Thence too the glorious hope that fires the soul
With secret longings for its heavenly home,
Spurns the dull bonds of earth, the base control
Of mortal fate, and lives beyond the tomb.
Nor uninstructed by thy sacred page,
We bid the city's towering ramparts rise,
By justice guard them, and by statutes sage
Define the bounds of right ; with watchful

422 appendix.
Whilst Shame and Punishment, immortal pair,
Protect the peopled haunts. But ah, what tongue
To number all the sacred truths shall dare
That breathe thy warm, inspiring page along ?
Thou then accept the votive tome, and haste
To Rome's seven-crowned hills, where still resides
Imperial sway, and midst Ausonia's waste
Rich Tiber rolls his fertilizing tides ;
Not there a tyrant's scowling brow to meet,
Of Scylla born, who mocks the heavenly muse ;
No Dionysius fierce ; for there shall greet
Thy welcome presence He whom Europe views
With wondering awe, her pastor and her guide,
From great Lorenzo sprung ; the brightest star
Of Medicean fame ; with conscious pride
Whom his own Florence hails ; and from afsu:
The sceptred rulers of the nations own,
And as their Lord obey ; in towering state,
Imperial Leo named ; who bears alone
The key that opes Olympus' lofty gate.
There, as the holy portals meet thy sight,
A friendly train around thy steps shall tMong,
Accomplished bards, whom virtuous toils delight,
Lords of the lyre, and masters of the song.
But two beyond the rest those precincts grace ;
The first from Gr._ecia, of distinguish' d fame,
To whom, derived from Lascar's noble race,
The triple-fronted God concedes his name.
'Twas he my infant steps with ceaseless care
Guarded, and loved me with a parent's love ;
He bade me to the muses' hill repair,
And pointed out the glorious meed above.
Illustrious Bembo next ; whose honied tongue
Gives in three languages his thoughts to flow;
O'er whose blest birth the sister graces hung,
And taught his mind with all their charms to glow.

appendix.
Be these thy guides ; and, to his presence brought,
Thou, with submissive lip, his holy feet
Touch reverent ; then, with sacred fervour fraught.
In strains like these the mighty pontiff greet :
"Pastor revered, propitious be thy smile
O'er all thy flock, to earth's remotest ends ;
Nor thou refuse the offspring of his toil,
The Grecian tome thy duteous Aldus sends —
Sends, but, in conscious independence bold,
A great remuneration dares to claim ;
Not silver high embossed, nor heaps of gold,
Nor splendid robes with purple tints that flame ;
But that thy hand might dash the fiend of war
That now relentless o'er Eugania's plain
Roams uncontroll'd, sind drives Ms iron car
TMough scenes of horror, and o'er heaps of slain.
What heart so hard that would not melt to hear
The orphan's wail, the widow's piercing cry V
Antiphates himself might drop a tear,
And Polyphemus heave a pitying sigh ;
Temples and domes a common ruin share,
The crackling harvests in the flame expire,
Whilst fierce barbarians, all unused to spare,
Glean the last relics of destructive fire :
Calm thou theirfierce contentions, mightt chief !
To peace, to love, thy erring sons restore ;
From thee let suffering nations find relief,
And bid contending monarchs rage no more.
Deep hid within his cavern's dark recess,
Too long has Mars the goddess Peace confined ;
Thou lead her forth, to harmonize, to bless,
And with her bounteous gifts enrich mankind.
Then turn the tide of war on Turkey's shores,
And curb the wolf-like unbelieving band,
Whose tyrant empire, fainting Greece depiores ;
Whilst, hovering now o'er Iapygia's strand,

423

424 appendix.
fhey threaten in degrading chains to bind
Thy sons, and banish the Redeemer's name ;
But let them first thy ready vengeance find ;
On Asia's shores let warlike myriads gleam.
There let the Gaul, in mailed armour bright,
Spur his proud steed, conspicuous from afar :
Helvetia's sons, on foot who urge the fight,
Sweep o'er the field, a sable cloud of war,
And they who joy to wield the glittering spear,
The bold Iberians, shall the battle grace ;
Germania's giant offspring too be there,
And, loved of Mars, Britannia's hardy race ;
And all who yet survive the wasteful sword,
Italia's heroes, long in battle tried ;
All prompt to march through regions unexplored,
Scale the steep hill or stem the surging tide.
Wi(_h these P_bonia's tribes, the bow who bend,
Their feathery shafts, oft tinged in Turkish blood ;
And Venice there her countless fleets shall send,
Imperial Venice, mistress of the flood.
Spain's floating battlements of mountain size
Tow'rds the wide Hellespont their course shall st«6Z',
And whilst the towering masts salute the skies,
Each warlike prow the healing cross shall bear.
Then o'er Byzantium's towers if once again
The light of freedom dawn ; if then, represt
By thy victorious arms on Gr-ECia's plain
The poisonous dragon low'r his hateful cres
'Tisall achieved — for then, from bondage freed
Achaia's sons their ancient fires shall feel ;
Beneath their hands the barbarous foe shall bleed,
Or fly before their swift avenging steel.
And shouts of triumph, and victorious songs,
And grateful anthems shall to heaven arise ;
And whilst around thee crowd the conquering throngs,
All Asia's wealth shall glitter in thine eyes.

APPENDIX. 425
And clad in .sounding arms, the warrior bold
Shall join the dance and share the social mirth ;
Revolving time a better age unfold,
And sacred Justice, long estranged from earth,
Again return propitious ; nor in vain
Raise o'er the guilty head her awful sword ;
And all mankind beneath thy equsd reign,
Enjoy the lasting peace by thee restored.
Haste, happier hours ! meanwhile with pleased regard.
Let drooping science own thy fostering care ;
0 let the studious but neglected bard
Thy favouring smile, thy liberal bounty share.
From Gr-Ecia's shores, from fair Italia's clime,
Call thou their noble sons impatient forth ;
Ingenuous youths, who feel the glow sublime,
Of native genius or paternal worth.
And 'midst thy Rome a calm retreat provide,
Hid from the crowd ; but near the sheltered horn*
Let the fair Naiads roll their constant tide ;
So may it emulate the far-famed dome
Of Grecian Academe : where once 'twas mine
To pour instruction 'midst the youthful band,
Imbue the generous breast with truths divine,
Retracing all that early culture plann'd.
These now no more remain — yet still survive
The latent sparks of learning's holy flame ;
0 let thy breath its genuine glow revive,
Till each young bosom catch the lucid beam.
On Tiber's banks Athenian bands shall rove
Nor mourn to quit Ilyssus' favour'd strand ;
Surrounding thousands shall thy toils approve,
And give thy name to every distant land.
Through every clime, in every varied tongue,
The Rhetor's eloquence, the Poet's fire,
To future ages shall thy praise prolong ;
And but with time itself thy fame expire.

426 appendix.
Too oft, forgetful of their trust divine,
Have former pontiffs burnt with warlike rage ;
But, by paternal maxims taught, 'tis thine
To heal the wounds of war and meliorate the age."
Thus by thy strain, Immortal Plato ! fired,
Shall mighty aims engage Ms ardent mind ;
Such once his father's glowing breast inspired,
The friend of peace, the light of human kind.
Then, whilst his wondering eye thy form shall trace,
In full dilated majesty outspread ;
The sacred features of thy beaming face,
And ample honours of thy hoary head ;
Awhile in pleased attention shall he bend,
And to thy precepts yield a willing ear ;
But now thy destined hour arrives — ascend
And join the triumphs of the heavenly sphere.

No. XI. P. 351.
Ex orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Flor.
Baldassare da Pescia Lorenzo de' Medici, a Flor. Roma, xxvL
Martii, 1514.
Ad li di passati ve Scripsi, come el Generale di Valombiosa era
stato misso in Castello per ordine di Nostro Signore ; hora havendo
inteso, che lo hanno solum appichato ad la fune per tirarlo su, et
che lui ha confessato tra le altre cose haver facto adorare uno
manico di rasoio per Legno di Croce, et certa falsita di Contracto,
et innanzi che fussino le ruine di casa vostra, haver facto dia piu
de uno anno, uno Psalmo, Deus laudem meam ne tacueris, &c. per
farla ruinare, et altre cose di importantia, io, come quello che ho
pensato, che simile cose meritano punitione grande, et ad minus,
depositioi_.e dell' offitio, et parendomi questo esser cosa d'impor-
tantia in la Citta vostra, curiosamente, et come affectionate di
V. 8. sono stato questa sera ad longum cum Monsignore Reve-

APPENDIX. 427
rendissimo, et domandatoli ad che termine erano le cose sue, et
che io desideravo saperle per significarle ad V. S. La medisse, tu
hai facto bene ad domandarmene, perche te volevo imporre gliene
scrivessi, et scrivegli, come io lo feci mettere in castello, et che
hora mai ho molto bene justificato le cose sue, et ha confessato di
sorte, che io penso ad ogni modo farlo privare dell' offitio, et per
6bviare, che non si parli, et dica, che noi lo facciamo per avaritia,
et per torgli la Badia et entrate sue, io andavo pensando di fare
unire quella Relligione di Vallombrosa ad la Congregatione di
Monte Cassino, et smembrarne uno otto, o nove mila ducati, et
li in Firenze edificarne una bella Chiesa di S. Giovangualberto,
o altro Santo loro, et parte unirne ad alchuni Monasteri che sono
li, et di homini, et donne, che vi sono, che sono poverissimi, et si
moiono di fame, et il resto da ducati in su M. darli ad Monte Cas
sino, che nonci doverranno fare difficulta, et riempieri et assettare
in Firenze quelli poveri et povere che vi sono, ad futuram rei
memoriam, &c. Et vi fa intendere, che questo e l'animo suo ;
nondimeno ho voluto, che voi lo sappiate, et che segretamente, et
cum dexterita voi ne parliate cum alchuni de quelli vecchi, et
tritamente examiniate questa cosa, et qual fussi et sia la opinione
vostra et loro gliene significMate ; sicche non ne parlerece, se non
cum quelle persone, che vi parranno ad proposito vostro, adver-
tendole, che nonne parlino con homo alchuno. Signore mio,
questo mi e parso, et pare una cosa d'importantia grande, et
quando non si facessi questo disegno di Monsignore Reverendis-
simo V. S. pensi, che se si ha ad fare Generale nuovo, como si
fara di metterci uno, che sia ad proposito vostro, e se vi paressi,
che M. Guerrino vostro, o alchuno altro fussi bono, pensici quelk,
perche havere li uno di cM voi ve ne possiate valere ad ogm vostra
posta, et non ce lo havere, se importa assai, sendo la cosa d'im
portantia, como e ; io dal canto mio di qua non cessero andare
pensando cosa che sia, se non per tornare in utilita, et commodo
vostro, cum quella audacia, dexterita, et curiosita si ricerchano
ad uno bono, et fedel servo, et non manchero mai ricordarvi quello
poco, che io cognoscero, rimettendo mi pero sempre in ogni cosa
all' judicio, et parere vostro.

42S APPENDIX.

No. XII. Note 265.

Ex orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reip. Flor.
Baldassare da Pescia a Lor. oW Medici Flor. Rom. xviii.
Ap. 1514.
Questa havevo cominciato questo di xvii. credendo si spacoiassi,
ma perche non parti alchuno per li, la ho sopratenuta persino ad
questa sera xviii. ; et dipiu fo intendere ad V. S. come questa sera
Monsignore Reverendissimo me ha detto, che io gli faccia intendere
come qui sono lettere del primo di questo del Re proprio d'lnghil-
terra ad Nostro Signore per le quali si duole assai cum Sua Santita
de questa tregua, che ha facto Spagna con Francia, et monstra ne
essere mal contento, et gli fa intendere, che vuole essere con quella,
et non uscire della volunta sua ; d'onde Nostro Signore pensa, et
con ogni ingegno trama di operare ; che l'lnghilterra et
Francia se reconcilino, et faccino accordo insieme, et di
gia ha dato qualche principio, et fara ogni opera d'accor-
dargli, et Dio gliene presti gratia. S. S. Reverendissima fa
intendere ad V. S. che di questo ultimo capitolo d'Inghilterra
la non ne parli ; ma solum sia ad sua satisfactione.

No. XIII. Note 269.
Exempl. in Biblioth. Vaticana. Et v. Fabron. in Vita Leon. X. in
Not. 38.
Copia originalis Litteras Serenissimi Regis Anglim ad Sanctissimum
Dominum nostrum, Dominum Leonem Papam X. missos, de pace
ac fcedere per eum et Christianissimum Francorum Regem noviter

Beatissime Pater : &c. Post multas variasque disceptationes
atque altercationes inter Serenissimi Francorum Regis Oratores
apud nos, et nostros Conciliarios ultro citroque habitas, divino
tandem munere, et Sanctitate vestra duce atque auctore, arma per

APPENDIX. 429
nos pro ista sancta Sede sumpta deposuimus, et terra mariqne
pacem ac foedus cum eodeni Francorum Rege sequis et honorificis,
tam vestrse Sanctitati quam nobis, conditionibus inivimus. Nam
vestram ante omnes Sanctitatem, istamque sanctam Sedem, ac
universam ejus ditionem et nominatim Bononiam in hac pace et
foedere comprehendimus. Complexi etiam sumus sacrum Impe-
rium, et Illustrissimum dominum Principem Castellae, atque illis
annum Mnc ad tres menses inchoandum dedimus ad aniini sui
sententisun declarandum, utrum in hac pace et foedere esse velint,
nee ne. At vestrae Sanctitati diem nullam Drsescripsimus. Nul
lum praeterea non studium et operam adhibuimus, nee quicquam
obmisimus, ut Ducem quoque Mediolani eadem pace ac foedere
complecteremur. Verum id obtinere nulla ratione potuimus. De
Serenissimo vero Rege Aragonum, quoniam is res suas ex se ipso
agere magis amat, neuter nostrum mentionem ullam fecit. A
dicto Serenissimo Francorum Rege inter cseteros amicos Scoti quo
que sunt comprehensi, sub quibusdam conditionibus, quibus eos
nequaquam staturos existimamus. Hujus autem pacis terminus
anno postquam alteruter nostrum vita excesserit est constitutes ;
quemadmodum ex dictse pacis Capitulis, quse ab eodem Franco
rum Rege intra proximos duos menses sunt comprobanda, et
postea infra annum vestrae Sanctitatis auctoritate (adjectis contra
violatorem censuris) confirmanda, ac nunc etiam ex Reverendo
Domino Episcopo Vigorniensi, nostro apud Sanctitatem vestram et
Sedem Apostolicam Oratore, copiosius intelliget. Ut autem haec
pax firmior stabiliorque sit eidem Serenissimo Francorum Regi
Illustrissimam Sororem nostram Dominam Mariam, ab ipso
instantissime petitam, in matrimonium promisimus. Quae olim
cum vix annum xiii. attigisset, per nostrum clarissimse memoriae
Patrem prsedicto Hlustrissimo Principi Castellae, Annum tunc
aetatis suae nonum agenti pacta fuerat, tempusque constitutum, ut
cum idem Illustrissimus Dominus Princeps ad annum xiiii. per-
venisset, Oratores ac Procuratores suos hue ad nos mitteret, qui
cum dicta Hlustrissima Sorore nostra solemnia Sponsalia, per
verba de prsesenti, conficerent. Quod cum non esset ab ejusdem
Illustrissimi Principis Gubernatoribus observatum, rursus anno

430 appendix.
superiori cum apud Insulas Oppieses essemus, huic rei, xv. die
mensis Maii proxime praeteriti, per Oratorem nostrum operam
dedimus, atque hoc quoque ab eisdem Domini Principis Guber-
natoribus (quamquam saepe a nobis admonitis et rogatis) fuit
neglectum. Quapropter dicta Illustrissima Soror nostra, con-
sultatione prudentum habita, quicquid per eumdem nostrum
Patrem, suo nomine, cum praedictis Domini Principis Guberna-
toribus actum fuerat, coram Notario publico et testibus se
rescindere, ac irritum habere protestata est : atque re dissoluta
dicto Serenissimo Francorum Regi est desponsata, et matrimonium
per ejusdem Regis Procuratorem jam contractum. Quo vinculo
non dubitamus sinceriorem et constantiorem inter eum et nos
pacem futuram : ad quam quidem crebre studiosissimeque vestrae
Sanctitatis adhortationes, et demonstrate nobis ab ea, non istius
Sanctse Sedis modo, veram etiam totius Christianse Reipublicae
utilitas non imprimis allexerunt, ea sane spe, ut non nostra tan-
tum, sed et omnium Christianorum arma plus nimio in mutuas
caedes grassata, finem aliquando faciant, et in Christiani noininis
hostes convertantur ; qui fraternas nostras caedes laeti ac ridentes
spectant, et nos eo melius rem sibi gerere, ac magis strenue sibi
militare, quo atrocius in nostra ipsa viscera saevire arbitrantur.
Proinde Sanctitatem vestram etiam atque etiam oramus, ut quod
sanctissime cogitavit, et feliciter coepit, universali paci compo-
nendae nunc maxime instet, Divinoque suo concilio, et quantis
valet precibus, sicuti apud nos fecit, ita apud caeteros Principes
Christianos agat, summaque vi in tam prseclarum, tamque vestra
Sanctitate dignum, Christianae Reipublicse salutiferum opus adni-
tatur : quo pulcherrima ilia, votisque omnibus et nobis semper
exoptata adversus infideles expeditio concordibus omnium Chris
tianorum armis animisque conspiciatur : quod aut sub vestra
Sanctitate, aut sub nullo alio Pontifice nos visuros speramus. Ex
palatio nostro Greenvici die xn. Augusti M.D. xmi.

APPENDIX. 431
No. XIV. Note 287.
{Ital. Ed. vol. vii. p. 300.)
No. I.
Lettere di Lucrezia Borgia, Duchessa di Ferrara, a Gian-Giorgio
Trissino.
Magnifice Amice Nr. Caxissime : havendo facto intender alio
HLmo Signor Nro. Consorte tutto el ragionamento havessimo de
lo Hlmo. D. Hercule nro figliolo carissimo, Sua Ex. ne ha rice-
puto grandissimo contento, et perche lei desideraria chel puto in-
tertanto no perdesse tempo la seria contenta, che per vro mezzo
segli ritrovasse uno M.ro in gramatica. Cosi a detto de parlarvine,
et noi havemo volute anticiparvi cum questo adviso pregandovi,
conoscendo maxime che questo non torna a disonore ne incom-
modo siltrimenti vro a volervi disponer a satisfar al P.to S.or
N.ro et a noi principando cum questo il pigliare del governo et
cura del P.to N.ro figliolo, e quanto piu presto I'haveremo tanto
piu grate, et se non simo stata piu presta a darvi tale adviso 1' e
proceduto, che prima di adesso non havemo potuto ritrovarsi col
P.to S.or nro. il quale questa setta e partite de qui, et offeri-
mone di bon core alii vri beneplaciti.
Belriguardi XVIII. Sept. 1515.
A nra et vra. satisfactione havemo parlato col S.r Hercule da
Camerino, che viene a Ferrera, il quale piu particularmente vi
dira di cio lo ano nro.
Tergo. Lucretia, Ducissa Ferrariae.
Mag. Amico Nro. Car.mo Dno. Io. Georgio Trissino.

No. II.
Mag.ce ac doctrissime Vir amice N.r Car.me. Mandassimo la
vra. Ira per nro. Cavallaro a posta a quel D. Nic.o Lazarino ; et
aprissiino la resposta, ch' esso mandava p. sapere quel che diceva,
e poi la rimettessimo all* Hlmo. S.or Nro. Consorte, dal quale
non sapemo se vi fu mandate : essa contenia solo, che ditto, D.
Nic.o pigliava certo termino breve a venir a nostri servitii : il

432 -APPENDIX.
qual passato noi havemo rimandato altro nro. Cavallaro a solli-
citarlo : et esso ha risposto a Noi in manera, die d'ora in hora lo
expettamo : et a voi scrive la qui alligata, pensando forsi, che voi
fussi a Ferrara : havemo voluto ch' el tutto vi sia noto : havemo
piacer intender per vre Ire come state ; et a vri beneplaciti ci
offerimo sempre. Ferrae XXII. Nobris 1515.
Pregovi, che vi piacqua raccomandarmi al R.'mo
Car. le Gurcensis.
Tergo. Lucretia, Ducissa Ferrariae.
Mag.co Doctiss.o Amico Nro. Carmo.
Dno Joan. Georgio Trissino S. D. N. Nuntio apud Caasarem.

No. III.

M.co Mess. Jo. Georgio N.ro Car.mo Havendo inteso da vro
Cognato exhibitore di una vra a noi la diligente, et amorevele
opera fatta da Voi a nra satisfactione, e stata alio Hlmo S.re. N.ro,
al quale lungariiente, et minutamente habbiamo comunicato
el tutto, e parimente a Noi di rariss.o contento, et veramente
meritoria col dimostrato buon animo vro di quella obbligatione,
che l'uno e l'altro di Noi ve ne sente. Et perche haveressimo anco
molto desiderio di poter partialmente parlar cum Voi nel ritorno
vro di cose, che sarebbe di molta opera, e di poco contento vro el
scriverle, mi f areste piacer molto singulare ad trasferirve sin qua ;
il che facendo Voi sera piu presto passata, che dimora. Et da mo
restando Noi in expectatione, di molto cor vi si offeriamo. Et
bene valete. Tergo.
Mag. Amico Nro. Car.mo Ioanni Georgio Trissino.
Romae.
In Ferrara XXVI. di Martio MDXVI.
La vra Duchessa di Ferrara.

No. IV.
Magnifice Amice Nr. Carissime : stando in expectatione di haver
qualche nova di voi havemo havuta ia vra, la quale mi e stata

APPENDIX. 433
gratissima. E' vero, che mi seria stato molto piu la persona, la
quale speravamo dovesse esser piu presto di quello voi signifi« asi
par la vra, seben poi con moltahumanita, et cortesia la remuttete
in nro arbitrio, del che n. potemo si n. ringratiarvene grandem.e ;
Qtunche a noi non para licito discontiarvi tanto quanto mos-
trati, che ve ne importi certe vre cose lie : havemo ben ultra modo
gxafissimo, che quando el tempo non sia superfluo lungo, expediti
che siano quelli vri negotii vogliati omnino venirvene qua, et con-
servar non voglio dire la promessa, ma la speranza, che ci deste,
quando ultimamente fusti qua, di havervi qualche tempo ; et in
quel mezio pigliarvi quella cura dell' Hlmo nostro figliolo che Noi
cum tanto afecto vi raccomandassimo, et di che lo Hlmo. S.or N.ro,
ed Noi non ne potiamo star con magiore desiderio : et in questo
proposito a vro contento vi advisiamo come el suo preceptore fino
adesso non potria restore di lui piii satisfacto, ne cum magiore
feperanza de reportarvi honore, et cum facilita, secundo che pen-
siamo habiate anche inteso per sue Ire, per il che non ci exten-
deremo altrimente si non recordarvi, et certificarvi che non siamo
mai per mancar del nro bon amo verso di voi, et cosi ce vi offe
riamo di bon core. Belriguardi p.o Junii 1516.
La vra Duchessa di Ferrara.
Tergo.
Mag.co Amico Nro Car.mo Joanni Georgio Trissino.
Romae. No.V.
M. Giovan Giorgio mio Car.mo. Ho ricevuto l'ultinia vra la
quale per haverme dato scientia di Voi, quel che sommamente
desiderava, mi e stata gratissima, posto che molto pih mi sarebbe
stata la presentia vra. Ma come ho havuto dispiacere, ch' Ella mi
sia stata dalli allegati negotii nel vro venire contesa, cosl havrd
caro, che mi sia nel vro ritorno da voi concessa. Alle altre parte
de detta vra, et a quanto me ha referto a bocca satisfara vro Cog-
nato nel riporto vi fara di me, la quale di molto cuore me vi
offgro, et racco.o. Di Ferrara el di XV. di Ottobre MDXVIII.
Tergo. La vra Duchessa di Ferrara.
Mag.co Dno. Jo. Georgio Trissino Amico Nro. Carmo,
vol. i. 2 F

434 APPENDIX.
Lettera del Trissino al Bembo. Dal Segr.del. sig. Panfilo Perstco
stampato in Venetia, 1620, p. 246.
(Ital. Ed. vol. x. p. 195..
Vedo che la soave. e modesta natura di V. S. s' e nondimeno
alquanto sopra il dovere commossa dal non haver ottenuto da me
la medaglia richiestami ; della qual io non son cosl ingiusto o
avaro estimatore, che non conosca quanto pii di gran lunga si
deva prestar la vostra gratia, e sodisfattione. Ma l'haverla sotto
la conditione, ch' io Pho, da chi n' e piii padrone, che non son io,
non permette, ch' io possa far con essa quest' acquisto dell' amore
di V. S. che comprarei con altro qual si voglia maggior prezzo.
Che se la somiglianza, che vi rende questa medaglia della donna
amata, v" ha fatto stimar giusto il desiderio d'haverla in vostra
balia, perche non dovete stimar giusto altresl il medesmo rispetto
in me di ritenerla, oltre la fede, che m'obbliga a non la separar
da me per alcun caso ? Duo forti legami amor e fede mi conten-
dono il poter fare a Vostra Signoria questo donn, da' quali mi
rendo certo, che non mi vorra sciorre il giudicio e la bon fa di lei
che s'ama o prezza in me parte alcuna, che buono sia, deve sopra
tutte amare, e prezzar queste, che in lei sono in grado cosl eccel-
lente. Onde mi persuado, che lasciate adietro le cagioni, che vi par
d'havere di querelarvi di me, farete appresso la vostra gentilezza
\tih cortese adito alle mie scuse ; ne vi rimarrete d'essercitar sopra
di me quell' auttorita, che havete di disporre a vostro piacere,
persuadendovi, che maggiore e in me il risentimento di non haver
potuto servir Vostra Signoria, che non e stata in lei la noia
d'havermi richesto indarno.

NOTES.

Note 1 (.page 4). — The coining of money by the Roman pontiffs may
Be considered as a mark of sovereign and independent authority ; but at
what precise period they began to exercise this right, is not easily ascer
tained. Muratori, in his Annali d'ltalia, vol. iv. p. 464, informs us,
that the popes coined money, in gold, silver, and copper, from the time
of Charlemagne (about the year 800), and that the city of Rome had en
joyed that privilege ab antique Other writers have assigned an earlier
date, which opinion they have founded on a coin of Zacbaria, who filled
the pontifical chair from the year 740 to 751. — Vide Dissertaz. del Conte
Giacomo Acami dell' origine ed antichita della Zecca Pontificia, p. 8, ed.
Rom. 1752. This subject has given rise to serious controversy even
among the firmest adherents to the church. Muratori and Fontanini
have embraced different opinions, which they have endeavoured to sup
port in several learned publications, in which the ancient rights of the
emperors and the popes to various parts of Italy, are particularly dis
cussed. All collectors, however, agree in commencing their series from
Adrian I., created pope in 782, from which time Acami has given a suc
cession of thirty-four coins of different pontiffs, some of which are, how
ever, supposed to have issued from the metropolitan sees of England, for
the purpose of paying tribute to Rome.
Note 2 (p. 4). — The donation of Constantine is humorously, but
boldly placed by Ariosto, among the trumpery which, being lost on earth,
was found by Astolfo stored up in the moon ; the prayers of the wicked,
the sighs of lovers, the crowns of forgotten sovereigns, and the verses
written in praise of great men. — Orl. Fur. cant. 34, st. 80.
Note 3 (p. 4). — The validity of these donations, and particularly those
of Pepin, king of France, and of his son Charlemagne, is strongly insisted
on by Ammirato, who attempts to shew, that the authority of the popes
extended far beyond the limits of Italy ; but as he appears not to have
distinguished between their temporal and their ecclesiastical power, little
reliance is to be placed on his opinion. — Ammir. Discorso come la Chiesa
Romana sia cresciuta ne' beni temporali. Opusc. vol. ii. p. 67. Those
readers who are inclined to examine more particularly into this subject,
may consult the Fasciculus Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum,
torn. i. p. 121.
Note 4 (p. 5). — Guicciardini, lib. iv. The passage here referred to,
in which the historian has traced with great ability the rise and vicissi-
2f 2

436 NOTES.
tudes of the temporal authority of the popes, is omitted in the general
editions of his works, and even in that of Torreiitino, Flor. 1561, fo., but
may be found in those of Stoer, 1636, 1645. Geneva.
Note 5 (p. 5).— Count Bossi, in a note on this passage, conceives
that the dominions of the pope are too much restricted by it ; and observes
that it ought also to have included the three Legations of Bologna, Fer
rara, and Ravenna, over which it formerly exercised a sovereign autho
rity, and which were again restored to it in the last political system ol
Italy. Note 6 (p. 6). — Bayle, in his Dictionary, art. LeonX., note p, has
some observations, rather more fanciful than solid, on this union of spi.
ritual and temporal authority in the same person; which he concludes.
by relating the story of a German bishop, who was also a count and baron
of the empire, and who having attempted to justify to a peasant the ex
traordinary pomp which he assumed, by adverting to his temporal dig
nity, " Yes," replied the rustic, " but when my lord the count and baron
is sent to hell, where will then be my lord the bishop f"
Note 7 (p. 10). — It appears that Giovanni was at the same time a canon
of the cathedral of Florence, of Fiesole, and of Arezzo ; rector of Carmi-
gnano, of Giogoli, of S. Casciano, of S. Giovanni in Valdarno, of S. Piero
at Casale, and of S. Marcellino at Cacchis.no ; prior of Monte Varchi ;
precentor of -S. Antonio in Florence ; proposto of Prato ; abbot of Monte
Cassino, of S. Giovanni of Passignano, of S. Maria of Morimondo, of S.
Martino of Fonte-dolce in France, of S. Lorenzo of Coltibuono, of S.
Salvadore at Vajano, of S. Bartolommeo at Anghiari, of S. Maria at
Monte Piano, of S. Giuliano at Tours, of S. Giusto and S. Clement at
Volterra, of S. Stefano of Bologna, of S. Miehele in Arezzo, of Chiara-
vafle at Milan, of the diocese of Pino in Pittavia, and of the Casa Dei at
Chiaramonte ; and in 1510 he became archbishop of Amalfi. — " Bone
Deus," exclaims the good Fabroni, " quot in uno juvene cumulata sacer-
dotia ! " — Fabr. Vita Leon. X. in adnot. p. 245.
Note 8 (p. 12). — In the articles or concessions signed by Innocent on
his election, he had solemnly promised not to raise any person to the dig
nity of a cardinal who had not attained thirty years of age, that such pro
motion should never be made in secret, that he would not create more
than one from his own family, that the number should not in the whole
exceed twenty-four, and that he would not name any new ones till the
college should be reduced to that number. — Burchard, Diarium, ap. No
tices des MSS. du Roi, i. 75.
Note 9 (p. 14). — This event was communicated to him in a letter from
the cardinal of Anjou, yet preserved in the Florentine Archives. It is
also adverted to in the Latin verses of Philomusus, who has there, in a
spirit of poetic prophecy, foretold the future honours of his patron,
which he also lived himself to celebrate. — Carm. 111. Poet, torn vii.
p. 182.
Note 10 (p. 15).— The public thanks of the government of Florence
were also transmitted to the pope, for the honour conferred on that city

NOTES. 437
by the adoption of the cardinal de' Medici into the sacred college. The
letter on this occasion was written by Bartolommeo Scala, then chancellor
of the republic, and is given in the Collectio veterum aliquot monumen-
torum, of Bandini. — Arezzo, 1752.
Note 11 (p. 15). — Polit. Ep. lib. viii. In the preceding year Poli-
tiano had inscribed to the pope his elegant translation of Herodian, in
return for which Innocent had not only written to him, but had presented
him with 200 pieces of gold. Politiano had also addressed to the pope,
soon after his elevation, a fine Sapphic ode.
Note 12 (p. 17). — V. L' Altercazione, Capitolo. This, together with
other poems of Lorenzo de' Medici, and several of his contemporaries,
has been given to the public by Messrs. Nardini and Buonaiuti, in an
elegant volume, under the title of " Poesie del Mag. Lorenzo de' Medici,
e di Altri Suoi amici e Contemporanei." Londra 1801, 4to.
Note 13 (p. 19). — Pietro Delfino was General of the order of Camal-
doli ; his Letters were collected and published at Venice in 1524, in folio,
and display great vivacity and learning. They are very rare, and have
been sold at an extravagant price. He died in 1525. — Bossi, in Tr.
vol. i. p. 59.*
Note 14 (p. 20). — Ammirato (Opusc. iii. 108) places the birth of
Giulio one month, and Machiavelli (Stor. Fior. lib. viii.), several months
after the death of his father. It appears, however, from yet more au
thentic documents, that he was born a year before that event, viz. in 1477 i
and was consequently two years younger than his cousin, Giovanni de'
Medici. — Life of Lorenzo de' Medici. Panvinius, the continuator of Pla-
tini, in his life of Clement VII., has followed, in this respect, the erro
neous accounts of the Italian historians.
Note 15 (p. 23). — One of these letters, preserved in the Florentine
Archives, and not before printed, will be found in the Appendix, No. II.
As this is probably the earliest production now ex tant of its illustrious
author, and was written in an unpremeditated manner, on his first en
trance into public Ufe, it cannot be perused, unadorned as it is, without
peculiar interest.
Note 16 (p. 27). — On this occasion the Turkish emperor transmitted
to the pope t he head of the spear which pierced the side of Jesus Christ.
This relic, according to an ancient chronicle, had been preserved at Con
stantinople before the capture of that place by the Turks, where it had
been concealed by a citizen, from whom it was purchased by the emperor
for 70,000 ducats. Some doubts arose among the members of the college
as to the authenticity of this relic, it being contended by some, that the
true spear was at Nuremberg, and by others, that it was preserved in the
Sainte Chapelle at Paris ; but Innocent disregarded their objections ;
and directed that the present should be received in a solemj_ procession,
in which it was carried by the pope himself, on the day of Ascension,
inclosed in a case of crystal. He was, however, so fatigued with the
labour, and so oppressed by the tumults of the crowd, that he was unable
to finish the ceremony. Burchard, Diar. ap. Notices des MSS. du Roi,

438 NOTES.
94. The rage for collecting relics seems at this period to have been at its
height. In the official letters of Bartolommeo Scala, as chancellor of the
Florentine Republic, we find one addressed to the Grand Turk, requesting
his interference with the inhabitants of Ragusa, to induce them to deliver
up the left arm of St. John the Baptist, which they had intercepted in
its way to Florence. — Band. Monument, p. 17.
Note 17 (p. 30).— Pomponius derived his orign from Calabria, and is
supposed to have been of illegitimate birth ; but his parentage, and even
his real name, have escaped the researches of his admirers. The appel
lation of Julius Pomponius Laetus, he doubtless assumed as an academical
or scholastic distinction; but the name of Laetus was sometimes exchanged
for that of Fortunatus or Infortunatus, as the circumstances of his situ
ation seemed to require : and Vossius supposes that Julius Pomponius
Sabinus is no other than the same person. (De Histor. Latinis, lib. iii.
p. 615.) From the letters of Politiano, it appears, that a frequent com
munication subsisted between these two eminent scholars, and that Pom
ponius was accustomed to furnish his learned friend with such curious
monuments of antiquity as his researches supplied. We also learn from
Crinitus, that Pomponius transmitted to Lorenzo de' Medici an antique
marble, which exhibited the order of the months of the year, and of the
Roman calendar ; and the frequent commemoration of the family of the
Medici, in the letters of Pomponius, manifests the good understanding
that subsisted between them, which was probably increased by the arrival
of the cardinal in Rome. The works of Pomponius are very numerous,
and many of them have frequently been reprinted ; but his most useful
production is his description of the antiquities of Rome. Erasmus com
mends the unaffected elegance of his style. " Pomponius Laetus, elegantia
Romana contentus, nihil affectavit ultra." Bartolommeo Martiano (Diss.
Voss. ii. 242) has justly appreciated the merits of this early scholar,
whom he ranks with Tortelli and Blondo. To Pomponius we are also
indebted for the earliest editions of several of the Roman Classics, and
among others, Terentius Varro, Ven. 1474, fo. ; SUius Italicus, Roma.,
1471, fo. ; Quintus Curtius, Roma., per Georgium Laver, absque anni
nota ; Columella, published with the Re| Rustic.. Scriptores, Bonon.
1494, where he styles himself Pomponius Fortunatus, .in consequence of
which he is cited by the bibliographer De Bure, as a distinct author. —
Bibliogr. Instr. No. 1,527. To these, editions of the Roman authors pub
lished by Pomponius, Count Bossi has added that of Ponipejus Festus, of
which he possessed an edition without date, marked at the close with the
words " Finis Pompeii Festi quem Pomponius correxit. Hans. GLim."
—Ital. Tr. vol. xii. p. 208.
Note 18 (.p. 30). — This illustriou3 scholar was born at San Gemignano,
of a noble family, in the year 1437. On associating himself with Pompo
nius in the Roman academy, he relinquished his family name, and
adopted that of Callimachus, which he probably thought expressed in
Greek the same idea as Buonaccorsi in Italian. His addition of Expe •
riens is conjectured by Zeno to have arisen from the vicissitudes which he
met with in life ; but this is to suppose, that he did. not assume it till
after those vicissitudes had taken place. It is more probable that he

NOTT.S. 439
merely meant tn infer, that all true knowledge must be founded on expe
rience. His flight to Poland is thus adverted to by Cantilicio, a contem
porary poet, and prelate of the church. It must be premised, that the
name of Paul II. was Pietro Barbo.
" Callimachus, Barbos fugiens ex urbe furores,
Barbara quae fuerant regna, Latina facit."
His history of the affairs of Hungary, which he wrote at the instance of
the great Mattia Corvino, is preferred by Jovius to any historical work
which had appeared since the days of Tacitus. — Voss. de Hist. Lat. lib.
iii. p. 619. Count Bossi, of Milan, possessed a MS. on vellum, of Latin
epigrams of this author ; some of which have not been printed.— Ital. Tr.
vol. i. p. 85. Callimachus died at Cracow, in the year 1496.
Note 19 (p. 30).- — The dedicatory epistle is as honourable to the talents
of the author, as to the character of the patron. The work itself met
with great applause ; and the friends of Cortes advised him to publish it ;
notwithstanding which it remained in MS. till the year 1734, when it
was given to the public by Manni, from a copy found by Alex. Politi, at
S. Gemignano. Some account of another work by Cortese, "In Sen-
tentias," or on the doctrine of faith, is given by Mr. Henke in a note on
this passage, in which he highly appreciates that work. Vide Germ. Tr.
vol. i. p. 55.
Note 20 (p. 30).— Among these are his treatise " De Cardinalatu,"
and several theological works.— Tirab. Storia della Lett. Ital. vol. vi.
par. 1, p. 85, 232. In another department of letters, he was, however,
excelled by his brother Alessandro, who was one of the most elegant
Latin poets of that period, as appears by his heroic poem, entitled
" Laudes bellica. Mathise Ccrvini Hungarian regis." — Carm. illustr. Poet.
Ital. iii. 157. From this piece it appears, that Alessandro had followed the
fortunes of this great prince, who was not excelled in his love of literature
by any monarch of his time.
Note 21 (p. 31). — The works of Serafino were often reprinted in the
early part of the sixteenth century. The first edition is that of Rome,
1503 ; but that of the Giunti, 1516, is the most beautiful and correct.
Note 22 (p. 31). — On entering the Neapolitan academy, Pontano
changed his baptismal name of Giovanni for Jovianus. This custom is
pleasantly ridiculed by Ariosto, in his sixth satire, inscribed to Pietro
Bembo. We are informed by Count Bossi (Ital. Tr. vol. i. p. 89) that
the Academia Pontaniana still exists at Naples, and numbers amongst its
members many persons eminent in science and literature.
Note 23 (p. 33). — This is a kind of drama, in which a traveller, an inn
keeper, and a courier, are introduced, rejoicing in the restoration of peace,
which the courier attributes to the exertions of Pontano. The blessings of
peace are then chanted by a chorus of priests, after which Altiiio, Pardo, and
Cariteo, three of his most intimate friends, lament together the insanity of
Pontano ; who has of late devoted all his time to the feeding and decorat
ing an ass , Pontano soon afterwards appears, accompanied by his gardener,
with whoui he hofds a long and serious conversation on the grafting of

440 NOTES.
trees, and the improvement of his garden. A boy then brings in his
favourite ass, and Pontano determines to wash and comb him ; but begin
ning at the tail, is molested by a very natural circumstance. He then
undertakes to perform that operation on the head ; when, in return for
his kindness, the stupid animal seizes and bites him by the hand, and Pon
tano finds, too late, that they who attempt to wash the face of an ass,
lose both their soap and their labour. This piece has been said to refer
to the duke of Calabria, who, as Pontano thought, did not sufficiently
repay the services which he had performed, in effecting a peace with the
pope, in the year 1486 ; but if Pontano was capable of this gross abuse of
the son of his great patron and benefactor, whom he constantly celebrated
with the most open flattery, he deserves as much censure for the malevo
lence of his purpose, as for the imbecility of its execution.
Note 24 (p. 34). — The political and literary labours of Pontano, and
the chief circumstances of his public and private life, are commemo'rated in
a beautiful elegiac poem of his friend Sanazzaro. — Eleg. lib. i. el. 9.
Note 25 (p. 34). — By a singular coincidence, Sanazzaro was born on
the very day devoted to that saint, being the 28th day of July. Of the
opulence, the rank, and the achievements of his ancestors, he has left in his
writings many memorials. From these it appears, that his family was ori
ginally of Spain, and that Niccolo, one of his ancestors, followed Carlo
Durazzo in a high military capacity, when he obtained possession of the
kingdom of Naples. His services were repaid by the princely reward of
the castle of Mondragone, and an extensive territory in the province of
Lucania, which were enjoyed by Giacopo, his son, the grandfather of the
poet, till he was deprived of them by his opposition to the dissolute conduct,
and oppressive measures, of Joanna, the sister and successor of Ladislaus,
king of Naples. From that period the possessions of his family were con
sidered as inferior to their rank; and, although they stilL enjoyed an
honourable independence, their reduced state, and lost honours, are a fre
quent subject of the poet's complaint. — Arcadia, prosa 7 ; Crispo, vita di
San. p. 2.
Note 26 (p. 35). — The plan of this piece is extremely simple. Mahomet
first appears lamenting his defeat, and flying before the Christian army ;
after which, Faith and Joy successively enter the stage, in appropriate
habiliments, and exult in his defeat, and the representation terminates with
a masquerade and a dance. This " Farsa," as it appears to have been
entitled by the author, remained in MS. till the year 1719, when it was pub
lished at Naples, and has since been usually annexed to the Italian writings
of Sanazzaro.
Note 27 (p. 35).— On this passage Count Bossi has remarked, that I
seem to have forgotten the divine productions of Dante and Petrarca j but
I am here speaking of what may be called the second and effective revival
of Italian literature, and I presume it wifl be so understood by the reader.
Note 28 (p. 37). — Pontano had himself not only commented on the
works of Catullus, as appears by an epigram of Sanazzaro, '' De emenda-
tione Catulli, ad Jovianum ;" but had adopted and amplified the idea of

NOTES. 441
Politiano in an epigram, which he entitles " Cui donaturus ait suam
columbam."— Op. Poet. i. 232.
Note 29 (p. 38). — It is to be regretted, that the Neapolitan historians
have supplied us with little more than the names of those eminent men,
who at this early period did so much honour to the literature of their
country ; and even these lists are not correct, as they contain the names
of several persons who flourished at a later period. We are indeed
informed by Apostolo Zeno (Disser. Voss. cap. 78), that Bernardo
Cristoforo, a learned Neapolitan, had written the history of this early
institution, in a work entitled " Academia Pontani, sive vita, illustrium
vivorum, qui cum Jo. Joviano Pontano Neapoli floruere ;" but the manu
script has been irrecoverably lost. I cannot, however, pass over these
illustrious names, without giving such particulars respecting them as have
fallen in my way.
Note 30 (p. 39). — The principal work of Belisario consists of his
treatises " De Venatione, et de Aucupio ; de Re Militari et singular!
Certamine ; de instituendis Principum Liberis, Paraphrasis in Economics
Aristotelis." First printed at Naples, 1519, fo., afterwards at Basil, 1578,
8vo. Sanazzaro, in one of his Epigrams, lib. ii. 38, " De Lauro, a
Neritinornm ducem," has celebrated bis munificence in re-establishing, in
his city of Nardo, the academy Del Lauro.
Note 31 (p. 39).— On the descent of Charles VIII. into Naples, the
duke of Atri, being suspected of having favoured the cause of the French,
was deprived, by his sovereign, of the fee of Comersano, from which he
derived his title of count, which was conferred on his brother Belisavio ;
but no sooner had these commotions subsided, than Belisario voluntarily
relinquished his new possessions in favour of his brother, to whom they
were restored by the king ; and Belisario was created count, and after- ¦
wards duke of Nardi. — Mazzuchelli, Scrittori d'ltalia, i. 120.
Note 32 (p. 40). — In one of his poems, of which only a fragment
remains, Sanazzaro solicits the favour of his friend ; and in celebrating the
day of his nativity, he has the following passage : —
" Adde tuos, Puderice, sales ; adde inclyta patris
Eloquia ; adde animo tot bona parta tuo." — Sanaz. Eleg. lib. ii. el. 2.
Which, however, it must be observed, is addressed to Alberico, the son of
Francesco, of whom Pontano relates the following anecdote : De Sermone,
lib. iv. p. 231 : " Garriebat quispiam, nostra in porticu, quem ferre
Albericus Pudericus Francisci nostri fitius cum non posset, nullo dato
responso, manu suhfata, monuit, nasum ut emungerit ; quo e signo rniri-
ficus inter astantes exortus est risus."
Note 33 (p. 41). — The "Geniales Dies " were first published at Na-
cles in 1522. In the first chapter of the second book is an interesting
account of the manner in which Sanazzaro was accustomed to entertain
his literary friends.
Note 34 (p. 41).— Pontan. Hendec. pp. 189, 21.3, Epigr. 233; some
of which rival Catullus, both in elegance and indecency. That Piero was

442 NOTES.
distinguished by his own writings, appears from the beautiful and affec
tionate lines of Sanazzaro, on his death. — Epigr. lib. ii. 15. He is also
enumerated by the poet among his particular friends, and celebrated for
his wit and vivacity :
" Nee Minus et Musae repetens monimenta jocosse
Compater, argutos ingerat ore sales." — Sanaz. Eleg. lib. i. el. 11.
Pontano dedicated to him a monument in his chapel at Naples, with
the following inscription :
" Petro Compatri, viro officiosissimo
pontantts postjit, constantem ob amicitiam."
Note 35 (p. 41). — Poetae tres elegantissimi ; scilicet, Michael Marullus,
Hieronymus Angerianus, et Johannes Secundus. Paris, 1582. Many
of his works are also inserted in the Carmina illustr. Poet. Italorum.
Note 36 (p. 41). — A favourable specimen of his writings is given in
the " Carm. illustr. Poet. Ital." ii. 427. One of the Elegies of Pontano
is addressed " Ad Hieronymum Borgium, poetam elegantissimum "
(Amores, p. 129) ; from which we learn, that the family of Borgia was
originally of Spain, and that his ancestors, having visited Italy, on a war
like expedition, had there taken up their abode.
Note 37 (p. 41). — This Epithalamium is published in the " Carm.
illustr. Pdet. Ital." i. 129. It is also printed, with a few other pieces of
the same author, at the cfose of the works of Sanazzaro, by Comino,
Patav. 1731, 4to. where numerous testimonies are collected of the merits
of Altilius. Some of these pieces had, however, before been printed with
the works of Sanazzaro, Daniel Cereti, and the brothers of the Amalthei,
illustrated by the notes of Peter Vlamingii, Amst. 1728, in one vol. 8vo.,
which may be united with the variorum editions of the classics. The
Epithalamium was translated into Italian by Giovanni Battista Carminati,
a Venetian nobleman ; and published by Comino, in the year 1730, after
the death of the translator. — Quadrio. ii. 587.
Note 38 (p. 42). — Galateo is said to have indicated the possibility of
the navigation to the East by the Cape of Good Hope, in his treatise,
" De situ Elementorum," published in 1501, butwritten some years prior
to that period. — Tirab. vi. 1. 166. In his moral writings, he combated,
with sound reason, the prevailing notions of supernatural agency. — Tirab.
vi. 1, 296. He also illustrated the topography of his native country
with accurate maps and descriptions. — Giovio, Iscritt. 211. Galateo is
not only celebrated, in the works of the poets of the time, for his great
acquirements and amiable qualities, but was himself also a poet of consi
derable merit.
Note 39 (p. 42). His works were printed at Rome, in 1503, under
the title of " Opuscula Elysii Calentii, Poetae clarissimi," &c. This
volume is extremely rare ; having, as it is supposed, been suppressed,
although sanctioned by a privilege from the court of Rome. — Vide De
Bure, 2892. This author has obtained a place among the unfortunate
sons of literature, whom Tollius has enumerated in his Appendix to Vale-
rianus, p. 11. It appears, however, that his misfortunes were occa-

-NOTES 443
sioned by his amorous propensities, which engrossed both his talents and
his time.
Note 40 (p. 42). — The Epigrams of Gravina are preferred by Sa
nazzaro to those of all his contemporaries. His poems were printed at
Naples, in 1532, 4to. A few of them are also inserted in the " Carm.
illustr. Poet. Ital." v. 366. Among the Hendecasyllabi of Pontano is ac
invitation to Gravina, to partake with him the voluptuous retreat of Baja.
—Pont. Op. p. 208.
Note 41 (p. 42). — A disciple of Mariano Genazzano, and said by
Giovio to have far excelled his master in learning and eloquence. — lscrit.
161. In his youth he cultivated Italian poetry, and his Stanze, entitled
" Caccia de Amore," evince considerable poetical talents. They have
often been printed, particularly with the works of Girolamo Benivieni,
Ven. 1526, and with sundry poems of Benivieni and Bojardo, Ven.
1537. Note 42 (p. 42). — The poems of Cotta are printed in the scarce
volume of the " Carmina v. illustrium Poetarum, scilicet, Petri Bembi
And. Naugerii, Baltn. Castilioni, Joannis Cottae, et M. Ant. Flaminii,'
Ven. Valgrisi, 1548, 8vo. Some of them also appear in the " Carm.
illustr. Poet. Ital." iii. 490, and in other collections.
Note 43 (p. 42). — Probably the father of the poet Johannes Secundus,
and his two learned brothers, Nicolas and Hadrian Marius, whose works
were published together at Leyden, by Vulcanius, ap. Elz. 1612.
Note 44 (p. 42). — A few scattered productions of Pardo appear in the
works of Pontano and Sanazzaro ; which shew that he had imbibed the
same elegance of Latin composition that distinguished the other members
of the Neapolitan academy. Cariteo denominates him
" Pardo insigne, e chiaro,
Per germino idioma al mondo altero." — Contra i malevoli.
Note 45 (p. 42). — His works were published at Florence, 1497, under
tne title of " Hymni et Epigrammata Marulli," 4to. The commenda
tions bestowed upon him by the younger Beroaldo are highly honourable
both to the Greek and Italian, whose countrymen were too often jealous
of the reputation of the Eastern fugitives. — Beroald. Ep. ad Herm.
Bentivolium, in op. Codri Urcei, p. 285.
Note 46 (p. 42). — To this enumeration of the NeapoUtan poets, at the
close of the fifteenth century, I must, however, be allowed to add the
name of Fillenio Gallo, of Montesano ; of whose writings a MS. copy, of
this period, is in my possession. Paullo Giovio, who, with a laudable
curiasity, collected the portraits of many of the eminent men of his own,
and preceding times, enumerates, at the close of the first book of his
Elogii, the names of several distinguished persons, of whom he had
already obtained portraits, and whose characters he intended for his
second book — " che essendo ancora in vita, godono l'eccelsa gloria de' lor
fecondi ingegni." Among these he enumerates Phylandro Gallo, who
may, perhaps, be presumed to be the same person who is above, and in
his own writings, called Fillenio. With the exception of this doubtful

444 NOTES.
reference, I find no account of this author in any of the rec< rds of Italian
literature. That he lived towards the close of the fifteenth century,
abundantly appears from his writings ; which consist of Eclogues, Son
nets, Sestini, and other lyric compositions. His style approaches nearer
to that of Serafino d'Aquila than any other author.
Note 47 (p. 43). — We learn from a Latin elegy of Battista Guarino,
that the representation of this piece in the year 1486 attracted the atten
tion, and excited the wonder, of all Italy. After describing the splendid
preparations made for that purpose by the duke, he adverts to the great
concourse of people which it induced to visit Ferrara. Pandolfo Coflenncio
of Pesaro, who excelled not only as a professor of the civil law, but in
other departments of literature, as appears from the correspondence be
tween him and Politiano (Pol. Ep. lib. vii. ep. 32, 35), produced two
dramatic pieces for the theatre of Ferrara. The " Anfitrione," printed at
Venice, 1530, and " Joseph," in 1564. Girolamo Berardo, of Ferrara.
the Count Matteo Maria Boiardo, and Battista Guarino, also exerted
their talents on this occasion, Vide Tirab. vi. 2, 187.
Note 48 (p. 44). — The scholars of the fifteenth century thought it as
necessary to have an adversary, on whom they might lavish their abuse,
as a mistress, to whom they might address their amorous effusions. The
satirical talents of Tito are directed against some person, whom he de
nominates Gorellus, and who, if we may credit the poet, —
" Civil. bus armis
Expulsus patria, jam quatuor exulat annos,
Damnatus Roma? furti, se carcere fracto
Eripuisse cruel fertur, Senamque profeetus, •
Dum cauti, atque manu prompti Lenonis, amicam
Pollicitus maria ac montes, abducere tentat,
Turpiter amisit, truncatis naribus, aures."
He afterwards enters into a justification of his public conduct. Vide
Serm. ad. Bonav. Pistophilum, Op. 142.
Note 49 (p. 45). — In particular, he held the chief command for several
years, at Reggio, where he died on the twentieth day of February, 1494 :
as appears by a MS. chronicle of his contemporary, Bernardino de' Zam
botti, cited by Mazzuchelli. Scrittori d'ltal. v. 1438.
Note 50 (p. 45). — The "Orlando Innamorata" was first printed in
Scandiano, per Pellegrino Pasquali, ad istanza del conte Camillo Boiardo,
sou of the author, about the year 1495, and afterwards in Venice, about
the year 1500 ; wbich latter De Bure erroneously cites as the first edition,
Bib. Instr. No. 3377. The labours of Boiardo had terminated at the ninth
canto of the third book, from which period it was continued by Niccolo
degli Agostini ; and of this joint production numerous editions have been
published. Note 51 (p. 45). — Besides the rifaeciamento of this poem by Berni, of
which the best editions are those of Calvo, Milan, 1542, and the Giunti.
Venice, 1545, the poem was corrected and altered by Lodovico Domi-

NOTES. 445
nichi, and published it Venice, by Girolamo Scotto, in 1545, and several
times afterwards.
Note 52 (p. 45). —Printed at Reggio, per Maestro Francesco Mazolo,
in 1499, and atVen.je, per Sessa, in 1501, 4to. " R .rissime sono amendue
queste edizioni," says Mazzuchelli, v. 1443. — Besides this volume,
Boiardo is the author of " Cinque Capitoli in terza rima sopra il Timore,
ia Gelosia, la Speranza, l'Amore ed il Trionfo del vano mondo ;" which
have been frequently printed, with other detached poems by Benivieni
and the cardinal Egidio da Viterbo, of which editions it may be sufficient
to cite that of Venice, by Nicolo d'Aristolele, detto Zoppino, 1537.
Note 53 (p. 45). — First printed without note of date, or place, after
wards in Scandiano, 1500, Venice, 1504, &c. " Questa Commedia,"
says Mazzuchelli, " che e in terza rima, divisa in cinque atti, e degna di
stima per quanto portava quel secolo ; ed ha poi un pregio distinto, cioe,
d'essere considerata la piii antica delle Commedie Italiane, comeche il
Crescimbeni la ponga piuttosto nella specie delle Farse." — Scrittori
d'ltalia, v. 1443.
Note 54 (p. 46). — His father Niccolb di Rinaldo Ariosto, was a noble
man of Ferrara. In a passport granted to him in the year 1471, by
Lodovico Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua, he is honoured with the title of
Count, and denominated the friend of the marquis. — Tirab. vii. par. iii.
100. Lodovico was bom in the year 1474, at the castle of Reggio, of
which place his father was governor.
Note 55 (p. 46). — " In a period of near three thousand years," says
Gibbon, adverting to the works of Ariosto and Tasso, in his Antiquities
of the House of Brunswick, "five great epic poets have arisen in the
world ; and it is a singular prerogative, that two of the five should be
claimed as their own, by a short age, and a petty state."
Note 56 (p. 47). — Zeno, note al Fontanini, i. 259, where he conjec
tures, that this work was written about the time of the descent of
Charies VIII. to the conquest of Naples, in 1494. It is entitfed " Libro
d'arme e d'amore, cognominato Mambriano, di Francesco Cieco da
Ferrara. Ferraris., par Joannem Baciochum Mondenum, 20 Octobris,
1509," 4to.
Note 57 (p. 47). — Sabellicus, inviting his poetical contemporaries to
celebrate the nativity of the Virgin, addresses himself to Cosmico—
" Nee decantati toties remorentur amores
Te, mihi sed cultam, Cosmice, tende chelyn."
He is also enumerated by Platina, in his treatise, " De honesta Volup-
tate," or Art of Cookery, among his temperate friends, lib. v. cap. 1.
Note 58 (p. 49). — The union of the duke and duchess of Urbino was
not crowned with the expected fruits of marriage, the reasons of which
are detailed at great length by Bembo, in Op. vol. iv. p. 299.
Note 59 (p. 50). — This poem was first printed by Meuschenius, in
the beginning of the third volume of his collection, entitled " Vita sum-

446 7,'OTES.
morum dignitate et eruditione Virorum." Coburg, 1738. In the pre
face, the editor observes, that the poem is written " elegantion modo,
quam a sua adhuc inculta aetate vix aliquis expectare poterat."— Mazzu
chelli, Scrittori d'ltal. ii. 1138. Tirab. vi. 2, 230.
Note 60 (p. 50). — It is generally believed that Battista was of illegiti
mate birth ; but the attention paid by his father, Pietro Spagnuolo, to
his improvement, enabled him not only to make an early and considerable
proficiency in polite literature, but to arrive at the rank of general of his
order. Respecting the circumstances of his birth, different opinions have,
however, been entertained, which the reader will find fully stated in the
" Menagiana," vol. i. p. 273.
Note 61 (p. 51). — Mr. Henke has, however, in a note on this passage
(Germ. Tr. vol. i. p. 106), pointed out some strongly expressed and
earnest denunciations of the corruptions of the Roman church, and par
ticularly of the administration of the pontiffs Innocent VIII. and Alex
ander VI.
Note 62 (p. 53). — Vasari in Vita di Lionardo. Borghini, il Riposo,
368, et seq. Notwithstanding the assertions of the above authors, and
that of M. Mariette in later times, " Lettere sulla Pittura," &c. vol. ii.
let. 84, that Lionardo left the head of Christ in an unfinished state,
Richardson assures us, that their information is false, and that such part
of the face as yet remains entire, is highly finished. — Traite de la Peinture,
&c. vol. iii. The account given by Richardson is, in like manner, accused
of being grossly incorrect, by the author of a modern description of Italy,
in 4 vols. 8vo. London, 1781. As it can scarcely be imagined, that any
of these authors would be guilty of wilful misrepresentation on a subject
of such a nature, and in which their testimony would be always exposed
to contradiction, may we not reasonably suppose that, according to the
united testimony of all the elder writers, the head was left unfinished ;
but that in the course of the repairs which the picture has undergone,
some sacrilegious hand has dared to trace those features, from which the
modest genius of Lionardo shrunk in despair ? This suggestion appears
highly probable, from the notes on the " Lettere sulla Pittura," &c. vol.
ii. p. 183. But further information on this subject may be derived from
the work of the Cav. Bossi " Sul Cenacolo," the Mem. for the Life of
Lionardo, by the Cav. Amoretti, and the "Discorso sulla erudizione
degli Artisti," by Count Bossi, the translator of the present work.
Note 63 (p. 54). — A native of Piacenza, who, having adopted a mili
tary life, held a respectable rank under the celebrated Venetian general,
Bartolommeo Coglioni, of whom he has left a life, written in Latin, and
published by Burman : but a great part of his time was passed at Miian,
where he was highly favoured by the family of Sforza. His works, both
in Italian and Latin, in verse and in prose, are very numerous, and his
poem, " De re Militari," in nine books, in terza rima, has frequently
been printed. His sonnets and lyric pieces are, however, considered as
the most valuable of his works, and are acknowledged by Quadrio to be
among the best in the Italian language. In the latter part of his life he
quitted the court of Milan for that of Ferrara, where he terminated his

NOTES. 447
days ; having enjoyed the patronage of the duchess Lucrezia Borgia, of
whom he makes frequent and honourable mention in his works. — Cornaz-
zano, de re Militari. Ven. 1526. Sonetti e Canz. Ven. 1508. Tira-
boschi, vi. par. ii. p. 160.
Note 64 (p. 54). — Author of an Italian poem in ottava rima, entitled,
" II Viridario," printed at Bologna, 1513, and of several other works.
He also distinguished himself by his knowledge of Greek and Latin, his
proficiency in music, and his acquaintance with medals, statues, and other
monuments of antiquity, of which he had formed a large collection. He
died in 1538, at 72 years of age ; but his poetry, of which specimens
appear in sundry collections, has all the characteristic rusticity of the
I5th century, when, says Crescimbeni, " ando spargendo gemme tra'l
faugo." Note 65 (p. 54). — A nobleman of Milan, who married Cecilia, the
daughter of the celebrated Cecco Simoneta, and died at 38 years of age,
in 1499. His sonnets and other verses were published at Milan in 1493,
and obtained him such reputation, that he was considered, for a time, as
not inferior to Petrarca ; hut posterity has formed a different judgment.
—Tirab. vi. par. ii. p. 253.
Note 66 (p. 54). — Benedetto da Cingoli, and Vincenzo Calmeta, are
enumerated by Quadrio (ii. 211) among the poets who at this time
honoured the city of Milan by their residence, and whose verses are found
in the collections of the times. The works of the former were also col
lected and published with those of his brother, Gabriello, at Rome, in
1503. — Tirab. vi. par. ii. p. 159. And of the latter, Count Bossi has
informed us, that he possesses a fine MS. of Ovid, " de Arte Amandi,"
translated into terza rima, and inscribed to Lodovica Sforza, by Vincenzio
Calmeta Collo ; which contains many fine passages, and has never been
printed. — Ital. Tran. vol. i. p. 148.
Note 67 (p. 54). — Called also Fulgoso and Campofregoso. From his
love of solitude, he also assumed the name of Phileremo. His chief resi
dence was at the court of Milan, which he quitted on the expulsion of
Lodovico Sforza, and retired to his villa at Colterano. His " Cerva
Biancha" is an Italian poem of considerable extent, written with great
facility, and occasionally interspersed with beautiful description, and
genuine poetry. For his adoption of the ottava rima he apologizes by the
example of Lorenzo de' Medici, and Agnolo Politiano. This poem has
been several times reprinted ; particularly at Venice, 1521,1525. The
first of these editions is entitled " Opera nova del magnifico Cavaliero
Messer Antonio Phileremo Fregoso, intitulata Cerva Biancha." His
" Dialogo di Fortuna" consists of 18 capitoli, in terza rima, Ven. 1531.
Besides these, he is also the author of another poem, " II riso di Demo-
crito, e il pianto d'Eraclito," in 30 capitoli ; but this work has hitherto
eluded my researches.
Note 68 (p. 54). — Respecting Giacopo Antiquario there was published
at Perugia, in 1813, by Sig. Vermiglioli, a volume of learned researches,
which contains valuable memorials of the literary history of the age, from

448 NOTES
which count Bossi has given some additional notices of Antiquario and bis
friends. Vide Ital. Tr. vol i. pp. 149, 257.
Note 69 (p. 54). — His chronicle of the principal events, from the ear
liest records to his own times, is of occasional use, particularly with respect
to the affairs of Milan. This work was printed at Milan in 1492, by
Antonio Zaroti, and is dedicated to the reigning duke Giovan-Galeazzo ;
not however without great commendations of Lodovico, whose loyalty and
fidelity the author particularly celebrates.
Note 70 'p. 54). — He was a native of Novara, and a descendant of the
noble family of Avvenada. His vocabulary of the Latin tongue, printed
in folio at Milan, in 1483, and afterwards at Venice, 1488, may be con
sidered as one of the first attempts in modern times to facilitate the study
of that language, and displays an intimate acquaintance with the writings
of the ancients, which are diligently cited as authorities throughout the
work. To the earliest edition is prefixed a copy of Latin verses addressed
to Lodovico Sforza, and towards the close are several poems of the same
author, both Italian and Latin. The following colophon concludes the
book : —
" Opus Mediolani impressum per Leonardum Par.hel et Uldericum
Sinczenceler, de Alemannia Socios, Anno Domini m.cccc.lxxxih. pridie
nonas Januarias."
Note 71 (p. 55). — Codrus survived both his patron and his pupil, the
latter of whom was deprived of his territories by Girolamo Riario, in the
year 1480, after his family had possessed them upwards of 150 years.
Note 72 (p. 56). — Jovius absurdly enough informs us, that Piero
derived his name from the curled locks of his father, " dall' intorta b
inanellata capillatura del padre'," but from whatever cause the family
appellation might originally arise, it was of much greater antiquity than
Jovius supposed. The Ricci being called by Negri, " Famiglia antichis-
sima e nobiiissima." The latter author, however, with no less absurdity
than Jovius, adds, that Crinitus was, on account of his own curled locks
(" arriciata bionda sua Capigliera") called " Pietro di crispa chioma,"
which he transformed into the Latin name of Crinitus. But it is apparent
that this name is only his family appellation latinized.
Note 73 (p. 58). — He was the first who pointed out the mistake of the
learned respecting the supposititious elegies of Cornelius Gallus ; a subject
which has given rise to great diversity of opinion. Vide Menagiana, torn.
i. p. 336.
Note 74 (p. 59). — On this passage Count Bossi has found occasion to
remark , that notwithstanding the notice I have taken of the state of litera
ture, and its professors in Itafy, at the close of the fifteenth century, I
have omitted many distinguished names, even of those who have figured
upon the political theatre of the times ; an omission which he has under
taken in some degree to supply, by citing the names of a number of literary
characters as not being particularly noticed in my work. — Vide Ital. Tran
vol. i. p. 260, vol. xii. p. 211. For this attention my best acknowledgments

NOTES 449
are due; but, at the same time, I must be permitted to remai'k, that as I
had only proposed to write the life of an individual, and not a general his
tory of literature, I did not conceive myself justified in entering into that
subject further than was necessary to shew the literary state and character
of the age, at the time that Leo X. , then the cardinal de' Medici, first
began to take an active part in it ; and in which I fear it will be thought
I have rather exceeded than fallen short of the object I had in view. As
to the rest, I may observe that some of the persons mentioned by Count
Bozzi are noticed in my work ; that others are omitted, because they
belong to a former period, and had been particularly distinguished in my
Life of Lorenzo de' Medici ; and that if these two classes were deducted,
the remainder would be reduced to a small amount ; amongst which,
however, are some which might justly claim a place in the records of lite
rature, and which demonstrate the intimate acquaintance of Count Bossi
with this subject. I shall only add, that the precious manuscript which
Count Bossi mentions, containing a collection of Italian poets of the
fifteenth century, by Felice Feliciano, in which are found the works of
several authors not mentioned by Tiraboschi, and which MS. formerly
belonged to Count Bossi, now forms a part of the MS. library at
Holkham. Note 75 (p. 59). — In the scarce edition of the" Thesaurus Cornucopiae"
of Varino Camerti, printed by Aldo in 1496, he styles himself " Aldus
Manutius Bassianus Romanus."
Note 76 (p. 59). — This grammarian lived in the early part of the thir
teenth century. His work is written in barbarous Latin verse, which the
pupils were compelled to repeat by memory. Manni has given a speci
men of this pedantic but once celebrated production.
Note 77 (p. 59). — The subsequent commotions of Italy, in which
Alberto acted an important part, have probably deprived the world of the
fruits of his literary studies. Such at least is the inference which arises
from a passage, in the dedication to him of the Aldine edition of Lucretius,
at the time when he was engaged as the Imperial envoy at the court of
Rome. Note 78 (p. 61). — Maittaire conjectures that he was employed in
these preparations four or five years ; but from the preface of Aldus to
the " Thesaurus Cornucopiae" of Varino Camerti, printed in 1496, it
appears that he had been occupied in this undertaking from the year
1489. Note 79 (p. 62). — Mr. Henke (in Germ. Tr. vol. i. p. 127) has ex
pressed an opinion, that in estimating the merits of Aldo, I have per
mitted my partiality for him to prevail over justice, and have reckoned
too little upon the great encouragement he received from many rich and
liberal patrons ot literature, and particularly from the pontiffs, Alexander
VI. Julius II. and Leo X. That Aldo could have accomplished his great
object without the assistance of many eminent men and distinguished
scholars, it would be absurd to suppose ; but it is precisely in this respect
that his merits are most apparent. In establishing his pre.s, and forming
VOL. I. 2 G

450 NOTES.
his academy at Venice, he drew togethe. almost all that was liberal and
learned in Italy, and thereby effected an object to the accomplishment of
which his own personal exertions would have been totally inadequate.
This circumstance, therefore, instead of detracting from, may be con
sidered as the crown of his merits.
Note 80 (p. 66). — These children were, however, illegitimate, as ap
pears from the evidence of Burchard, who denominates Francesco Cibo —
" Filius Papae, etiam bastardus, prout Domina Theodorina."— Burchard,
Diar. ap. Notices des MSS. du Roi, i. 93. Nor was incontinency the
only crime of this pontiff, if we may judge from the epigram of Ma
rullus. Note 81 (p. 67). — Of these, the following may serve as a sufficient
specimen : —
" Caesare magna fuit, nunc Roma est maxima, Sextus
Regnat Alexander ; ille vir, iste deus."
" Alexandro invictissimo, Alexandre pientissimo, Alexandro magni-
ficentissimo, Alexandro in omnibus maximo, honor et gratia."
" Scit venisse suum, patria grata, Jovem."
Other instances of preposterous adulation may be found in Corio, par.
vii. p. 888, &c. If, however, all the enormities recorded of him be true,
one of the Roman poets of antiquity would have furnished him with a
much more appropriate motto, Ovid. Met. lib. iv. v. 499. ¦
Note 82 (p. 69). — From the ancient chronicle of Donato Bossi,
printed at Milan, 1492, it appears, that the Milanese government at this
time included the cities and districts of Milan, Cremona, Parma, Pavia,
Como, Lodi, Piacenza, Novara, Alessandria, Tortona, Bobbio, Savona,
Albingano, Vintimiglia, and the whole territory of the Genoese.
Note 83 (p. 69). — It appears, however, from Summonte, that Lodo
vico had pretended a legal right to the sovereignty, on the plea, that Ga
leazzo, the father of the young duke, was born before the time that his
father Francesco had obtained the dominion of Milan ; whereas Lodovico
was the eldest son born after that acquisition, and consequently, as be
asserted, entitled to the succession. — Summonte, Storia di Napoli, vol.
iii. p. 497. It is, however, remarkable, that Donato Bossi, in his chro
nicle, printed in 1492, and dedicated to Gian-Galeazzo, expressly com
mends the fidelity and loyalty of Lodovico to his sovereign.
Note 84 (p. 74). — Commines gives us to understand, that Charles was
not displeased at the death of his son, at three years of age, because he
was, " bel enfant, audacieux en parole, et ne craignoit point les choses
que les autresenfans sont accoutumes acraindre," and the king, it seems,
was therefore afraid, that if the child l_"ed, he might diminish his conse
quence or endanger his authority ; ' ' car le roi ne fut jamais que petit
homme de corps, et peu etendu ; mais etoit si bon, qu'il n'est pas pos
sible de voir meilleure creature. "^-Commines, lib. viii. p. 248.
-\ori_ 85 (p. 75). — Should the reader wish for more particular infor
mation respecting the claims of the contending parties to the crown of

NOTES. 451
Naples, he may peruse with great advantage the acute and learned obser
vations of Gibbon on this subject, published in tlw second volume of his
miscellaneous works, under the title of " Critical Researches concerning
the title of Charles VIII. to the Crown of Naples."
Note 86 (p. 78). — This expedition was the subject of several publi
cations in France, some of which are cited > by M. Foncemagne, in his
" Eclaircissemens historiques sur quelques Circonstanoes du voyage de
Charles VIII. en Italie." Vide Mem. de l'Academie des Inscrip. torn.
xvii. p. 539.
Note 87 (p. 84). — Although Guicciardini, Rucellai, and other con
temporary authors, expressly assert that Charles VIII. was incited by
Alexander VI. to attempt the conquest of Naples, in which they have
been implicitly followed by subsequent writers, I have not ventured to
adopt their representations in my narrative; I. Because Commines, who
has related, at great length, the motives by which Charles VIII. was in
duced to this undertaking, adverts not, in the most distant manner, to
any invitation from the pope on that subject ; on the contrary, he attri
butes the determination of the king solely to the persuasions of Lodovico
Sforza, and informs us, that he sent Perron de Basche as his ambassador
to Rome, apparently to try the disposition of the pontiff, whom he erro
neously names Innocent. — Vide Memoires, liv. vii. chap. 2. II. In the
letter from Lodovico Sforza to Charles VIII. as given by Corio, p. 891,
the pope is not even mentioned, although several other sovereigns are
specified as being favourable to tbe intended enterprise. III. In the apo
stolic brief issued by Alexander, and inserted by the same author in his
History, we discover no reason to infer that the pope had, at any previous
time, entertained a different opinion from that which he there professes,
and which is decidedly adverse to the interference of the king in the con
cerns of Italy. Guicciardini, actuated perhaps by his abhorrence of
Alexander VI., has not discussed this subject with his usual accuracy ,
and the reader finds it difficult to discover, even in his copious narrative,
the real predisposing causes of an enterprise, which gave rise to all the
important events recorded in his History. I am sorry to have occasion
to apply a similar remark to a celebrated modern historian, the Cavaliero
Rosmini, who, in his Life of Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio, has adverted to
Alexander VI. as having concurred in calling Charles VIII. into Italy,
and afterwards refused him the investiture of the kingdom of Naples
(vide Istonia di Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio, vol. i. p. 334), forgetting that
he had before stated, that Alexander had used all his efforts to induce
Lodovico Sforza to unite with him and the king of Naples in oppos
ing the French, and had cited a decisive original document to tha,
effect. Vide Istoria, &c. vol. i. p. 201 ; Ibid. vol. ii. p. 193; and ItaL
Tr. Hist, of Leo X. vol. ii. p. 180, where Count Bossi has given th
documents which demonstrate that the pope was adverse to bringing the
French into Italy.
Note 88 (p. 84). — Respecting the conduct of the duke of Ferrara on
this occasion, some discordance of opinion appears among the historians
of Italy, Muratori asserts, that he exerted bis efforts to dissuade Lodo-
2 G 2

452 NOTES.
vico Sforza from his imprudent design of inviting the French into Italy.
— Annali, ix. 569. But Guicciardini, on the contrary, informs us, that
Ercole abetted the enterprise, and assigns his motives for it at length. In
deciding between these eminent historians, of whom the one was a con
temporary, and the other has in general drawn his information from the
documents of the times, it becomes necessary to resort to further evidence.
Benedetti, in his Fatto d'arme del Tarro, expressly asserts, that Charles
was invited into Italy by Lodovico Sforza, Ercole duke of Ferrara, the
cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, and Lorenzo (the son of Pier- Francesco)
de' Medici ; assigning as a reason for it (which strongly confirms the idea
that Alexander VI. was uniformly hostile to the measure), that the aver
sion in which the pope was held by some of the cardinals, induced them
to wish for a change in the pontificate (vide p. 5). And from the History
of Ferrara, by Sardi, it appears, that Ercole accompanied Lodovico Sforza
to meet the king at Alexandria. — Sardi, Hist. Ferr. lib. x. p. 194. From
all which, it may be clearly inferred, that the duke of Ferrara took an
active part in bringing the French into Italy.
Note 89 (p. 84). — Count Bossi, in his Ital. Tr. vol. i. p. 204, has
observed, that it could scarcely be said, that in the year 1493, the use
of artillery was a recent invention ; it having been known at a period
prior to the writings of Petrarca, and consequently before the year 1330 ;
for which he cites the authority of the Cav. Venturini, Storia dell' origine,
e de' primi progressi delle moderne artiglierie. Milan, 1816, 4to.*
Note 90 (p. 85). — It appears from Giustiniani, Annali di Genoa, p.
249, that the Geonese banker was Antonio Sauli, who first advanced to
the king 70,000 ducats, and afterwards 25,000 more, at Rome. If we
. may judge of the supposed risk of loss, by the rate of interest, it was
regarded as a hazardous adventure ; such interest being no less than cent.
per cent. — Commines, liv. vii. proem, p. 184.
Note 91 (p. 86). — Burcardo, who made a journey to Naples, soon
after the death of the king, relates, that Ferdinand, having found himself
indisposed at his villa of Trapergola, returned to Naples, where, in dis
mounting from his horse, he fell senseless, and died on the following day,
without either confession or sacraments. His confessor cried out to him,
in vain, to repent of his sins and his opposition to the Church, for he
gave not the slightest symptom of contrition. — Burcard. Diar. ap. Not.
des MSS. du Roi, i. 108.
Note 92 (p. 87). — To this period we may refer the beautiful Latin
verses of Sanazzaro, which celebrate the life and actions of Alfonso, and
advert to many circumstances either not noticed, or imperfectly related
by the historians of the times. — Vide Sanaz. Eleg. lib. ii. el. 1. His
accession to the crown is also commemorated by Cariteo, in a canzone,
wherein he particularly refers to the meditated invasion of Naples by the
arms of the French ; to which circumstance he also alludes in other parts
of his works, with that indignation and contempt of Charles VIII. to
which the occasion may readily be supposed to have given rise.

NOTES. 453
Note 93 !p. 89).— Commines, who calls him " un bon et sa^
chevalier," says, that he had " quelques deux cents hommes d'armes,'
lib. vii. chap. 5 ; but Corio, a writer of equal credit, says that he had
" mille cavelli Francesi." — Storia de Milan, par. vii. p. 927. This faith
ful soldier, and judicious counseflor, to whom the success of the expe
dition may be chiefly attributed, was of Scottish origin, and is denomi
nated by Summonte, in his History of Naples, vol. iii. p. 516 (Corr.
580), "Everardo Estuardo" (Everard or Edward Stuart), " Scozzese,
per sopra nome, detto Monsignore di Obegni."
Note 94 'p. 90). — The exertions of the monarch were celebrated by
the eminent scholars who adorned his court : and Sanazzaro, at this
juncture, produced one of his finest Italian poems, in which he has
endeavoured to inspire his fellow-soldiers with courage and resolution,
in defence of their sovereign and their country. — Opere Volg. p. 60.
Note 95 (p. 91). — It belonged to Commines, who denominates it
" une grosse galeace (qui etoit mienne) qui patronisoit un appelle Albert
Meley, sur laquelle eVtoit le diet due et les principaux. Et la dicte
galeace avoit grande artillerie, et grosses pieces (car elle <stoit puissante)
et s'approcha si pres de terre que l'artillerie deconfit presque l'ennemi,
qui jaimais n'en avoit veu de semblable, et etoit chose nouvelle en Italie :"
liv. vii. chap. 5, p. 194. The use of artillery was, however, known in
Italy about the year 1380, in the wars between the Genoese and the
Venetians. — Summonte, Storia di Napoli, iii. 497 (Corr. 563). Mala-
volti, Storia di Siena, p. 170. Guicciardini, lib. i. The latter author,
however, acknowledges that the French had brought this " diabolical
implement " to much greater perfection, and employed it with more
celerity and effect, than had before been done. Cornazzano, in his poem,
" De Re Militari," narrates the discovery of fire-arms at considerable
length. The larger pieces were denominated Bombardi, the smaller
Scopetti, and Spingarde.
Note 96 (p. 91). — At this time Cariteo endeavoured to incite the
states of Italy to concord and confidence in each other, and to an united
defence against the common enemy, in an energetic canzone.
Note 97 (p. 92). — Andre de la Vigne was secretary to Anne of
Bretagne, queen of Charles VIII., and accompanied the king on this
expedition, of which he has left a journal, in prose and verse, entitled Le
Vergier d'Honneur, which has been attributed in part, to Octavien de St.
Gelais, bishop of Angouleme ; but the French critics have determined,
that the complaint on the death of Charles VIII. and his epitaph,
are the only parts of the work to which the bishop has any pretensions.
Note 98 (p. 92). — " Champion de l'honneur des dames." Of the
taste of the monarch, and of the delicacy of his female attendants, some
idea may be formed from the account given of these representations ; one
of which was a pretended accouchement. This exhibition is described in
the rude verses of Andre de la Vigne.
Note 99 (p. 93). — Historians have represented this disorder as the
gmali-por. Malavolti, in his History of Siena, says, that Charles was

454 NOTES.
detained at Asti about a month. Commines also denominates the disor
der of the king, " la petite verole," and adds, that his life was in danger.
Benedetti, in his Fatto de arme sul Tarro, p. 7, informs us, that from
change of air, Charles was seized with a fever, " e mando fuori alcuni
segni che si chiamano epinittide (iirivi'icnSa, night-pimples) ; i nostri le
chiamano Vajuole." From the extreme licentiousness in which the king
had indulged himself, it is not, however, improbable that his complaint
was of a different nature, and that the loathsome disorder, which,
within the space of a few months afterwards, began to spread itself over
Italy, and was thence communicated to the rest of Europe, is of royal
origin, and may be dated from this event. In favour of this supposition
it may be observed, that this disease was much more violent in its symp
toms, on its first appearance, than in after-times, and that its resemblance
to the small-pox probably gave rise to the appellation by which it has
since been known. — Fracastor. Syphil. lib. i. 1. 349.
Note 100 (p. 93). — Corio, part vii. p. 936. This unfortunate princess
is introduced by Bernardo Accolti, as thus lamenting her misfortunes : —
" Re padre, Re fratel, Duca in consorte
Ebbi, e in tre ami, i tre rapi la morte."
Accolti. Op. Ven. 1519.
Note 101 (p. 100). — Ammirato, Ritratti d'huomini di Casa Medici,
Opusc. vol. iii. p. 65. To the short period which elapsed between the
death of Lorenzo and the expulsion of his son Piero, we may refer the
Latin poem of Lorenzo Vitelli, entitled " Arborea," in which, under the
allegory of a vigorous and fruitful tree, he describes the flourishing family
of the Medici ; not aware Of the sudden blight which it was shortly to
experience. Vide Carm. illust. Poet. Ital. vol. xi. p. 386.
Note 102 (p. 101). — Ammirato, Istorie Fiorentine, vol. iii. p. 223.
The dispersion of the library of Politiano followed soon after the exile of
the Medici. The learned admirers of this great man will, perhaps, be
gratified with the inventory of the MSS. and other effects found in his
possession at the time of his death, taken by the celebrated and learned
Greek, Joannes Lascar, and which has not before been printed. Vide
App. No. IV.
Note 103 (p. 103). — On the same day died at Florence, in the thirty-
second year of his age, the accomplished Giovanni Pico, of Mirandula,
and, if we may credit tbe report of Savonarola, had the good fortune to
obtain a situation in purgatory. This intelligence the preacher announced
to his audience at the conclusion of one of his sermons, a few days after
the death of that eminent man. The verses of Marullus, on the death of
Pico, are more appropriate, although less known, than the ostentatious
lines inscribed on his tomb in the church of S. Morco at Florence. Vide
Op. Mar. 53.
Note 104 (p. 103).— Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. i. p. 14. The entrance of
the king into Florence is one of those topics on which his poetical annalist,
De la Vigne, dwells with particular satisfaction. On this occasion he
enumerates the whole array of the French army, and all the attendants of
the king.

NOTES. 455
Note 105 (p. 103). — Lorenzo, *he son of Pier-Francesco, appears to
have emulated his relations of the elder branch of his family, iu the love
of literature, and patronage of learned men. Politiano has addressed
to him his Svlva, entitled "Manto," in terms of great esteem. The
beautiful introductory stanzas to this piece have been elegantly translated
by the Rev. Mr. Greswell, in his "Memoirs of Politiano," &c. p. 92.
Lorenzo di Pier-Francesco was also the great patron of the poet Marullus,
who has inscribed to him, at different times, his four books of epigrams,
several of which are devoted to his praise.
Marullus also addressed to Giovanni, the other son of Pier-Francesco,
a copy of Latin verses, in praise of Caterina Sforza, the widow of Giro
lamo Riario, whom Giovanni afterwards married, and by whom he had
Giovanni de' Medici, captain of the bands nere, usually called " II gran
diavolo," and father of Cosmo I. grand-duke of Tuscany. Vide Epigr.
lib. iv. p. 54.
Note 106 (p. 104). — Ammirato, Ritratti d'uomini illustri di Casa
Medici, 52. 65. Philip de Commines was at Venice when Piero de'
Medici arrived, and seems to have taken an interest in his misfortunes ;
for, says he, " j'avois aime le pere." Piero, in recounting his disasters,
particularly dwelt on the unkindness of one of his factors, who refused to
furnish him with apparel, to the amount of one hundred ducats, for the
use of himself and his brother. So true is it, that ingratitude is the sting
of misfortune.
Note 107 (p. 106). — Guicciardini, whilst he admits that the citizens
and the French soldiery fived in mutual apprehension and distrust of each
other, asserts, that they did not proceed to acts of violence. " Niuno
assaltava 1'altro o provocava ;" but Nardi, who was also a Florentine and
a contemporary, and whose History is chiefly confined to the internal
transactions of the city, informs us, that this affray lasted more than an
hour. — Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. i. p. 15.
Note 108 (p. 106). — " II re fattolo richiamare indietro, perche era suo
familiare, essendo stato oratore in Francia appresso di sua maesta, sorri-
dendo Jisse : Ah Ciappon, Ciappon, voi siete un mal Ciappon." — Nardi,
Hist. Fior. lib. i. p. 15. This royal equivoque is not worth a trans
lation. Note 109 (p. 108). — Alessandro Benedetti, in his " Fatto d'arme del
Tarro," p. 6, states the French army at only twenty-five thousand, viz.
Horse, five thousand, Flemish and Swiss, fifteen thousand, and the
remainder, infantry of various nations ; but besides these, he admits that
there was a considerable number of Italian auxiliaries.
Note 110 (p. 109). — It is written in terza rima, and is addressed to
the Doge of Venice, Agostino Barbadico. The Italian governments are
distinguished by the devices of their arms. " The serpent of the house of
Sforza has changed the current of the Tesino, and mingled it with that
of the Reno. The Florentine lion, like a dog that has undergone correc
tion, declines his head ; and the wolf of Siena has wandered from her
usual path." He then calls on the Venetian state to assist the common
cause.

456 NOTES.
' Italia, once the praise of every tongue
Now scarcely drags her languid steps along ;
But let thy glorious standard wide unfurled,
Tremendous wave before the shrinking world ;
And bid thy winged lion, at whose sight
The forest tenants seek the shades of night,
Spread his broad vans, distend his serried jaws,
Shake his strong mane, and ope his sheathed claws ;
Ferrara's Hercules shall strive in vain,
Nemean like, to stretch him on the plain ;
Though to thy matchless glory adverse still,
His power is only wanting to his will."
The lamentations of the different cities of Italy are followed by a
spirited exhortation to a vigorous and united defence, and the alliance
and protection of Alfonso are particularly recommended to the chief of
the Venetian republic.
" Asserter of Italia's rights and laws,
Do thou defend Alfonzo 's sacred cause,
Nor trust barbarian hordes, whose hearts of steel
Relenting pity never taught to feel ;
From foes like these, intent on spoil and strife,
Defend thy country's freedom with thy life ;
Nor let the serpent with his scaly train,
Nor Gallic cock, thy native seats profane."
This poem remained in manuscript until the year 1738, when it was
given to the public by the learned Giovambattista Parisotto, in the
" Opuscoli " of Calogera, torn, xviii. accompanied with an introductory
letter and notes by the editor.
Note 111 (p. 113). — These circumstances also explicitly appear from
the Diary of Burchard above cited, and may serve to correct an error of
Guicciardini, who asserts that the pope consented to invest Charles with
the sovereignty of Naples. The long negotiations which afterwards took
place on this subject, and which Guicciardini himself relates, and the
silence of the treaty on this head, are a full confirmation, if any were yet
wanting, of the veracity of Burchard. Respecting the investiture of the
French king, it may be proper further to observe, that in the dissertation
of M. de Foncemagne, on the expedition of Charles VIII. into Italy
(Mem. de l'Academie des Inscriptions, torn. xvii. p. 539), that writer has
endeavoured to shew, that at the time the pope delivered up the Turkish
fugitive, he also invested the French king with the title of " Emperor of
Constantinople." In confirmation of this circumstance, not adverted to
by any contemporary historian, he has produced and published a docu
ment which purports to be the act of a notary public, transferring the
empire of the East from Andrea Paleologus to Charles, said to have been
first discovered by the duke De St. Aignan, the French ambassador at
Rome and presented by the pope to Louis XIV. M. de Foncemagne
considers it as a French lawyer would a contract for the sale of a house ;
and, not being able to discover, that the king appeared before the notary

NOTES. 457
to affirm the contract, is inclined to doubt its validity. These doubts are
increased by the discovery, that, six years afterwards, Paleologus made
his will, and bequeathed his empire to Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain,
which, it is with great simplicity added, he could noi have done, had the
previous disposition been effectual. I shall only remark on one suspicious
circumstance respecting this investiture, viz. that it purports to bear date
on the eighth day of September, 1494, nearly four months before the
arrival of Charles at Rome, and whilst the pope was avowedly hostile to
his views. In the present day, when kingdoms are transferred without
sufficient ceremony, it may be of use to the gentlemen of the long robe, to
have a precedent for conveying an empire, by the act of a notary public.
This document will be found in the Mem. de 1' Academie des Inscriptions,
torn. xvii.
Note 112 (p. 113). — Soon after his arrival, some of his suite were
insulted by the Jews ; in consequence of which he ordered the Mareschal
de Gies to inquire into the subject, and six of them were hanged in the
Campo di Flora. He also erected gallows in different parts of the city,
and executed several malefactors :
" Par quoi l'on peut noter
Que sa puissance etoit bien singulier."
Vergier d' Honneur.
Note 113 (p. 113). — This was William Brissonet, who, with his
brother Robert, had instigated the king to the war. Alexander VI. had
already sent him the red hat to France, but had withdrawn it, because it
was the price for which the bishop was to prevail upon the king to change
his thoughts. Now, therefore, he received it from the hands of the pope,
as a recompense from the king. — Frizon, Gallia Pnrpur. p. 540. Note
of Mr. Henke ; which confirms the idea, that the pope was, from the first,
adverse to the war.
Note 114 (p. 115). — It was a common opinion (if, says Guicciardini
we may be allowed not altogether to despise such reports) that the ghost
of Ferdinand, the late king, had appeared thrice to the chief surgeon of
the court, and on his first visit had mildly requested, but afterwards
commanded him with threats, to announce to his son Alfonso, that all
attempts to resist the French arms were hopeless ; and that it was des
tined, that, after various misfortunes and the loss of their kingdom, their
family should become extinct. The ghost, it seems, explained also the
reason of this calamity, which was intended as a just retribution for the
enormities committed by the Aragonese against their subjects ; and par
ticularly for the cruelty of Ferdinand, in having, at the instigation of
Alfonso, put to death, in the church of S. Leonardo, at Chiaia, near
Naples, many of his barons, whom he had long detained in prison.
There was, however, no need of a ghost, to excite in the mind of Alfonso
those terrors which were the consequences of his guilt, and which, as
Guicciardini informs us, with more probability, tormented his dreams
with the images of those whom he had slaughtered, and with the ideas of
an enraged populace dragging hire to punishment. — Guicciard. lib. i. vol
1. pp. 65, 66.

458 NOTES.

Note 115 (p. 115).— The following production of Sanazzaro, although
not expressly applied to this event, in any edition of his works, sufficiently
marks the subject on which it was written.

O thou, so long the Muse's favourite theme,
Expected tenant of the realms of light ;
Now sunk tor ever in eternal night,
Or recollected only to thy shame !
From my polluted page thy hated name
I blot ; already on my loathing sight
Too long obtruded ; and to purer white
Convert the destined record of thy fame.
On thy triumphant deeds far other strains
I hop'd to raise ; but thou defraud'st the song ;
IU-omen'd bird, that shun'st the day's broad eye.
Go then, and whilst the Muse thy praise disdains,
Oblivion's flood shall sweep thy name along,
And spotless and unstain'd the paper lie.
Antonio Tebaldeo has also adverted to this event in one of his sonnets,
more remarkable for good sense than poetry. " If," says he, " a king
dom could have been defended by immense treasures, strong walls, power
ful armies, or a commander of acknowledged talents, Alfonso might yet
have maintained his sovereignty ; but he who would reign in safety ought
to know, that it must be by the love of his subjects, and not by their
dread of him ; and whoever adopts a different maxim will, in the end,
discover his error." Then, rising to a higher strain, he exclaims, " Eter
nal disgrace to Italy ! shall it then be read, that so powerful a kingdom
could not resist the French arms for a single month ! When Saguntum
was attacked by Hannibal, she defended herself to the last extremity ; for
death itself is sweet on behalf of a good prince."
Note 116 (p. 116). — At this juncture, Crinitus wrote a Latin ode, in
which he deplores the want of unanimity among the states and people oi
Italy, and anticipates the approaching calamities of Naples.
" Ah ! why the hated theme recal,
Or bid me sing th' imperious Gaul ?
Already tears enough are shed ;
Of slaughter' d friends, enough have bled ;
Yet, most disgraceful of our woes,
We, too, confed'rate with our foes ;
Our wealth, our strength, to them resign ;
And with their hostile standards join.
" As thus extends the direful pest,
We perish by ourselves opprest ;
And victims of a mutual hate,
Each from the other meet our fate.
Meanwhile his bands the conqueror calls,
Aad pointe to Rome's defenceless walls 5

NOTES. 459
And menaces the sacred band,
That round her holy altars stand ;
Whilst the fierce soldier, stain'd with blood,
Hurls his proud spear in Tiber's flood.
" O ancient worth, for ever fled !
O manes of the illustrious dead I
Through your pale bands what horror moves,
Whilst Jove the adverse cause approves I
Hence what streams of blood shall flow,
What ills shall rise, what fires shall glow ;
Whilst Naples mourns to future times,
The victim of another's crimes !
And sinks the Aragonian star,
Before the blazing god of war !
'Tis he directs th' o'erwhelming flood,
And scorns Italia's dastard brood.
Trembling, I mark the dread decree : —
Ah, hapless Naples, woe to thee 1"
Note 117 (p. 116). — Sagredo, in his "Memorie istoriche de' monarchi
Ottomani," informs us, that Zizim lived only three days after he was con
signed to Charles, and died at Terracina, having been poisoned by Alexander
VI., who was induced to commit this crime, by the promise of an immense
reward from the sultan Bajazet. " La cieca gentilita," says the historian,
" adore piu idoli ; a nostri giomi l'idolo universale e l'interesse" (p. 97).
Guicciardini also informs us, that he was poisoned at the instance of
Alexander VI., but mentions Naples as the place of his death, in which
last circumstance Corio agrees with him, but accounts for it by the negli
gence of the French monarch — ' ' per la indiligenza di Carlo. " — Stor. Milan.
par vii. p 939. This latter account is also confirmed by the testimony of
Burchard, who ascertains, not only the cause, but the day of his death. —
" 15 Feburier, le fils du Grand Turc mourut a Naples — ex esu sive potu
non convenienti naturae sua? et consueto." On this subject, some curious
documents remain, from which it appears, that the pope applied to Bajazet
to assist him in repelling the attack of the French, and had represented to
him that Charles intended to obtain the custody of Zizim, in order to pro
mote his views upon the Ottoman state. In the reply of Bajazet (if so
atrocious a production can be considered as authentic) he entreats that the
pope will have the goodness to put his brother Zizim to death, in such
wav as he may judge best, and thereby translate his soul to another state,
where he may enjoy greater repose. For this deliberate murder, Bajazet
solemnly promises to pay to the pope three hundred thousand gold ducats
to enable him to purchase a domain for his sons, and to allow the Chris
tians a free intercourse in his dominions. On another occasion, Bajazet
recommends to the pope a proper person to be honoured with the rank of
a cardinal. Such was the fraternal intercourse which at this period sub
sisted between the Mahometan chief and the head of the Christian church !
— Vide Diary of Burchard, from Gordon's Hist, of Alex. VI. For some
»dditional remarks as to the probability that Zizim was poisoned by

460 NOTES.
the pope, see Henke, Germ. ed. vol. i. p. 214. Bossi. Ital. ed. vol B.
p. 20.
Note 118 (p. 117).— The Cav. Rosmini, in his excellent Life of Gian-
Giacopo Trivulzio, has endeavoured at considerable length to vindicate
him against this accusation, and to shew, on the authority of Rebucco, the
secretary and biographer of Trivulzio, that he had the consent of Ferdinand
to quit his service, and to enter into that of the king of France.— Istor. di
Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio, vol. i. cap. v. p. 231 ; cap. xiii. p. 559. Ros
mini has observed that I have, in this instance, only adopted the senti
ments of Guicciardini, which is very true ; and which I still think prefer
able to that of a domestic, and probably, therefore, a partial narrator ; but
the facts sufficiently speak for themselves.
Note 119 (p. 118). — Vergier d'Honneur. Muratori states the number
of his army, on his entering Naples, at thirty thousand men ; independent
of the troops he had left in the Tuscan fortresses, in the states of the
church, and the other cities of the Neapolitan state. — Annali, vol. ix. p.
579- Note 120 (p. 119). — Nardi, Vita di Antonio Giacomino Tebaldini Ma-
lespini, p. 18. Fior. 1597. The pusillanimous conduct of the Italian
states, received, however, a severer reprehension from the pen of Antonio
Tebaldeo, who, with honest indignation, has thus recorded the degradation
of his country : — SONNET.
Not with so prompt a foot fierce Hannibal
Rush'd o'er thy fields ; nor e'er amid th' alarms
Of Gothic fury and barbarian arms,
Didst thou so tame and unresisting fall !
Ah whence these terrors, that thy sons appal,
Inglorious Italy ! whilst forward springs
The Gallic cock, and claps his conquering wings ;
Nor hears the voice of answering vengeance call ?
Just is thy doom : for now that honour'd earth,
That gave to Scipio and Camillus birth,
Sardanapalus, Midas, Crassus claim.
Once, in thy better days, a cackling goose
From the Tarpeian rock could scare thy foes ;
— Now eagles, serpents, lions — all are tame.
This rude production of a contemporary poet, may at least serve to call
to recollection the elegant sonnet of Vincenzo Filicaja, written about two
centuries afterwards, during the war of the Spanish succession, when the
French and the Imperialists made Italy once more the theatre of thei.
hostilities. SONNET.
It'.lia ! thou to whom in evil hour,
The fatal boon of beauty nature gave,
Yet on thy front the sentence did engrave,
That ceaseless woe should be thy only dower 1

NOTES. 461
Ah were that beauty less, or more thy power '.
That he who now compels thee to his arms,
Might gaze with cold indifference on thy charms
Or tremble at thine eye's indignant lower !
Then shouldst thou not observe, in glittering line,
From the high Alps embattled throngs descend,
And Gallic herds pollute thy Po's clear wave ;
Nor whilst encompass'd close by spears not thine,
Shouldst thou by foreign hands thy rights defend,
Conquering or conquer'd, evermore a slave.
Note 121 (p. 121). — " II alloit quelquefois," says Commines, trans
lating the appellation into French, " auMont imperiale ;" which has led
his commentator, Denis Sauvage, to conjecture that he went "en manteau
imperiale, pour venir a ce qu'aucun disent qu'il fut couronne pour em-
pereur de Constantinople." Such is the authority on which an Histo
riographer "du tres Chretien Roi, Henri II." would imply the pre
tensions of the French monarchs to the empire of the east ! — Vide Mem.
de Comm. lib. vii. chap. xiv. This palace was built by Alfonso, duke of
Calabria, on his return from his successful expedition against the Turks
at Otranto. A very curious account of it is given in the Vergier d'Hon-
neur of Andre, de la Vigne.
Note 122 (p. 122). — Dr. Robertson is mistaken in asserting that
Ferdinand " acquired the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, by violating the
faith of treaties, and disregarding the ties of blood " (Hist, of Charles V.
booki.), Ferdinand having succeeded to the undisputed sovereignty ot
Sicily, on the death of his father, John, king of Aragon and Sicily, the bro
ther of Alfonso I.
Note 123 (p. 124). — Machiavelli animadverts on the conduct of Lodo
vico, on this occasion, in his first "Decennale." It is amusing to
observe with what simplicity Philip de Commines, who was then
ambassador of the French king at Venice, relates the manner in which he
was imposed upon by the artifices of the Venetian Doge and senators,
who flattered him with personal attentions, and assurances of amity, till
this formidable league, which he had the mortification to see proclaimed
with extraordinary magnificence at Venice, was fully completed. This
narration, which occupies the 15th chapter of his seventh book, is highly
interesting, and deserves an attentive perusal.
Note 124 (p. 125). — " Tous etats et offices," says Commines, " furent
donnes aux Francois, a deux ou trois." I suspect that Giannone has
misunderstood this passage, when he says, " Tutte le autorita e carichi
furono conferiti a due o tre Franzesi." — Storia di Napoli, lib. xxix.
chap. ii. For a very just account of the general character of the Fi ench
in their conquests, vide Robertson's " History of Scotland," book ii.
voi. i. p. 128.
Note 125 (p. 126).— Guicciard. lib. ii. vol. i. p. 90. That the
Neapolitans should express their aversion cautiously, under the immediate
pressure of a military government, cannot be surprising ; yet the voice

462 NOTES.
of complaint was not wholly silent, and the following lines of Crinitus,
addressed to Bernardo Caraffa, one the chief nobility of Naples, may be
considered as the expression of a national sentiment.
ODE.
Thy sad lament, my friend, forbear ;
Nor longer pour the fruitless tear ;
Enough to patriot sorrows given,
Think not to change the doom of Heaven.
We feel the fates, and own their sway,
Whilst Naples sinks, a hapless prey ;
Her iron bondage doomed to mourn,
Till that auspicious hour return,
When, to his native soil restored,
She hails again her former lord ;
Him who recals her ancient fame.
And vindicates her hooour'd name.
Yet when that happier dawn shall rise,
My mortal vision ill descries ;
And dubious is the voice divine,
Responsive from Apollo's shrine.
But, hark ! along the sounding poles,
Signal of hope, the thunder rolls ;
And soon th' avenging bolt shall fall
That checks the fury of the Gaul.
Note 126 (p. 126). — Summonte, Storia di Napoli, lib. vi. p. 51*
(581), and after him Giannone (lib. xxix. cap. ii. p. 389), positively
assert, that the pope, alarmed by tbe threats of the king, expedited to him
the bull of investiture, and appointed a legate, who performed the office
of coronation. It is, however, highly probable, that these two judicious
and national historians, have on this occasion fallen into an error. Bene-
detti, in his " Fatto d'arme sul Tarro," asserts that Alexander positively
refused to comply witn the request of the king ; in consequence of which
Charles, forgetting his expedition to Jerusalem, threatened to overturn
che governments of Italy, and the dominion of the pope (p. 9). The nega
tive opinion is also strongly confirmed by the French annalists. Com
mines coldly informs us, that the king was crowned (liv. vii. chap. 14) ;
and Andre de la Vigne, although he minutely describes the ceremony in
which Charles swore to maintain the rights of the people, and enumerates
the chief of the French nobility who were present on that occasion, neither
notices the papal investiture, nor even asserts that any coronation took
place. The subsequent flight of Alexander, on the second visit of the
king to Rome, may also be admitted as an additional proof that he had
not complied with the wishes of the king in granting his sanction for the
coronation. Note 127 (p.. 127}. — It was most probably also on this occasion, that
Raffaello Brandolini, called " Lippo Brandolini il giovane," made a pane
gyric oration before the king, which he immediately turned into verse ;

NOTES. 463
on whicl Charles is said to have exclaimed, " Magnus orator, summus
poeta !" It is certain that the monarch conferred on Raffaello a pension
of one hundred crowns, and gave him an honourable diploma, which bears
date at Castel Capuano, the 18th May, 1495 ; in which he assigns as a
reason for his bounty, the services which Raffaello had rendered, and
might yet render to the king, and that he might be enabled to pursue his
studies to advantage. In this diploma he is said to have been ccecus a
natirilate ; but Mazzuchelli conjectures, from his appellation of Lippo,
that he was not born blind. — Vide Mazz. Scrittori d' Italia, vol. vi.
p. 2018, tit. Brandolini. It is indeed not improbable that Brandolini,
and not Pontano, made the oration before the king on his coronation at
Naples. Note 128 (p. 137). — Among this booty were some singular articles : —
" Vi fu trovato un libro, nel quale, sotto diversi habiti ed eta, al naturale
erano dipinte molte femine per loro violate in molte citta, e seco il porta-
vano per memoria." — Corio, 949. Benedetti asserts, that he saw this
invaluable treasure: — "Vidi io un libro, nel quale erano dipinte varie
imagini di meretrici, sotto diverso habito ed eta, ritratte al naturale ;
secondo che la lascivia, e I'amore l'aveva tratto in ciascuna citta : queste
portava egli (il Re) seco dipinte per ricordarsene poi." — Fatto d'arme
del Tarro, p. 31.
Note 129 (p. 137). — Summonte asserts, that two thousand of the
French, and four thousand Italians, were slain in this engagement (Storia
di Napoli, vol. iii. p. 582) ; but the number is exaggerated. The slaughter
of the Italians was in the proportion of more than ten to one of the French,
who lost only from two to three hundred men. This is in a great degree
to be attributed to the cruelty of the French, who massacred all those
who fell into their hands, without making any prisoners, whilst such
of the French as were taken by the Italians were well treated, and soon
afterwards obtained their liberty. In an interview which Commines had
soon after the battle with the marquis of Mantua, that commander recom
mended to him the prisoners, and particularly his uncle Ridolfo, whom
he supposed to be living. — Mem. liv. viii. chap. vii. p. 233.
Note 130 (p. 139) :—
" Dii patrii, quorum Ausonia est sub numine, tuque
Tu Latii, Saturne, pater, quid gens tua tantum
Est merita ? An quidquam superest dirique gravisque
Quod sit inexhaustum nobis ? Ecquod genus usquam
Aversum usque adeo ccelum tulit ? Ipsa labores,
Parthenope, die prima tuos, die funera regum,
Et spolia, et prsedas, captivaque colla tuorum.
An stragem infandam memorem, sparsumque cruorem
Gallorumque, Italumque pari discrimine, quum jam
Sanguineus, et defuncta virum defunctaque equorum
Corpora volventem, cristasque atque arma trahentem
Eridanus pater acciperet rapido agmine Tarrum .'"

464 NOTES.
Note 131 (p. 148).— Mr. Henke has observed, that " it was less the deli
verance of the Pisans, than the freeing of Italy in general from the danger
of a second visit from the French, that Maximilian had in view ; as he too*
a part in these transactions conformably to a still subsisting treaty con
cluded at Venice in the preceding year. The most accurate account of
it is contained in ' Io. Jac. Ghilini, de Caesaris adventu in Italiam Hist.'
torn. iii. p. 91, ed. Struvii. This Ghilini was in the service of Lodovico
Sforza, and on this account is entitled to * greater degree of credit than
Guicciardini, who was always very zealous for the honour of his native
Florence. Vide Hegewick, Hist, of Maximil. I. vol. i. p. 166." (Note
pf M. Henke, Germ. ed. vol. i. p 261.)*
Note 132 (p. 149). — The epitaph which Lodovico caused to be placed
over the body of his child displays his arrogance in the midst of his
grief: — " Infelix partus, amisi ante vitam quam in lucem ederer; infeli-
cior quod matri moriens vitam ademi, et parentem consorte sua orbavi.
In tam adverso fato hoc solum mihi potest jucundum esse, q,uod divi
parentes me Ludovicus, et Beatrix, Mediolanenses duces,
gknuere, 1497, tertio Nonas Januarii." — Corio, Storia di Milan.
par. vii. p. 962.
Note 133 (p. 153).— Gordon, in his Life of Alexander VI. (Lond.
1720, fo.) not only asserts, on the authority of Tomaso Tomasi, that
Caesar was the perpetrator of this murder, but has given at great length
the private conferences between him and the assassins hired for this pur
pose, with as much accuracy as if he had himself been present on the
occasion (vide pp. 153, &c). In the same manner he has also favoured
us with the private conversation between Csesar and the duke, on their
last interview in the streets of Rome : " Caesar wished him much pleasure,
and so they parted." — A mode of writing which reduces history below the
level of romance.
Note 134 (p. 155). — Mr. Henke has discussed this subject at consi
derable length, and has 'adduced the authority of several writers to shew
that Caesar was guilty of the murder, at which it was supposed even the pope
connived. The authors he has referred to are, Raph. Volaterr. Com-
mentar. Urban, lib. xxii. Onuphrius Panvinius, Vit. Alex. VI. p. 339,
ed Cologn. 1626. Petri Mart. Anglerii opus Epistolar. p. 99, ed. Amst.
(Vide Henke, Germ. ed. vol. i. p. 273.) Mr. Henke attributes the con
duct of the pope on this occasion to the apprehensions he had for his owd
safety, from the atrocious character of his son.*
Note 135 (p. 157). — Nardi informs us that this attempt was made on
the twenty-eighth day of April, 1497. According to the same author,
Piero de' Medici approached so near to the city walls, as to be seen by the
inhabitants ; who came in throngs, as to a spectacle, to take a view of him
and his associates, but gave no demonstrations of attachment to his cause.
He remained there about jtwo hours ; and being molested by the small arms
fro ii the fortress, was obliged to take shelter behind the wall of one of the
fountains in the suburbs of the city. This historian, who was a great ad
mirer of Savonarola, gives a singular instance of the folly of the magia.

NOTES. 465
trates, and of his own credulity, in relating, that Girolamo Benivieni, the
celebrated Florentine poet, who was himself a warm enthusiast, was de
spatched to consult Savonarola on the attempt made by Piero de' Medici,
which had occasioned the magistrates great alarm ; when Savonarola, who
was engaged in reading, raised his head, and said to Benivieni — " Modica
fidei, quare dubitasti? Know you not that God is with you ? Go, and
inform the magistrates from me, that I shall pray to God for the city, and
that they may entertain no fears ; for Piero de' Medici will come as far as
the gates, and return without having effected any thing." " And so,"
says the historian, " it proved." — Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. ii. p. 37.
Note 136 (p. 158). — To Lorenzo Tomabuoni, who was nearly related
to the Medici, Politiano had inscribed, in terms of warm commendation,
his Sylva, entitled " Ambra ; " at the same time applauding him for his
proficiency in the Greek language, and exhorting him to persevere in the
study of it. His untimely death is lamented in a sonnet of Bernardo
Accolti, called "L'Unico Aretino." — Opere d' Accolti, ed. Fir. 1514.
Note 137 (p. 161). — Guicciard. lib. iv. vol. i. p. 207. On this occa
sion Csesar is supposed to have carried with him an immense treasure, and
even the horses of his attendants are said to have been shod with silver.
His magnificent entrance into Chinon is described by Brantome, Mem.
v. 227, ed. Leyde. 1722. Gordon's Life of Alex. VI. p.>. 180. The di
vorce of Louis XII. and his marriage-contract with Anne of Bretagne,
appear in the collection of Dumont, vol. iii. p. 2, pp. 404, 405.
Note 138 (p. 164). — It was probably on this disastrous event that
the anguish of Piero de' Medici burst forth in the following sonnet,
which, although incorrect and unpolished, may be considered as the
genuine expression of his feelings. It is now first printed from the ori
ginal in the Lanrentian library, which appears there in a very rude and
imperfect state. sonetto.
Non posso far che gli occhi non m'inacqui,
Pensando quel ch'io sono, e quel ch'io ero ;
D'aver diletto mai piu non spero
In alcun nido com' in quel ch'io nacqui.
Per certo ch'a fortuna troppo spiacqui,
E chi'l cognosca credi che'l sia '1 vero ;
Sofert' ho in pace, e gia non mi dispero,
Con tutto che con l'ira il viso imbiacqui.
Io m'assomiglio al legno in alto mare,
Che per fortuna l'arbore sta torto,
Cangio le vele e sto per annegare.
Se non perisco ancor, guignero in porto,
Fortuna sa quel ch'ella sa ben fare,
Sana in un punto chi e quasi morto.
Io son fuor del mio orto,
Dice il proverbio ; odi parola adorna
Che chi non munr qualche volta ritorae.
VOL. I. 2 H

466 NOTES.
sonnet.
M'hen all my sorrows past I call to mind,
And what 1 am, with what I was, compare ;
No more allow'd those dear delights to share,
Alone to thee, my native spot, confined,
Tears dim my eyes. Yet though with looks unkind
Vindictive fortune still pursues me near,
Firm as I may her injuries I bear ;
In spirit ardent, but with heart resign'd.
, Like some storm-beaten bark, that o'er the deep
Dismantled drives, the sport of every blast,
I speed my way, and hourly wait my doom.
Yet when I trace the many dangers past,
Hope still revives ; my destined course I keep,
And trust to fate for happier hours to come.
Note 139 (p. 167). — Nerli, Commentarii, vol. iv. p. 84. The un*
happy fate of Vitelli is commemorated by Ant. F. Ranieri, in the follow
ing not inelegant lines : —
" Urbis ut ingratae scelus, et victricia Pauli
Audiit immiti colla resecta manu,
Scipiadum major, Tua quid benefacta, Vitelli,
Quid valuere mea ? ah, dixit et ingemuit."
Nardi informs us, that, although no charge but that of disobedience
could be proved against Vitelli, before his execution, many of his letters
were afterwards discovered which manifested his treachery. — Hist. Fior.
lib. iii. p. 61. This mode of executing a person first, and obtaining the
proofs of his guilt afterwards, is not greatly to be commended, and
affords too much reason to conjecture that the documents were fabri
cated for the purpose of justifying an act of odious and illegal severity.
Note 140 (p. 169). — Mr. Henke has observed, that Carlotta was not
the daughter of John d'Albert, whom Catherine, the sole heiress to the
kingdom of Navarre, had chosen for her husband in 1484, but of Alan
d'Albert. Vide Germ. ed. vol. i. p. 297.
Note 141 (p. 169). — When the news of the marriage of Csesar Borgia,
and of his being honoured by Louis XII . with the order of St. Michael, was
received at Rome, great rejoicings took place ; which, if we may believe
Burchard, were conducted in a manner highly discreditable to the pontiff
and the apostolic see. — Burchard, Diar. Vide Appendix .to Gordon's
Life of Afexander VI.
Note 142 (p. 174). — On the same day that Sforza was made prisoner,
the poet Marullus lost his life in attempting to pass the river Cecina, in
the district of Volterra. His untimely fate was a subject of regret to
several of his learned friends.
Note 143 (p. 176).— Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 254.— The frequent
introduction of the "siege of Pisa" may perhaps remind the reader of
the sarcasm of Boccalini, where he pretends that the Laconic senate con-

NOTES. 467
femned an unfortunate author, who had been convicted of using three
words where two were sufficient, to read once over the " War of Pisa."
by Guicciardini ; but that the culprit, after having with great agony
laboured through the first page, requested his judges would send him to
the galleys for life, rather than compel him to go through with his laboui .
— Boccalin. Ragguag. vi. Guicciardini enjoys his reputation and the
critic his jest.
Note 144 (p. 179). — Guicciardini, on the authority of particular and
private information, relates that Csesar had long borne a secret enmity
against Piero de' Medici, on account of a circumstance which had oc
curred whilst Csesar was pursuing his studies at Pisa, before his father
was raised to the pontificate. Having occasion to resort to the assistance
of Piero, on behalf of one of his friends, who was implicated in some
criminal transaction, he had hastened from Pisa to Florence ; but, after
waiting some hours for an audience, whilst Piero was engaged in business
or amusement, he had returned, not only without effecting his purpose,
but without having obtained an interview. Triviai as this incident may
appear, it must be remembered that the resentment of wounded pride is
of all others the most violent, and that the soul of Borgia knew not how
to forgive. Vide Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 264.
Note 145 (p. 181). — This device represented a book in the flames
surmounted by the crown of Naples, with the motto, recedant Vetera.
The life, character, and conduct of Federigo are particularly noticed by
Sanazzaro, in a Latin elegy, wholly devoted to that purpose, and which
merits perusal, no less as an interesting historical monument, than as a
beautiful poem. Vide Sanaz. Eleg. lib. iii. el. 1.
Note 146 {p. 184). — The poet Cariteo has paid the last tribute of duty
and affection to his unfortunate sovereign in the second Cantico of his
" Metamorphosi," in which he introduces the city Naples, the lovely
Parthenope, lamenting her lost glory and happiness, and contrasting
them with the disgraceful state of servitude to which she was reduced by
her conquerors. A considerable part of the poem is devoted to the
commemoration of the female part of the family ; four of whom, then
living, had sat upon a regal throne, and the fifth had enjoyed sovereign
rank as duchess of Milan. Boccalini has selected the example of this last
accomplished lady as the most unfortunate on historical record, — " unica
nelle disgrazie," — on which account he represents her, in his imaginary
Parnassus, as reduced to the necessity of supporting herself by selling
matches through the streets. — Ragguag. di Parnaso, 75.
Note 147 (p. 185). — Federigo died at Tours, in the year 1504, at
fifty-two years of age. The Neapolitan historians feelingly regret the
loss of a line of monarchs, who had for a long course of years rendered
Naples the seat of magnificence, opulence, and learning ; and of whom
the last was the most deserving, and the most unfortunate. Sanazzaro on
this occasion sold the remainder of his hereditary possessions to relieve
the necessities of his sovereign, and remained with him to the time of his
2h2

468 NOTJ1B-
deatli, having taken his farewell of his native country in some beautiful
verses. — Epigr. lib. iii. ep. 7, ed. Com.
Note 148 (p. 185). — On the accession of Charles V. to the Spanish
monarchy, the prince obtained the particular favour of that monarch, by
refusing to place himself at the head of the Spanish insurgents, in the
year 1522. His wife, Mencia di Mendoza, dying without children,
Charles gave him, in a second marriage, Germaine de Foix, niece to Louts
XII. of France, and widow of Ferdinand of Aragon, — a rich bride, but
not likely to bear a progeny. On the death of this prince, which hap.
pened in the year 1550, this branch of the family of Aragon became
extinct, his two younger brothers and two sisters having all died without
offspring. Before the marriage of Federigo, king of Naples, with his
queen Isabella, he had been married to Anna, daughter of Amadeus, duke
of Savoy, by whom he left a daughter, Carlotta, and from her the dukes
of Tremouille in France have claimed their descent ; in consequence of
which, they have in much later times asserted their rights to the crown
of Naples. Vide Giannonc, Storia di Napoli, lib. xxix. cap. iv. vol. iii.
p. 406.
Note 149 (p. 192). — Ant. Franc. Raineri has commemorated the death
of Vitellozzo in a copy of Latin verses, the substance of which he has
compressed into the two following lines : —
" Non mare me, non Mars, saeva aut mors perdidit ; at me
Perdidit omnibus his Borgius asperior."
Carm. Illust. Poet. Ital. viii. 59.
And the same event has also afforded a subject for reprobation to Paulo
Giovio, who justly denominates Borgia
" ^^—^^— rabidus, barbarus, impotens,
Humani generis pernicies, atque hominum lues."
Carm. Illust. Poet. Ital. v. 433.
Note 150 (p. 192). — The cardinal Giambattista Orsino was detainee
by the pope in the Torre Borgia till the month of February following,
when he died by poison, as it is supposed, administered to him by the
direction of the pope ; who caused him to be carried to the grave uncovered,
that it might appear he had died a natural death. — Muratori, Annali, x.
13. Besides the individuals of the family of Orsini, mentioned by Machi
avelli, the pope also seized upon Carlo Orsino, and the Abate d'Alviano,
brother of the celebrated general Bartolommeo d'Alviano ; but they were
soon afterwards liberated. — Nardi, Hist. Flor. p. 88.
Note 151 (p. 193). — The presumption that Machiavelli had a princi
pal part in the contrivance of this most iniquitous stratagem, is indeed
extremely strong. The Florentines dreaded and abhorred both the Orsini
and the Vitelli ; the former as relations and adherents to the Medici, the
latter for exerting themselves to avenge the unmerited fate of Paolo Vitelli,
so cruelly put to death at Florence. Borgia had retreated to Imola,
where Machiavelli found him in a state of great dejection, " pieno di
paura. No sooner, however, did the Florentine envoy appear, than he took

N0TE8. - 469
fresh courage, and the plan for the destruction of their adversaries seems
to have been agreed on. It is certain also that Machiavetli accompanied
Csesar to Sinigaglia, and was present at the perpetration of the deed ;
after which Borgia remarked to him, that " he knew the government of
Florence would be gratified by this transaction." — Vide Nardi, Hist. Fior.
lib. iv. p. 85. The Florentine writers acknowledge that the intelligence
of it gave great satisfaction in the city. The Florentines also sent Jacopo
Salviati as their ambassador, to congratulate Csesar on the success of his
treachery. — Razzi, Vitadi Pietro Soderini, p. 7. Padova, 1737.
Note 152 (p. 194). — Burchard informs us that the pope was attacked
by a fever on the twelfth day of August, 1503 ; that on the sixteenth he.
was bled, and the disorder seemed to become tertian. On the seventeenth
he took medicine ; but on the eighteenth he became so ill that his life was
despaired of. He then received the viaticum, during mass, which was
celebrated in bis chamber, and at which five cardinals assisted. In the
evening extreme unction was administered to him, and in a few minutes
afterwards he died. — Burchard, Diar. ap. Notices de la Bibliotheque du
Roi, vol. i. p. 118. Muratori has produced many authorities to shew that
the death of Alexander was not occasioned by poison ; among which that
of Beltrando Costabile, then ambassador of the Duke of Ferrara at Rome,
seems the most decisive. " The court of Ferrara," adds Muratori, "which
was then the residence of the daughter of Alexander, ma} be presumed to
have been well-informed of the cause of his death." That it was, how
ever, the general opinion at the time of his death that Alexander perished
by poison, appears from numerous contemporary authorities. Mr. Henke
has also adduced several authorities to shew that Alexander died by poison,
and in particular has given a letter from Peter Martyr, dated Segov. 4 id.
Nov. 1503 (about three months after the death of the pontiff), relating to
this event. Vide Germ. ed. vol. i. p. 335.
Note 153 (p. 194). — To this period, when truth became a crime, we
may refer the origin of the Roman pasquinades ; of which the following
lines afford one of the earliest instances : —
" Vendit Alexander claves, altaria, Christum.
Emerat ille prius ; vendere jure potest.
De vitio in vitium, de flamma transit in ignem ;
Roma sub Hispano deperit imperio.
Sextus Tarquinius, Sextus Nero, Sextus et iste ;
Semper sub Sextis perdita Roma fait."
Machiavelli, although more favourable to the family of Borgia than
most other writers, accuses him of lust, simony, and cruelty.
Note 154 (p. 196). — Oliverotto da Fermo had obtained the chief
authority in the city from which he derived his name, by the treacherous
murder of his uncle, and several of the principal inhabitants, whom he had
invited to an entertainment. This atrocious deed was perpetrated on the
same day in the preceding year, on which he afterwards fell into the snare
of Csesar Borgia. The other persons put to death by Borgia, had also
supported themselves by rapine, and were the terror of all Italy. The
contests of this period may, in fact, be regarded by posterity as a com.

470 NOTES.
bat of wild beasts, in which the strongest and most ferocious aniroaJ
destroys the rest. Vide Mach. lib. del Principe, cap. viii. pp. 21, 22.
Note 155 (p. 196).— The cardinal Giovanni Borgia, nephew of the
pontiff, was also an encourager of literature, and condescended to receive
instructions from Mariano Probo, of Sulmona, who distinguished himself
as a Latin poet, and died at Rome in the year 1499. His " Parthenias,"
or Life of the Virgin, in six books, was printed at Naples in 1524. The
preface to this rare volume by Nic. Scsevola, contains some curious par
ticulars of the state of learning at Rome during the pontificate of Alex.
ander VI.
Note 156 (p. 196). — Mr. Henke has entered into copious details
respecting this Julia Farnese, or Julia Bella, as she was called ; who was
the sister of Cardinal Farnese, afterwards Paul III. and was married to
one of the Orsini family. (Vide Germ. ed. vol. i. p. 242.) I might also
lay before the reader the judicious observations of Count Bossi on the cha
racter of Alexander VI. ; but as they tend to confirm rather than to con
tradict the view which I have taken of it, I shall only refer to them in the
second volume of Ital. ed. p. 194.
Note 157 (p. 201). — Lilio Gregorio Giraldi (de Poet. suor. tempor.
dialog. 1) informs us that the celebrated Girolamo Vida wrote a Latin
poem on this event, entitled, " XIII. Italorum pugilum cum totidem
Gallis certamen," which he inscribed to Baldassare Castiglione ; but this
earnest of the future talents of its author has not been preserved to the
present times. — Fide Vidse op. Testimon. 161. Piero Summonte, of
Naples, the friend of Sanazzaro, also wrote a copy of Latin verses, ad
dressed to Hettore Fieramosca, which merit perusal. Since the first pub
lication of the present work, a considerable fragment of the poem of Vida,
above referred to, has been discovered in MS. at Reggio by Sig. Cagnoli,
from which Count Bossi, in his Ital. ed. vol. xii. p. 301, has given the
commencement of the poem, as a specimen of this early production of its
author. Note 158 (p. 201). — Guicciardini and Muratori assert, that one of the
French combatants, and several of the horses, were killed on the field ;
but I have preferred the narrative of Summonte, who seems to have been
more fully informed of the particulars of this transaction than any other
writer. Note 159 (p. 205). — Notwithstanding the representation given by
Bnmbo of the affection of the subjects of Urbino for their sovereign, he did.
not recover his dominions without great difficulty. On this occasion Cas
tiglione, who had the command of a company of cavalry in the service of
the duke, dislocated his ancle by a fall from his horse, in consequence of
which he went to Urbino, where he was most kindly received by the
duchess Elizabetta, to whom he was related, and by Madonna Emilia Pia,
who resided at that court. His acquaintance with these accomplished
women completed what may be called his education, and he became the
" Chesterfield " of the age. Vide Vita di Bald. Castiglione, p. 11.
Note 160 (p. 206).— The elevation of Julius II. which took place on

NOTES. 47]
the twenty-ninth day of October, has been celebrated in many of the Latin
poems of Augurelfi, who may be considered as the poet-laureate of that
pontiff. From the martial spirit of this pontiff, it was supposed that he
had assumed the name of" Julius" in reference to Julius Csesar.  Man-
tuani Vincentii Alba, ap. Carm. illustr. Ital. vol. xi. p. 338.
Note 161 (p. 208). — Some readers may perhaps be inclined to ex.
claim, " Nee lex est justior ulla
Quam necis artifices arte perire sua."
But it should be remembered, that although it be a proper cause of exul
tation, when a villain fafls by the consequences of his own crime, it will
not follow, that he ought to perish by the crime of another.
Note 162 (p. 208).— Jovius. in Vita Gonsalvi, p. 257. Sanazzaro
did not, however, omit this opportunity of expressing his joy in his well-
known lines : — " 0 Taure, prsesens qui fugis periculum." Epigr. lib. i. ep. 15.
Note 163 (p. 209). — " The count Ferdinando Marescalchi had under
taken a dramatic piece on the subject of Caesar Borgia, which he thought
'Tragico per eccellenza,' but did not live to complete it. Such of his
friends as have seen a portion of it speak highly of its merits." — Note of
Count Bossi, Ital. ed. p. 30.
Note 164 (p. 210). — The character of Csesar Borgia is ably and impar
tially considered in the " General Biography," published by Dr. Aikin,
and others, vol. ii. p. 234. London, 1800, ito. A work, which does
not implicitly adopt prescriptive errors, but evinces a sound judgment, a
manly freedom of sentiment, and a correct taste.
Note 165 (p. 210) :—
" Ille diu vixit, qui dum coelestibus auris
Vescitur, implet onus laudis, coelumque meretur," &c.
Caesaris Borgise Ducis Epicedium, per Herculem Strozzam. Aid. 1513.
That Csesar Borgia, tike most of the eminent men of his time, aspired
to the character of apoet, is considered as highly probable by Crescimbeni.
(Delia volgar Poesia, voi. v. p. 63.) Quadrio has also, on this authority,
enumerated him among his Italian writers.
Note 166 (p. 212). — Valerianus informs us that Piero perished in. the
port of Gaeta and in the presence of his wife ; he also bears testimony to
his learning and accomplishments. — Valer. de Literator. infelicitate, lib.
ii. p. 113. At the same time perished Fabio, the son of Paolo Orsino,
a young man of very uncommon endowments, the relation and constant
companion of Piero de' Medici. Of his early proficiency and extraordi
nary talents, Politiano has left an interesting account ; lib. xii. ep. ii. ; et
vide Greswell's Memoirs of Politian, &c. p. 145, 2nd ed.
Note 167 (p. 212). — This device represented green branches, inter
woven together, and placed in the midst of flames, with the motto, " In

472 NOTES.
viridi teneras exurit flamma medullas." Vide Ammir. Ritratti d'huomini
illustri di Casa Medici ; in Opuscoli, vol. iii. p. 62.
Note 168 (p. 212). — " Petro Medici MaGNI Laubentii F. Leonis
X. Pontif. Max. fbatbi Clementis VII. fatbueli. Qoi ouum
Gallobum CASTBA SEQUEBETUB, EX ADVERSO PBJiLIO ad Ltbis
ostium naufbagio pebiit. anno aet. xxxiii. Cosmas Medices
Flobent. Dux, poni curavit. m.d.lii."
Note 169 (p. 216). — From a letter of Gregorio Cortese, addressed to
the cardinal de' Medici, it appears, that even at this period he had begun
to emulate the example of bis ancestors, in the promotion of public insti
tutions for religious purposes.
Note 170 (p. 217). — He died on the twenty-sixth of January, the
very day which be had fixed on for the representation of a comedy for the
amusement of the people. Vide Girald. Commentarii delle Cose di
Ferrara, p. 137.
Note 171 (p. 217). — "Alexander VI. in his bull of investiture, applauds
the useful labours of Hercules I. which had increased the numbers and
happiness of his people, which had adorned the city of Ferrara with
strong fortifications and stately edifices, and which had reclaimed a large
extent of unprofitable waste. The vague and spreading banks of the Po
were confined in their proper channels by moles and dykes, the interme
diate lands were converted to pasture and tillage; the fertile district
became the granary of Venice, and the corn exports of a single year were
exchanged for the value of two hundred thousand ducats." Vide Gib
bon's Antiq. of Brunswick, in Op. Posth. vol. ii. p. 691.
Note 172 (p. 218). — Muratori says, that the cardinal only attempted
to put out the eyes of Don Giulio ; but he justly adds, " con barbarie
detestata da ognuno." — Annali d'ltal. vol. x. p. 34. And Guicciardini
admits that he did not lose his sight ; or rather he seems to assert, that
after his eyes were extruded, they were replaced again by a careful hand !
— Hist, d'ltal. lib. vii. vol. i. p. 369. Jov. in Vita Alfonsi, p. 154. Gib
bon's Antiq. of Brunswick, in Op. Posth. vol. ii. p. 701.
Note 173 (p. 219). — This treaty, by which these ambitious rivals
agreed to become " tanquam duae animse in uno et eodem corpora, amici
amicorum, et inimici inimicorum," was concluded at Blois on the tweffth
day of October, 1505, and ratified by the king of Spain at Segovia, the
sixteenth of the same month. It is preserved in the Collection of Du-
mont, vol. iv. par. i. p. 72.
Note 174 (p. 223). — Jov. in Vita.Consalv. lib. iii. p. 275. A similar
expression is recorded by Suetonius, of Titus, who, when dying, did not
admit more than one act of his life as a subject of serious repentance.
— In Vit. cap. x.
Note 175 (p. 224).— Jov. ut sup. p. 275. How far the peace of
Italy was preserved by the conduct of Gonsalvo to Borgia will sufficiently
appear in the sequel ; and this apology for Gonsalvo would have been
equaUy applicable, if he had extended his treachery to the two sovereigns.

NOTES. 473
with whom he sat at table, and who were meditating greater calamities
to Italy than Borgia could ever have produced. On this subject, I
hesitate not to dissent even from the opinion of the liberal De Thou, who
informs us that -Borgia, "qui nemini fidem servaverat temere se fidei
Lonsalvi permisit ; a quo in Hispaniam missus, et laudabiti perfidia in
oarcerem conjectus est." — Hist. lib. i. p. 15.
Note 176 (p. 229). — A very particular account of these transactions
is given by Machiavelli, then the Florentine envoy at Venice, in a report
addressed to the magistrates of Florence, which contains many interesting
particulars of the state of Germany, and the character of Maximilian.
Vide Bandini, Coll. vet. moniment. p. 37. Arezzo. 1752.
Note 177 (p. 229). — This victory, the most complete that ever
d'Alviano obtained, and which was considered as the salvation of the
state of Venice, is particularly noticed by Navagero, in his funeral eulogy
on that great commander, in which he informs us, that the imperialists
"ne nuncio quidem cladis relicto, csesi sunt." — Vide Naugerii Op. ed.
Tacuini, 1530, p. 3. It was also celebrated by Giovanni Cotta. who
attended d'Alviano on this expedition, in an elegant Latin ode.
Note 178 (p. 232). — This treaty is also published in the collection of
Dumont, vol. iv. par. i. p. 109. Notwithstanding the apparent treachery
and rapacity of the parties to this league, Jean Marot, valet de chambre
to Louis XII. , represents it as entered into at the request of the goddess of
peace, against those disturbers of Christendom, the Venetians. — GEuvres
de Jean Marot, vol. iv. p. 63, 4to ed.
Note 179 (p. 233). — Bembo, Istor. Venet. lib. vii. in Op. vol. i. p.
189. The French historians affect to justify this fraud, by considering it
as a retribution for the deception practised by the senate on the French
ambassador Commines, when they formed the league for intercepting
Charles VIII. on his return from Italy, and which he has so fully related
in his Memoirs. Vide Ligue de Cambray, liv. i. vol. i. p. 71.
Note 180 (p. 235). — He is called by Guicciardini, " Ciamonte," and
by other Italian historians Sciomonte, by which latter name he is men
tioned in the earlier editions of this work. The Cav. Rosmini has, on
some occasions, denominated him Sciamonte, and at others Chaumont.
Vide Istor. di Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio, vol. i. pp. 394, 404.
Note 181 (p. 236). — This victory of the French monarch is celebrated
by Antonius Sylviolus in a Latin poem entitled " De triumphali atque
insigni Christianissimi Invictissimique Francorum Regis Lodovici XII.
in Venetos victoria," addressed to George of Amboise, cardinal of Rouen,
and printed without note of year or place. This production affords much
particular information respecting the circumstances and consequences of
this important contest, and is not devoid of poetical merit.
Note 182 (p. 236). — The ruins of this edifice, or chapel, yet remain
at the distance of a mile and a half from Agnadello, and a mile from
Tarlino, a village in the territory of Crema; and the place is called

47.4 NOTES.
i Morti della Vittoria. — Rosmini, Istor. di Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio, vol. i.
p. 396.
Note 183 (p. 237).— Marot relates, that on this occasion a wounded
Venetian, in the agonies of death, threw five or six gold ducats from his
mouth, in consequence of which the French soldiery conceived that the
Venetians had swallowed their riches, and cut up four hundred persons. —
(Euvres, torn. iv. p. 164.
Note 184 (p. 237). — The Venetian envoy on this occasion was Antonio
Giustiniano, to whom Guicciardini has attributed a most humiUating ora
tion, the authenticity of which has been greatly doubted. The author of
the History of the League of Cambray has entered at large into this sub
ject. — Vide Ligue de Cambray, i. 137, also Murat. x. 47. The oration
of Giustiniano is given by Liinig, Cod. Ital. Diplomat, ii. 1999.
Note 185 (p. 238). — About this time, when the humiliation and dis
tresses of Italy were at their height ; when the Milanese was occupied by
the French, the kingdom of Naples by the Spaniards, and the territories
of Venice were divided among its rapacious assailants, Machiavelli wrote
his " Capitolo dell' Ambizione," in which he indignantly condemns the
imbecility, and pathetically laments the miseries, of his country.
Note 186 (p. 239).— The author of the History of the League of
Cambray has placed it on the eighteenth of June, in which he is contra
dicted by the evidence of the whole body of the Venetian historians, who.
could not be mistaken in a day which was long afterwards solemnized in
Venice as the commencement of the rise of the republic. Vide Murat
Annali d'ltal. vol. a. p. 49.
Note 187 (p. 239).— Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. v. p. 125. Murat. An
nali, vol. x. p. 51. It was probably on this occasion that the poet
Tebaldeo wrote his Capitolo in the name of the marquis of Mantua, in
which that prince is supposed to lament the severity of his fate, and his
unmerited misfortunes. — Vide Tebald. op. Capit. p. 13. This disaster
of the marquis is also referred to by Mantuanus Vicentius, in his poem
entitled "Alba," lib. iv. Vide Carm. Illustr. Poet. Ital. vol. xi. p
342. Note 188 (p. 240).— The author of the History of the League of
Cambray states them at 1,700 men at arms, and 32,000 infantry (Ligue
de Camb. lib. i. torn. i. p. 198) ; but Nardi, who has given the numbers
of the particular bodies of the different nations composing the army, states
the cavalry to have been more and the infantry less. To these, however,
were added two hundred pieces of artillery, besides ten pieces of cannon
of extraordinary size, with which Maximilian was furnished by the duke
of Ferrara. — Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. v. p. 126.
Note 189 (p. 241). — The life and achievements of Maximilian have
been ostentatiously represented in a series of engravings, designed under
his own inspection, by Hans Burgmair, and executed in wood, by the best
artists of the time. They are accompanied by descriptions, dictated by Mali-
milian himself to his secretary, Mark Treitzaurwein. The various employ-

NOTES. 475
ments of Maximilian, his marriages.his battles, and his treaties, are exhibited
in a greater number of prints than would have sufficed for the labours of
Hercules, or the conquests of Alexander the Great ; but his hunters, his
hawkers, his tournaments, and his buffoons, occupv the principal part of
the work. This collection he denominates his triumph. The original
blocks, or engravings in wood, have only been of late years discovered,
work was published in 1796, in large folio.
Note 190 (p. 243). — In performing this ceremony, the pope being
seated in his pontifical robes on the steps of St. Peter's, strikes with a rod
the naked shoulders of the ambassadors, in the same manner as a prelate
absolves his penitent monks. It was thus that Sixtus IV. released the
city of Florence from his interdict ; but on this occasion Julius II. dis
pensed with this humiliating ceremony, and in lieu of it, ordered the
envoys to visit the seven churches. Vide Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. v. p. 127.
Note 191 (p. 244). — Julius also complained that the duke had entered
into an agreement for supplying Lombardy with salt from his mines at
Comacchio, to the exclusion of those of the church at Cervia, and re
quired him to relinquish his contract. He also insisted on the duke
liberating his brother, Don Ferdinand of Este, whom he yet detained in
prison. — Vide ante, chap. vii. These demands were, however, considered
at the time, as only pretexts for an attack on the states of Ferrara, which
Julius had resolved to unite with those of the church. Vide Lettere di
Leonardo da Porto, in Lettere di Principi, vol. i. p. 7.
Note 192 (p. 244). — It was on this occasion that Julius was said to
have thrown into the Tiber the keys of S. Peter, as appears from the fol
lowing epigram. Pasquill. vol. i. p. 82.
" Cum contra Gallos bellum Papa. Julius esset
Gesturus, sicut fama vetusta docet ;
Ingentes Martis turmas contraxit, et urbem
Egressus, saevas edidit ore minas.
Iratusque sacras claves in flumina jecit
Tybridis, hie Urbi pons ubi jungit aquas.
Inde manu strictum vagina diripit ensem,
Exclamansque truci talia voce refert ;
Hie gladius Pauli nos nunc defendet ab hoste,
Quandoquidem clavis nil juvat ista Petri."
Note 193 (p. 246). — The author of the History of the League of
Cambray supposes that this was Bologna, which had been long held by
the Bentivoli ; but Muratori has decisively shewn that the place alluded
to was Comacchio, which was a feud of the empire, and had been held
under the imperial investiture by the dukes of Ferrara upwards of one
hundred and fifty years. — Murat. Annali d'ltal. vol. x. p. 63.
Note 194 (p. 246). — Fresnoy, Methode pour etudier l'Hist. torn. i.
p. 119. Mr. Henke seems to think that it was not so much the ecclesi
astical power of the pope at which Maximilian aimed, as the appropriating
to himself the ancient Roman Imperial dignity, to which that of the pon
tificate also appertained. — Vide Germ. ed. vol. i. p." 455. Count Bossi

i76 NOTES.
has also thrown additional light on this subject in an excellent note, where
he has given a striking character of Maximilian. Vide Ital. ed. vol. iii.
p. 206.
Note 195 (p. 247). — 21st Jan. 1511. Murat. Annali d'ltal. vol. x.
p. 65. Of the magnanimous conduot of the countess Francesca on this
occasion, the Cav. Rosmini has, in his Life of her father, given a full
account. He has also published a letter from Trivulzio to Louis XII. in
which is the following anecdote respecting her, which is here given in his
own words : " Sirei je vous vueil compter le beau recueil qu'il ont faict a
ma dite fille. Le cardinal de Pavie, pour ce qu'ils est son compere, la
manda venir devers le pape, et quant elle y baisa le pie, le diet cardinal
lui dit : Estez vous la femmelle qui vouliez garder ceste ville contre le
pape ? Elle lui respondit : Contre vous, je l'eusse bien gardee, mais
contre le pape je n'ai peu." Vide Rosmini, 1st. di Gian-Giacopo Trivul-
zio, vol. i. cap. ix. p. 415 ; vol. ii. p. 300.
Note 196 (p. 248). — This statue, which was raised at the expense of
five thousand gold ducats (Murat. Annali, vol. X. p. 67), gave rise to the
following satirical lines of Piero Valeriano : —
" Quo quo tam trepidus fugis, Viator,
Ac si te Furiseve, Gorgonesve,
Aut acer Basiliscus insequantur ?
— Non hie Julius — at figura Julii est."
Valer. Hexam. &c. p. 104. Ed. Giol. 1550.
Note 197 (p. 248). — The Cav. Rosmini has represented this as a signal
victory obtained by Trivulzio, who sent an account of it on the same day
(22nd May, 1511), to Louis XII., stating, " that it was not less glorious
to the king than the conquest of Milan itself." — Rosmini, vol. i'. p. 429.
Rosmini has also quoted the authority of Varellas, who speaks highly of
the " Victory of Bologna," and says, that " all antiquity could not pre
sent a parallel to it." — Ibid. p. 430." But the fact is, that the papal troops
having, on the surrender of Bologna, been deserted by their commander,
the duke of Urbino, took to flight, and were attacked and pursued in
their disorderly retreat by both the Bolognese and the French, who plun
dered them of all their military stores and equipage. See the full account
of it in Guicciardini (lib. ix.), whose authority is indisputable, as a con
temporary writer intimately acquainted with all the events of the times,
and who speaks of it as a victory obtained without a combat.
Note 198 (p. 249).— The efforts of Julius II. to possess himself, either
by force or fraud, of the city of Ferrara, and the various incidents of this
expedition, with the death of the cardinal of Pavia, are fully related by
Leonardo da Porto, in the letter before cited, written from Venice, to
Antonio Savorgano ; in which will be found many circumstances either
differently related, or wholly omitted by the historians of the time. Vide
Lettere di Principi, vol. i. p. 9.
Note 199 (p. 249). — Pa uIub Jovius has, however, attacked the memory
of the unfortunate cardinal with a ferocity equal to that with which the

NOTES. 477
duke of Urbino attacked his person ; and not only justifies, but exults in
his murder. — Carm. Illustr. Poet. Ital. vol. v. p. 434.
Note 200 (p. 251). — This treaty is published in Rymer's Federa,
vol. vi. p. 25, and in the collection of Dumont, vol. iv. part i. p. 137.
This alliance was warmly opposed by some of the English council, who
more seriously weighed the business, one of whom made a remark which,
as Lord Herbert justly observes, England should never forget.
" Let us," said he, " leave off our attempts against the terra firma. The
natural situation of islands seems not to sort with conquests in that kind.
England alone is a just empire ; or when we would enlarge ourselves, let
it be that way we can, and to which it seems the eternal Providence bath
destined us, and that is by sea." — Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII.
p. 18, ed. Lond. 1740.
Note 201 (p. 252). — Soon after the appointment of the cardinal to
this dignity, he was applied to by the poet Ariosto, to exercise his dis
pensing power in granting him tria incompatibilia, or allowing him to en
joy certain ecclesiastical revenues, without entering for a limited time into
sacred orders. This proof of the early intimacy which subsisted between
the poet and the cardinal, is given in App. No. V.
Note 202 (p. 257). — The celebrated Bayard, le Chevalier sans peur et
sans reproche, who had accompanied the armies of Charles VIII. and
Louis XII. into Italy, was present at the capture of Brescia, and gave a
proof of that magnanimity which always distinguished his character, in
refusing to receive, from the daughters of his hostess, a sum of two. thou
sand pistoles which their mother had collected to save her house from
plunder. — Moreri, art. Bayard.
Note 203 (p. 262). — His body was Drought to Milan, and deposited
with pompous ceremonies in the cathedral ; but on the subsequent expul
sion of the French from Milan, the cardinal of Sion ordered it to be
disinterred, as the remains of a person excommunicated, and sent it to
be privately buried in the church of the monastery of S. Martha. On
the recovery of Milan by the French, in the year 1515, a magnificent
tomb was erected to the memory of this young warrior, by Agostino
Busti, a Milanese sculptor, consisting of a figure of de Foix as large as
life, and ten pieces of sculpture in marble, most exquisitely finished,
representing the various battles in which he had been engaged. This
monument remained till the beginning of the eighteenth century, when it
was suffered to be demolished, and the ornaments were carried away.
Vide Vasari, Giunti, vol. i. p. 51 ; vol. ii. p. 180 ; vol. iii. p. 31. Ligue
de Camb. vol. ii. p. 149. The death of de Foix is commemorated in the
following lines of Antonio Franc. Raineri : —
De Gastone Foxio.
" Funera quis memoranda canat, clademque Ravennse
Et tua, summe Ducum, facta, obitumque simul ?
Ingentes cum tu incedens per corporum acervos,
Jam victor strage, heu, concidis in media.

478 NOTES.
Gallica sensere Hesperii quam vivida virtus,
Sensere, ultrici cum cecidere manu.
Sic obitu, juvenis, Decios imitaris; et armis
Sic geminos, belli fulmina, Scipiados."
Carm. Illustr. Poet. Ital. vol. viii. p. 60.
Note 204 (p. 268). — The proceedings of the council of Lateran were
collected by the cardinal di Monte, and pubtished at Rome in the year
1521. The first act, on opening the session, adverts in a particular
manner to the battle of Ravenna and the captivity of the cardinal de'
Medici ,
Note 205 (p. 271). — Of this, the massacre committed by his direc
tions, and under his own eye, at Peschiera, in the year 1509, and his
conduct to Bartolommeo d'Alviano, whom he retained prisoner in France
for many years, may serve, if others were wanting, as sufficient proofs.
Note 206 (p. 274).— Jovius, in Vita Leon. X. lib. ii. p. 49. This
escape of the cardinal de' Medici is considered by Egidius of Viterbo as
miraculous. — Ep. ad Seraphinum, in torn. iii. vet. monument, ap. Bran
dolini, Leo. p. 87. The name of Anda, Ande, or Andes, no longer
remains ; but Count Bossi has sufficiently shewn that this villa was pre
cisely the site of the present Pietole, about two miles from Mantua ; at
a little distance from which is an ancient palace, formerly belonging to
the Marchesi Gonzaga, where the cardinal de' Medici found a secure
retreat. — Vide Ital. ed. vol. iii. p. 220. The Cav. Rosmini informs us,
that the story of the liberation of the cardinal was painted on the walls
of the saloon in the palace of the Marchesi Isimbardi at Cairo, where it
yet remains, with the following inscription : —
" Tibi vero, Octaviane Isimbarde, Fiorentia Mediceum, Itala
Heroem, orbis Leonem X. debent ; quem scilicet profligati
apud Ravennam foederatorum exercitus, Legatum et Captivum
ad Bassignanam, fugatis Gallicis turmis Ecclesiae dexteram
futurum aliquando reddidisti."
Some time after his attainment to the pontificate (20th August, 1516),
Leo X. granted a bult of plenary indulgence to all who should visit the
collegiate church at Cairo, on two certain days of the year, in which he
refers to the circumstances of his escape, and particularly to the assist
ance of Rinaldo Zazzi. Vide Rosmini, vol. i. p. 450.
Note 207 (p. 274). — The oration on the part of the citizens of Parma,
made by Giacomo Bajardo, one of their ambassadors to the pope, has
been preserved in the arcbives of the Vatican. On the same occasion,
Francesco Maria Grapaldo addressed a copy of Latin verses to Julius II.
as the liberator of Italy, for which it appears that Julius honoured him
with the title of poet-laureate. Some account of Grapaldo and his
various writings may be found in Affo, Scrittori Parmigiani, vol. iii.
p. 136.
Note 208 (p. 282).— One of these is that of a young lady, who, to
preserve her chastity, precipitated herself from the balcony of the house

notes. 479
into the street, and perished by the fall. Another is a transaction of n
much more equivocal nature. The wife of an artificer, having been
compelled by a soldier to accompany him for several years, at length
found an opportunity of revenging herself on her ravisher, by cutting his
throat as he lay asleep ; after which she returned to her husband at
Prato, bringing with her five hundred gold ducats, which she presented
to him as a recompense for her violated chastity. — Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib.
v. p. 149.
Note 209 (p. 291). — The life and actions of Julius II. are sarcas
tically reprehended in the dialogue entitled " Julius exclusis," in the
second volume of the collection of the Pasquinades, p. 125. Julius applies
to be admitted into paradise ; but S. Peter not recognizing him, he is
obliged to give an account of his transactions in this life. This not satis
fying the apostle, be still refuses to admit him, and Julius threatens to
besiege and make war upon heaven. Erasmus was suspected of being
the author of this attack on the memory of the pontiff : but in a letter to
cardinal Campegio, he vindicates himself with great warmth from the
accusation, ," Ineptiit quisquis scripsit," says he, " at majore supplicio
dignus, quisquis evulgavit." — Erasm. Ep. lib. xii. ep. 1.
Note 210 (p. 292). — In particular Giovanni Aurelio Augurelli has
devoted to the praises of Julius II. several of his Iambics, and other
poems, at the cfose of his works, published by Aldus, 1505. And -
Lorenzo Parmenio, Custode of the Vatican library, has celebrated the
actions of this pontiff in a poem, which has lately been published.
— Anecd. Rom. torn. iii. Tirab. vol. vi. par. iii. p. 201.
Note 211 (p. 294). — Pietbo Bembo to Julius II.
Bembi Ep. Fam. liv. v. ep. viii. in Op. torn. iv.
" In the acquisition of the volume lately sent to you from Dacia,
written in beautiful characters, but such as are in our days unintelligible,
I perceive an additional instance of the perpetual good fortune which has
always attended you, and which, whilst in the administration of public
affairs, and the direction of the concerns of the universe, it has enabled
you to surpass the expectations of all men, has never failed to add to
your reputation, even in matters of less importance. For after you had
intrusted this book to me, that I might endeavour to decipher the
characters, and inform you of the result, and I had begun to turn over
and carefully to inspect its pages, I could not help entertaining more
confident hopes of success in my undertaking from the circumstance of its
being enjoined by you, than from the facility of the task, which appeared
indeed impracticable, or from my own industry. In the course of a mi
nute examination of the whole manuscript, I observed at the foot of one
of the pages, a line written in common letters, but almost erased and
obliterated, from which I collected that the volume was written in ancient
notes or characters, such as were used by those persons who were deno-

480 notes.
recollected that Plutarch has informed us, that the profession of those
who were called notaries took its origin from Cicero, who had invented
a series of marks, each of which represented a combination of letters, and
that he had instructed his copyists in this art, who were thus enabled to
note down during the time of delivery, in a small compass, and in a
legible form, for his use, the speeches of any of the senators which he
wished to preserve. It was by this means, Plutarch adds, that the ora
tion which Cato pronounced against the Catiline conspirators in opposi
tion to the opinion of Caesar, had been handed down to his time. I also
recollect that not only Plutarch, but Valerius Martial has remarked, that
the ancients were accustomed to make use of notaries for the sake of ex
pedition in writing, and his celebrated verses on this subject yet remain.
Ausonius likewise commemorates in his verses a boy, who with the aid of
a few characters took down a long discourse during the time of recita
tion. Prudentius, in a poem on the martyrdom of Cassianus, has recorded
that the latter had established an academy, in which children were taught
the use of these characters. Having therefore compared another copy of
Hyginus written in our usual manner, with this Dacian manuscript, I
have been enabled to explain the sense and signification of many of
these marks, the meaning of which is changed, not only by the variation
of the marks themselves, but in some degree even by the punctuation ;
although in such a definite and regular form, that if any one would take
the trouble, it does not apppear to me very difficult to reduce it to a sys
tem, and once more restore it to general use. This discovery afforded me
great pleasure, as I conceived I should give you complete satisfaction on
this head ; and this pleasure was in some degree increased by the consi
deration, that although several distinguished and learned men of the pre
sent times had, at your desire, endeavoured to explain this work, their
attempts had been wholly fruitless. As a favourable opportunity thus
offers itself of extending your fame in the literary world, and securing the
applause of future times, I entreat you not to neglect it, but to devote
some portion of your extensive talents, which are sufficiently capacious to
embrace and comprehend all subjects, in recovering this mode of writing,
by intrusting it to skilful printers, if such are to be found, as they cer
tainly are, to be by them made public. For what indeed can be more
honourable to your reputation, or more advantageous to the studies of the
fearned, than to restore, by your pious attention, an art invented by
Cicero, and long held in great esteem for its acknowledged utility : but
which, through the injuries of time, has for a long course of time been
wholly lost. Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, and Attalus, king of
Pergamus, are commended for their diligence in collecting books for the
cefebrated libraries which they formed ; and it has always been considered
as praiseworthy, even in the greatest cbaracters, and in those possessed of
supreme authority, to promote literary studies, and to supply materials
for those talents which are devoted to the cultivation of the liberal arts.
This diligence you have yourself emulated, in having added another
library to the celebrated collection formed by your predecessors in the
Vatican ; not indeed distinguished by the number of its volumes, but
br their high value and perfect preservation ; and rendered much more

notes. 481
pleasant for the use of the pontiffs, by the commodiousoess and beauty of
the place, and the elegant ornaments of statues, pictures, and mirrors,
with which it is embellished. For my own part, I confess I do not see in
what manner you can confer greater ornament, greater efegance, or even
greater authority, on this, your library, than by recalling to light the
invention of this almost divine man, and restoring his art of writing.
For, although it has always been your character not to devote your atten
tion to any objects but those which you have endeavoured with such con
stant perseverance, incredible expense, and immense labours and danger,
to accomplish, and by which the Roman republic intrusted to your care
might maintain its supreme authority, yet it is due from your prudence,
and your piety, not to neglect that which relates to the study of litera
ture ; for in those studies are involved many things of no inconsiderable
importance to the ornament and convenience of human life."
Note 212 (p. 297). — " Gaudium magnum nuntio vobis ; Papam
HABEMUS, REVEBENDISSIMUM DOMINUM JoANNEM DE MEDICIS, DIA-
conum Cabdinalem Sancta Marl* in Domenica ; aui vocatub
Leo Decimus." On this occasion Giovan-Francesco Superchio, better
known by the name of Philomusus, addressed to the pontiff a poem,
entitled, " Sylva et Exultatio in Creatione Pont. Max. Leonis decimi."
— Carm. HI. Poet. Ital. vol. vii. p. 172.
Note 213 (p. 298). — " On pretend qu'il n'y eut rien qui contribuat
davantage a l'elever a la papaute, que les blessures qu'il avoit recues dans
les combats veneriens." — Bayle, Diet. Hist, in art. Leon. X. This in
sinuation is founded by Bayle on the equivocal authority of Varillas
(Anecdotes de Florence, lib. vi. p. 235); an author whose falsehoods and
absurdities he has himself on other occasions sufficiently exposed ; and on
the opinion of Seckendorff (Comm. de Luth. lib. i. sec. xlvii. p. 190).
But even the narrative of Varillas will not justify the licentious terms in
which Bayle has expressed himself on this occasion. This he indeed in
some degree confesses : " J'observeque ce n'est que parses consequences
qui ne sont pas absolument nicessaires, que l'on peut trouver, dans les
paroles de M. Varillas, les sens que j'ai rapporte", et que M. de Secken
dorff leur donne." To which acknowledgment I must further add, that
even M. de Seckendorff, although a Protestant writer, and particularly
hostile to the character of Leo X., has not given to the passage of Varillas
the sense for which Bayle contends, but merely informs us, that Leo X.
" laborabat foedissimo ulcere in inguine," without attempting to account
further for the cause of it. It appears from Jovius to have been an
abscess ; a decease with which the pontiff was frequently afflicted during
the remainder of his life.
Note 214 (p. 298). — Guicciard. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 32. Mr. Henke
bas also cited a letter from Count Alberto Pio of Carpi (vide ante, chap.
ii.), one of the Italian nobility who was present at the elevation of Leo X.,
giving a fufl account of the circumstances attending that ceremony, with
his opinion of the character of the new pontiff, which was justified in a
very remarkable manner by subsequent events. His words are : ' Opi-
VOL. I 2 I

482 notes.
mone mea pontifex maximus potius erit mitis, ut agnus, quam ferox, ut
l.eo ; pacis erit cultor magis quam belli ; erit fidei promissorumque ser-
vator religiosus ; amicus Gallorura certe non erit ; sed nee acer hostis, ut
fuerat Julius; gloriam et honorem non negliget ; favebit literatis, hoc est,
oratoribus, poetis, et musicis ; aedificia construct ; rem sacram religiose
peraget, nee ditionem ecclesiasticam negliget ; bellum non suscipiet, nisi
plurimum lacessitus et valde coactus, excepto bello contra infideles; si
quid incipiet illud perficere conabitur ; permodestus erit, et valde facilis ;
hiec de eo hucusque conjectari possunt ; tamen homines mutant in horas,
et ludit in humanis divina potentia rebus." — Germ. ed. vol. ii. p. 51.
Note 215 (p. 299). — An instance of this may be found in the inter
pretation said to have been given to a mutilated inscription in the church
of the Vatican, in which the name of Nicholas V. had been obliterated,
and the characters of the year only remained, m.ccccxl. which it seems
were interpreted, in allusion to the defect in the pontiff's sight, Multi
Cjeci Cardinales Creavere Gbcum Decimum Leonem. — Vide
Fabr. Adnot. p. 270.
Note 216 (p. 299). — The custom of changing the name of the Roman
pontiff is said to have arisen from Sergius II. in the year 844. " Sunt '
qui Sergium primo quidem Os porci appellatum fuisse dicant, et ob tur-
pitudinem cognomenti Sergii nomen sumpsisse ; eamque consuetudinem
ad nostros manasse ; ut qui pontifices crearentur, suorum omisso majorum
nomine, sibi indicent. licet ab omnibus non sit observatum." — Platina, in
Vita Sergii.
Note 217 (p. 300). — " Inde ad Aulam ascensum, et pro lotione pedum
pauperum, quae facta est ad unguem, prout in meo ordinario, nisi quod
papa non voluit suos digitos pollices in forma crucis super pedibus pau
perum positos osculari, ut alii pontifices facere consueverant, praesertim
Julius II, sed ipsos pedes totus osculabatur, dicens, quod illud mysteriura
non ficte fieri debet." — P. de Grass. MS. inedit.
Note 218 (p. 301). — Giovan-Giacomo Penni, a Florentine physician,
who was present in Rome on this occasion, has given a very circum
stantial account of this splendid ceremonial, which he inscribed to Con
tessina de' Medici, the wife of Piero Ridolfi, and sister of the pontiff.
To this piece, which was printed at Rome in the year 1513, and is now
of extreme rarity, I have been indebted for many of the preceding par
ticulars. Note 219 (p. 303).—
Leoni X. Pacis restitutori felicissimo.
VlBTUTIS ALUMNO FORTUN^EGiUE DOMATOBI.
Leoni X. Pacis atque artium laudatobi.
Vive pie, ut solittjs ; vive diu, ut meritus.
Leo X. Pont. max. vincendo seipsum omnia superavit.
SCPFLICES GENEROSE EXAUDIO  In SUPERBOS ISAM EXERCEO.
Vota Deum Leo ut absolvas hominumcue secundes.
Olim habuit Cypris sua tempora ; tempora Mavors
olim habuit; nunc sua tempoea pallas habet.
Mabs fuit; est Pallas; Cypra semper ero.

NOTES. 483
Of the singular ingenuity and extraordinary splendour of the exhibitions
at Florence on this occasion, a particular account is preserved by Vasari,
in his life of Jacopo da Puntormo, " Vite de' Pittori," vol. ii. p. 645.
The preparation of these spectacles employed the talents of the first
artists and most distinguished scholars of the time.
Note 220 (p. 305)« — On this occasion one of the Florentine historians
makes a homely, but striking remark, " Tanto e odioso a' governatori il
poco fallire d'un delinquente, quanto al naso d'un troppo delicato padrone,
il puzzo del fiato del servidore che abbia mangiato uno sol spicchio, come
uno intero capo d'aglio." — Nardi, Hist. Fior. p. 160.
Note 221 (p. 308). — This treaty, which bears date the 1st of April,
1513, is given in Rymer, Foedera, vi. par. i. p. 40. The names of the
king of England and of the emperor elect were inserted wholly without
their knowledge ; and it must have appeared, as Guicciardini observes,
highly ridiculous, that on the very day that it was published in Spain, a
herald arrived from Henry VIII. to announce his hostile preparations
against France, and to require the assistance of Ferdinand, under his prior
engagement for that purpose. — Guicciard. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 34.
Note 222 (p. 310). — Guicciardini only informs us, that the pope sent
to the king, " Cinthio, sua familiare, con una lettera con umane commis-
sioni, ma tanto general i che arguivano non avere l'animo inclinato a lui"
(lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 37) ; which sufficiently agrees with the tenor of the
letter as yet preserved. But the author of the " Ligue de Cambray" in
forms us, that the envoy of the pope, " assura le Roi, de la parte du pape,
que sa Saintete etoit l'heritier des sentiments respectueux de la maison de
Medicis pour la couronne de France ; que son pere Laurent n'avoit eu,
ni plus d'inclination, ni plus de veneration, que lui, pour les Rois tres
Chretiens : mais que Pape depuis un mois, il ne pouvoit pas rompre en
un jour les engagements solemnels o« son predecesseur avoit jette le saint
Siege. Que son intention etoit Men de changer de parti, et de se ranger
du cdte du Roi ; mais qu'une pareille revolution 6toit un ouvrage de
Ibngue haleine pour un souverain e"lectif," Sfc. — Ligue de Camb. liv. iv.
torn. ii. 284. If Leo had not more honesty, he had certainly more good
sense, than to disgrace himself by language of this nature ; which can only
serve to amuse those who read history as a romance.
Note 223 (p. 312). — The Cav. Rosmini has sufficiently shewn that
Trivulzio held a co-ordinate authority with the duke (Storia di Gian-
Giacopo Trivulzio, vol. i. p. 468) ; but the honour obtained by them in the
contest that ensued is scarcely worth apportioning with accuracy.*
Note 224 (p. 318). — It was on the occasion of this marriage, which
finally produced the union of the two crowns and kingdoms, that Dunbar
wrote his celebrated poem of " The Thistle and the Rose." Vide War-
ton's Hist, of Eng. Poetry, vol. ii. p. 257.
Note 225 (p. 319). — On the part of the Scots, there fell, besides the
king, an archbishop, two bishops, four abbots, twelve earls, and seven
teen barons, with eight or ten thousand common soldiers. — Lord Her
bert's Life of Henry VIII. p. 18.
2 12

484 notes.
Note 226 (p. 319). — His body was inclosed in a coffin of lead, and
conveyed to London ; but as James died excommunicate, it could not be
buried without a dispensation from the pope, which at the request of
Henry VIII. Leo granted, under the pretext that James had, in his last
moments, shewn some signs of contrition, such as his circumstances
would admit of. — Rymer, Foedera, vol. vi. par. i. p. 53.
Note 227 (p. 320). — This victory was also celebrated in an Italian
poem of 133 stanzas in ottava rima, entitled La Rotta de' Scocesi ;
printed without note of date or place, but certainly shortly after the event
occurred. The author seems to have been well acquainted with the cir
cumstances attending the battle, the particulars of which he has related in
such verses as the following : —
" Vedeasi a un tratto tante arme callare
Che un bosco a basso ruinar pareva ;
Tanta gente in un tratta traboccare,
Che nel lo Octobre tante non si leva
Foglie, & gia tanto sangue roversciare
Che lo aier, non ch'l prato se tingeva,
Et era certo gran compassione,
Veder tal sangue, & cader di persone."
The prowess of king James is thus described :
" Jacobi haveva una lancia arrest at a,
Massizza, dura, ben nervata, & forte,
Et venia avanti a briglia abbandonata,
Per poner l'inimici a mala sorte :
E innanzi che habbia questa hasta spezzata
A piu di cinque fe sentir la morte
Poi pose al brando tagliente la mano
Et getta quanti ne riscontra al piano."
A copy of this curious piece is in the collection of Benjamin Heywood
Bright, Esq. to whom I am indebted for the use of it.* — Bemb. Epist.
Pont. lib. v. ep. 19.
Note 228 (p. 323). — Respecting this battle there exists an authentic
document in the possession of Benjamin Heywood Bright, Esq. being a
printed letter from the Spanish general Cardona to the cardinal of Gurck,
the pope's legate, dated at Vicenza the 8th day of October, 1513, giving
a particular account of the operations preceding and attending it, enume
rating the principal nobility killed or taken prisoners, and stating that the
Venetians lost upwards of four thousand soldiers, besides an infinite
number of peasants.
In the same collection is a contemporary poem on the same subject,
entitled, La Rota de' Venetiani fatta novamente a di vii. de
OcTOBBE M.D.XIII.
It consists of sixty-three stanzas in ottava rima, and recounts the circum- f
Glances of the battle in an interesting and particular manner although in

notes. 485
a rude and incorrect style. The name of the author (real or fictitious) is
thus given at the close,
" Composta per Vauctore Perusino di la Rotunda."
It is without name of either place or printer.* — Murat. x. p. 103.
Note 229 (p. 326). — From these documents, which have been pub
lished by Cartharius "in Syllabo advocatorum Sacri Consistorii," p. 71,
it appears that Leo declared Giulio de' Medici, then archbishop elect of
Florence, " legitimum, et ex legitimo matrimonio inter Julianum Medi-
ceum et Florettam Antonii natum fuisse et esse ; eumque pro legitimo et
ex legitimo matrimonio procreatum, in omnibus, et per omnia, pleno
jure, vere et non ficte, haberi et reputari," &c. — Fabron. in Adnotat. 31,
ad Vit. Leon. X. p. 275.
Note 230 (p. 328). — Among other proofs of his humane and benevo
lent disposition, it may be noticed, that he paid a visit to the celebrated
Florentine commander, Antonio Giacomino Tebalducci, whose services
had been employed by the republic in constant opposition to the Medici,
but who was now advanced in years and deprived of sight. The ofd war
rior, whilst he acknowledged the kindness of Giuliano, boldly avowed,
that his exertions had not been wanting to preserve the liberties of his
country, and requested that he might not be deprived of the arms which
he retained in his house as trophies of his victories, a request to which
Giuliano willingly acceded, with high commendations of his courage and
fidelity. His conduct to Giovacchino Guasconi, who was Gonfaloniere
when Paolo Vitelli was executed at Florence, was not less conciliating
and benevolent. Vide Nardi, Hist. Fior. liv. vi. p. 158.
Note 231 (p. 332). — Leo X. found no little difficulty in curbing the
military ardour of the English monarch, as appears not only from the
letter before given, but from a particular exhortation addressed to him on
this subject. App. No. IX.
Note 232 (p. 336). — Count Bossi professes to differ from me in opi
nion, as to the absolute extinction of learning in Rome at the period
referred to ; and has cited many instances of persons eminent for their
learning who lived in these turbulent times : but I have made no such
assertion ; on the contrary, I have here stated that the cause of literature
was supported, to a certain extent, by several men of ability, although
their pursuits were not of the highest order. Of several of these Count
Bossi has added some interesting anecdotes. Vide Ital. ed. vol. iv. pp.
91, 158, 159 ; vol. xii. p. 218.*
Note 233 (p. 336). — Fedro Inghirami, one of the members of this
learned body, writes thus, in the year 1506, to his friend Andrea Umiliato :
"  advola obsecro et accurre, si vis ridere quantum et Democritus
numquam risit. Savoja unguenta tractat et Cyprium pulverem ; pulve^
rem, inquam , Cyprium et unguenta traetat Savoja. Qui antea bubulcitari
tantum solebat, bubus equisque stipatus vadebat, nunc delicatus Myropo-
las adit, deque odoribus disputat. Nam quid ego narrem tibi Hispanicas
manicas, Gallicas vestes, Germanas soleas," &c. — Ap. Tirab. vol. vii. par.
S. p. 127.

486 NOTES.
Note 234 (p. 336). — Among these, the most distinguished was the
beautiful Imperia, so frequently celebrated in the Latin odes of Beroaldo
the younger, and in the verses of Sadoleti. Of the splendour with which
she received her visitors, an ample account is given by Bandello in his
novels. Such was the elegance of her apartments, that when the ambas
sador of the Spanish monarch paid her a visit, he turned round and spat
in the face of one of his servants, excusing himself by observing that it
was the only place he could find fit for the purpose. — Vide Bandello, par.
iii. nov. 42. Her toilet was surrounded with books, both in Italian and
Latin, and she also amused herself in writing poetry, in the study of
which she was a disciple of Niccolb Compano, called Strascino, who was
probably indebted to her for the subject of one of his poems, " Sopra il
male incognito." — Vide Life of Lor. de' Med. She died in the year 1511,
at the age of twenty-six, and was allowed to be buried in consecrated
ground, in the chapel of S. Gregoria, with the following Epitaph :
Imperia, Cortisana Romana, qua* digna tanto nomine, rarm inter homines
forma Specimen dedit. Viocit annos xxvi. dies xii.
Obiit 1511 die 15 Augusti.
She left a daughter, who redeemed her name from disgrace by a life of
unimpeachable modesty, and who destroyed herself by poison, to avoid
the licentious attempts of the cardinal Petrucci. Vide Collocci, Poesie
Ital. p. 29. Note. Ed. Jesi. 1772.
Note 235 (p. 337). — Joannis Francisci Philomusi, Exultatio in Crea-
tione Leonis X. &c. Carm. Illustr. Poet. Ital. tom. vii. p. 172. Mr.
Henke has observed that this poem breathes a noble sentiment, which
rises far above the Italian spirit of the times, and which perhaps even
the pope himself was not prepared for. It augurs from his elevation not
only the most glorious results to the arts, but also (and that with the
most impressive earnestness) to morals and religion. — Germ. ed. vol. ii.
p. 233.
Note 236 (p. 338).— Andr. Fulvius, de Antiquitatibus Urbis. Carm.
Illustr. Poet. Ital. tom. v. p. 229. " The first plan of this Gymnasium,
or Archygymnasium, was however in contemplation by Boniface VIII. as
his bull of 1303, in Cherubini, Bullar. tom. i. p. 160, shews. The
fullest account of this foundation is given by Jos. Carafa, de Gymnasio
Romano, et de ejus Professorib. &c. Rom. 1751, vol. i. ii. 4to. by Kiir-
zer Paulini a S. Josepho Orat. de Archygym. Rom. printed at Rome, 1727,
and at Leipsig, 1728."— Note of Mr. Henke, Germ. ed. vol. ii. p. 107.
Note 237 (p. 339). — This singular document, which yet remains, is
elegantly written on vellum, and highly ornamented with the papal arms,
and allegorical figures of the sciences and arts. Its contents were given
to the public in the year 1797, by the learned Abate Gaetano Marini,
keeper of the archives in the castle of S. Angelo, who has accompanied
it with a brief account of the re-establishment of the Roman academy,
and with historical and biographical notices of the professors. For a
more particular account I am compelled, by the limits of this work, to

NOTES. 487
refer to the before-mentioned publication, entitled " Lettera dell' Abate
Gaetano Marini al chiarissimo Monsignor Guiseppe Muti Papazurri gia
Casali, nella quale s' illustra il Ruolo de' professori dell' Archiginnasio
Romano per l'anno mdxiv. In Roma presso Miehele Puccinelli a Tor
Sanguigna. 1797."
Note 238 (p. 339). — In admitting that this was probably the first
public establishment for botanical pursuits, Count Bossi has cited several
works on that subject which had before been published, and to which
considerable additions might be made. — Ital. ed. vol. iv. p. 96. Note (o).*
Note 239 (p. 341). — Mr. Warton informs us, on the authority of
Jovius, that Lascar " made a voyage into Greece, by command of Leo X.
and brought with him some Greek boys, who were to be educated in the
college which that pope had founded on Mount Quirinal ; and who were
intended to propagate the genuine and native pronunciation of the Greek
tongue." — Hist. Eng. Poetry, vol. ii. p. 429, note (y). But Mr. War-
ton has either mistaken or been misled by his authority, as Lascar
continued to superintend the Greek establishment at Rome till the year
1518, when he returned, probably in a public character, to France.
Note 240 (p. 342). — Jovius, or his translator, informs us that Mu
surus was appointed archbishop of Ragusa. (Iscritt. p. 62.) Into
which error he was probably led by not being aware that there are two
places in Europe called, in Latin, Epidaurus ; viz. Ragusa in Dalmatia
and Malvasia in the Morea ; of the latter of which Musurus was arch
bishop. The see of Ragusa was at this time filled by Giovanni de Vol
terra. — Vide Agostini, Notizie di Batt. Egnazio, ap. Calogera Opusc.
vol. xxxiii. p. 23. Tiraboschi places the promotion of Musurus about
1517, adding, that he enjoyed his dignity but a short time, having died
in the autumn of the same year. — Storia della Lett. Ital. vol. vii. par. i.
p. 424. It is, however, certain, that the promotion of Musurus took
place in or before the year 1516, as appears from the preface to the Al-
dine edition of Pausanius, published in the last-mentioned year. That
he did not live long to enjoy his dignity, may, however, be conjectured
from his epitaph at Rome : —
MUSUBE, 0 MANSURE PARUM, PROPERATA TULISTI
PRiEMIA ; NAMQ.UE CITO TRADITA, RAPTA CITO.
Note 241 (p. 342). — He was a native of Sparta, and had been the
friend and fellow-student of Marullus at Naples, whom he also emulated
in the composition of Latin epigrams : " — uterque epigrammatum
Poeta," says Giraldi, " sed Rhallo Marullus cultior argutiorque, Marullo
Rhallus fortunatior, quippe qui a Leone X. his mensibus Cretensium sit
pontificatu honestatus." — Gir. de Poet. suor. temp. Politiano denomi
nates him " Graecus homo sed latinis literis adprime excultus." — Miscel.
c. lxxiii. Hodius, de Grsec. Illustr. p. 293.
Note 242 (p. 346). — Fabroni,' after noticing this privilege granted by
Leo to Aldo, adds, " Ut vero gratum animum suum Aldus Pontifici de-
clararet, eidem nuncupavit editionem Platonis, etc." From which it
would seem as if the dedication of Plato to Leo X. was addressed to him

488 NOTES.
by Aldus, in consequence of this favour ; the reverse of which seems
however, to have been the fact, as the dedication bears date in Septem
ber, and the privilege in November, 1513. This privilege was published
by Aldo in his edition of the Commentaries of Nicolo Perotti, entitled
" Cornucopia;." Ven. 1513.
Note 243 (p. 346). — Of these, Maittaire has enumerated, besides the
"Anthologia" and "Callimachus," an edition of four of the tragedies of
Euripides, the " Gnomse Monostichoi," and the " Argonautics " of Apol
lonius Rhodius ; which are all the works he had met with printed in
capitals (Annal. Typog. vol. i. p. 101) ; but it must be observed, that
some of them were printed after the expulsion of the Medici from Flo
rence, and when it is probable that Lascar bad quitted that city to ac
company Charles VIII. on his return to France.
Note 244 (p. 348). — Valer. de Literator. infel. lib. ii. p. 150. If we may
believe this author, who has aspersed or ridiculed most of the learned
men of his time, Cornelio, at an advanced age, attempted to console
himself by paying his addresses to a lady of rank, and being repulsed,
died of love 1 — Ibid.
Note 245 (p. 349). — This edition of Calliergo is denominated by the
celebrated Reiske, in his " Theocritus" (Vien. et Leips. 1765), "Editio
prasstantissima, et exemplar omnium insecutarum : nisi si quid Henricus
Stephanus ab hoc exemplo discessit. Explevit enim Zacharias Aldinse
lacunas, et non pauca carmina bucolicorum Grsecorum, quae ad Aldi
manus non pervenerant addidit ; neque fait post Zacbariam qui Theocri-
tum nova quadam accessione locupletaret," &c. — In prsef. p. 12. It is
surprising that the indefatigable Tiraboschi should not only have omitted
to notice the efforts of Leo X. and of his coadjutors and competitors, in
their attempts to establish a Greek typography in Rome, but should ex
pressly have attributed its introduction to the liberality of the cardinals
Marcello Cervini and Alessandro Farnese, about the year 1539, whilst
such decisive monuments remain of its commencement and success under
the auspices of Leo X. at a much earlier period. — Vide Tirab. vol. vii.
par. i. p. 183. Maittaire, Ann. Typ. in dedicat. Several other works
printed by Calliergo are enumerated by Count Bossi, Ital. ed. vol. iv.
p. 115, &c. among which is one entitled, " Prseclara dicta Philosophorum,
Imperatorum Oratorumq. et Poetarum ab Arsenio Archiepiscopo Mo-
nembasise collecta," supposed to be printed in 1515, with a dedication to
Leo X. of which Count Bossi possesses a splendid copy, which appears
to have been presented by the author himself to Francesco de' Medici.
This collection was begun by Michael Apostolius, the father of Arsenius,
and of another son, Aristobulus, who was also a distinguished scholar,
and author of one of the Greek epigrams prefixed to the " Thesaurus
Cornucopia?" of Varinus Camers hereafter mentioned. I shall here ob
serve, that there exists in the MS. library at Holkham several tracts of
Michael Apostolius hitherto unpublished, and a collection of forty-five
¦etters addressed to Gemisthus Pletho, Michael Marullus, Johannes
ftrgyropylus, Manuel Chrysoloras, Card. Bessarion, and other learned
jien of the time.

NOTES. 489
Note 246 (p. 349).— Pol. Ep. lib. vii. ep. 2, ad Mac. Mutium. Zeno,
on the authority of Ughelli, and the eriuneoas construction of the se
pulchral inscription of Varino, had asserted, that he also received instruc
tions from Giovanni Lascar (Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xix. p. 92) ; but he after
wards corrected this error. — Ibid. vol. xx. p. 277.
Note 247 (p. 349). — He is called, in one of the inscriptions on his
tomb, Tqj MiSiKtjg ouciac Tpoipi/iov, which may be admitted as a proof
that he was educated in the family of the Medici, but not that he acted as
a preceptor there ; nor has Zeno, who mentions it, adduced any authority
to this effect. — Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xix. p. 92. It is not indeed probable,
that whilst Politiano was yet living, the education of the brothers of the
Medici would be transferred from him to one of his pupils.
Note 248 (p. 350).— Under the following title— 0H2AYPOS. Kipag
'AfiaXflstac icai idjiroi 'ASwvidoe. Thesaurus Cornucopia et Horti
Adonidis, which the learned printer, in his preface, thus explains ;
" Ecce habetis opus oppido quam utile et necessarium, quem Kkpag
'AfiaXQiiag, quem Kjjttowc 'ASwvidog quem jure Thesaurum appella-
verim. In eo enim fere omnia reposita sunt quae desiderare quis possit
ad perfectam absolutamque cognitionem literaruiu Grsecarum, et eorum
prsecipue quae leguntur apnd poetas ; qui verba variis figuris ac linguis,
ita ssepe immutant, ut facilius sit Nili caput quam alicujus temporis
thema aut principium invenire. Sed hoc libro quam facillima facta sunt
omnia," &c. This edition, which Zeno says is " molto rara, e pero
notissima a pochi," is preceded by the Latin preface of Aldo, after which
follows the letter of Politiano before mentioned, which is not found in
the general collection of his works. The ensuing page contains four
Greek epigrams, in praise of the author, by Politiano, Aristobolo Apos-
tolo, Scipione Carteromaco, and Aldo ; and these are succeeded by two
epistles in Greek, the one from Carteromaco to Varino, and the other
from Varino to Piero de' Medici, as a dedication of the work ; which he
inscribes to him as an acknowledgment of the benefits which he had him
self received, in having been permitted to attend with the young men of
the family of Antinori on the instructions of Politiano. At the close of
the volume we read — " Venitiis in domo Aldi Romani, etc. m.iiii.d."
v Note 249 (p. 350). — " Consulam Varinum Camertem, qui bibliothecee
nostra protest, hominem literatissimum et humanissimum, aut Scipionem
Carteromachum familiarem etiam nostrum." In these words Giuliano
de' Medici is represented as addressing his brother Giovanni. Vide
Piero Alcyonio de Exsilio, lib. ii. p. 179, ap. Zeno, Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xix.
p. 93.
Note 250 (p. 351). — Zeno, Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xix. p. 95. Varino
died at Nocera, in the year 1537, and was interred in the chapel of S.
Venanzio, where a noble monument was erected to his memory, with his
statue in a reclined posture. Below are four inscriptions in Greek.
Note 251 (p. 352). — Vabini Camertis Apophthegmata, ad bene
beateque vivendum mire conducentia, n uper ex lympidissimo Graacorum

45)0 NOTES.
fonte in Latinum fideliter couversa, et longe antea impressis castigatiortv
&c. Romse in sedibus Jacobi Mazochii, die xix. mensis Decembrii,
m.d.xix. 8vo.
Note 252 (p. 352). — "More correctly Crastonus, also Crestonus
sometimes called Johannes Monachus. Compare Denis, Curiosities of
the Garellian Library." (Note of Mr. Henke, Germ. ed. vol. ii. p. 137).
An edition of this work, " Per Dionysium Bertochum de Bononia, printed
at Vicenza, m.cccclxxxiii." is in the collection of Richard Heber,
Esq.* Note 253 (p. 352). — Tne various appellations assumed by Varino have
misled the French bibliographer De Bure, who has, in the general index
of his work, quoted Guarino Camerti, the author of the " Thesaurus
Cornucopiae," and Varino Phavorino, the compiler of the Greek Lexicon,
as distinct authors.
Note 254 (p. 354). — " Sappiamo bene per la testimonianza del Vale-
riano, che Scipione, per mezzo del Colocci, venne in conoscenza, che e lo
stesso che dire in istima, del cardinale Giovanni, de' Medici," &c. —
Zeno, Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xx. p. 285. In this account the modern writer
appears not to have consulted the authority which he has cited with his
usual accuracy. Vide Valer. de Literat. infcl. in art. Scip. Carterom.
p. 119.
Note 255 (p. 354). — Pet. Alcyonius, in his book" De Exsilio," intro
duces Giulio de' Medici, as addressing himself to the cardinal Giovanni,
afterwards Leo X., and designating Carteromaco by the name of Familia
ris noster. — Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xx. p. 287.
Note 256 (p. 356). — Urbano died in the convent of S. Nicolo, at
Venice, in the year 1524, and bequeathed to that convent his valuable
library. His funeral oration, by Fr. Alberto da Castelfranco, was printed
at Venice, in the same year, by Bernardino de' Vitali, in 4to. — Zeno,
Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xix. p. 104. Note (a).
Note 257 (p. 356). — Erasm. Ep. ad Jacob. Tutorem, 1499. De Bure
had never seen a copy of this edition. — Bib. instr. No. 2221. It was
dedicated by Aldo to Giovan. Francesco Pico, nephew of Giovanni Pico
of Mirandula. — Maittaire, Ann. Typ. vol. i. p. 638. The Grammar of
Constantine Lascar was wholly in Greek.
Note 258 (p. 358). — Mazzuchelli, Scrittori d'ltal. art. Beroaldo.
Mr. Henke has, however, observed that " Minuziano was not a printer,
but a professor of history and eloquence at Milan ; for, in the dedica
tion of his Tacitus to Leo. X., he excuses himself on account of the
copy prepared by him, thus : ' Cum ex alma Urbe ista Tua Cornelii
Taciti non universum corpus, sed membratim ad me missum esset, vidis-
semque a Beroaldo, viro sane doeto, quantum diligentise adhibitum esset,
ut quam emendatissime ederetur, illico cogitavi, augustalem illam historiam
auditoribus meis hoc anno exponere, cujus ut copia illis fierit, librariis
meis describendam tradidi,' &c. Saxius, de studiis Literar. Mediol.
p. 127. As for the rest, his Tacitus appeared in 1515 ; not as Panzer, in

NOTES. 491
Us Annal Typogr. vol. vii. p. 395, determines, in U17." — Note of Mr.
Henke, Germ. ed. vol. ii. p. 147.
Note 259 (p. 358). — Impartiality requires that I should not here
omit the very interesting observations of Mr. Henke on the revival of
oriental literature, although they give a different view of the subject from
that which I have presented, and even represent Leo X. as inimical to
the freedom of discussion and the liberty of the press. On my observing
in the text that the knowledge of the oriental tongues first began to engage
the more particular attention of the learned in the time of Leo X. , Mr.
Henke adds, " Not entirely so. The religious zeal directed to the con
version of the Jews had already induced a knowledge of their language.
In the same manner the remnant of the Moslems in Spain gave the mis
sionaries in that country an opportunity of studying the Arabic, and after
the estabUshment of an order of ecclesiastics for the purpose of extermi
nating heresy, there always existed in that community some members
who were acquainted with the eastern tongues, particularly in Spain.
Several learned Jews also contributed to the same object, on tbeir con
version to Christianity. Clement V. in the council of Vienne in 1311,
had already directed that six professors of the eastern tongues should be
attached to each of the higher schools at Paris, Oxford, Bologna, and
Salamanca, in order to form able controversialists against the Jews and
Mahomedans ; and if this should not be considered conclusive, or as not
attended by any very important consequences, yet, before the time of Leo X.
much had been done in Rome itself towards this object. Even his un
polished predecessor, Julius II. , had furnished the requisite expenses for
the estabUshment of an Arabic press in the city of Fano. — Schnurrer.
BibUoth. Arab. par. v. p. 5. From the Annals of Hebrew Bibliography
by De Rossi, we further learn, that soon after the art of printing was
brought to perfection, several editions of the old Testament were printed by
the Jews, in various towns of Italy, as Soncino, Pesaro, and Brescia. But
above aU, nothing, either before or since, has so much contributed to the
cultivation of Hebrew learning as the " Rudimenta " of John Reuchlin,
which that learned German scholar published in 1506. Nor must we
omit, if we wish to be impartial, that Leo X. in the last session of the
Lateran council, pubUshed a buU for the especial purpose of restricting
the freedom of the press, in regard to such works as were translated from
the ancient languages into the Latin. However great the advantages
may have been, he says, which the art of printing has conferred on
mankind ; ' quia tamen multorum querela nostrum et sedes Appstolicae
pulsavit auditum, quod nonnuUi hujus artis imprimendi magistri in
diversis mundi partibus libros tam Graeca, Hebraicse, Arabicse, et Chal-
daeae Unguarum in Latinum translates, quam alios Latino ac vulgari
sermone editos, errores etiam in fide, ac perniciosa dogmata etiam reli-
gioni Christiana? contraria, ac contra famatn etiam dignitate falgentium
continentes, imprimere ac vendere prsesumunt:' in future, therefore, no
work shaU be aUowed to be printed, without a sufficient examination, and
a permission subscribed by the officer appointed for that purpose, &c. —
Concil. Lateran. vide a. 1515. With respect to this ordinance we may

492 NOTES.
observe, that it was probably issued at the instigation of the superiors of
the ecclesiastical orders, and had a particular reference to the celebrated
controversy carried on by Reuchlin with some German monks, especiaUy
those of Cologne, respecting the tendency and value of Jewish literature.
That, however, this pontiff did not greatly interest himself in the cultiva
tion and diffusion of the eastern tongues, from a fear, perhaps, that they
might be converted into weapons against the true faith, is manifest from
his so long withholding his indulgence from the pubUcation of the
polyglot Bible at Alcala. Nearly six years elapsed after the completion
of that work, before he granted the requisite permission, although there
was not the slightest cause to apprehend any danger to the church or her.
doctrines." — Vide Germ. ed. vol. ii.p. 148. On this note of Mr. Henke,
I shall only observe, that the restrictions on the press at Rome were not
first introduced in the pontificate of Leo X., but in that of his pre
decessor, Sixtus IV. , and that the continuance of them was most probably
the act of the council of the Lateran, and not individually of the pontiff,
who was not only solicitous to promote the study of the ancient lan
guages, but liberally remunerated those who devoted themselves to the.
publication and translation of them. That this is incontrovertible, will
sufficiently appear from the numerous instances given in the present
work ; to which, if it were necessary, several others might be added from
the notes on the Italian translation by Count Bossi, who has paid parti
cular attention to this subject. Vide Ital. ed. vol. iv. pp. 162, 166 ;
vol. xii. p. 220, &c*
Note 260 (p. 360). — He had intended to have given a similar edition
of the whole of the sacred writings., but this portion only was published by
him. — Vide Tirab. vol. vii. par. ii. p. 403. Of the Psalter of Giustiniani,
now become very rare, Count Bossi has given a particular description.
He has also added the dedication of Giustiniani to Leo. X., giving an
account of the studies of the author, of the arrangement and object of his
work, and of the encouragement given by the pontiff to the study of the
oriental tongues. Vide Ital. ed. vol. iv. pp. 143, 166, 169, &c.
Note 261 (p. 364). — 3 November, Ibid. p. 28. " A great outcry has
been raised beyond the limits of Italy, against this concession of the pope ;
which, to say the truth, seems to exceed his powers, considered simply as
head of the Christian church. But this was not the first instance in which
the court of Rome had pretended to the right of disposing of states newly
discovered, or conquered from the infidels. Leo X. had a re jent example
in his predecessor, Alexander VI. , who had not only granted a bull to Ferdi
nand V- called the Catholic, by which, after having excommunicated the
king of Navarre, he conferred his dominions on Ferdinand, who had pos
sessed himself of them, but by another buU divided the Indies by an
hypothetical line, between the same Ferdinand, the conqueror of the
Moors, and the king of Portugal. The foundation, or the pretext, of
these concessions was the exaltation of the church and the diffusion of the
Christian faith." — Note of Count Bossi, Ital. ed. vol. v. p. 162. To the
foregoing observations of Bossi, I shall only add, that these preposteious

NOTES. 493
grants have been submitted to by the European states more implicitly
than might have bt-en expected, and have been recently considered as the
immediate cause of the unmolested possession of South America by the
Spaniards, and of the efforts for colonization made by the English being
directed to the north of that quarter of the globe. Vide Edinb. Rev.
vol. xUi. p. 276.*
Note 262 (p. 364). — The degree of Santo and Beato, in the hierarchy
of the Roman church, must not be confounded ; the former being only
conferred on those endowed with the highest degree of sanctity, accom
panied by the evidence of miraculous powers, whilst the latter may be
conceded to persons of holy life, although without such pretensions. The
queen of Portugal in this instance is only Beata. But, according to
Mr. Henke, she was, in the year 1625, declared Santa, or, in other
words, she was canonized. — Act. Sanctor. vol. u. Jul. p. 201. Germ. ed.
vol. ii. p. 159.
Note 263 (p. 365). — Muratori asserts that this treaty was concluded
the 24th March, 1514. — Annali d'ltal. vol. x. p. 109. But it appears
to have been signed at Blois, on the first day of December, 1513, the
only parties being their Catholic and most Christian majesties. The
husband was to be either the archduke Charles or his brother Ferdinand,
at the choice of the Catholic king and the princess Renee. Louis agreed
to relinquish all his pretensions to the kingdom of Naples. The states of
Milan, Pavia, and Genoa were to be conquered and transferred as a
patrimonial inheritance to the archduke and his intended bride. The
pope was named as the common ally of both parties, and power was re
served for the emperor and the king of England to accede to the league ;
the latter restoring to Louis XII. the city of Tournay. — Dumont, Corps
Diplomat, vol iv. par. i. p. 178.
Note 264 (p. 366). — On the 20th of March, 1514, a correspondence
commenced between the cardinal Giulio de Medici at Rome and Lorenzo
de Medici at Florence, which was carried on at Rome by Balthazar da
Pescia, and discloses not only aU the transactions of the Roman court ,
to the minutest particulars, but the views and designs of the supreme
pontiff. From these letters, none of which have before been published,
some extracts have already been given, and others will occur in the course
of the present work.
Note 265 (p. 369). — These honorary rewards, " not so estimable for
their materials as for their mystery," were transmitted to England by
Leonardo SpinelU, and were accompanied by an explanatory letter from
the pontiff to the king, informing him of their value and use, of which he
might not otherwise have been aware. — Vide in App. No. XII. Rymer, vi.
p. 57.
Note 266 (p. 369). — Although Guicciardini seems not to have deter
mined whether this negotiation arose from the interference of the pontiff,
or the proper inclinationof the parties,yet he fully admits that it commenced
between the pope and the archbishop of York at Rome. " Come si sia,
commincio presto, o per I'autorita del pontefice, o per inelinalione propria
delle parti, a nascere pratica d'accordo tra il Re di Francia e il Re d'ln-

494 NOTES.
ghilterra.i ragionamenti della quale, cominciati dal Pontefice cm Ebora-
cense, furono trasferiti presto in Inghilterra." — Storia d'ltal. vol. ii. lib.
xii. p. 73. The documents now produced will, however, shew that the
measure originated at Rome, a circumstance of which neither the Italian
nor the English historians seem to have been sufficiently aware.
Note 267 (p. 369).— Balth. da Pescia, a Lor. de' Med. 25° Maggio,
1514. " Monsign. Reverendiss. (il card de' Medici) crede che N.
Signore non fara cosa alcuna nova, per non alterare le cose di la da'
monti ; dove di gia ha cominciato qualche pratica d'accordo ; et il Re
d' Inghilterra ha acceptato di auscultare il Generale di^Normandia per
homo di Francia, et tutto segue con ordine di sua Santita." — MSS. Flor.
Note 268 (p. 370).— It is remarkable, that the author of the League of
Cambray asserts, " que le Pape entra dans le negociation peut-etre pour
la refroidir plutost que pour l'echauffer." To which he adds, " Ce qui
est certain c'est que le card. d'Yorck, Christophe Bembrice, ambassadeur
d'Angleterre a Rome, qui scaVoit les intentions du Pape, ecrivoit souvent
a son maitre pour le dissuader de faire la paix." — Tom. ii. p. 363. If
the cardinal of York wrote to this effect, it is evident that he either did
not know or did not approve of the intentions of the pope, which are un
equivocally expressed in the secret correspondence of the Medici family
before referred to.
Note 26'.) (p. 370). — Vide Rymer, Fcedera, vol. vi. par. i. p. 64.
Dumont, Corps Diplomat, vol. iv. par. i. p. 183. On the signature of
the treaty, Henry VIII. wrote to the pontiff, informing him, in terms of
• the highest esteem and respect, of the reconciliation which had taken
place between him and Louis XII., which he justly attributes to the com
mendation and interference of the pontiff. Vide App. No. XIII.
Note 270 (p. 371). — I had in the earlier editions stated, that the
cardinal died on the twenty-fourth of July, and had denominated Rinaldo
his steward; but the real date of the cardinal's death was July 14th, as
appears from a letter of the cardinal de' Medici to Henry VIII. dated
that day, and cited by Mr. H. Ellis in his " Original Letters Illustrative
of English History," vol. i. p. 100. Mr. Ellis has further observed that
Rinaldo da Modena was not the steward of cardinal Bambridge, or Bayn-
brigge ; but simply a priest, whom the cardinal employed in menial ser
vices in his chamber.*
Note 271 (p. 372). — It appears, that when Rinaldo was required to
sign his confession, he found an opportunity of stabbing himself, and
died the following day ; after which he was hanged and quartered, in
terrorem. " Questa mattina e stato appichato in ponte, et poi squartato,
Don Rinaldo da Modona, alias el Pretino, che era servitore del cardinale
di Inghilterra; perche dicono che ha confessato havere avenenato il suo
patrone, el quale e stato molti di in Castello, et sendo piu volte examinato
diligentemente, ultimamente, dicono, che venendo per ratificare, si dette
d'uno coltellino nella poppa manca, che nissuno lo vidde ; et volendolo
porre ad la corda si venne mancbo, et viddeno correre sangue, et trovorno
come lui si era ferito ; et questo fu Venerdi mattino, et Sabbato sera circa

NOTES, 495
24 hori si mori, con buono sentimento ; et cosi morto per dare exemplo
ad li altri questa mattina lo hanno facto justitiare." — Bald, da Pescia, ad
Lor. de' Med. 28. Agost, 1514. MSS. Fior.
Note 272 (p. 372). — Rymer, iv. par. i. p. 86. Mr. H. Ellis, in his
"Original Letters," has also given a letter from the princess Mary to
Louis XII. written before the marriage, voi. i. p. 114.*
Note 273 (p. 372). — The dissatisfaction of the queen, on this unex
pected dismissal of her English attendants, appears in a letter to her
brother Henty VIII. in Mr. Ellis's " Original Letters," vol. i. p. 116,
where a list of their names is given.*
Note 274 (p. 373). — Andreas Ammonius was an Apostolic notary, the
pope's collector in England, Latin secretary to Henry VIII. and pre
bendary of St. Stephen's chapel in Westminster, and of Fordington and
Writhington, in the church of Salisbury. — Jortin's Life of Erasmus, p. 36
From a letter of Leo X. to Henry VIII. it appears, that some difficulties
had arisen in the appointment of Ammonius to his office of receiver,
which the pope submitted to the decision of the king. — Rymer, Foedera,
vi. i. p. 86. The letters between Ammonius and Erasmus compose the
chief part of the eighth book in the epistolary correspondence of the latter.
He died of the Sudor Britannicus, or sweating sickness, in the year 1520,
as appears by a letter from Sir Thomas More, in Erasm. Ep. lib. vii.
ep. 4. This Andreas Ammonius is not to be confounded with another
Ammonius, a native of Ghent, and a Carthusian monk, who was also a
correspondent of Erasmus, and who lived beyond the middle of the six
teenth century. — Note of Count Bossi, Ital. ed. vol. v. p. 163.
Note 275 (p. 373). — He was of a noble family of Verona, and before
his ecclesiastical preferments, was denominated the count Lodovico
Canossa. By his talents and integrity he acquired great authority and
reputation, and was employed during the chief part of his life in the most
important embassies, frequently in the service of Francis I., whose esteem
and confidence he enjoyed in an eminent degree. His letters, many of
which are published in the " Lettere di Principi," under the signature
of "IlVescovo de Baiusa," are written with great ability, and no less
freedom with respect to the characters of the times ; insomuch that they
may be considered as the best in that collection.
Note 276 (p. 374). — Erasmus, in the year 1532, thus speaks of
Canossa : " Si nunc Canossa parum bene est in Erasmum animatus, nihil
est novae rei. Solet spretus amor in iram verti," &c. — Erasm. Ep.
lib. xxiv. ep. 24. Count Bossi has, in one of his additional notes, given
a general sketch of the life of Erasmus, prior to his interview with
Canossa; vide Ital. ed. vol. v. p. 164. But the most satisfactory
abridgment of the particulars of the life of this great man, has been re
cently published in the " Memoirs of Erasmus," by Charles Butler, Esq.,
of Lincoln's-inn. Lond. 1825. 8vo.
Note 277 (p. 375.) — These observations are confirmed by Count Bossi,
who has enumerated several of the dramatic performances, or Rappre.
tentazioni, of the fifteenth century, which he had himself possessed ; and

496 NOTES.
who warmly contends for the priority of the ItaUans in the introduction
of a more correct style of theatrical representation. — Ital. ed. vol. v.
p. 167.
Note 278 (p. 379).— Vasari, Vite de' Pittori, vol. ii. p. 388. It must,
however, be observed, that Vasari is mistaken both in the year and the
occasion of these rejoicings, which he placed in 1513, on the arrival
of Leo X. at Florence. The celebration of this festival was in 1514, and
Leo did not visit Florence until the end of the year following. The
verses sung on this joyful occasion, written by the Florentine historian,
Jacopo Nardi, have been preserved in the Canti Carnascialeschi.
Note 279 (p. 381). — It appears, from the private correspondence of
the Medici family, that the cardinal wished to obtain 20 or 25,000 ducats
' from the Venetians, and the dignity of legate from the pope. As this
information is derived from the confidential secretary who was employed
in this transaction, there can be no doubt of its authenticity. Vide
Lettere di Balth. da Pescia. MSS. Flor.
Note 280 (p. 383). — Guicciardini himself informs us, that the king
of Spain was apprehensive, and not without reason, that the pope aspired
to the kingdom of Naples for his brother Giuliano : lib. xii. p. 74 : to
which he afterwards adds, " che il Re di Francia prometteva aiutare U
pontefice ad aquistare il Regno di Napoli, o per la Chiesa, o per
Giuliano suo frateUo " (lib. xii. vol. ii. p. 76), a circumstance which fully
explains the conduct of the pontiff, in attempting to prevail on the king
of France to hasten his expedition to Italy
Note 281 (p. 394). — Thus Pontano, in an epitaph for Lucretia Borgia,
who, however, survived him upwards of twenty years : —
" Hie jacet in tumulo, Lucretia nomine, sed re
Thais. Alexandri filia, sponsa, nurus."
And Sanazzaro thus addresses her : —
"Ergo te semper cupiet, Lucretia, Sextus.
O fatum diri numinis, hie Pater est."
And this supposed intercourse is also frequently aUuded to, in other parts
of the works of the last-mentioned writer.
Note 282 (p. 397). — Guicciardini expressly asserts, that the husband of
Lucretia, whom he calls Gismondo, was assassinated by Caesar Borgia ;
and Muratori informs us, that Alfonso was first wounded, and afterwards
poisoned, and that Csesar Borgia was supposed to be the perpetrator of
the crime ; to which he was instigated by his attachment to the French,
and his aversion to the family of Aragon. Vide Annali d'ltal. vol. ix. p.
600. Note 283 (p. 398).— Nardi, Hist. Fior. p. 75. " The marriage articles
were signed," says Mr. Gibbon (Antiq. of Brunswick, in Posth. Works,
vol. ii. p. 689;, "and as the bed of Lucretia was not then vacant, her
third husband, a royal bastard of Naples, was first stabbed, and afterwardj
strangled in the Vatican." This is not founded on historical fact, nor, as
far as I know, asserted by any other writer ; the treaty for the marriage

Notes. 497
with Alfonso of Este not having taken place tiU upwards of twelve months
after the death of her former husband.
Note 284 (p. 400). — In the Ambrosian library, at Milan, a manu
script is said to exist, which contains nine letters, in the hand-writing of
Lucretia, seven of which are in Italian, and two in Spanish ; and at the
close a copy of verses, also in Spanish, all of which are addressed to
Bembo. These letters appear to have been folded in the form of billets,
and are superscribed, " Al mio carissimo M. Pietro Bembo." The writer
denominates herself " Luoetia Estense da Borgia," and the seals of the
arms of Este and Borgia are appended to them. At the close of the
volume is a canzone in Spanish, of the composition and hand-writing of
Bembo, and in a folding of white veUum, tied with four ribands, is a
lock of light-coloured hair, such as Bembo has frequently described in his
poems, and which by constant tradition has been believed to be that of
Lucretia Borgia. From the description of this singular relic, it decidedly
appears, that this book formerly belonged to Bembo, who has minuted
with his own hand the dates of the letters, and had probably inserted them
in this volume, as a memorial of what he considered as the most elevated
and honourable attachment of his early years. — Dissertazione del Dott.
Baldassare Oltrocchi sopra i primi amori di Pietro Bembo. Raccolta
d'opuscoU di Calogera, vol. iv. p. 1.
Note 285 (p. 401).—" Alfonso I." says Mr. Gibbon, " believed him
self 'to be the father of three sons. The eldest, his successor, Hercules II.
expiated this maternal stain by a nobler choice, and his fidelity was re--
warded by mingling the blood of Este with that of France." — Antiq. of
the House of Brunswick in Posth. Works, vol. ii. p. 689. The doubt
which Mr. Gibbon has implied respecting the legitimacy of the eldest son
involves the historian in some degree of inconsistency. For, if Hercules
was not in fact the offspring of Alfonso, how can he be said to have min
gled the blood of Este with that of France ?
Note 286 (p. 404). — Antonio Cornazzano addressed to her his Life of
the Virgin, and Life of Christ, both in terza rima (Tirab. vol. vi. par. li.
p. 161), and Giorgio Robusto, of Alexandria, his poems, printed al
Milan, about the year 1500. (Quadrio, vol. viii. p. 65.) To these I
shaU only add another testimony. Father Francesco Antonio Zaccharia,
on examining the Jesuits' Ubrary of S. Fedele, at Milan, found a manu
script volnme of poetry, the author of which, as appears by the dedica
tion, was Luca Valenziano, of Tortona. Zaccharia imagined that these
poems were unpublished, but there is extant a rare edition of them
printed at Venice, by Bernardino de' VitaU, in 1532, 8vo. under the title of
" Opere volgari di M. Luca Valenziano, Dertonese, ad istanza di Federigo
di Gervasio, NapoUtano." The poems in question have great merit, par
ticularly for their pathetic simpUcity, and are dedicated in the manuscript
copy, but not in the printed work, to Lucretia Borgia, in the following
Latin verses : —

2 K

498 NOTES.
" Ad Divam Lucretiam Borgiam Eitensem,
Lucas Valentianus, Dertonensis,
" Quae tibi pauca damus, taU, Lucretia, fronte
Suscipe nunc, quaU grandia dona soles.
Haec ego dum canerem lacrymis rorantia, dixi ;
Praesideos nostras, Borgia diva, lyras.
O tecum Alphonsus duri post praelia Martis,
Otia Musarum quserere tuta veUt.
Sic Csesar, sic Rex Macedum, sic ille solebat,
Africa cui nomen, victa parente, dedit.
Hunc lege ; perlectum longo ditabis honore ;
Tutus et a rabido dente libeUus erit."
Vide Raccolta d'OpuscoU di Calogera, vol. xUv.
That Lucretia wrote Italian poetry is beUeved by Crescimbeni, who in
forms us that he had been assured by a person deserving of credit, and
who was weU acquainted with the early literature of Italy, that he had
seen, in a collection of poems of the sixteenth century, several pieces
attributed to her, but that, notwithstanding all the researches made both
at Rome and at Florence, no traces of them could now be discovered.
The annotator on Crescimbeni is, however, of opinion, that if this had
been the case, her works would have been noticed by Bembo in the many
letters addressed to her, or by Aldo, in his preface to the works of the
two Strozzi. " She was, however," adds he, " a great patroness of
literature, and by her means the court of Ferrara abounded with men
distinguished even in foreign countries, among whom was the before-
mentioned Bembo." Mazzuchelli has, however, cited one of the letters
of Bembo, from which it appears that she addressed some verses to him ;
but whether they were in Italian or Spanish, which latter language she
frequently adopted in her poetical compositions, he has not ventured to
decide. It may, however, be presumed, from Unes in one of the elegant
Latin poems addressed to her by Bembo, that she wrote Italian poetry,
and it is not therefore without sufficient reason that both Mazzuchelli and
Quadrio have enumerated her among the writers of Italy. — Ad Lucretiam
Borgiam, in Bemb. Op. tom. iv. p. 345.
Note 287 (p. 404). — To the foregoingJDissertation on the Character of
Lucretia Borgia, Mr. Henke has, in the German ed. (vol. i. p. 370),
added a long and interesting note, in which, after some commendations
of the motives of the author, he regrets " that, on a closer examination,
this apology, conducted throughout with skill and benevolence, cannot,
in a higher degree, produce the full effect which the author seems to have
promised himself." On this I must observe, that it has produced all the
effect I intended, which was merely to enable the reader, by an authentic
statement of facts, to judge for himself on the degree of credit due to
the reports respecting the conduct of Lucretia Borgia, and to shew what
might with truth and justice be said in her defence. This statement Mr.
Henke seems to think insufficient for her exculpation, and has undertaken
to bring additional evidence in proof of her guUt, of a more impartial

NOTES. 499
nature and higher authority, as he supposes, than any that has before
been adduced. I cannot, therefore, dismiss the present edition without
either appearing to assent to his conclusions, or giving his arguments
that refutation of which, as I conceive, they so readily admit ; and I
must, therefore, entreat the indulgence of the reader whilst I offer a few
remarks on the subject.
I have said, that Mr. Henke has undertaken to bring additional evi
dence against the accused ; but I ought rather to have said, that he has
discarded all former testimony, and has taken upon himself the whole
burthen of the charge. He fully admits, with me, that the decision ought
not to depend upon the imputations of the Neapolitan Poets, any more
than on the commendations of the Ferrarese and other writers who have
made Lucretia Borgia the subject of their verses, or have dedicated to her
their works. He also admits, that the observations I have made re
specting the testimony of Guicciardini, in this instance, are well founded ;
on which account " this witness," he says, "may also be withdrawn."
But " there remains," he observes, " one against whom neither a suspi
cion of partiality , nor a reproach of credulity can take place, and to whom
our author has not yet afforded a hearing." — " This is the celebrated
Peter Martyr of Milan, who had already written from Spain (Epist. 178,
p. 101), in the year 1497, when the songsters of the NeapoUtan court had
not yet become very loud : ' Nuper allatae sunt ad me Utera? ab urbe ;
Astrseam ferunt, vento velocius, ab ea discessisse, aufugisseque ad superos,
nee reversuram putant, Bove sceptra tenente; Palatium sanctorum quon
dam patrum habitaculum, ubi claves toUendi claudendique tam inferorum
quam superorum portas insident, nefandis pontificiarum natarum nuptiis,
atque profanes nunc Veneri patens est. Nee fralribus ibi parcitur, ut
fama est, nee alias utcumque propria sanguini.' "
On this evidence, upon which Mr. Henke appears to have placed his
chief reUance, I must observe that Peter Martyr, the elder, the writer of
the letter in question, was not a native of Milan ; but was born in the
vicinity of Anghiera, a smaU town in Italy, whence he was usually
called Anglerius, and that he is not to be confounded with Peter Martyr,
the weU-known reformer; that he was an ecclesiastic of the Romish
church, and resided during the greater part of his life at a distance from
Rome, and chiefly in Spain, under the immediate patronage of Ferdinand
and IsabeUa. With respect to the letter itself, it affects to be nothing
more than the relation of a report which the writer had heard from Rome,
and on which he cautiously abstains from giving his opinion, " Nuper
allatce sunt litera ab urbe" — "ferunt Astraam discessisse" — " utfama
est, 8fc." in short, a mere hearsay evidence, and such as cannot be ad
mitted even on the most trivial question. Mr. Henke conceives that
" the concluding words of his extract speak the more strongly, as they
are expressed with the greater delicacy ;" but these words refer only to
the scandalous spectacles said to be exhibited at Rome on the marriage of
Lucretia, and to the death of the Duke of Gandia, who was supposed to
have been assassinated by his brother Csesar Borgia. Neither the com

500 NOTES.
pelency of the witness, nor the tenor of his testimony, can therefore be
allowed to have any bearing upon the present case.
In the assertion I have made that " throughout the whole narrative of
Burchard (who seems on no occasion to have concealed what might dis
grace his superiors or himself), there appears no intimation of that
criminal intercourse of which Lucretia has been accused," Mr. Henke
fully agrees ; but he at the same time contends, that although Burchard
has not, for reasons easily assignable, referred to it, he has inserted in his
diary an oration, or philippic, which he calls a writing of impeachment,
printed in Germany, and sent to the. cardinal of Modena, as a seditious
sermon against the pope, his famUy, and government ; and which, ac
cording to Burchard, was read before the pontiff himself. This piece,
Mr. Henke observes, " is outrageous and rude, but it is also energetic,
and fuU of truth." Of the fact of its having been read before the pope,
we may judge from the following passage, in which Alexander is described
as " Proditor generis humani, qui omnem setatem suam stupris et rapinis
contaminavit ; infamis bestia ; omnium setatum detestabilissima vitiorum
vorago, et gurges altissimus ; ejus Alius fratricida, et cardinali sicarius,"
&c. Is it possible to beUeve that such a paper as this was read before
the pope ? and such a pope as Alexander VI. ? or is it not more Ukely
to be an interpolation into the Annals of Burchard, manufactured in
Germany, and first printed by Eccard ? (Vol. ii. p. 2145, reference of
Mr. Henke.) For this reason I shaU not reprint the long extract which
Mr. Henke has given from this oration ; but shaU merely observe, that
even if it could be thought authentic, the particular passage, which he
seems to think inculpates Lucretia of the crime of which she is accused,
has no necessary reference to that subject.
But whatever may be the construction put upon this additional evi
dence, I must be permitted to observe, that it is only a repetition of those
reports, the truth or falsehood of which can neither be positively affirmed
or denied ; whilst in what I have stated, I have relied on facts which speak
for themselves, and can neither be perverted or misunderstood. I have
shewn that Alexander, so far from having manifested a criminal passion
for his own daughter, lost no time in disposing of her in marriage, where
she was to pass her life at a distance from him. I have shewn that at
the very time when these pretended crimes are represented to have been
the most flagrant, she was received as a wife by one of the most dis
tinguished princes of Italy, who it cannot be supposed, would have ad
mitted, as the partner of his throne and of his bed, a woman pubUcly
branded as the prostitute of her father and of her brothers. I have de
monstrated also that she was worthy of the high station to which she was
raised, and that she was not only beloved by her husband for her accom
plishments, but confided in, by him, for her judgment and good sense ;
and from these, and many other circumstances stated in the foregoing
dissertation, I have been led to conclude, that she could, at no time, have
been the depraved and abandoned character which the enemies of her
father (perhaps more in resentment to him than in enmity to herself), hava
represented her to be.

NOTES. 501
The Conte Cav. Luigi Bossi, the Italian translator of the present work,
has shewn himself more disposed to a favourable construction of the
character of Lucretia Borgia ; and has in his edition produced several
authentic and valuable documents relating to her. Amongst these are five
original letters from her to the eminent Gian-Giorgio Trissino, the author
of the " Italia Liberata," and one of the most learned and accomplished
men of the time. From these letters, written whilst she was duchess ot
Ferrara, it appears that she greatly depended on the judgment of Trissino,
in the education of Ercole, her eldest son, afterwards duke of Ferrara, by
the name of Ercole II. ; that on this occasion, Trissino recommended
Nicolo Lazzarino, an eminent scholar of the time, who was accordingly
appointed preceptor, and gave great satisfaction in that office. In other
respects these letters demonstrate that the duchess weU knew how to unite
condescension with dignity, and the style of a sovereign with the cor
diality of a friend. These letters, the originals of which are preserved
in the coUection of the noble brothers, Trissino, Conti dal Velio d'Oro,
resident in Vicenza, were copied for insertion in the ItaUan edition of
this work, by Sig. Francesco Testa, of the same place, and will be found
in the Appendix to the present edition, No. XIV. where I shaU also give
another letter, published by Bossi, from Trissino to Bembo, both of them
great admirers of the Duchess of Ferrara, which may serve to give a
mere correct idea of the nature of the friendship and attachment which
subsisted amongst the parties, than any other document to which I im
refer; of this last I shall here also give an EngUsh translation, first pre-
n ising, that the duchess had presented Trissino with a medallion of her
self (impressions 'of which are yet preserved in several collections), which
Pembo was desirous of obtaining from him; and that being disappointed
in his expectations, he had written a fretful and complaining letter, to
which Trissino returned the foUowing reply, which may be considered as
s model of elegance, moderation, and good sense :—
11 Gian-Giorgio Trissino to Pietro Bembo.
" I perceive that your mild and forbearing temper has been somewhat
too much ruffled by your not having obtained the medalUon you requested
from me, of which I am not so unjust and avaricious an estimator, as not
to be sensible how mnch I ought to prefer to it your favour and satis
faction ; but having received it on the conditions I hold it, from one who
is more the owner of it than myself, I cannot, by these means, conciliate
your regard, which I would willingly purchase with any thing else of much
higher value. For, if the resemblance which this medalUon gives of the
lady you admire (la donna amata), justifies in your opinion the wish to
possess it, why should it not, for the same reason, justify in me the desire
to retain it ? independently of that duty which engages me not to part with
it on any account whatever. Two strong ties, affection and fideUty, dis
pute with me the power of making you this present, from which, I am
certain, your own worth and good sense cannot release me ; for if you
esteem and value in me any thing that is commendable, you ought above
all things to esteem and value that which you yourself possess in so

502 NOTES.
eminent a degree ; on which account I flatter myself, that dismissing any
cause of dissatisfaction, you will indulgently afford a more liberal opening
for my apologies, and will not hesitate in exerting that authority which
you possess of disposing of me at your pleasure ; being assured that the
regret which I feel, in not being able to comply with your request, is
much greater than the disappointment you experience in having made it

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