^aieUni(ersit,Libfaf, iqnn2nn5q82427 ¦ ¦• . - ' ¦^— *" ^ ¦ _ _^ _ * ~ n ««^ ¦V, V f J ¦• ' , YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Gift of STUART W. JACKSON Yale 1898 AERAHA^r UXCOLX From a plinlograph in ihe collection of the Illinois Historical Library. Evidence seems to show that the negative was made at Charleston, Illinois, during the Campaign of 1858. The Lincoln Series, Vol. I] COLLECTIONS OF THE ILLINOIS STATE HISTORICAL LIBRARY VOLUME III LINCOLN SERIES, VOL. I THE LINCOLN — DOUGLAS DEBATES OF 1858 EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY EDWIN ERLE SPARKS, PH.D. Ill ' PRESIDENT OF THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE COLLEGE; SOMETIME PROFESSOR or AMERICAN HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO Published by the Trustees of the ILLINOIS STATE HISTORICAL LIBRARY SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS 1908 Copyright 1908 By The Illinois State Historical Library Published August 1908 3 Composed and Printed By The University of Chicago Press Chicago, Illinois, U. S. A, ILLINOIS STATE HISTORICAL LIBRARY BOARD OF TRUSTEES Edmund Janes James, Chairman McKendree Hypes Chamberlin, Vice-President George Nelson Black,' Secretary Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber, Librarian ADVISORY COMMISSION Evarts Boutell Greene, Chairman James Alton James Edward Carleton Page Charles Henry Rammelkamp Edwin Erle Sparks = Clarence Walworth Alvord Special Editor of Publications ' deceased 2 resigned may, i908 PREFACE A new edition of the speeches made by Stephen A. Douglas and Abraham Lincoln in the set debate during the lUinois senatorial canvass of 1858 would seem a worthy and appropriate part of the general commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of that event. WhUe the campaign was local in its inception, it became national in its significance and in its results. The issues as brought out in the debate, especially in the speech of Douglas at Freeport, widened, if they did not open, the breach between him and the southern Democrats, made a split in the convention of i860 a fore gone conclusion, and thereby paved the way for Repub lican success and the election of Abraham Lincoln to the presidency. The debate also marked the high-tide of the "stump" method of campaigning; it furnishes, through the unusual space given to it in newspaper reports, an opportunity to study this unique phenomenon of frontier life; while the increasing number of printing presses, the extension of the mail routes, and consequent change in cam paign methods, lend to this canvass the melancholy interest of a passing show. The speeches themselves are of a high order of debate, and of unusual import; those of Douglas set forth his untenable position and his impossible theory in the clearest terms; those of Lincoln state the arguments of the new Republican party as they had not been outlined before; and the combined effect of the whole is a survey of the political aspect of the day not to be found elsewhere. Many editions of the debates have been printed, begin ning with that of i860; a few have included speeches made by each participant, both before and after the set debates; VI PREFACE some have added explanatory footnotes; but none have attempted to reproduce the local color from the press of the day. In this edition an effort is made by newspaper extracts and by reminiscences to give a picture of the crude though virile setting in this contest of two men so evenly matched in polemical power, yet so unlike in temperament and in physical appearance. Only those speeches are here reprinted which were delivered at the seven set meetings constituting in reality the Great Debate. The gist of the prior speeches is woven into the introduction. The Columbus, Ohio, edition of i860 is followed in this text, but the speeches as there reprinted have been compared with the originals — those of Lincoln with the files of the Chicago Press and Tribune, and those of Douglas with the Chicago Times — and the changes which the Columbus edition made in the ofl&cial reports are here shown in the footnotes ; and there has been also incorporated in the text the numerous inter ruptions of the speeches by the audiences. In the present edition, the largest type indicates the editor's explanatory comments; the next largest shows quotations, the source being indicated at the head; and the smallest size of type denotes quoted matter within a quotation. The descriptions and comments reprinted from the newspapers of the day are by no means exhaustive; fully one-half the matter originally collected was rejected for lack of space; but much of it was immaterial, being made up of denunciation and attempts to belittle the other side, predictions of victory, and general comment, which threw no hght on the events of the debate. The amount of reminis- cential matter was reduced by the same test. Such illus trations were selected as lent themselves to illuminating the subject-matter. In collecting the extracts and the illus trations, the editor has visited many places, has searched PREFACE vii through scores of newspaper files, and has levied upon the courtesy of librarians and friends, to mention whose names would involve a list of impossible proportions. That the edition may be of service to the student as well as to the general reader; that it may aid in bringing to their true proportions these two great citizens of Illinois; and that it may reflect some credit upon the General Assembly of Illinois through whose beneficence it is made possible, is the hope that sustains a labor of love. Edwin Erle Sparks The University of Chicago March ii, 1908 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. Lincoln and Douglas i II. The Senatorial Campaign of 1858 . . 19 III. The Challenge 55 IV. Reporting the Debates 75 V. The Ottawa Debate 85 Douglas' Opening at Ottawa, 86 Lincoln's Reply at Ottawa, 98 Douglas' Rejoinder at Ottawa, 117 VI. The Freeport Debate 147 Lincoln's Opening at Freeport, 148 Douglas' Reply at Freeport, 1 59 Lincoln's Rejoinder at Freeport, 181 VII. The Jonesboro Debate 213 Douglas' Opening at Jonesboro, 214 Lincoln's Reply at Jonesboro, 229 Douglas' Rejoinder at Jonesboro, 249 VIII. The Charleston Debate 267 Likcoln's Opening at Charleston, 267 Douglas' Reply at Charleston, 281 Lincoln's Rejoinder at Charleston, 303 IX. The Galesburg Debate 303 Doudas' Opening at Galesbvurg, 329 Lincoln's Reply at Galesburg, 333 Douglas' Rejoinder at Galesburg, 346 X. The Quincy Debate 365 Lincoln's Opening at Quincy, 395 Douglas' Reply at Quincy, 407 Lincoln's Rejoinder at Quincy, 427 ix X CONTENTS PAGE XL The Alton Debate 449 Douglas' Opening at Alton, 450 Lincoln's Reply at Alton, 466 Douglas' Rejoinder at Alton, 488 XII. Progress of the Campaign . . . . 511 XIII. Election Day and its Results . . . 533 XIV. Criticism of Stump Methods . . . -539 XV. Humor of the Campaign 547 XVI. Campaign Poetry 565 XVII. Mrs. Stephen A. Douglas 573 XVIII. Tributes to Douglas 575 XIX. Tributes to Lincoln . . .^ . . .581 XX. Editions of the Debates 591 XXI. Bibliography of the Debates . . . 597 XXII. Index 605 ILLUSTRATIONS TACING PAGE Abraham Lincoln . Frontispiece Stephen A. Douglas . . . . ... 4 The Old State House, Springfield, Illinois . 20 Congressional Map of Illinois, 1858 . 70 Horace White 76 Robert R. Hitt 78 Henry Blnmore 80 James B. Sheridan 82 Public Square at Ottawa . . . . 86 Ottawa, Illinois — The Glover House . . . 134 Site of the Freeport Debate 148 The Dedication of the Freeport Marker, 1903 160 Freeport, Illinois — The Brewster House, i860 190 Charleston, Illinois, Fair Grounds . . . 268 West End of College Building, Galesburg, Illinois ... . 330 Advertisements in a Peoria Newspaper . Marker for the Quincy Debate .... Fourth Street, Quincy, 1858 The Old Quincy House, Quincy, Illinois . Corner of City Hall, Alton, Illinois Clipping from the Alton Daily Whig .' Democratic Rejoicing over Douglas' Election The Douglas Mausoleum, Chicago Lincoln for President CHAPTER I LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS stump speaking The pioneers, who migrated with their families during the first half of the nineteenth century from the Atlantic Coast Plain to the Mississippi Valley found themselves cut off from the conveniences of life to which they had been accus tomed, and cast into a compelling environment, where makeshifts and substitutes must answer for well-known utilities and contrivances. This was noticeable even in political campaigns. ^Lacking printing presses to dissemi nate party, doctrines and public halls of sufficient size to accommodate the crowds at a party rally, the people of the frontier were wont to gather in some public square or in a grove of trees, where a temporary stand, or perhaps in very early days, the stump of a felled tree, answered the purpose of a rostrum from which the issues of the day were discussed by "stump" speakers.) In the same way, the lack of churches on the frontier caused the substitution of groves as a place for holding "camp-meetings." Through cam paign after campaign, both national and state, "stump" speaking continued until improved facilities for making longer journeys began to remedy western isolation and to remove western provincialism. At the same time, the increasing political activity of the printing press and the demands of modern business life gradually turned the people away from these picturesque gatherings of earlier times. Beginning with the campaign of 1824, in which a favorite son'of Kentucky and a war-hero of Tennessee were cham- 2 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS pioned in song and speech by their supporters in the Middle West, the political "stump" became the favorite hustings. The news that a leader was to "take the stump" in a certain district was sufficient promise of enlightenment on the political issues of the day in a region where newspapers and campaign literature were meager; and also the occasion was likely to afford a diversion in the way of rival processions and to furnish an opportunity of meeting one's friends and neighbors. The community which was favored as the scene of a political debate immediately awoke to unwonted activ ity. Banners were painted, flags flung from staff and build ing, and lithographs of rival candidates displayed in windows. Great barges or wagons, especially decorated for the occasion, were filled with "first voters," or with young women dressed to symbolize the political aspects of the campaign. Local merchants hurriedly stocked up on novelties likely to be in demand, while itinerant venders altered their schedules and hurried to the promising center of trade. Upon the public square each party erected a "pole" with a banner bearing the name of its candidates flying from the lofty top. The rural male voter did not appro priate to himself all the joys of the occasion, but the entire family "went to town," to enjoy the unusual day of diversion in the round of a monotonous and isolated life. A reporter connected with a New York newspaper was sent to Illinois to write up one of these "stump" campaigns, and both vividly and appreciatively he described the gathering of the people for the chief event of the summer: '"It is astonishing how deep an interest in politics this people take J Over long weary miles of hot and dusty prairie the processions of eager partisans come — on foot, on horseback, in wagons drawn by horses or mules; men, women, and children, old and young; the half sick, just out of the last 'shake;' children in arms, infants at the maternal LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS 3 fount, pushing on in clouds of dust and beneath the blazing sun; settling down at the town where the meeting is, with hardly a chance for sitting, and even less opportunity for eating,, waiting in anxious groups for hours at the places of speaking, talking, discussing, litigious, vociferous, while the war artillery, the music of the bands, the waving of ban ners, the huzzahs of the crowds, as delegation after delegation appears ; the cry of the peddlers vending all sorts of ware, from an infallible cure of 'agur' to a monster watermelon in slices to suit purchasers — combine to render the occasion one scene of confusion and commo tion. The hour of one arrives and a perfect rush is made for the grounds ; a column of dust is rising to the heavens and fairly deluging those who are hurrying on through it. Then the speakers come with flags, and banners, and music, surrounded by cheering partisans. Their arrival at the ground and immediate approach to the stand is the signal for shouts that rend the heavens. They are introduced to the audience amidst prolonged and enthusiastic cheers; they are interrupted by frequent applause; and they sit down finally amid the same uproari ous demonstration. The audience sit or stand patiently throughout, and, as the last word is spoken, make a break for their homes, first hunting up lost members of their families, getting their scattered wagon- loads together, and, as the daylight fades away, entering again upon the broad prairies and slowly picking their way back to the place of be ginning." — Special correspondence from Charleston, Illinois, to the New York Post, September 24, 1858. The patience of the crowd in listening to lengthy speeches, as noted by this correspondent, finds many illustrations elsewhere. ( Three hours was the usual time allotted to a speaker. ) Sometimes after listening to a discussion of this length during the afternoon, the crowd would disperse for supper and then return to hear another speaker for an equal length of time during the evening. The spirit of fairness to both sides prompted the people to furnish one speaker with as large an audience as the other enjoyed. This spirit was manifested at Peoria in 1854 as the following extract from a contemporary newspaper shows: "On Monday, October 16, Senator Douglas, by appointment, ad- 4 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS dressed a large audience at Peoria. When he closed he was greeted with six hearty cheers; and the band in attendance played a stirring air. The crowd then began to call for Lincoln, who, as Judge Douglas had announced, was, by agreement, to answer him. Mr. Lincoln then took the stand, and said— '"I do not arise to speak now, if I can stipulate with the audience tp meet me here. at half past six or at seven o'clock. It is now several minutes past five,, and Judge Douglas has spoken over three hours. If you hear me at all, I wish you to. hear, me thro'. It wiU take me as long as it has taken him. That will carry us beyond eight o'clock at night. Now every one of you who can remain that long, can just as well get his supper, meet me at seven, and remain one hour or two later. The judge has. already informed you that he is to have an hoiur to reply to me. I doubt not but you have been a little surprised to learn that I have consented to give one of his high reputation and known ability this advantage of me. Indeed, my consenting to it, though reluctant, was not wholly unselfish; for I suspected if it were understood, that the Judge was entirely done, you democrats would leave, and not hear me; but by giving him the close, I felt confident that you would stay for the fun of hearing himskin me.' "The audience signified their assent to the arrangement, and adjourned to 7 o'clock p. M., at which time they re-assembled, and Mr. Lincoln spoke."— Correspondence of the Illinois Journal, Spring field, October ai, 1854. SENATOR DOUGLAS OF ILLINOIS The storm center of political agitation, carried to the west of the Alleghany Mountains in the campaign of 1824, gradually advanced with the spread of the people, until the decade between 1850 and i860 saw it centered in Illinois, mainly through the prominence of Senator Stephen A. Douglas and the Kansas-Nebraska question. As chairman of the Senate Committee on Territories, Douglas fathered and pushed to enactment the famous law of 1854, which repealed the Missouri Compromise so far at it related to the unorganized portion of the Louisiana Purchase lying north of 36° 30', and threw it open to slavery or freedom as^^the STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS From a photograph in the collection of the Illinois Historical Library, supposed to have been made in 185S. LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS S future inhabitants might determine under the principle of home rule or "popular sovereignty." By this course he brought upon himself the denunciation and abuse of all northern people who opposed the further extension of slave territory. Immediately upon the adjournment of Congress in August, 1854, Douglas started for Illinois to defend himself before his constituents. Before leaving Washington, he said: "I shall be assailed by demagogues and fanatics there, without stint or moderation. Every opprobrious epithet will be applied to me. I shall probably be hung in effigy in many places. This proceeding may end my politi cal career. But, acting under the sense of duty which animates me, I am prepared to make the sacrifice." He reached Chicago September 2d, and took the rostrum in his own defense at a meeting which he caused to be an nounced for the following evening. The result may be learned from the newspapers of the day, by reading ex tracts from writers both favorable and hostile to him. [Illinois Journal, Springfield, September 8, 1854] The Chicago Tribune mentions the following among the occur rences of Friday afternoon: The Flags of all the shipping in port were displayed at half-mast, shortly after noon and remained there during the remainder of the day. At a quarter past six the bells of the city commenced to toll, and commenced to fill the air with their mournful tones for more than an hour. The city wore an air of mourning for the disgrace which her senator was seeking to impose upon her, and which her citi zens have determined to resent at any cost. [Chicago Times, September 4, 1854] THE MEETING LAST NIGHT During the whole of yesterday, the expected meeting of last night was the universal topic of conversation. Crowds of visitors arrived by the special trains from the surrounding cities and towns, even from as far as Detroit and St. Louis, attracted by the announcement that Judge Douglas was to address his constituents. 6 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS In consequence of the extreme heat of the weather, it was deemed advisable to hold the meeting on the outside of the hall instead of the inside as had been announced. At early candle light, a throng of 8,000 persons had assembled at the south part of the North Market Hall. At the time announced, the Mayor of Chicago called the assemblage to order and Judge Douglas then addressed the meeting He was frequently interrupted by the gang of abolition rowdies Whenever he approached the subject of the Nebraska bill, an evidently well organized and drilled body of men, comprising about one-twentieth of the meeting, collected and formed into a compact body, refused to allow him to proceed. They kept up this disgraceful proceeding until after ten o'clock. In vain did the mayor of the city appeal to their sense of order. They refused to let him he heard. Judge Douglas, notwithstanding the uproars of these hirelings, proceeded at intervals. He told them he was not unprepared for their conduct. He had a day or two since received a letter written by the secretary of an organi zation framed since his arrival in the city for the purpose of preventing him from speaking. This organization required that he should leave the city or keep silent; and if he disregarded this notice, the organi zation was pledged at the sacrifice of his life to prevent his being heard. He presented himself, he said, and challenged the armed gang to execute on him their murderous pledge. The letter having been but imper fectly heard, its reading was asked by some of the orderly citizens present, but the mob refused to let it be heard, when Judge Douglas at the earnest request of some of his friends, left the stand. [Illinois Journal, Springfield, September 4, 1854] "THE DOUGLAS SPEECH" This grand affair came off Friday night. — ^The St. Louis Repub lican had made one grand flourish in favor of the immortal Douglas by means of its correspondent, that Douglas would achieve wonders at Chicago and be sustained by the State. OflBce-holders far and near appeared at Chicago to enjoy his triumph. The evening came, and — we will let the Democratic Press speak — Mr. Douglas had a stormy meeting last evening at the North Market Hall. There was a great amount of groans and cheers. But there was nothing like a riot or any approach to it LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS 7 He said some bitter things against the press of Chicago, and did not compli ment the intelligence of citizens in very pleasant terms. They refused to hear him on these subjects. Towards the close of his speech they became so uproari ous that he was obliged to desist. The plain truth is there were a great many there who were unwilling to hear him and manifested their disapprobation in a very noisy and disrespectful manner. We regret exceedingly that he was not permitted to make his speech unmolested. That would have been far better than the course that was pursued. We are glad, however, that when he decided to make no further efforts the people retired peaceably to their homes and all was quiet. The Chicago Democrat disposes of the matter even in fewer words : Senator Douglas. — Last evening a large number of citizens assembled in front of the North Market Hall, some to listen to Senator Douglas' remarks on the act known as the Nebraska Act, and some with the express purpose of pre venting his making any remarks. The meeting was called to order, and Senator Douglas was introduced to the audience by Mayor Milliken. The noise and dis turbance of the audience was such, however, that he was unable to pursue his argument in a manner satisfactory to those who wished to learn what he would say in vindication of his course. We have heard from private sources that there were ten thousand people present; and that evidently they did not come there to get up a distmrbance but simply to demonstrate to Sen. Douglas their opinion of his treachery to his constituents. This they did effectually; and Mr. Douglas now fully understands the estimate in which his conduct is held by his townsmen at Chicago. It is said that Mr. Douglas felt, intensely, the rebuke he had re ceived. The oflSce-holders who went to Chicago from here and elsewhere are very quiet on their return, and have learnt something of public opinion in the north part of this state. [Illinois Journal, Springfield, September 5, 1854] SPEECH OF SENATOE DOUGLAS At the North Market Hall on Friday Evening-, September Ist, 1854 You have been told that the bill legislated slavery into territory now free. It does no such thing. [Groans and hisses — ^with abortive efforts to cheer.] As most of you have never read that bill [Groans], I will read to you the fourteenth section. [Here he read the section referred to, long since published and commented on in this paper.] 8 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS It wiU be seen that the bill leaves the people perfectly free. [Groans and some cheers.] It is perfectly natural for those who have mis represented and slandered me, to be unwilling to hear me. I am here in my own home. [Tremendous groans — ^a voice, that is in North CaroRna— in Alabama, &c.,— go there and talk, &c. — ] I am in my own home, and have lived in Illinois long before you thought of the State. I know my rights, and, though personal Tdolence has been threatened me, I am determined to maintain them. ["Much noise and confusion."] The principle of the Nebraska bill grants to the people of the territories the right to govern themselves. Who dares deny that right [a voice, It grants the right to take slavery there that's all]. What is the Missouri Compromise line ? It was simply a line, recognizing slavery on one side of it and forbidding it on the other. Now would any of you permit^the establishment of slavery on either side of any line ? [No ! No '. ! ] \ Mr. Douglas said he would snow that all of his audience were in 1848 in favor of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and he alone was opposed to it. [Three cheers were given for the Compromise.] The compromise measures of 1850 were endorsed by our own City Council. They were also endorsed by our legislature almost unani mously. The resolution passed by our Legislature in 1851, approved of the principles of non-intervention — [it was published in the Press, with comments a few days since], in the most direct and strongest terme. All the Representatives except four whigs voted for the resolu tion. — Every representative from Cook county voted for them. These were the instructions under which he acted. Till then he was the fast friend of the Compromise. [A voice — then why did you repeal it?] Simply because another principle had been adopted and I acted upon that principle. — [Some one asked that if he lived in Kansas whether he would vote for its being a free State. — But the Senator could not find it convenient to answer it, though repeated several times.] The questicMis now became more frequent and the people more noisy. Judge Douglas became excited, and said many things not very creditable to his position and character. The people as a consequence refused to hear him further, and although he kept the stand for a con siderable time he was obliged at last to give way and retire to his lod- LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS 9 gings at the Tremont House. The people then separated quietly and all except the office-holders, in the greatest of good humor. — A large number and we certainly were among them, felt deeply mortified that Mr. Douglas had not been permitted to say what he pleased. We must say, however, that the matter terminated much more peacefully than most of our citizens feared, and all have reason, con sidering the excited state of public mind, to be thankful that matters are no worse. ABRAHAM LINCOLN OF ILLINOIS Among those who opposed the action of Douglas was his long-time friend and rival Abraham Lincoln, who had served several terms in the Illinois State Legislature and one term in Congress (1847-49) and then retired from public life to look after his law practice.] After six years of retirement, he confessed himself drawn again into the arena of politics by the passing of the Kansas-Nebraska act. In the dissatisfaction with Douglas and the Democratic dissension likely to follow, Lincoln saw an opportunity for the Whigs of Illinois and an opening for his long-suppressed political ambitions. During the autumn of 1854, after Douglas had been refused a hearing in Chicago, Lincoln wrote to an influential friend, "It has come around that a Whig may by possibility be elected to the United States Senate, and I want the chance of being that man.'" \At this time, Lincoln was among the most prominent of the old line Whigs of Illinois 0 but the dissensions in the Democratic party which promised him a hearing also brought an obstacle in the many prominent Democrats who were deserting the pro-slavery Douglas and who might properly be called new line Whigs, although known as anti-Nebraska men. The Whigs, never able to carry the state, welcomed an alliance with these seceders on the common basis of opposition to slavery extension; naturally « Nicolay and Hay, Compkle Works o/ Abraham Lincoln, I, 209. lo ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS a greater public interest would attach to them than to a regular Whig like Lincoln; and the latter was in danger of being relegated to second place during the important Spring field Fair week of 1854. [Alton, Illinois, Courier, October 27, 1854] Heretofore the Democracy of Central and Southern Illinois, who disagree with Judge Douglas on the Nebraskan measure, have been almost entirely silent in regard to it, and Judge Douglas and his sup porters in the matter have had matters entirely their own way This state of things, as every one must have foreseen, could not last long. The democracy have been aroused and Judge Douglas is to be met at Springfield by several of the first minds of the State, men who would honor any State or nation and no less giants than himself. We are informed that Judge Trumbull, Judge Breese, Col. McClemand, Judge Palmer, Col. E. D. Taylor, and others will be there and reply to Judge Douglas. He wiU find as foemen tried Democrats, lovers of the Baltimore platform and opposed to all slavery agitation — giants in intellect, worthy of his steel. / THE DEBATES OF 1854 / The Illinois State Agricultural Fair held annually at Springfield was the culminating political event of the year — a characteristic which it bears to the present day. This gather ing, devoted primarily to the interests of the farmer, became a rendezvous for state politicians, where plans were laid, candidates brought out, and the issues of the day discussed by the ablest speakers in each party. Douglas well knew that he must defend himself against the Whigs and also against many former supporters in his own party, as indi cated in the quotation above. Leaving Chicago after failing to secure a hearing, Douglas went to Indianapolis and then returned to Illinois, addressing enthusiastic meetings at Ottawa, Joliet, Rock Island, and other places before the first week in October, which was the date of the State Fair. [Springfield at this time contained about fifteen thousand LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS ii inhabitants and the visitors to the fair increased the popu lation at least ten thousand. It was the day of stump speaking. The farmers held sessions daily during the week at which they discussed topics pertaining to agriculture and its allied interests; each evening a woman was lecturing in the court room on "Woman's Influence in the Great Pro gressive Movements of the Day;" and the politicians occu pied the senate chamber from noon to midnight with a short intermission for supper. In a card given out through the press, the members of the Agricultural Society protested against the political speakers taking advantage of their "Annual Jubilee and School of Life" to occupy the time and distract the attention of the people by a public discussion of questions foreign to the objects of the society. "^The politicians -as well as the farmers are out in force," wrote a reporter. On Wednesday of Fair week, Douglas spoke in the Hall of Representatives in the State House, making a masterly defense of himself and his theory of popular sovereignty. He was to be answered at the same place the following afternoon by Judge Trumbull, of Alton, the most prominent anti-Nebraska Democrat in the southern part of the state. Trumbull failed to arrive at the proper time and Abraham Lincoln, a Whig, arose to reply to Douglas. Lincoln was the recognized speaker for the Whigs in Springfield: a ¦month before, he had replied to Calhoun, a pro-Nebraska Democrat. [Chicago Democratic Press, October 6, 1854] POLITICAL SPEAKING Today we listened to a 3J hour's speech from the Hon. Abram Lincoln, in reply to that of Judge Douglas of yesterday. He made a full and convincing reply and showed up squatter sovereignty in all its unblushing pretensions. We came away as Judge Douglas commenced to reply to Mr. Lincoln. 12 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS LINCOLN AT THE STATE FAIR My acquaintance with Mr. Lincoln began in October, 1854.' I was then in the employ of the Chicago Evening Journal. I had been sent to Springfield to report the political doings of State Fair week for that newspaper. Thus it came about that I occupied a front seat in the Representatives' Hall, in the old State House when Mr. Lincoln delivered a speech already described in this volume. The impression made upon me by the orator was quite overpowering. I had not heard much political speaking up to that time. I have heard a great deal since. I have never heard anything since, either by Mr. Lincoln, or by anybody, that I would put on a higher plane of oratory. All the strings that play upon the human heart and understanding were touched with masterly skill and force, while beyond and above all skill was the overwhelming conviction pressed upon the audience that the speaker himself was charged with an irresistible and inspiring duty to his fellow- men Although I heard him many times afterward, I shall longest remem ber him as I then saw the tall, angular form with the long, angular arms, at times bent nearly double with excitement, like a large flail animating two smaller ones, the mobile face wet with perspiration which he discharged in drops as he threw his head this way and that like a projectile — not a graceful figure and yet not an ungraceful one. C Lincoln spoke until half -past five; Douglas replied for an hour and then announced that he would leave off to enable the listeners to have their suppers and would resume at early candle' light. But when that time arrived, Douglas for some reason failed to resume, other speakers took the platform, and Douglas' "unfinished speech" was the cause of endless raillery on the part of the Whigs who claimed that he found Lincoln's arguments unanswerable.^ The style of argument of each was known to the other because they had debated public questions in Springfield as early as seventeen years before. Trumbull arrived in time to speak on Thursday evening and his speech was widely copied in the press of the state as representative anti-Ne- ' Mr. Horace White in Herndon's L»/e o/.Lincoln, by permission of D. Appleton & Co. LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS 13 braska doctrine. Lincoln, through the influence of his friend Herndon, was given extravagant praise in the Journal "of Springfield, but his speech created no widespread com ment throughout the state such as Herndon would have us believe.' [Illinois Journal, Springfield, October 5, 1854] HON. A. LINCOLN'S SPEECH Agreeably to previous notice, circulated in the morning by hand bill, Hon. A. Lincoln delivered a speech yesterday, at the State House, in the- Hall of Representatives in reply to the speech of Senator Douglas, of the preceding day. Mr. L. commenced at 2 o'clock, p. m., and spoke above three hours, to a very large, intelligent and attentive audience. Judge Douglas had been invited by Mr. Lincoln to be present and to reply to Mr. Lincoln's remarks, if he should think proper to do so. And Judge Douglas was present, and heard Mr. Lincoln throughout. i Mr. Lincoln closed amid immense cheers. He had nobly and tri umphantly sustained the cause of a free people, and won a place in their hearts as a bold and powerful champion of equal rights for Amer ican citizens, that will in all time be a monument to his honor. Mr. Douglas replied to Mr. Lincoln, in a speech of about two hours. It was adroit, and plausible, but had not the marble of logic in it. \ [Illinois Journal, Springfield, October 10, 1854] , LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS 'y The debate between these two men came off in the State House on the fifth of October. ) The Hall of the House of Representatives in which the speaking was heard, was crowded to overflowing. The number present was about two thousand. Mr. Lincoln commenced at 2 o'clock p. M., and spoke three hours and ten minutes. We propose to give our views and those of many northerners and many southerners upon the debate. We intend to give it as fairly as we can. Those who know Mr. Lincoln, know him to be a conscien- » "At this time I was zealously interested in the new movement, and not less so than in Lincoln. I frequently wrote the editorials in the Springfield Journal Many of the editorials I wrote were intended dhectly or indirectly to promote the interests of Lincoln." — Herndon's Lije of Lincoln, II, 36. 38. 14 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS tious and honest man, who makes no assertions that he does not know to be true. It was a proud day for Lincoln. His friends will never forget it. The news had gone abroad that "Lincoln was afraid to meet Douglas;" but when he arose, his manly and fearless form shut up and crushed out the charge. We will not soon forget his appearance as he bowed to the audience, and looked over the vast sea of human heads. V Douglas arose and commenced his answers to Mr. Lincoln — and his eloquence can only be compared to his person — false and brusque. He is haughty and imperative, — ^his voice somewhat shrill and his manner positive; — ^now flattering, now wild with excess of madness. That trembling fore-finger, like a lash, was his whip to drive the doubt ing into the ranks. He is a very tyrant. — i When he arose he most evidently was angry for being bearded in the Capitol, and if we judge not wrongly, we affirm that he is conscious of his ruin and doom. The marks and evidences of desolation are furrowed in his face, — written on his brow. Lincoln next followed Douglas to Peoria and replied to him at that point, October i6, 1854.' A fortnight later elec tions were held for members of the state legislature who would choose in joint session a fellow-senator for Douglas from Illinois. SENATORLVL ELECTION OF 1854 The legislative elections proved unfortunate for the in dorsement of Douglas and brought a large number of anti- Nebraska men into the joint assembly. It seemed that Lincoln's senatorial aspirations were in a fair way to be realized; but at the last moment it was found necessary to elect Judge Trumbull, an anti-Nebraska Democrat, to pre vent the choice falling upon Governor Matteson, who was not sound on opposition to the extension of slavery in Kansas. ¦ Nicolay and Hay, Complete Worts, 1, 180. LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS 15 [Illinois Journal, Springfield, February 9, 1855] SENATORIAL ELECTION Trumbull Elected— The Anti-Nebraska Sentiment ol Illinois Vindicated The Senatorial election took place on yesterday. . . . f^ Abraham Lincoln had by far the largest number of votes on the first ballot^ but it having become apparent that he could not be elected, his friends to a man, with his entire approbation, united on a candidate that could be, and was, elected.} Every vote Judge TTrumbuU received came from anti-Nebraska and anti-Douglas men. ) Thus has the State of Illinois rebuked the authors of the repeal of the Missouri restriction. — They have done it in a manner that will be felt, not only in this State, but throughout the nation. The Douglas party would have greatly preferred the election of Lincoln, William Ogden, Kellogg, or Sweet, to that of Judge Trumbull. They were most anxious to crush him for daring to be honest. Of Mr. Lincoln, we need scarcely say, — that though ambitious of the oflSce himself, — when it was apparent that he could not be elected, he pressed his friends to vote for Mr. Trumbull. — Mr. Lincoln's friends can well say, that while with his advice they ultimately cast their votes for, and assisted in the election of Mr. Trumbull, it was not "because they loved Caesar less, but because they loved Rome more." It has long been certain that there was an anti-Nebraska majority in the Legislature. The Douglas men were certain of this fact — and their anticipated "triumph," as announced by Mr. Moulton in the House, was based on the known popularity of Gov. Matteson personally, which would give their votes for him and which would , ensure his election. Although Herndon and Lincoln's other friends attempted in these complimentary terms to soften the blow of his de feat, he felt keenly the sacrifice he had been compelled to make for a man who had been until recently his political enemy ,( "I regret my defeat moderately," he wrote to a friend, "but am not nervous about it.'",; Quite naturally he would be given a chance when the next senatorial vacancy occurred and that would be four years hence. » Nicolay and Hay, op. cU., 215. l6 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1 856 As the presidential year of 1856 came on, the old line Whigs and anti-Nebraska men were fused into the new Republican party through spontaneous conventions held in the different northern states. In Illinois, "People's" con ventions assembled in the counties and named delegates to a state convention which was held in Springfield in May, representing "those regardless of party who oppose the further extension of slave territory and who wish to curb the rising pretentions of the slave oligarchy." Among the prominent men present was Abraham Lincoln, who spoke at the close of the convention. Reporters afterward testi fied that the spell of his simple oratory was so entrancing that they forgot their tasks and the speech went unre ported. In later years it was written out- from memory by one of the hearers and became known as "Lincoln's lost speech," being the subject of no little controversy. [Illinois Journal, Springfield, June 3, 1856] HON. A. LINCOLN During the recent session of the State anti-Nebraska Convention, the Hon. A. Lincoln of this city made one of the most powerful and convincing speeches which we have ever heard. The editor of the Chicago Press, thus characterizes it: Abram Lincoln of Springfield was next called out, and made the speech of the occasion. Never has it been our fortune to listen to a more eloquent and masterly presentation of a subject. I shall not mar any of its fine proportions ox brilliant passages by attempting even a synopsis of it. Mr. Lincoln must write it out and let it go before all the people. For an hour and a half he held the assemblage spell-bound by the power of his argument, the intense irony of his invective, and the deep earnestness and fervid brilliancy of his eloquence. When he concluded, the audience sprang to their feet, and cheer after cheer told how deeply their hearts had been touched, and their souls warmed up to a generous enthusiasm. In the Democratic national convention which met at Cincinnati, June 2, 1856, Douglas on one ballot received 121 votes, but the nomination eventually went to James LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS 17 Buchanan. In the Republican national convention, which met at Philadelphia, two weeks later, Lincoln was given no votes on the informal vote for the vice-presidency, but Dayton was nominated. Lincoln headed the list of Illinois electors for Fremont and Dayton. During the campaign, Douglas took the stump for Buchanan and Lincoln for Fremont. (After the defeat of Freniont, Lincoln said in a speech at a banquet in Chicago: "In the late contest we were divided between Fremont and Buchanan. Can we not come together in the future ? Let bygones be bygones; let past differences be as nothing; and with steady eye on the real issue, let us re-inaugurate the good old 'central ideas' of the republic. We can do it. The human heart is with us; God is with us."") In June, of the following year, 1857, Douglas spoke in Springfield on current political topics and two weeks later Lincoln answered him at the same place. CHAPTER II THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 ( Douglas was chosen to the United States Senate from Illinois for the first time in 1847 and was re-elected in 1853; consequently his second term would expire in 1859 and he must at that time seek a new election at the hands of the Illinois legislature. To compass this end, he must con trol the legislative elections of 1858. The state was never lost to the Democratic column before i860; but Douglas found himself obliged to enter the campaign of 1858 under peculiar and embarrassing circumstances. The plan by which he had hoped to establish home rule in Kansas had caused a situation in the territory which bade fair to test the principle of "popular sovereignty" and to create dissension in the Democratic party. Some of the residents of the territory late in 1857 framed and adopted a constitution at Lecompton; but the free-soil people of the territory refused to take part in the proceedings. The adoption by Congress of this "Lecompton constitution" was favored by President Buchanan, but was opposed by Senator Douglas on the ground that it was not a fair test of "popular sovereignty." If Douglas were successful in securing a re-election in Illinois, it could be interpreted in no other way than a de feat for the administration and an invitation to other ambi tious statesmen to brook presidential disfavor. It was reported that Buchanan warned Douglas of his peril and that Douglas replied, "Mr. Presiderlt, Andrew Jackson is dead," implying that the days of presidential dictation were past. ) Consequently the new Republican party of Illinois 19 20 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS had an unexpected opportunity of aiding a Democratic president to defeat a Democratic senator for re-election. If Douglas entered the canvass beset with difficulty, Lincoln was far from being able to place the contest purely on the basis of merit. The patronage of the state so long enjoyed by Senator Douglas under Democratic adminis tration had dotted the state with Douglas postmasters, revenue collectors, and other federal officers. That Lincoln fully appreciated this handicap is evident from one of his Springfield speeches of 1858: "Senator Douglas is of world-wide renown. All the anxious poli ticians of his party, or who have been of his party for years past, have been looking upon him as certainly, at no distant day, to be the presi dent of the United States. They have seen in his round, jolly, fruitful face, post-offices, land-offices, marshallships, and cabinet appointments, chargeships and foreign missions, bursting and sprouting out in won derful exuberance, ready to be laid hold of by their greedy hands. And as they have been gazing upon this attractive picture so long, they can not, in the little distraction that has taken place in the party, bring themselves to give up the charming hope: but with greedier anxiety they rush about him, sustain him, and give him marches, triumphant entries, and receptions beyond what even in the days of his highest prosperity they could have brought about in his favor. "On the contrary, nobody has ever expected me to be president. In my poor, lean, lank face, nobody has ever seen that any cabbages were sprouting out. These are disadvantages all, taken together, that the Republicans labor under. We have to fight this battle upon principle, and upon principles alone."' There was also a possibility that at the last moment it might become necessary to name as the Republican candi date for the senatorship a former Democrat, as had been done in the election of 1854. It was also rumored that John Wentworth of Chicago was the real candidate and ¦ Nicolay and Hay, op, cit., jfii. THE OLD STATE HOI SI SIKIN(,1I1ID ILLINOIS THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 21 that Lincoln was to be used as a stalking-horse for the defeat of Douglas in the legislative campaign. Mr. A. Lincoln is the special object of admiration among the Black Republicans of Illinois at this time. How long it will last no one knows. Two years ago he occupied much the same position, but he was diddled out of the place of Senator by the friends of Trumbull, and the same thing may happen to him again.' Lincoln's prospects for the senatorship were further menaced by the danger that the Republicans of the state might deem it wise to lend their support to Douglas, re elect him to the Senate, and by his victory impair the chances of Buchanan securing a second term. Greeley suggested that the Illinois senatorship should be allowed to go to Douglas by default and thus by increasing the breach- between Douglas and Buchanan prepare the way for the Republicans to carry the state in i860. Lincoln him self expressed his fears lest Douglas should shift from his true Democratic principles, and "assume steep Free SoU ground and furiously assail the Administration on the stump." This very possible action would take away the support of the anti-Nebraska Democrats and of many Republicans from Lincoln and center it on the Little Giant. Against such a coalition Lincoln took the precaution of sending letters to prominent Republicans throughout the state, before the Republican convention met at Springfield in June, 1858, and they soon acknowledged the danger of indorsing so uncertain a man as Douglas upon no other recommendation to Republicanism than his quarrel with Buchanan. The situation might be foreguarded if the Republican convention would indorse Lincoln as its candi date, thereby pledging the legislators elected on its ticket in the November election to vote for Lincoln in the joint session to be held during the winter of 1859. ¦ Missouri Republican, St. Louis, July ii, 1858. 22 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS [Illinois Journal, Springfield, June i6, 1858] REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION OE ILLINOIS &reat Harmony and Enthusiasm B. C. Cooke, of LaSalle, offered the following resolution which was unanimously adopted: Resolved : That the Hon. Lyman Trumbull in the Senate of the United States has illustrated and defined the principles of the Republi can party with distinguished ability and fidelity, and we hereby express our emphatic approval of his course. Chas. L. Wilson, of Cook, submitted the following resolution, which was greeted with shouts of applause and unanimously adopted: Resolved: That Abraham Lincoln is the first and only choice of the Republicans of Illinois for the United States Senate, as the suc cessor of Stephen A. Douglas. On motion, the Convention adjourned to meet at 8 o'clock. 8 o'clock p. M. Convention met, pursuant to adjournment. Resolutions complimentary to the officers of the State government, and also to the officers of the Convention were unanimously adopted. Speeches were made by Hon. Abraham Lincoln, T. J. Turner, I. N. Arnold, J. J. Feree, C. B. Denio, Wyche, Hopkins and others, and the Convention adjourned with long and hearty cheers for the ticket and the cause. (Signed) Gustavus Koerner, Pres't. D. M. Whitney, etc., Vice Pres'ts. W. H. Bailhache, etc., Sec'ies. [Daily Whig, Quincy, Illinois, June 21, 1858] REPUBLICAN STATE TICKET For State Treasurer JAMES MILLER of McLean County For Superintendent 0} Public Instruction NEWTON BATEMAN of Morgan County THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 23 < THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION About seven o'clock, the Convention adjourned to meet in the evening; but previous to doing so, an incident occurred worthy of notice. The delegates from Cook county appeared with a banner upon which was inscribed, " Cook county for Abram Lincoln for United States Senator." Mr. Judd, of Cook, in a very appropriate address, referred to this fact, when a delegate in the crowd arose, and, waving a flag on which was printed the word "Illinois," moved that it be nailed over "Cook county" in the banner carried by the Cook delegation. The motion was received with rounds of applause, and carried by a unanimous vote. The inscription then read ILLINOIS ; FOR ABRAM LINCOLN FOR U. S. Senator In the evening, the Hall was again crowded to excess to listen to the speeches from Lincoln, Judd, Wyche, Feree, Denio, and others. It would take up more room and time than are at our dis posal to comment upon the speeches delivered, and the unbounded enthusiasm which prevailed. LINCOLN AT THE REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION Returning to the campaign of 1858 — I was sent by my employers to Springfield to attend the Republican State Convention of that year.' Again I sat at a short distance from Mr. Lincoln when he delivered the "House-divided-against-itself" speech on the 17th of June. This was delivered from manuscript and was the only one I ever heard him de liver in that way. When it was concluded he put the manuscript in my hands and asked me to go to the State Journal office and read the proof of it. I think it had already been set in type. Before I had finished this task, Mr. Lincoln himself came into the composing room of the State Journal and looked over the revised proofs. He said to me that he had taken a great deal of pains with this speech, and that he wanted it to go before the people just as he had prepared it. He added that some of his friends had scolded him a good deal about the opening paragraph and "the house divided against itself," and wanted ¦ Mr. Horace White in Herndon's Life of Lincoln, by permission of D. Appleton & Co. 24 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS him to change it or leave it out altogether, but that he believed he had studied this subject more deeply than they had, and that he was going to stick to that text whatever happened. [Daily Chicago Times, June 22, 1858] ALL FOR LINCOLN During the progress of the Convention on yesterday, the Chicago delegation brought in a banner with the motto upon it "CooK County is for Abraham Lincoln." It was received with shouts and hurrahs of the most vociferous character. On motion of one of the Peoria delegates, the motto was amended to read — "Illinois Is for Abraham Lincoln," which brought down the House with three times three and three extra. — Springfield Journal. The Republican enemies of Long John in Chicago thought they had put a nail in his coffin by preparing this banner, and the result is that they think they have effectually killed off his Senatorial aspirations by the above proceeding. Another move is to nominate E. Peck and Kriessman for the legislature from North Chicago, and Meech and Scripps from South Chicago. We'll see if Long John is to be beaten or not. It was now less than two years until the Republicans would nominate a candidate for the presidency. That Lin coln was not regarded as a possibility even in Illinois is shown by the following : [Missouri Republican, St. Louis, June 24, 1858] Vote on the Presidency. — ^The vote among the Republican Delegates to the Illinois State Convention and passengers on the morning train, indicating their preference for the Presidency, stood as follows: WiUiam H. Seward 139 S. P. Chase 6 John C. Freemont 32 W. H. Bissell 2 John McLean 13 Scattering 26 Lyman Trumbull 7 The speech in which Lincoln acknowledged the courtesy of the convention was thought out in advance and every sentence carefully weighed. It marked the new lines upon which Lincoln proposed to argue the situation and which ulti mately won success. Boldly casting aside the long-preva lent idea that the Union could be saved by compromise THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 25 and by repressing agitation, Lincoln voiced the new opinion in a slightly altered Scriptural quotation, /'A house divided against itself cannot stand."' He declared that the gov ernment could not endure permanently half slave and half free; it must become all one thing or all the other.) Whether Lincoln foresaw that the astute Douglas would construe this statement into a desire to dissolve the Union is a matter of doubt, as is also the question whether he appreciated the danger that his criticism of the Dred Scott decision would be twisted by Douglas into a revolutionary attack on the Supreme Court. Since the campaign was to be waged against Senator Douglas, Lincoln devoted a large part of his speech to showing the unfitness of the Illinois senator to lead Repub licans in their attempt to check the growing territorial power of the slaveholding dynasty, and to ridiculing the pretended greatness of the senator. "They remind us," said he, "that he is a great man and that the largest of us are very small ones. Let that be granted. But 'a living dog is better than a dead lion.' Judge Douglas, if not a dead lion, for this work, is at least a caged and tooth less one. How can he oppose the advances of sla very? He don't care about it But clearly, he is not now with us — ^he does not pretend to be — he does not promise ever to be." He insinuated that the Dred Scott decision was a part of a Democratic programme. "We cannot absolutely know," said he, "that all these exact adaptations are the result of preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions of which we know have been gotten out at different times and places by differ ent workmen— Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James, for instance — and we see these timbers joined together, ' and ¦ "And i£ a house be divided against Itself, that house cannot stand." — Mark 3:25. 26 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS see them exactly make the frame of a house or mill, all the tenons and mortises exactly fitting and all the lengths and proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their respective places, and not a piece too many or too few, not omitting even scaffolding — or, if a single piece be lack ing, we see the place in the frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such piece in — in such a case we find it impos sible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and James all understood one another from the beginning, and all worked upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the first blow was struck." The breach between Douglas and the administration was reflected in the Democratic state convention which met at Springfield, AprU 21, 1858. As soon as resolutions were introduced approving the course of Senator Douglas, a con siderable number of delegates withdrew from the convention and formed a "rump" assembly in another room. They were mostly from Chicago and the northern part of the state. These "bolters" called another convention which met at Springfield, June 9, nominated candidates, and adopted resolutions denouncing Douglas and characterizing his opposition to the administration on the Lecompton question as "an act of overweening conceit." [Daily Chicago Times, June lo, 1858] THE BOLTERS CONVENTION In another column we publish the telegraphic report of the pro ceedings of the Bolters Convention at Springfield yesterday. It was a miserable farce. It is represented that 48 of the 100 counties were represented, and considering that the delegates were self-appointed, and that oflSces under the federal government were promised to all who would attend, the fact that in 52 counties there could not be found THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 27 men mean enough to participate in the proceedings, is £t glorious tribute to the fidelity of the Democracy of Illinois. Dougherty and Reynolds were nominated, and if they receive 2,500 votes in the whole State it will astonish even themselves. We publish also the letter of our correspondent detailing the events of Tuesday — the drunken orgies of the men, who, rioting on the public money, have been a disgrace to the State, to the party and now even to themselves. [Illinois State Register, September 25, 1858] SONG OF THE HYENAS The following, which we clip from an eastern contemporary, is entitled "Senator Douglas and His Persecutors, or, the Battle Song of the Hyenas." It undoubtedly contains "more truth than poetry," and we cordially commend it to the careful perusal of the Illinois Dan- ites : — 1 . We'll hunt the lion down. We jolly bold Hyenas, Though honest folks may think We're just about as mean as 2. The devils are, who make Poor bigots torture people. Because the people can't Uphold said bigots' steeple, 3. O won't it be such fun To crush the "Little Giant" Who, conscious of the right, Is saucy and defiant ? 4. Why can't he do like us — Stoop low for place and plunder ? Such independence does Excite our wrath and wonder. 5. Of course in open day We never will attack him, For then his voice would call The masses up to back him; 6. But at the midnight hour In dark and gloomy weather. In some old grave-yard foul, We'll congregate together. 7. And lay secret plan To stuff with spoils our leanness; And hunting Douglas down Will gratify our meanness ! 28 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Although these "bolters" represented fewer than half the counties of the state, their action was significant and the contagion might spread. Consequently, one week later Douglas turned aside in the Senate from the pending ques tion upon which he was speaking to address his fellow senators on the condition of political parties in Illinois. In a speech characteristically abusive he denounced the leader of the "bolters" as an ex-Mormon with an unwholesome record, and he fastened upon the recalcitrants the name of "Danite," by which they were known during the re mainder of the campaign. He took care during the course of his remarks to state that in his opinion Buchanan was not a party to the attacks made upon him from the ranks in Illinois. The Democratic press of the state immediately lined up with the rival conventions. A majority of the editors of the state favored Douglas, who had thus far been intrusted with a large part of the federal patronage of the state. The Whig editors took n'o part in the quarrel; the Buchanan- ites were sadly in the minority. ( Some of the Douglas supporters went so far as to place the name of Douglas at the head of a column on the editorial page, as if the elec tion of a senator were to be determined by popular vote. This, added to the direct nomination of Lincoln by the Republican convention, gave additional color to the popu lar aspect of the campaign. It was as if the two were run ning for the presidency rather than for an election to a senatorship through a state legislature. ) [Illinois State Register, Springfield, June 17] Mr. Lincoln is recommended for Senator and however unusual such an issue may be, it is now plainly and squarely one before the people of the state for United States senator — Stephen A. Douglas on the one side and Abraham Lincoln on the other; the Democracy of the one against the black republican principles of the other. THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 29 [New York Daily Tribune, June 26, 1858] ILLINOIS Sketch of the Hon. Abraham Lincoln Correspondence of the New York Tribune Collinsville, III., June 15, 1858 The decided expressions of the RepubUcan Convention of this State in favor of Abraham Lincoln for Senator, in the place now held by Judge Douglas, will give interest to anything throwing light upon the character and abihties of Mr. Lincoln, especially to those who are not acquainted with him. As he has served only one term in the Lower House of Congress, and that so long ago as 1846-8, there must be many who would like to know how he will be likely to fill the place of the now so notorious — I might say distinguished — Douglas. Is he a match for his "illustrious predecessor" ? ( But I am forgetting myself, which was chiefly to relate an incident showing the two men in contact and somewhat in comparison. I think it has never been in print. It was in the Fall of 1854, when the Nebraska bill was a fresh topic, Lincoln was speaking to some two thousand persons in the State-House at Springfield. Douglas sat on the Clerk's platform, just under the Speaker's stand. In his introduction, Lincoln complimented his dis tinguished friend; said he himself had not been in public life as he had; and if he should, on that account, misstate any fact, he would be very much obliged to his friend the Judge, if he would correct him. Judge Douglas rose with a good deal of Senatorial dignity, and said that it was not always agreeable to a speaker to be interrupted in the course of his remarks, and therefore, if he should have anything to say, he would wait until Mr. Lincoln was done. For some reason, he did not keep to his purpose, but quite frequently rose to put in a word when he seemed to think his case required immediate attention. One of these passages — and it was pretty nearly a sample of the rest — ^was in this wise : Lincoln had been giving a history of the legislation of the Federal Government on the subject of Slavery, and referring to the opinions held by public men, and had come down to the Nicholson letter, wherein the denial of the power of Congress to prohibit Slavery in the Territories was first presented to the public. Said he, " I don't know what my friend 30 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS the Judge thinks" [and he looked down upon him with a smile half playful, half roguish], "but really it seems to me that that was the origin of the Nebraska bill." This stroke at the Senator's laurels in the matter of the "great principle," created a good deal of laughter and some applause, which brought the Judge to his feet. Shaking back his heavy hair, and looking much like a roused lion, he said, in his peculiarly heavy voice which he uses with so much effect when he wishes to be impressive, "No, Sir! I will tell you what was the origin of the Nebraska bill. It was this. Sir ! God created man, and placed before him both good and evil, and left him free to choose for himself. That was the' origin of the Nebraska bill." As he said this, Lincoln looked the picture of good nature and patience. As Douglas concluded, the smile which lurked in the corners of Lincoln's mouth parted his lips, and he replied, "Well, then, I think it is a great honor to Judge Douglas that he was the first man to discover that fact." This brought down the house, of course, buti could not perceive that the Judge appreciated the fun in the least. . . .). W. Congress adjourned June i, 1858, and Douglas started for Chicago by way of northern New York, where he intended paying a visit to his aged mother. So prominently before the public was he at this time, in view of the coming contest in Illinois, that the newspapers chronicled his every movement on the way. [Chicago Times, June 27] SENATOR DOUGLAS Senator Douglas, accompanied by his beautiful and accomplished wife, ar rived at the Girard House, Monday night, from Washington en route for Chicago, where he proposes opening his campaign. — He was visited, in the course of yester day, by a large number of our most influential citizens — ^holding quite an impromptu levee, in fact, for no special announcement of his arrival in this city had been made. He appeared in excellent health and spirits. He left New York by the afternoon train. — Phila. Press. [Daily Whig, Quincy, Ills., July i] Senator Douglas is at present at his mother's in the State of New York— recruiting previous to entering upon the campaign in this State. It is said that he will open the ball at Carlinville, Macoupin County. CoL. Carpenter on the part of the Administration Democrats, is to take the stump, it is said, and meet Douglas in the field. THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 31 The Republican standard bearer will be Hon. Abe Lincoln — and we could not place our cause in abler hands. Let the people hear and judge between the principles of these con tending parties. ^¦ [Cincinnati, Ohio, Commercial, July 6, 1858] MR. DOUGLAS IN ILLINOIS The Dismantled Democracy and the Administration We have been informed, from a satisfactory source, that it is the purpose of Mr. Senator Douglas (now en route homeward) to enter at once upon the state campaign of Illinois, which, in the approaching fall election, is to determine the complexion of the Legislature, and thus whether Mr. Douglas or some other man is, for the next term of six years, to take the chair so long occupied in the United States Senate by the "Little Giant." We learn, too, that adopting a conciliatory course toward the administration, the plan of the campaign of Mr. Douglas wUl be war to the knife against the destructive anti-slavery heresies of the late Illinois State Convention, and of their Senatorial nominee, Mr. Lincoln; and that thus, taking up the glove thrown before him, Mr. Douglas, upon the broad democratic principles of constitutional obligations and state rights, will make a fair field fight with the opposition upon the ground of their own choosing. In this aspect of affairs, the Illinois Republicans having coolly turned their backs upon Mr. Douglas, he is in an excellent position to understand the exact necessities of his case, the diflSculties of his party and the way to surmount them. Considering, therefore, the dangers which surround the Illinois Democracy, with the critical position of Mr. Douglas on the one hand, and the excessive confidence of the opposition on the other, we may anticipate a campaign out there as desperate as that of the Pennsyl vania October election of 1856, and perhaps as momentous to the Democratic party in reference to the Presidency. [Cincinnati, Ohio, Commercial, July 8, 1858] ILLINOIS POLITICS A correspondent, a particular friend and admirer of Douglas, writing from Olney, 111., under date of July 3d, to the Vincennes Sun, gives a glimpse of the fight in Illinois. 32 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS The Litde Giant will soon be among us, and as he moves about we can tell how the people feel. It is conceded here that it's all right in this district. Every district where there is any hope will be looked after and nothing left undone that will tend to success. By about September the whole state will be alive with stumpers, — Douglas will be backed by the "giants," and the Black Republican Ajaxes wUl be in the field armed for the conflict. Distinguished speakers from all parts of the Union on both sides are promised. Lincoln is popular — ^the strongest man the opposition have, — ^is nearly fifty years old — six feet two — slightly stoop-shouldered — very muscular and powerful — dark eyes — a quizzical, pleasant, raw-boned face — tells a story better than any body else — ^is a good lawyer — and is what the world calls a devilish good fellow. — He would have been senator before, had not Trumbull's superior, cunning over reached him. But, in dignity, intellect and majesty of mind it is not pretended that he is Douglas's equal. V [Cincinnati, Ohio, Commercial, July 13] MR. DOUGLAS-HIS PASSAGE THROUGH OHIO-HIS COMFORTERS The Honorable Stephen A. Douglas appears to have put himself into not very desirable hands in his passage through the state of Ohio. It is true that if he found it advisable to put himself into any hands whatever, he had left to him very little freedom of choice. The original Buchanan men, and those whose interests it is still to appear to cling to the presidential faction, could not, of course, have anything to do with him. Having addressed a large gathering of the people at Clifton Springs, N. Y., on the Fourth of July, Douglas departed for Chicago. In New York, at Cleveland, and at Toledo, Ohio, he was tendered serenades and receptions. Recalling the unfortunate manner in which the people of Chicago had greeted him four years before, his supporters now planned a reception which, by its very magnitude would overwhelm hostility if any were manifest and would also show Buchanan that Illinois chose to follow her senator rather than the President. It was the first of the extraor dinary rallies made to the banner of Douglas in the cam paign of 1858. THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 33 [Illinois State Register, Springfield, July 12, 1858] [From the Chicago Times o£ Saturday, loth] SENATOR DOUGLAS AT HOME Triumphant Demonstration ! — Enthusiastic Welcome. — Cheering' Tribute to a Public Servant !— Grand Ovation — 30,000 People Assembled !— Great Speech ol Senator Douglas.— Bonfires, Fire works, Salutes, &c.— Chicago to her Senator.— Departure of the Committee As per announcement in the programme of the reception of Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, published by authority of the committee of ar rangements, an extra train of cars was ready at i o'clock, yesterday, to convey the committee of reception to Michigan City — distant from Chicago sixty miles — at which place Senator Douglas was to take the Illinois Central road on the return trip. In the meantime, also, a great number of national flags were being elevated at conspicuous points near the depot and elsewhere, and banners of different shapes and colors, besides streamers, pennants, etc., were disposed in all directions. It was now i o'clock. The train was to start at that hour, and all things being ready, the cars moved off amid shouts from the outside, and answering shouts and music from within. In all the company numbered four hundred. A splendid banner, that of the young Men's Democratic Club, was carried upon the locomotive. The train proceeded to Michigan City, where it was met by a host of gallant Indianians, who accompanied the Judge from Laporte to Michigan City. Some malicious person having secretly spiked the only gun in the town, the democracy obtained a large anvil, and placing it in the middle of the street, made the welkin echo with its repeated discharges. THE return to THE CITY At a few minutes after five o'clock the procession was formed and proceeded to the depot. Judge Douglas being now the guest of the committee. The train soon started, and all along the road — at every station, 'at almost every farmhouse and laborer's cabin — in every cornfield and at every point where laborers were engaged — there was 34 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS exhibited by cheers, by waving of handkerchiefs and other demon strations, that cordial "welcome home" to the great representative of popular rights. At the outer depot of the Illinois Central railroad the national flag had been raised by the operatives, and a swivel belched forth its roaring notes of welcome. The hardy hands of the mechanics resounded with applause, and cheers and huzzas continued until the train had passed on to the city. As the train passed along from Twelfth street to the depot, crowds of ladies were assembled on the doorsteps of the residences on Mich igan avenue, waving banners and handkerchiefs; the lake part was crowded by persons hastily proceeding to the depot. Long before the train could enter the station house, thousands had crossed over the breakwater, got upon the track, and climbed into the cars, and when the latter reached the depot they were literally crammed inside and covered on top by ardent and enthusiastic friends and supporters of the illustrious lUinoisan. Capt. Smith's artillery were, in the meantime, firing from Dear- bom Park a salute of 150 guns, (guns were also firing in the west and north divisions) the booming of the cannon alone rising above the cheering plaudits of the assembled multitude. The hotels and principal buildings of the city were adorned with flags. The Adams House, near the Central depot, was most handsomely decorated. The national flag, a banner bearing the motto "Douglas, the champion of Popular Sovereignty," as well as numerous flags' belonging to vessels in the harbor were suspended across the street, presenting a gra^d display. The doors, windows, balconies, and roofs of the Adams House, as well as the private residences in the neighborhood, and the large stores and warehouses along Lake Street were crowded with ladies and other persons — all cheering and wel coming the senator. At the depot, a procession consisting of the "Mont gomery Guards," Capt. Gleason and the "Emmet Guards," &c., Lieut. Stuart commanding, acting as the military escort, was then formed. Judge Douglas was in an open barouche drawn by six horses, and was followed by the committee of arrangements in other carriages. The procession proceeded up Lake to Wabash Avenue, down Wabash Avenue to Dearborn street, and thence by Dearborn to the Tremont House. THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 35 Throughout the whole route of the procession, the senator was greeted from house top and window, from street, from awning post and balcony by every demonstration of grateful welcome. THE SCENE AT THE TREMONT As early as half past six o'clock people began to collect around the Tremont House. The omnibusses from Union Park, and from the southern and northern limits of the city, were crowded with suburban residents, and people came on foot from the remotest parts of the city, taking up eligible standing places around the hotel. At about half past seven the booming of cannon on the lake shore having announced the arrival of the train, it was the signal for the assembling of thousands of others who rapidly filled up every vacant spot in Lake street, from State, for the distance of a block and a half. Dearborn street was also thronged from Lake to Randolph. The area occupied by the people, packed together in one dense mass, was considerably over fifty thousand square feet. In addition to this, every window and roof within hearing distance was occupied, a large portion of the occupants being ladies. The assemblage of people who wel comed in vociferous and prolonged shouts of joy the return of Senator Douglas numbered at the least calculation thirty thousand. Chicago has never before witnessed such a sight. A field of human forms parted with difficulty as the procession passed through, and closed instantly behind it, with the surge and roar of the waters of a sea; an ocean of upturned faces, extending beyond the furthest limits to which the senator's powerful voice could reach, from which broke one spontaneous burst of applause as he appeared upon the balcony before them! Over all the light of the illumination, and the glare and glitter of the fireworks, spread an appearance which is indescribable ! The building just across the street from the Tremont, on Lake, occupied by Jno. Parmly, hat manufacturer, and others, was finely illuminated, and a handsome transparency was displayed, bearing the words "Welcome to Stephen A. Douglas, the Defender of Popular Sovereignty." THE SPEECHES Chas. Walker, Esq., then appeared on the Lake Street balcony and in a very neat address, welcomed Senator Douglas to his con stituents from a prolonged, but glorious struggle in which he defended and maintained the right. 36 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Senator Douglas responded in a speech of over an hour in which he briefly reviewed the history of the past and the prospect of the future. We could not but remember the scene of 1854, when instead of wel coming huzzas he was greeted with denunciation. The past, how ever, is gone; the present is upon us; and instead of the mere handful who indorsed his course in 1854, he now can count thousands who have approved his course, and an united constituency who applaud and admire the fidelity with which he has adhered to his principles and to the pledges he made to the people. [Chicago Daily Journal, July 9, 1858] THE OVATION TO SENATOE DOUGLAS The followers of Senator Douglas are straining their utmost powers to make the demonstration in behalf of their champion on his return home, a great and "glorious" affair, this evening. If it does not prove imposing, and if there is not a tremendous outward show of "enthusiasm" displayed on the occasion, it will not be for lack of effort on the part of the Senator's more active worshippers to render it so. They have been begging and scraping together all the spare dollars, shillings, dimes and six pences that could be obtained, for the last few weeks, — ^have bought powder enough to supply the Utah war — ^have expended large sums in getting up banners and devices — and have laid out not a small sum in. hiring men and boys to make up a big procession and make a big noise. Surely, after such extensive preparations, we have a right to anticipate a great time, and shall expect to see the lionized Senator perfectly emblazoned in the glory of triumphant honors. [From the same paper] Personal.— Hon. A. Lincoln, O. H. Browning, Judge I. O. Wilkin son of Rock Island, and other distinguished gentlemen from different parts of the State are at present in the city, in attendance on the U. S. District Court. [Chicago Daily Journal, July 10, 1858] SPEECH OF SENATOR DOUGLAS LAST NIGHT Several thousand people, amongst whom were many Republicans, who were present as a matter of curiosity— assembled in front of the Tremont House last evening, on the occasion of the reception of Senator THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 37 Douglas, to hear what account he had to give of himself and what he had to say in reference to the political topics of the day. He spoke for an hour and a half, in his usual style — dispensing "soft-soap" quite freely, setting himself forth as a hero of no common order, and indulging even more than ordinarily in that inexorable habit of misrepresentation, and prevarication which appears in political inatters to have become a sort of second nature to him. Dropping the Kansas question, he next paid his respects to Mr. Lincoln and the speech that gentleman made at Springfield at the late Republican State Convention. He considered Mr. Lincoln a "kind, amiable, high-minded gentleman, a good citizen, and an honor able opponent," but took exception to the sentiments of his speech. He repeated, almost word for word, the language of his last year's Springfield speech in regard to "negro equality" and very falsely im puted to Mr. Lincoln this doctrine of "negro equality," while the fact is that Mr. Lincoln has no more to do with negroes, or the question of placing negroes on an equality with white men, than Douglas has to do with the Americanizing of the Hottentots or the Fejee Islanders. [From the same paper] The following scene, as described by the Tribune, took place pre liminary to the speech: Shortly before eight o'clock the procession from the depot, preceded by a band of music, and two companies of militia, reached the corner of Lake and Dearborn streets, from Randolph. The hack drivers charged furiously on the dense throng and by dint of whipping and swearing, the carriage containing Mr. Douglas was brought up to the north entrance of the house. At this juncture a blockhead on the upper balcony commenced firing off rockets, and of course made a dozen horses crazy. Those attached to the carriage in which Mr. Douglas sat, plunged fran tically in every direction. Several persons were bruised. One man had his leg broken in three places, and was borne fainting into a drug store. Mr. Douglas escaped indoors, and almost immediately reappeared on the north balcony, when Charles Walker, Esq., commenced his reception speech. At this point of the proceedings a furious battle commenced in the street be tween the crowd and the remaining hack drivers, who persisted insanely in plowing through the living sea in front of the building. In the confusion and excitement, Mr. Walker's speech came to an abrupt and embarrassing termination — Cleaving people uncertain whether he had forgotten the balance, or had adopted that novel and peculiar way of welcoming a Senator. Not one man in fifty of the entire audience knew that he had made a speech at all. The battle in the street below 38 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS was kept up for some ten minutes with various results,— one man being knocked down with the butt end of a whip, and a driver being pulled off his seat three times in five minutes. The horses were finally extricated and Mr. Douglas commenced. [Daily Herald, Quincy, Illinois, July i6, 1858] THE DIFFERENCES Four years ago Senator Douglas returned to Chicago from Wash ington and attempted to speak to the people in justification of his course in the United States Senate, but was denied a hearing. And, indeed, as most of our readers will recollect, when he did make the effort he was assailed and driven from the platform. The Chicago people would not listen to him; nor did they permit him the right of speech at all, so incensed were they against him for his support of the Kansas-Nebraska bill. Four years have elapsed since then and the city which hunted, denounced and assailed the "little giant," makes the occasion of his arrival a source of public rejoicing. In another place we have alluded to his triumphant entry into the city on last Friday. Indeed, it is conceded that for magnificence and unanimity it excelled any demon stration of the kind ever witnessed west of the Allegheny Mountains. [From the Joliet Signal] [Missouri Republican, St. Louis, July 12, 1858] RECEPTION AND SPEECH OF SENATOR DOUGLAS Chicago, July 9, 11 p. m. Senator Douglas was received here this evening, with great dis play. At one o'clock, a committee of four hundred persons of Chicago and the adjoining counties, proceeded to Michigan City, where they met the train, and escorted Mr. Douglas to this city, and, on his arrival, he was greeted with vociferous cheering from the people, and the firing of cannon. A procession was immediately formed, and Mr. Douglas was conducted to the Tremont House, where he was welcomed in a brief speech in behalf of the citizens, by Charles Walker, President of the Board of Trade. Mr. Lincoln was present and heard Mr. Douglas. Fireworks were discharged in several parts of the city. The number of persons in attendance is variously estimated at from fifteen to twenty-five thousand. At the Douglas meeting, Lincoln was accorded the courtesy of "a good seat," as he said, and, according to his THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 39 custom four years before in the senatorial campaign, he arose the following evening at the same place to reply to Douglas. Quite naturally, the Chicago newspapers varied in their report of the meeting, according to their political complexions. [Chicago Press and Tribune, July 12, 1858] SPEECH OF HON. ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN REPLY TO SENATOR DOUGLAS Enthusiastic Reception of Mr. Lincoln by the Republicans of Chicago The audience assembled to hear Hon. Abraham Lincoln on Satur day evening was in point of numbers, about three-fourths as large as that of the previous evening, when Douglas held forth; and in point of enthusiasm, about four times as great. The crowd extended from the comer of Lake and Dearborn Streets the whole length of the Tremont House, and as on the evening previous, the balconies, windows and roofs, of the adjoining buildings were filled with attentive spectators — ladies and gentlemen. The only advertisement of the meeting con sisted of a notice in the Saturday morning papers, and a few handbills distributed during the day. The essential difference in the two demon strations was simply that the Lincoln audience was enthusiastically for Lincoln, and the Douglas was but qualified in favor of anybody. This will be admitted by any fair-minded man who witnessed both demonstrations. The Douglas authorities estimate the crowd of Friday evening at 30,000 — or something more than the whole male adult population of the city. We presume that 12,000 is a liberal reckoning for that evening, and that 9,000 would about cover the gathering of Saturday night. During the progress of Mr. Lincoln's speech a procession of four hundred men from the Seventh ward including the German Republican Club, arrived on the ground, preceded by a band of music, and carry ing the Seventh ward banner. They were received with loud and continued cheers from the audience. Mr. Lincoln was introduced by C. L. Wilson, Esq., and as he made his appearance he was greeted with a perfect storm of applause. For some moments the enthusiasm continued unabated. At last, when 40 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS by a wave of his hand partial silence was restored, Mr. Lincoln spoke. [Chicago Daily Journal, July 12, 1858] THE MEETING SATURDAY NIGHT At an early hour Saturday evening, the street in front of the Tre mont House began to be filled with an eager crowd. A band of music discoursed from the balcony of the Tremont, and rockets blazed in different durections until about 8^ o'clock, the gathering in the mean time having been swelled to thousands, presenting literally a sea of faces. Shortly afterward Mr. Lincoln appeared on the balcony, and was greeted with a perfect storm of cheers. The feature of the evening, was the arrival of the German Repub lican Club of the Seventh Ward, with a band of music, and their new banner. They were vociferously greeted with the wildest kind of hurrahs. Mr. Lincoln devoted himself to replying to the speech of Senator Douglas, and considering the brief time he had for preparation, it must be conceded that he did it effectually. [Daily Herald, Quincy, 111., July 14, 1858] From the Chicago Union LINCOLN ON THE STUMP Burlesque on the Douglas Ovation Yesterday (Saturday) placards appeared on the streets; and a band went round in a wagon to announce to the Republicans that Hon. Abraham Lincoln would reply to Hon. S. A. Douglas from the Tremont House balcony. — Rockets were fired to show the spot where Lincoln would talk, and at 8^ o'clock, not less than 3000 persons of aU parties had assembled. The lamps marked with the names of States, which had been set up for Douglas, were re-lit; but it was remarkable that those of the slave States burned very badly, and some one from the crowd suggested that a black republican meeting could do with seventeen lamps. Bye-and-Bye Bross came forward and stood between two lamps, the hght playing on his generous countenance, when there arose a shout of "Bross," "Lincoln." A stentorian voice cried, "^Fellows, Bross will do as well," when there arose a shout of Bross, amidst which THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 41 the worthy Deacon retired, blushing. He remarked, when behind (Bross is his own Boswell,) "They got their eyes on me, did they not ?" Band of music plays. — ^Then there were cries of Long John, Little John, George Brown, Smart, etc. After a disagreeable wait, C. L. Wilson, Esq., of the Journal, introduced Mr. Lincoln. Bross went forward and called for cheers, when the crowd cried out "Lincoln, stand where Bross is," and he did. We shall not attempt to give Mr. Lincoln's speech. It was a rambling affair. Mr. L. thought he was mentioned in such a way that he could not refuse to reply to him. He commenced to read from the Senator's speech [cries of put on your specs]. He argued against the allegation of Judge Douglas that an alliance existed between the Republicans and the National Democrats. — [A rocket went off.] He denied it. [The audience cheered instead of groaning — and another rocket.] Douglas is not a live lion but a Russian rugged bear. [Bross, — "splendid;" Shuman of the Journal, "That's argument."] He objected to being slain. [Small boy from the crowd, "Don't."] Let him remember the allies took Sebastopol. [Shuman — That's profound.] He confessed he rather liked the disaffection of the Buchanan Democracy, because it would divide the party. But he had never paid to them. [Cries of "No, sir."] He wanted to know what had become of squatter sovereignty. [A voice — "Throw back your ears Douglas will swallow you whole." Voices — "Three cheers for James Buchanan."] He would read them something from Douglas. — [Cries of "do," and others of "do, and we'll go." Bross catches hold of Lincoln's farmer satin coat and tears it. "Don't Lincoln, don't read it."] He thought Douglas did right in opposing Lecompton, because all the Republicans voted with him. He did not leave them to vote against it. [A voice — No, they stuck to him pretty well.] Who de feated Lecompton — ^was it Judge Douglas! [Voices — Yes.] He fur nished three votes, anti the Black Republicans twenty against it. Now, who did it. — [Voices — Douglas.] He'd put the proposition in a differ ent way. [Voices — You'd better.] The Republican party would have defeated Lecompton without Douglas. [A voice — Why did not they come out first ?] He reiterated his views upon the matter of the ultimate extinction of slavery. The speaker attempted a -reply to Democratic principles, amid some applause, and some spicy interruptions. We left when Deacon Bross announced that the Seventh Ward are coming. Band played, Hocklets fizzled, and we mizzled. 42 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS [Illinois Journal, Springfield, July 12, 1858] LINCOLN'S REPLY TO DOUGLAS We today occupy considerable of our space with the speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, in reply to Senator Douglas' speech of Friday even ing The war has begun. The first fire has been exchanged by the two contestants. Those who will read the speech we publish today, will perceive that the Little Giant is already wounded in several vital parts. In sound, manly argument, Lincoln is too much for him. While the former shakes his black locks vaih-gloriously and explodes in mere fustian of sound and smoke, the latter quietly unas sumingly but effectually drives home argument after argument, heavy as cannon balls, and sharp as two-edged swords, until his adversary is so thoroughly riddled, cut up and "used up," that in the view of dis criminating men, nothing remains of him but a ghostly appearance. [Cincinnati, Ohio, Commercial, July 12, 1858] SENATOR DOUGLAS IN CHICAGO We devote much space in our news columns to the reproduction of reports in the Chicago papers of the reception of Senator Douglas in that city Friday last, and his speech on that occasion. His competitor, Hon. Abram Lincoln, sat near him, marked attentively aU he said, and replied to him from the same place the following evening. We have not yet a report of Mr. Lincoln's remarks. The speech of Douglas was able and bold, and it appears from some things said of Lincoln, that his personal relations with that gentleman are friendly. — ^The indications are that the political campaign in Illinois will be quite exciting and the contest close, and that Douglas will succeed in being re-elected to the U. S. Senate. [Louisville Democrat, Louisville, K.y., September 5, 1858] The debate in Illinois, between Lincoln and Douglas, is the ablest and the most important that has ever taken place in any of the States, on the great question which has so long agitated the country, elected and defeated Presidential candidates, built up and broken down parties. It is the opening of the question for i860. There the real battle has begun, by broadsides too, from the heaviest artillery. Douglas is matchless in debate, and stands upon the only national platform. Lincoln is able, and does full justice to the bad cause he advocates. THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 43 He is the champion of anti-slavery in the North. It is the one idea that has brought him forward as the candidate of his party. . . . [Daily Whig, Quincy, 111., July 21, 1858] PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES As to the Southern Democratic candidates, the leading men are ¦Senator Hunter and Gov. Wise of Virginia, the former representing Administration, the latter anti-Administration views on the Kansas .question. Senator Slidell, of Louisiana, Secretary Floyd, of Virginia, and Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, are also spoken of. The Times postpones the chances of Senator Douglas indefinitely, on account of his quarrel with the administration, and the fact that he is from a Northern State, two circumstances which render his nomina tion entirely out of the question. Among the Republican candidates, the Times places the name of Col. Fremont first on the list; next Mr. Seward, followed by Mr. Critten den, Gov. Banks, of Mass., Gov. Chase, of Ohio, and Judge McLean. I From its beginning the Illinois campaign attracted wide spread attention. It meant more than state issues and state results. The fate of "squatter sovereignty," the triumph or defeat of the administration, the presidential nominations to be made in the next national conventions, indeed, the future of the Union was felt to depend in no small degree upon the outcome of these debates.) Eastern newspapers at once dispatched special reporters to the scene and they outlined the situation for their readers. [New York Semi-Weekly Post, August 18, 1858] POLITICS IN ILLINOIS Abe Lincoln.— Dougrlas Rejoicing- over Blair's Defeat.— Senator Trumbull's Speech [From our special correspondent] Chicago, III., August 13, 1858 ( The interest in politics increases here as the campaign progresses. Illinois is regarded as the battle-ground of the year, and the results of 44 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS this contest are held to be of the highest importance to the wellfare of the country and the success of the great contending parties. "^ The Republican Convention of June i6, after placing a state ticket in nom ination, named as its choice for United States senator to succeed Mr. Douglas, Mr. Lincoln, of Springfield. This expression met at once the approval of the Republicans of the state. Mr. Lincoln was regarded as the man for the place. A native of Kentucky, where he belonged to the class of "poor whites," he came early to Illinois. PoorJ unfriended, uneducated, a day-laborer, he has distanced all these disadvantages, and in the profession of the law he has risen steadily to a competence, and to the position of an inteUigent, shrewd and well balanced man. Familiarly known as "Long Abe," he is a popular speaker, and a cautious, thoughtful politician, capable of taking a^ high position as a statesman and legislator. His nomination was proof that the Repub licans of Illinois were determined in their hostility to Mr. Douglas, and that no latter-day conversion of his, however luminous it might appear to some eastern eyes, could blind them to the fact that in him were embodied the false and fatal principles against which they were organized. They had grown mighty in their opposition to Douglas, and in his defeat they were certain of an enlarged and a well-established party. Even Mr. Douglas's anti-Lecomptonism could not excuse or palliate his past errors; nOr did it incline them in the least degree to s)mipathize with him. Save in this one respect, he was, as ever, the firm upholder of Dred Scottism, and the constant apologist and de fender of the Federal Administration and the measures which it urged upon an unwilling country. The people of Illinois felt certain that they knew best the sentiment of their state, and they repudiated the counsels of those who suggested that Douglas was a good-enough Republican, and that he might be used to break down the democratic party here and in the northwest. The present attitude of Mr. Douglas, so entirely consistent with his antecedents, is good evidence that the Republicans in Illinois did well to contemn the time-serving and dan gerous suggestions that emanated from Washington and New York, and which had voice in many influential journals at the East. Mr! Douglas, in all his speeches, claims to be a democrat, and demands the support of democrats in his assault upon Republicanism. The "Little Giant" is unchanged in no respect; and as the canvass grows warmer, the breech widens, and his actual position becomes more clearly defined. THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 45 He is of other material, altogether, than that which makes Republi canism. He is stiU an out-and-out pro-slavery man. In one of his recent speeches he stopped to read the despatch announcing Blair's defeat in St. Louis, as the overthrow of "negro equality" and all that sort of stuff that forms the staple of democratic rhetoric. It is a foregone conclusion, therefore, that under no circumstances can the Republicans of Illinois show any favor to Mr. Douglas. In fighting him, they fight democracy in one of its worst forms. It seems to be equally a conclusion that the administration democrats of Illinois are utterly hostile to Douglas. The democratic split, while widening every day, is as marked and bitter as in the battle of the Shells. "Danite " and Douglasite are names of hostility as deep as that once existing between Hard and Soft. Perhaps another truce at Charleston, as hol low as that at Cincinnati, may be needed to "harmonize" things. Senator Slidell has been here to look on, perhaps to "fix" matters. Stephens of Georgia is here now, ostensibly to have his portrait painted by Healy, but really to see what can be done to adjust these difficulties. The prospect is reported to be not flattering. The Buchanan men propose to carry their anti-Douglas feeling even to the least important county nominations. The democracy must choose whom they will serve, and come out flat-footed for the Postoffice, or for the Douglas exegesis of popular sovereignty. Douglas is working like a lion. He is stumping the state, every where present, and everywhere appealing to his old lieges to stand by him. Never did feudal baron fight more desperately against the common superior of himself and his retainers. In the Egypt of Southern Illinois the senator has been always strong, but the ties that bound him to the Egyptians are melting before the incessant charge's that he is no democrat. That cry is fatal to the faith of many of his once" most reliable friends. Democracy must be done, though Douglas falls. Lincoln, too, is actively engaged. His senatorial nomination has sent him to the field, and he is working with an energy and zeal which counterbalance the spirit and dogged resolution of his opponent. (Lin coln is battling for the right, and Douglas is desperately struggling to save himself from utter political ruin, j He is losing strength daily, while Lincoln is surely gaining upon him. You will observe as a new feature, even in western politics, that Mr. Lincoln has a State Con vention nomination for the Senate, and that he is stumping the state 46 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS for his party, while the legislature to be elected is to have the responsi bility of electing the senator. But with this endorsement, no Repub lican member of the state legislature would dare to bolt the significant expression of the Springfield Convention. Mr. Douglas, on the other hand, has no nomination. Returning home, he found Mr. Lincoln prepared, and at once he mounted the platform and opened upon him. He is stumping for himself, and trying to vindicate his course to the people at large on the one hand, and to the administration scoffers on the other. [New York Times, July i6, 1858] SENATORIAL CONTEST IN ILLINOIS The Republican candidate for United States Senator, the Hon. Abraham Lincoln, was present on Saturday evening when Mr. Douglas made his address published in Tuesday's Times to the crowd assembled in honor of his arrival in Chicago. On Monday evening Mr. Lincoln replied to his distinguished competitor, and we give his speech in full this morning. He, too, received an enthusiastic welcome and the war between the two champions was fitly inaugurated in the chief city of Illinois Until November, therefore, the contest will go on with increasing vigor. Mr. Douglas has an undertaking on hand which will task his utmost powers, and he is not the man to flinch from a contest because the odds are against him. [New York Herald, July 27, 1858] RECEPTION OF LINCOLN On Monday night there was a large gathering in the legislative hall of the Capitol to hear the Honorable Abraham Lincoln in reply to Mr. Douglas. Mr. Lincoln, though not perhaps so well calculated f6r a leader as Senator Douglas, is a remarkably able man. In addi tion to his talents as a lawyer, he has many personal qualities which have endeared him to the people of Illinois, and will be beyond all question the strongest opponent that could be found in the State to oppose Mr. Douglas. It is, we beheve somewhat of an anomaly for a Senator of the United States to be stumping the State, and another who wishes to be Senator following in his wake, yet thus it is at the present time in Illinois, and none can have heard either of these gentlemen speak without being impressed and highly gratified with the fact that whenever reference THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 47 is made by either to the other, it is in the kindest, most courteous and dignified manner. The approaching political contest between Senator Douglas and Mr. Lincoln will be one of the severest we have had in the State, but that it will result in the reelection of Douglas there appears to be at present very little doubt. [New York Daily Tribune, July 16, 1858] The admirable and thoroughly Republican speech of Mr. Lincoln in reply to Judge Douglas, published in our last, seemed to require no comment; yet a single remark with reference to the origin and attitude of the rival canvassers may not be out of place. Judge Douglas, who regards Slavery as an affair of climate and latitude, is a native of Free Vermont; Mr. Lincoln, who esteems Slavery a National evil, and hopes that our Union may one day be all Free, was born and reared in slaveholding Kentucky. These gentlemen would seem respectively to have "conquered their prejudices" founded in early impressions. We shall watch with interest the progress of their canvass. [Philadelphia North American, August 25, 1858] . SENATOR DOUGLAS V Senator Douglas, little giant though he be, can hardly fail to suffer somewhat from the wear and tear of the life he leads The adjournment of Congress brings no peace to the Senator from Illinois. Strong as he was in that state, — ^holding as he thought he did, the demo cratic party at home in his hand — ^he finds that he has lost ground there. The Administration has been at work with all the power which its patronage and influence gives it to prevent the re-election of Mr. Douglas to the Senate. And he is obliged to go to work agaiuji this time with his coat off, stumping the State and addressing the people, with the thermometer ranging somewhere between 96 and 100° in the shade. And not only this, while the democracy are very forgetful of their old comrade and ungrateful for the services he has so frequently done them in past years, the republicans, generally speaking, have not a particle of faith in Mr. Douglas' professions. He has not their confidence and is plainly unable to win them to his support. Mr. Lincoln, the republican candidate, follows him wherever he addresses the people, and has the best of the argument) .... As it is, he lost his temper and in reply to some remarks of Mr. Trumbull made at 48 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS a public meeting at Chicago, indulged in language which he will prob ably be ashamed to read in print. The favorable manner in which Douglas' speech was received by the Democrats in the city of Chicago was a disappointment to the supporters of Buchanan, in his con test with Douglas and immediate steps were taken to curb the latter's popularity in Illinois. The administration ma chinery was put in motion and, before many days had passed, lists of proscribed postmasters and of other federal employees favorable to Douglas began to appear in the newspapers. The Union, the administration organ in Washington, de voted columns of space to show why the Democrats of Illinois should not support Douglas, and urged them to vote for Judge Breese, who was faint-heartedly put forward in opposition to the Little Giant. Senator Trumbull, bound to support Lincoln because of his sacrifice four years before, as well as by party ties and natural hostility toward Douglas, took the stump in a series of abusive attacks on Douglas, which drew from the latter equally caustic and offensive rejoinders. Without a formal nomination or indorsement by the people of Illinois, ridiculed as a "my- party" candidate, and facing the loss of the federal patron age, Douglas entered upon the greatest of his many battles for supremacy — a contest surpassin-g that waged two years later for the presidency, when he was in a hopeless situation from the beginning of the campaign. Alone and unaided, he faced in the lists Trumbull • and Lincoln, the best debators afforded by the Republicans in the West, and probably equaled only by Seward in the East. [Daily Whig, Quincy, 111., June 23, 1858] DOUGLAS TO TAKE THE STUMP Judge Douglas has left the Democratic party, or the party has left him. He opposed the Administration in its darling measure to enslave THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 49 Kansas — and there is no forgiveness for him. He sees that his fate is sealed; but he is determined to die hard. Before he retires from the field, a defeated and disappointed man, he will give the "Nationals" such stabs as wiU forever finish the party in this State. He has ahready turned State's evidence against them — as the greatest rogues always do — and shown up their rascalities. We shall have more of it this fall; and we would advise the Buchaneers to be prepared for a skinning. [Daily Herald, Quincy, 111., July 20, 1858] SENATOR DOUGLAS His campaign through this state will pretty effectually destroy the hopes of the Republican party; and Abe Lincoln, who compared himself to a "living dog" and Douglas to a "dead lion" will rapidly discover that instead of "living" he is one of the smallest of defunct puppies. He measure strength with Douglas! His comparison in some degree was true — ^it is very much like a puppy-dog fighting a lion. — Pitts field Democrat. [Evening Post, New York, July 13, 1858] THE CANVASS IN ILLINOIS Illinois is just now the theatre of the most momentous pohtical contest, whether we consider the eminence of the contestants or the consequences which may result from it, that has occurred in this country in any state canvass since the defeat of Silas Wright for Governor in 1846. Nor are the contestants dissimilar. Both were regarded by their friends as material from which Presidents should be made; both were victims of treachery at Washington, and both were betrayed for ven turing to propose a limit to the exactions of the nuUifiers and dis- unionists I One week after his triumphant reception at Chicago, Douglas began a tour of the state which was to continue during the four summer months. He made elaborate prepa rations for the beginning of the journey, traveling in a special train of coaches which included a flat car upon which was mounted a small cannon. The opposition press did not fail to ridicule the novel method of firing salutes as the train drew near a station instead of running the risk of not receiving a welcoming salute from the inhabitants of the 50 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS city being approached. j "Douglas' powder" suffered a run of pleasantries; kegs of powder tagged for Douglas were reported seen at various stations; and Republican papers circulated the story that Douglas was obliged to mortgage his Chicago home and even then to solicit funds in New York to carry on the expensive campaign. On the other hand, the Democratic press praised his action in transferring to the new University of Chicago the ground on which its buUdings stood as the deed of a noble man of means. / The first important stop made by the special train was at Bloom- ington. ) [Bloomington, III., Pantagraph, July 17, 1858] DOUGLAS AT BLOOMINGTON Hon. Stephen A. Douglas arrived in this city at half past thiee o'clock yesterday afternoon. The train on which he arrived was tastefully decorated with flags and on each side of the baggage car were the words "S. A. Douglas, the Champion of Popular Sovereignty." About a thousand persons — ^more than one half of whom were Repub licans — ^witnessed Judge D's arrival. Just before the cars reached the depot Pullen's Brass Band commenced playing "Hail Columbia" and when the cars stopped, the Bloomington Guards commenced firing a national salute of thirty-two guns. Judge Douglas was in the hind most passenger car — an open car, upon which was placed a brass six- pounder, bringing up the rear. At seven o'clock in the evening the Court House bell rang and Judge Douglas escorted by the Guards, the Brass Band and a goodly number of Democrats, proceeded to the public square. He was welcomed by Dr. Roe, who spoke for about five minutes and concluded by intro ducing Judge Douglas. The Judge commenced speaking at half past seven, and concluded at a quarter before ten. His speech did not differ materially from the one made by him in Chicago on the evening of the ninth. (He spoke to an audience of about two thousand persons. His Democratic listeners were highly pleased with his speech. They viewed it as a masterly effort — and we are willing to admit that the THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 51 Judge did, on the whole, make a very good speech in a very bad cause. As soon as Judge Douglas retired, loud calls were made for Hon. Abraham Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln held back for a little while, but the crowd finally succeeded in inducing him to come upon the stand. He was received with three rousing cheers — much louder than those given to Judge Douglas. He remarked that he appeared before the audience for the purpose of saying that he would take an early opportunity to give his views to the citizens of this place regarding the matters spoken of in Judge Douglas' speech. — "This meeting," said Mr. Lincoln, "was called by the friends of Judge Douglas, and it would be improper for me to address it." Mr. Lincoln then retired amid loud cheering. I Leaving Bloomington, the senatorial train proceeded to the real objective point — Springfield, the state capital, the home of Lincoln, and a stronghold of Douglas supporters. Here the senator addressed an enormous gathering of people in a grove adjacent to the city. He explained his objec tions to the Lecompton constitution, asserting that it did not represent the free wUl of the whole people of Kansas, although he did not object to its pro-slavery tendency. Turning his attention to Lincoln, he pronounced his attitude toward the non-extension of slavery as virtually a war upon that institution and ridiculed his proposition to get a new law from Congress which would undo the Dred Scott decision. He bore especially hard on Lincoln's de fense of the black man and charged that he desired black and white to be social equals. [Illinois State Register, Springfield, July ig, 1858] SENATOR DOUGLAS AT THE CAPITAL His Journey from Chieag-o.- Enthusiastic Receptions.- Immense Assemblag'es ol the People WILLIAMSVn,LE Here the train with Senator Douglas was met, — the rain pouring down in torrents the while. The cannon thundered welcome for 52 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS welcome — the shouts of the passengers joined in swelling the uproari ous greeting; the several bands struck up stirring airs, and amid the storm, of rain, shouts, guns and music, the trains were joined and sped southward. When within two miles of Springfield the cannon, at minute intervals, announced the coming of our great guest. At precisely three o'clock the train arrived. AT SPEINOriELD According to the arrangements the train stopped beside the beautiful grove of Mr. Edwards, on the northern boundary of the city, where, notwithstanding the previous' drenching rain) thousands of people were awaiting the arrival of the distinguished visitor. The cannon on the cars boomed in response to cannon on the grounds, barely equalled in their thunders by the hurras of the crowd. The grove was gaily decorated with national flags, with significant mottoes, the whole forming a scene which filled the heart of every democrat present with pride — Conspicuous among these banners we will note was one very large pennant, with "Douglas," in broad letters upon its folds, got up by the Springfield employees of the work shops of the Chicago and St. Louis Road. Upon the stoppage of the train the committee of reception, preceded by the "Capital Guards" and the capital band, escorted Mr. Douglas to the stand, where Mr. B. S. Edwards wel comed him in a neat address, which welcome was reiterated by the hearty cheers of the large assemblage which he represented. To this Senator Douglas responded. We give both the address and reply in today's paper. Senator Douglas' speech was received as it justly deserved, the reader will admit. Cheer upon cheer responded to his many happy points and forcible argumentation. The crowd upon the ground numbered between five and six thousand. The drenching rain which immediately preceded the arrival of the train, and which made the grounds muddy and uncomfortable, kept away as many more, who were present in the city to participate in the recep tion. Especially is it to be regretted, that the committee's arrange ments for the accommodation of the ladies were rendered unavail able on account of the rain, but notwithstanding, there were hundreds of them present in carriages, and many on foot, in mud, joining in the cheermg welcome to our distinguished guest. The counties immediately around us furnished large delegations, THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858 53 and hundreds were here from remote parts of the state. From the south a train of twelve cars were filled with people from Madison, Macoupin, Jersey, Greene, Montgomery, St. Claire, -Monroe and other counties — one of these cars bearing a conspicuous pledge, in bold lettering — "Madison for Douglas!" — Another, "Jersey all right for Douglas!" — with a sixpounder on a platform car in the rear, this train came thundering into town at noon. From the east a train, decorated with national banners, bearing delegations from the counties along the line of the G. W. Road, Macon, Piatt, Champaign, &c., arrived at 12, and simultaneously, from the west, another train of ten cars, with delegations from Morgan, Scott, and Pike, covered with the stars and stripes, and a cannon to tell their coming, arrived. From our own county, notwithstanding the busy time of our farmers, and the rainy day, the people poured into town from all directions. — The town was alive with the masses, who wanted to see and to welcome Douglas. From the state house flag-staff streamed the national flag across the streets around the square hung immense banners, many of the buildings fronting the square were tastefully ornamented with flags, interspersed with mottoes, all speaking the one idea — "welcome to Douglas." SPEECH OF SENATOR DOUGLAS Mr. Edwards having introduced Senator Douglas to the audience, Senator Douglas said: * "I will not recur to the scenes which took place all over this country in 1854 when that Nebraska bill passed. I could then travel from Boston to Chicago by the light of my own effigies, in consequence of having stood up for it. ["It did not hurt you." "Hurra for Douglas," etc.] I leave it to you to say how I met that storm, and whether I quailed under it: ["never," "no"] whether I did not 'face the music,' justify the principle and pledge my life to carry it out." ["You did," and three cheers.] .... Meanwhile Lincoln had returned to Springfield and although he was not present at the Douglas meeting in the afternoon, he took advantage of the presence of many 54 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS strangers in the city to address the people at a public meet ing at the State House in the evening. He devoted the speech largely to repelling the charges made by Douglas against him of disunion sentiment, forcible resistance to the Dred Scott decision, and a desire for negro equality. (He also renewed his charge that the Dred Scott decision was a conspiracy to which Douglas was a party./ Douglas was not present at the meeting, having already departed on his tour of the state. In this irregular manner began a cam paign, which was speedily turned into a series of formal debates through a challenge sent by Lincoln to Douglas. CHAPTER III THE CHALLENGE After conferring with the Democratic Committee at Springfield, Douglas gave out a list of his appointments covering July and a large part of August, ending with Ottawa, August 21. Lincoln's friends also prepared a list of Republican meetings, in some cases coinciding with the Democratic dates but generally following them a day later. In his Springfield speech, Lincoln distinctly stated that he was not present when Douglas made his speech in the grove during the afternoon and had no intention of making his remarks a reply. The previous day at Bloomington he refused to heed the calls of the crowd for a reply at the close of a Douglas meeting, f Nevertheless, soon after the appointed meetings began, the Douglas papers made com plaint that Lincoln was transgressing the ethics of cam paigning by following their candidate and taking advantage of his crowds. ; [Illinois State Journal, Springfield, July 23, 1858] The Chicago Times launches out into a personal attack upon Mr. Lincoln for presuming to be present when Mr. Douglas speaks. One would think from this that Mr. Douglas has a patent right to audiences in Illinois. We hope that Mr. Lincoln will continue to follow up Senator Douglas with a sharp stick, even if it does make his organ howl with rage. [Journal and Courier, Lowell, Mass., August 24, r8s8] Geneseo, III., August 18, 1858 Douglas and Lincoln are stumping the state and a right merry time they have of it; wherever the Little Giant happens to be, Abe is sure to turn up and be a thorn in his side. X. ss 56 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS [Chicago Times, July 30, 1858] AN AUDIENCE WANTED It was Japhet, we beheve, whose adventures in search of his father, furnished the novelist with the plot of a popular romance. There are but few of our readers who have not known, or at least heard of physicians unable, even in the midst of sickness, to obtain patients, lawyers unable to obtain clients, and actors unable to draw houses. But we venture to say that never before was there heard of in any political canvass in Illinois, of a candidate unable to obtain an audience to hear him! But such is the fact. Abe Lincoln, the candidate of all the Republicans, wants an audience. He came up to Chicago, and, taking advantage of the enthusiasm of Douglas' reception, made a speech here; he went to Bloomington, and, at the Douglas meeting, advertised himself for a future occasion; at Springfield he distributed handbills at the Douglas meeting imploring the people to hear him. The Springfield attempt was a failure. He came to Chicago, and declared it impossible for him to get the people to turn out to hear him, and then it was resolved to try and get him a chance to speak to the crowds drawn 'out to meet and welcome Douglas. That proposition was partially declined and another substituted; but yet the cringing, crawling creature is hanging at the outskirts of Douglas' meetings, begging the people to come and hear him. At Clinton he rose up at the Democratic meeting, and announced his intention to speak at night, but only 250 persons could be induced to attend his meeting. He went yesterday to Monticello in Douglas' train; poor, desperate creature, he wants an audience; poor unhappy mortal, the people won't turn out to hear him, and he must do something, even if that something is mean, sneaking and disreputable ! We have a suggestion to make to Mr. Judd — the next friend of Lincoln. There are two very good circuses and menageries traveling through the State; these exhibitions always draw good crowds at coun try towns. Mr. Judd, in behalf of his candidate, at a reasonable expense, might make arrangements with the managers of these exhibitions to include a speech from Lincoln in their performances. In this way Lincoln could get good audiences, and his friends be relieved from the mortification they all feel at his present humiliating position. [Chicago Journal, July 30, 1858] DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN The Times growls because Mr. Lincoln made a speech at Clinton, at night, in reply to that of Senator Douglas, delivered in the afternoon, and that he "went to Monticello in Douglas' train." THE CHALLENGE 57 We suppose Douglas owns neither the railroad trains he travels on, nor the people whom he addresses. We hope Mr. Lincoln will answer Senator Douglas at every point. If he will not invite him to address the same audiences, Lincoln will have the "closing argument" to meet ings of his own. According to authority quoted in the Senator's Springfield speech, "there is no law against it." [Peoria, Illinois, correspondence to the Philadelphia Press, August 4, 1858] Lincoln, unable to gather a crowd himself, follows up Douglas and attempts to reply; but they are mere attempts. His hearers soon be come satisfied and by the time he is done begging for a seat in the Senate he finds himself minus an audience. [Illinois State Register, September 25, 1858] "WHO FURNISHES THE AUDIENCES?" Under this caption the Chicago Press and Tribune, of the 23d inst., proceeds to argue that at the joint discussions between Douglas and Lin coln thus far, the friends of the latter have been largely in the ascendant — ^hence Mr. Lincoln draws the greatest crowds. This conclusion is characteristic of the logical proclivities of that paper, and only lacks one feature — ^truth. If this assertion is true, why then does Mr. Lincoln persist in fol lowing up Judge Douglas for the ostensible purpose of taking advantage of the large audiences assembled to hear him ? For instance look at his last demonstration at Sullivan, where, through his uncourteous behavior, a riot was almost precipitated. The fact is, Mr. Lincoln can't draw large crowds — the sympathy o the people is not with him — consequently he resorts to this hi'ghly dis reputable course to make a show. The Chicago organ cannot palm off such logic upon the people of Illinois. [New York Herald, August 3, 1858] DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN ON THE STUMP The Chicago Times states that Douglas and Lincoln met on the 27 ult. at Clinton. The former spoke for three hours, and the latter replied at an evening meeting. The Times indulges in a tirade against Mr. Lincoln, an extract from which will serve to indicate the bitterness of feeling that enters into this contest: Lincoln was present during the delivery of the speech, sitting immediately in front of Senator Douglas, but rendered invisible from the stand by a gentleman in 58 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS green goggles, whom he used as a shield and cover. After Senator Douglas had concluded, and the cheers which greeted him ceased, green goggles rose and pro posed three cheers for Lincoln, which were given by about ten men who stood immediately around him. Mr. Lincoln then gradually lengthened out his long, lank proportions imtil he stood, upon his feet, and with a desperate attempt at looking pleasant, said that he would not take advantage of Judge Douglas' crowd, but would address "sich" as liked to hear him in the evening at the Court House. Having made this announcement in a tone and with an air of a perfect "Uriah Heep," pleading his humility, and asking for forgiveness of Heaven for his enemies, he stood washing his hands with invisible soap in imperceptible water, until his friends, seeing that his mind was wandering, took him in charge, and bundled him off the ground Mr. Lincoln's course in following Senator Douglas is condemned here even by his friends. He explains it by sayin.g that he challenged Judge Douglas to meet the people and address them together, which challenge had not been accepted. The unfairness and untruth of this statement made in Chicago you who have seen the correspondence know. Douglas was devoting a large share of attention in these speeches to his fellow-senator, Trumbull, who had charged Douglas with a corrupt bargain in espousing the repeal of the Missouri Compromise measure. Strong language was used by each and rumors of a personal encounter likely to follow between the two men were common. Trumbull's speeches were widely quoted in the eastern press as "repre sentative Republican doctrines. ' ' The Boston Daily Traveler headed its campaign letter, "Illinois, Trumbull and Douglas." Lincoln saw that he was likely to be ignored if Trumbull were permitted to monopolize the attention of Douglas and in that case his political chances would be jeopardized. Manifestly his only course was to challenge Douglas to a series of set debates in which the political issues of the day would replace the personal matters at stake between Douglas and Trumbull. After consulting with representative Republicans of the State, Lincoln sent the following letter to Douglas : THE CHALLENGE 59 CmcAGO, III., July 24, 1858 Hon. S. A. Douglas. My dear Sir: Will it be agreeable to you to make an arrangement for you and myself to divide time, and address the same audiences the present canvass ? Mr. Judd,' who will hand you this, is authorized to receive your answer; and, if agreeable to you, to enter into the terms of such agreement. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln The same day Douglas replied to Lincoln : Chicago, July 24, 1858 Hon. A. Lincoln. Dear Sir: Your note of this date, in which you inquire if it would be agreeable to me to make an arrangement to divide the time and address the same audiences during the present canvass, was handed to me by Mr. Judd. Recent events have interposed difficulties in the way of such an arrangement. I went to Springfield last week for the purpose of conferring with the Democratic State Central Committee upon the mode of conducting the canvass, and with them, and under their advice, made a list of appoint ments covering the entire period until late in October. The people of the several localities have been notified of the times and places of the meetings. Those appointments have all been made for Democratic meetings, and arrangements have been made by which the Democratic candidates for Congress, for the Legislature, and other offices, will be present and address the people. It is evident, therefore, that these various candidates, in connection with myself, will occupy the whole time of the day and evening, and leave no opportunity for other speeches. Besides,^ there is another consideration which should be kept in mind. It has been suggested recently that an arrangement had been made to bring out a third candidate for the United States Senate, who, with yourself, should canvass the State in opposition to me, with no other purpose than to insure my defeat, by dividing the Democratic party for your benefit. If I should make this arrangement with you,. it is more than probable that this other candidate, who has a common object with you, would desire to become a party to it, and claim the right to speak from the same stand; so that he and you, in concert, might be able to take the opening and closing speech in every case. ' Normaa B. Judd (1815-78), a prominent Chicago attorney, was at this time chairman of the Republican State Central Committee. 6o ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS I cannot refrain from expressing my surprise, if it was your original intention to invite such an arrangement, that you should have waited until after I had made my appointments, inasmuch as we were both here in Chicago together for several days after my arrival, and again at Bloom ington, Atlanta, Lincoln, and Springfield, where it was well known I went for the purpose of consulting with the State Central Committee, and agreeing upon the plan of the campaign. While, under these circumstances, I do not feel at Hberty to make any, arrangements which would deprive the Democratic candidates for Congress, State offices, and the Legislature, from participating in the discussion at the various meetings designated by the Democratic State Central Committee, I will, in order to accommodate you as far as it is in my power to do so, take the responsibility of making an arrangement with you for a discussion between us at one prominent point in each Congressional District in the State, except the second and sixth dis tricts, where we have both spoken,' and in each of which cases you had the concluding speech. If agreeable to you, I will indicate the following places as those most suitable in the several Congressional Districts at which we should speak, to wit: Freeport, Ottawa, Gales burg, Quincy, Alton, Jonesboro, and Charleston. I will confer with you at the earliest convenient opportunity in regard to the mode of con ducting the debate, the times of meeting at the several places, subject to the condition that where appointments have already been made by the Democratic State Central Committee at any of those places, I must insist upon you meeting me at the times specified. Very respectfully, your most obedient servant, S. A. Douglas This correspondence was at once given to the -press and excited a variety of comment. [Chicago Daily Journal, July 27, 1858] LINCOLN'S CHALLENGE TO DOUGLAS Below will be found the challenge of Mr. Lincoln to Mr. Douglas, and the reply of the latter. We do not think it argues very well for the courage of the Senator that he evades the challenge in the manner he does, nor much for his courtesy when asked to confer with the Chairman of the Republican ¦ Chicago was in the second congressional district and Springfield was in the sixth. See the map in this volume. THE CHALLENGE 6i State Central Committee in regard to the times and places, that he should himself piroceed to designate seven places where Mr. Lincoln must meet him, if at all. The friends of Senator Douglas claim that Mr. Lincoln is no match for him, before the people. Every canvass for the last twenty years has found these two champions of their respective parties side by side with each other, and often addressing the same audience, and Mr. Lincoln never asked any favor of his adversary. He does not now. ^f Mr. Douglas really felt his superiority, those who know him will be slow to believe that he would not take advantage of it. He, however, shows the white feather, and, like a trembling Felix skulks behind the appointments of the emasculate Deniocratic State Central Committee ! ! The challenge should properly have proceeded from Senator Doug las, but it having become apparent that he did not intend to meet Mr. Lincoln, it was thought proper by Mr. Lincoln's friends that the chal lenge should come from our side. The delay was a matter of courtesy toward Mr. Douglas, and not for the reasons the Senator intimates in his reply. In courteous demeanor, as well as in the honorable conduct of an argument before the people Mr. Douglas will ever find, as in many campaigns he has heretofore found, Mr. Lincoln to be at least his equal. We much regret that the two candidates cannot canvass the whble State, by speaking together at every county, and in every town of any size or importance. We desire the people to have a fair hearing and a full understanding of the positions, sentiments and argumentative ability of the two men. But the seven meetings proposed, wiU be better than none. They will give the people of the several Congressional dis tricts an opportunity to get together on the days appointed, in great mass meetings, to hear the great political topics of the day discussed, (fairly and ably we trust) and to "reason together" in the spirit of candor, and with the desire to get at the truth. — ^Let Congressional Mass Meetings be the order of the day. [Illinois State Register, July 29, 1858] From the Chicago Times LINCOLN'S CHALLENGE.-DOUGLAS' REPLY On the 9th of July Judge Douglas made his speech in Chicago, and the next evening Mr. Lincoln rephed to it. Both gentlemen remained in Chicago for several days thereafter. Subsequently, Judge Douglas 62 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS proceeded to Springfield to be present at a meeting of the democratic state committee — held for the purpose of making appointments for public meetings from that period .until the election. On his way to Springfield he stopped at Bloomington, Atlanta and Lincoln, and at all these places met Mr. Lincoln and conversed with him. When Mr. Douglas reached Springfield, there were hand-bills conspicuously posted all over the city announcing that Mr. Lincoln would speak that evening. Judge Douglas remained at Springfield two or three days, and then returned to this city. In the meantime the state committee had made out their programme for democratic meetings all over the state, commencing at Clinton, July 27, and ending, we believe, at Atlanta, on the last of October. On Saturday evening last, July 24, Mr. Lincoln, having read in the papers the announcement of Judge Douglas' appointments for August, came up to Chicago, and sent him a note proposing a joint discussion, Which note, as well as the reply, we publish below. Mr. Lincoln evidently has been consulting his own fears and the result likely to follow a separate canvass. He dreaded personally the consequence of a joint discussion, yet he knew that his only chance to obtain respectable audiences, was to make an arrangement to speak at the same meetings with Douglas; between the two causes of dread he' has been shivering for nearly a month, and at last, believing that Douglas, having announced his meetings would not change his pro gramme, has allowed his friends to persuade him to make a challenge for a joint discussion. The reply of Judge Douglas, while it explains fully the reasons why he cannot now agree to a joint discussion at all his meetings, tenders Mr. Lincoln a meeting at seven different points in the state. The points designated are important ones; one in each congressional district, and while it disturbs the arrangements heretofore made by the democracy, and communicated to all parts of the state, the proposition of Judge Douglas, if accepted by Mr. Lincoln, will in all probability afford the latter about as much of a joint debate as he will fancy. We doubt very much even if Mr. Lincoln's friends can screw his courage up sufficiently to enable him to accept this offer, whether he will even go through with the seven appointments. We think one, or at all events two of such meetings, will be sufficient to gratify Mr. Lincoln's ambition. We will see, however, whether he will accept Douglas' offer. THE CHALLENGE 63 LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS In today's paper we copy from the Chicago Times a correspondence between Messrs. Lincoln and Douglas, in which the former suggests an arrangement by which the two senatorial candidates will canvass the state together. After Mr. Douglas had issued notice of his appoint ments to meet the people, prior to which Mr. Lincoln had ample time and opportunity to make and receive a response to such a proposition, it will surprise the public that he has made such an offer. Upon this the Times pointedly comments, and to which Mr. Douglas refers in his reply. He, however, offers Mr. Lincoln ample opportunity to discuss the issues between them before the people. Mr. Douglas proposes to meet Mr. Lincoln at one point in each of the congressional districts of the state, except in this and in the 2d district, where they have already spoken. Mr. Lincoln cannot expect his opponent to break his appoint ments already made, preparations for which the people at the several points are already making; but we have no doubt in the seven encounters proposed by Mr. Douglas, if Mr. Lincoln will accept, he will get enough of debate and discomfiture to last him the balance of his life. Will he accept ? [Peoria, III., Daily Transcript, July 29, 1858] LINCOLN CHALLENGES DOUGLAS TO STUMP THE STATE WITH HIM I After waiting several weeks hoping that Judge Douglas would, accord ing to the western custom, challenge him to stump the state, Honorable Abram Lincoln sent a note to Judge D. the other day inviting him to make an arrangement to divide time and address the same audiences. I The Judge has returned a lengthy reply, excusing himself from accept ing such a challenge. His excuse is that he has placed his time at the disposal of the Democratic State Committee, who have made appoint ments for him which will consume his time until about the middle of October. The excuse will hardly relieve Mr. Douglas from the sus picion that he fears to meet so powerful opponent as Mr. Lincoln in argument before the people. He intimates, in his note, that it was well known that his recent journey to Springfield was made for the purpose of consulting with the state committee, and that if Mr. Lincoln desired to canvass the state with him he should have made the fact known before that consultation was had. How the fact should be well known that Judge Douglas' journey to Springfield was for the purpose of such a 64 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS consultation as he describes, or any other kind of consultation, is cer tainly beyond our comprehension. It was not made public through the press and we are not aware that it was announced outside of his immediate circle of friends, if indeed it was announced there. It may be relied upon, at all events, that if Mr. Lincoln had known that his opponent was about to make engagements that would preclude the possibility of arranging a canvass of the state with him, a challenge would have been forthcoming immediately. It was properly Mr. Douglas' duty to chal lenge Mr. Lincoln, without waiting to receive one. Mr. Douglas announces, towards the close of his reply, that it is probable that he can meet Mr. Lincoln before the people once in each Congressional district. We hope he will be able to; and in the mean time, if he is disposed to be an honest man, let him desist from such ¦•. gross misrepresentations of Mr. Lincoln's position as he has thus far ' indulged in. / [Freeport, III., Journal, July 29, 1858] AT FREEPORT \ Mr. Lincoln having challenged Senator Douglas to meet him on the stump all over the state, the latter declines the general invitation, but agrees to meet him at seven places, as follows: Freeport, Ottawa, Galesburg, Quincy, Alton, Jonesboro, and Charleston, provided Lincoln will come at the times that Douglais' friends may have chosen, if any. j Though this is a half way evasion of the challenge, we are glad that we, in Freeport at least, will have an opportunity to hear these two cham pions from the same stand. We bespeak for them the largest gathering ever known here, and are willing to let the people judge for themselves as to who shall be their choice, after a fair hearing of them both in person. [Illinois State Register, July 31, 1858] LINCOLN'S CHALLENGE The republican organs make a most clumsy effort to have it appear that Senator Douglas declines a general canvass with Mr. Lincoln, because the former dreads the combat ! The very tone of these organs, in their silly assertions on this point, denies their sincerity. The idea that a man who has crossed blades in the senate with the strongest intellects of the country, who has as the champion of democratic prin ciples in the senatorial arena, routed all opposition — that such a man THE CHALLENGE 65 dreads encounter with Mr. A. Lincoln is an absurdity that can be uttered by his organs only with a ghastly phiz. Mr. Lincoln, if he desired what his organs claim, had ample opportunity to make his proposition. He could have made such an arrangement as would have, had he held out, shown him in withering contrast in every county seat in the state. He was not anxious for the fray! or he would have made his proposition at Chicago, or here, where he had ample opportunity; but he waits until Mr. Douglas makes other arrangements, and advertises them, in a manner that they must, with propriety, be fulfilled, when he banters for battle, knowing his proposition cannot be accepted. Mr. Douglas' reply to his note affords him fray enough. He has opportunity, at seven different points in the state, to show his metal. If he was good for fifty or a hundred encounters, he certainly ought to be for seven. Will he accept? The joint efforts of the two parties certainly will insure large turn-outs of the people, and we have no doubt the railroads, which have latterly become a nightmare to the republican candidate, will assist, and make, in a "business" way, a "good thing" of it. Let us have a grand turn-out of the people at one point in each congressional district. The democracy of Illinois will submit the whole case to such popular jurors, called together by the joint effort of the two parties. [Burlington, Iowa, Gazette, July 31, 1858] DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN So perverse in their nature are some black repubhcan editors that it seems an impossibility for them to tell the truth. Our home con temporary [Hawkeye] is of this class. Mark what he says in the fol lowing lines: Lincoln has challenged Douglas to canvass Illinois together, addressing the people from the same stump. Judge Douglas dodges. Judge Douglas dodges, eh ? Well, let us see if he dodges. Here is the correspondence entire between Lincoln and Douglas relating to the matter. No sir, Douglas will meet Lincoln if Lincoln dare to meet Douglas; and the only dodging there will be on the part of the "Little Giant" will take place when the people of lUinois, through their respresentatives elect, dodge him into the Senatorship again, as they most assuredly will. 66 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS [Daily Herald, Quincy, HI., July 29, 1858] DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN ON THE STUMP We copy below, from the Chicago Times, a correspondence that recently took place between Judge Douglas and Mr. Lincoln, in regard to the plan of the present campaign. Lincoln, having thus far failed to attract a respectable audience, seems to be entirely willing to avail himself of Judge Douglas' great fame and popularity to get up crowds for him to Speak to. Nobody. seems to care about hearing anything from Lincoln — but the masses of all parties, wherever he goes, turn out to see and hear Douglas. Hence, Lincoln asks him if he won't let him follow along after him and permit him to speak to the crowds that turn out, not to hear him, but to hear Douglas. In response to the suggestion of Douglas for seven meetings, Lincoln framed a reply. Before it was delivered, he met Douglas by accident near Monticello in the course of the ¦ campaign and tendered him the paper. Douglas' reporters took advantage of the incident to ridicule Lincoln. [Chicago Times, August i, 1858] THE CAMPAIGN Doug'las at Monticello.— Crreat Enthusiasm Everywhere Monticello, July 29, 1858 .... The meeting then adjourned, and Senator Douglas, who was to fill an appointment at Paris on Saturday next, was escorted to the railway station atBement by the delegation from Okaw, Bement and that vicinity. About two miles out of the town the procession met Mr. Lincoln, who was on his way to Monticello. As he passed. Senator Douglas called to him to stop, that he wanted to see him. Lincoln jumped out of his carriage and shook hands with the Senator, who said to him, "Come, Lincoln, return to Bement. You see we have only a mile or two of people here. I will promise you a much larger meeting there than you will have at Monticello." "No, Judge," replied Lin coln, "I can't. The fact is I did not come over here to make a speech. I don't intend to follow you any more; I don't call this following you. I have come down here from Springfield to see you and give you my reply to your letter. I have it in my pocket, but I have not compared THE CHALLENGE 67 it with the copy yet. We can compare the two now, can't we ?" Senator Douglas told him that he had better compare the two at Monticello, and, when 4ie had his answer ready, send it to him at Bement, where he intended to remain until the one o'clock p. m. train for the East. This Lincoln promised to do, and, after again assuring the Senator that he must not consider his visit to Monticello "following" him — that such a "conclusion" would be erroneous — the two separated, after shaking hands [Missouri Republican, St. Louis, August i, 1858] THE CAMPAIGN IN ILLINOIS An Account of Piatt County.— Speeches, etc. Monticello, Piatt Co., Ills., July 30 When he [Douglas] had finished he was escorted to the railroad depot by a large procession. Col. W. N. Coler, the Democratic nominee for the Legislature in this district, was present during the speech. At its conclusion he was announced to reply to Mr. Lincoln on Friday. On the way to the railway track the procession of the Judge was met by Abe, who in a kind of nervous-excited manner tumbled out of his carriage, his legs appearing sadly in the way or out of place. Lincoln is looking quite worn out, his face looks even more haggard than when he said it was lean, lank and gaunt. He got to the Judge's carriage' with a kind of hop, skip and jump, and then, with a considerable of bowing and scraping, he notified Mr. Douglas that he had an answer to his letter, of which we have spoken heretofore; that it v/as long, that he had not compared the original and the copy, and could the Judge just wait, that the comparison might be made by the roadside. Just think of staying out in the middle of a vast prairie, surrounded by hundreds of followers, to compare notes. Douglas of course declined, requesting Mr. L. to compare to his own satisfaction, and then forward the com munication. Lincoln proceeded on his way to Monticello, some of us bearing him company, the Judge returning on his proper route. A meeting was at once organized to hear him speak. He mounted in the Court House Square and thus spoke for about half an hour. He would not speak then, he would, however, read the correspondence with the 68 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Judge, together with the reply he was going to send the Judge, all of which he did. B. B. [Illinois State Register, August 2, 1858] Monticello, July 29 I returned to Monticello to hear Lincoln. He spoke in the grove where Senator Douglas had spoken an hour or two before and promised the people that before the canvass was over he would visit them again in company with Judge Trumbull, who would reply to Douglas. It was expected that he would remain here for a day or two, or follow Senator Douglas to Paris, but he left suddenly on the midnight train for Springfield and one of his friends told me that he did not intend to follow Judge Douglas any more, but was going immediately to Chicago to consult with Cook, Bross, and other friends, and make out a list of his own appointments. Piatt / Lincoln's reply to the suggestion of Douglas was as follows: Springi'ield, July 29, 1858 Hon. S. A. Douglas. Dear Sm: Yours of the 24th in relation to an arrangement to divide time, and address the same audiences, is received; and, in apology for not sooner replying, allow me to say, that when I sat by you at dinner yesterday, I was not aware that you had answered my note, nor, certainly, that my own note had been presented to you. An hour after, I saw a copy of your answer in the Chicago Times,_ and reaching home, I found the original awaiting me. Protesting that your insinuations of attempted unfairness on my part are unjust, and with the hope that you did not very considerately make them, I proceed to reply. To your statement that "It has been suggested, recently, that an arrangement had been made to bring out a third candidate for the United States Senate, who, with yourself, should canvass the State in opposition to me," etc., I can only say, that such suggestion must have been made by yourself, for certainly none such has been made by or to me, or otherwise, to my knowledge. Surely you did not deliberately conclude, as you insinuate, that I was expecting to draw you into an arrangement of terms, to be agreed on by yourself, by which a thurd candidate and myself, "in con cert, might be able to take the opening and closing speech in every case." THE CHALLENGE 69 As to your suq)rise that I did not sooner make the proposal to divide time with you, I can only say, I made it as soon as I resolved to make it. I did not know but that such proposal would come from you; - 1 waited, respectfully, to see. It may have been well known to you that you went to Springfield for the purpose of agreeing on the plan of campaign; but it was not so known to me. When your appointments were announced in the papers, extending only to the 21st of August, I, for the first time considered it certain that you would make no proposal to me, and then resolved that, if my friends concurred, I would make one to you. As soon thereafter as I could see and consult with friends satisfactorily, I did make the proposal. It did not occur to me that the proposed arrange ment could derange your plans after the latest of your appointments already made. After that, there was, before the election, largely over two months of clear time. For you to say that we have already spoken at Chicago and Spring field, and that on both occasions I had the concluding speech, is hardly a fair statement. The truth rather is this: At Chicago, July 9th, you made a carefully prepared conclusion on my speech of June i6th. Twenty-four hours after, I made a hasty conclusion on yours of the 9th. You had six days to prepare, and concluded on me again at Bloomington on the 1 6th. Twenty-four hours after, I concluded again on you at Springfield. In the mean time, you had made another conclusion on me at Springfield, which I did not hear, and of the contents of which I knew nothing when I spoke; so that your speech made in daylight,- and mine at night, of the 17th, at Springfield, were both made in perfect independence of each other. ' The dates of making all these, speeches will show, I think, that in the matter of time for preparation, the ad vantage has all been on your side, and that none of the external circum stances have stood to my advantage. I agree to an arrangement for us to speak at the seven places you have named, and at your own times, provided you name the times at once, so that I, as well as you, can have to myself the time not covered by the- arrangement. As to the other details, I wish perfect reciprocity and no more. I wish as much time as you, and that conclusions shall alternate. That is all. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln P. S. — ^As matters now stand, I shall be at no more of your exclusive meetings; and for about a week from to-day a letter from you will reach me at Springfield. A. L. 70 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS ' To this Mr. Douglas replied : Bement, Piatt Co., III., July 30, 1858 Dear Sir: Your letter dated yesterday, accepting my proposition for a joint discussion at one prominent point in each Congressional District, as stated in my previous letter, was received this morning. The times and places designated are as follows: Ottawa, La Salle County, .... August 21, 1858 Freeport, Stephenson County, Jonesboro, Union County, . August 21, li 27, September IS. ti 18, October 7, ti 13, It IS, Charleston, Coles County, . Galesburg, Knox County, Quincy, Adams County, . Alton, Madison County, . I agree to your suggestion that we shall alternately open and close the discussion. I will speak at Ottawa one hour, you can reply, occupying an hour and a half, and I will then follow for half an hour. At Free- port, you shall open the discussion and speak one hour; I will follow for an hour and a half, and you can then reply for half an hour. We will alternate in like manner in each successive place. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, S. A. Douglas Hon. a. Lincoln, Springfield, 111. This arrangement was accepted by Mr. Lincoln: Springfield, July 31, 1858 Hon. S. A. Douglas. Dear Sir: Yours of yesterday, naming places, times, and terms, for joint discussions between us, was received this morning. Although, by the terms, as you propose, you take four openings and closes, to my three, I accede, and thus close the arrangement. I direct this to you at Hillsboro, and shall try to have both your letter and this appear in the Journal and Register of Monday morning. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln [Chicago Times, August i, 1858] THE AGREEMENT BETWEEN SENATOR DOUGLAS AND MR. LINCOLN We received yesterday, and print this morning, the final corre spondence between Senator Douglas and Mr. Lincoln, in relation to CONGRESSIONAL MAP OF ILLINOIS, 1858 Showinn places where the seven debates were held, numbered in order THE CHALLENGE 71 addressing the people in company. Those readers who examine the letter of our Monticello correspondent will learn somewhat of the cir cumstances which attended the conclusion of this arrangement. Mr. Lincoln's letter is dated Springfield, but it was sent by the author from some place in Piatt county to Senator Douglas in Bement. We are not disposed to criticise too harshly the style of Mr. Lincoln's letter. It is now printed and speaks for itself its own praise or condemnation. But, the public will have their opinion of it, and it can be none other than that it is as badly conceived as bunglingly expressed. We hope, however, that- we have seen the "conclusion" of the correspondence, and do not question that by the time Mr. Lincohi has "concluded" on Senator Douglas, once or twice, and permitted Senator Douglas to "conclude" on him an equal number of times, he will "conclude" that he better haul off and lay by for repairs. We need not describe the arrangement, as it is made fully to appear in the correspondence itself. [Illinois State Journal, July 31, 1858] MR. LINCOLN'S CHALLENGE TO MR. DOUGLAS.- RE JOINDER OF MR. LINCOLN We have already published the letter of Mr. Lincoln challenging Mr. Douglas to a joint canvass of the State, and also the letter of Mr. Douglas in reply, declining the invitation in the most pettifogging and cowardly manner. Today we publish a rejoinder of Mr. Lincoln, exposing the flimsy pretexts upon which Mr. Douglas places his de clension and at the same time cordially responding to that part of the reply in which Mr. Douglas reluctantly consents to allow himself to be used up by Mr. Lincoln at seven different places. It is clear that Mr. Douglas is not fond of Mr. Lincoln's rough handling and is anxious to get out of an ugly scrape on any terms. In this matter Douglas goes on the principle that discretion is the better part of valor. W^e knew from the first that Douglas would not dare to make a general canvass of the state with Lincoln. He had to run away from that gentleman in 1854 and dared not stand his broadsides now. If he dared not meet Lincoln in the first dawnings of his conspiracy to Africanize the whole American Continent, of course he would object still more to such a canvass ig 1858, when the evidences of that con spiracy are so numerous and overwhelming that even his audacity shrinks from denying it. But we did expect that Mr. Douglas would 72 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS at least put his refusal on some more plausible ground than a mere squibble. The idea that 'Mr. Douglas' is unable to meet Mr. Lincoln in debate because forsooth a Democratic Central .Committee had already made some half dozen appointments for him, is pitiful^ just as though those appointments could not be changed, or so modified as also to embrace a discussion with Mr. Lincoln or leaving those appointments out of the question, just as though there was not yet re maining fujl two months in which to make the canvass with Mr. Lincoln ! However it is viewed, Mr. Douglas' attempt to Skulk behind a Central Committee, is a cowardly showing of the white feather. [Chicago Daily Journal, August 2, 1858] The Times finds fault with Mr. Lincohi's letter to Mr. Douglas because it is "bunglingly expressed". Our neighbor should recollect that he has not the advantage of having the Douglas candidate for Superintendent of Public Instruction to correct it for himi [Illinois State Register, Springfield, August 2, 1858] DISCUSSION BETWEEN MESSRS. DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN We were furnished on Saturday, by Mr. Lincoln, with the following correspondence, from which it will be seen that he agrees to meet Mr. Douglas in discussion at seven points in the state, which are named in the note of the letter. Mr. Lincoln cannot forego, even in this brief note, the expression of the idea uppermost with him, that he is "a victim," Douglas has one more "opening" than himself, which, if it were not so, Mr. Lincoln would have one more than Mr. Douglas. As we are told by Mr. Lincoln's organs that Douglas felt incapable of de bating successfully with Mr. L., the latter should have forborne his lament, in a spirit of magnanimity. Now there is a bit of egotism in all this, pardonable, probably, in view of Mr. Lincoln's extremity. Why had he, any more than Went worth, or Browning, or Gillespie, or Palmer, or Dougherty, or Judd, or any other republican or Danite notability, a right to expect a chal lenge for debate from Douglas. True, Lincoln had thrust himself before aU the reception meetings gotten up in honor of Mr. Douglas, and had taken shape as a senatorial candidate; but as Mr. Douglas THE CHALLENGE 73 suggests, there are others with similar aspirations. He had in this manner of doubtful propriety, made himself a figure out of place, but we cannot see that the circumstances were such as to induce Mr. Douglas to single him out from the number of his opponents — ^black republican and Danite, and challenge him to a general canvass. Mr. Lincoln's political necessities may have needed this boosting of him into promi nence, but he is scarcely justified in lamenting that Mr. Douglas did not contribute to it. Mr. Douglas, as a representative of his state in the senate, was a prominent actor in the exciting debates of the last session. His action, and his motives therefor, had been condemned and impugned, and he had concluded, on his return home, to go before his constituents to render an account of the course he had deemed proper to pursue, as well as to advocate the principles, policy and the election of the candi dates of his party. Mr. Lincoln was as well quahfied to know that Mr. Douglas came to this city to arrange with his party friends for this purpose, as was Mr. Douglas that Mr. Lincoln's party friends had arranged that he was to champion their cause; and as such, if it was his desire to have had a general canvass, single-handed, he could have made it known at the threshold — at Chicago. Why he did not do it, is simply because he had not "resolved" to do it and we think he did not resolve to do it because he thought he could cut a better figure by waiting until Mr. Douglas had made other arrangements, and then pompously send a challenge which he knew could not be accepted. Mr. Lincoln knew it was Mr. Douglas' intention to canvass the state long before Mr. D's return home. If it was his desire to canvass with him — if it was the desire of his party that he should do so, he should have met the "lion," with a watchful resistance, at the gate, and not have waited for his terms, and the mode and manner of being eaten up. This bit of pettifogging jugglery on the part of Mr. Lincoln and his backers can only be viewed as such by the people of the state. The twaddle of his organs about Douglas' dread of his prowess is unworthy of comment. Mr. Douglas' agreement to meet him as proposed in the correspondence above, which could not, under the circumstances, be declined by Mr. Lincoln, is, doubtless, more than they bargained for in their epistolary efforts to make a brave front on paper, as they will certainly learn before they are through with a small portion of the large job they profess to bid for. 74 n^LINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Eastern newspapers at first failed to appreciate the im portance of this challenge and acceptance, although the arrangement caused extensive comment in the Illinois press, as the above quotations would indicate. In the older sec tion the breach between Douglas and Buchanan continued to be extensively treated by editorial writers. CHAPTER IV REPORTING THE DEBATES MR. HORACE WHITE Mr. White, the official reporter of the Debates for the Chicago Press and Tribune, was born in New Hampshire in 1834. j When three years of age, he was taken with the family to Wisconsin Territory, where the city of Beloit now stands. In 1849, Horace entered Beloit College, was gradu ated in 1853, and became a reporter on the Chicago Even ing Journal. In 1857 he spent ^a short time in Kansas, returning to Chicago to become (an editorial writer on the Chicago Press and Tribune. WhUe holding this position, he was designated as chief correspondent to accompany Abraham Lincoln in 1858 on his campaign against Stephen A. Douglas for the United States senatorship.) [ The notable features of this campaign were given to the piiblic chiefly through Mr. White's letters to the Chicago Tribune, and were subsequently condensed by him at the instance of Williaih H. Herndon and published in the latter's Life ol Lincoln (2d ed., D. Appleton & Co., New York). In 1 86 1 Mr. White was sent to Washington as correspondent of the Chicago Tribune, and while there he filled success fully the places of clerk of the Senate Committee on Mili tary Affairs and clerk in the War Department. In the latter capacity he was assigned to the special service of P. H. Watson, assistant secretary of war, and later -of Edwin M. Stanton, secretary. In 1865 he became part owner and chief editor of the Chicago Tribune, which place he filled until September, 1874, when he resigned and was 7S 76 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS succeeded by Joseph Medill; he spent the year 1875 in Europe. In 1877 he removed to New York and became associated with Henry Villard in the latter's railroad enter prises, especially that of the Oregon Railway and Navi gation Co., of which he was treasurer for the next few years. In 1881 he joined with Mr. Villard in the purchase of the New York Evening Post, of which he became the president and one of the editors, in conjunction with Carl Schurz and Edwin L. Godkin Mr. Schurz retired in 1884, Mr. Godkin in 1899, and Mr. White in 1903. Mr. White is best known by his contributions to the various campaigns for sound money that have been fought in the political arena since the close of the Civil War. In addition to his edi torial work he has been a frequent contributor to the mag azines and pamphlet literature of that period. He resides (1908) in New York City. { It was my good fortune to accompany Mr. Lincoln during his political campaign against Senator Douglas in 1858, not only at the joint debates but also at most of the smaller meetings where his competitor was not present.' We traveled together many thousands of miles. I was in the employ of the Chicago Tribune, then called the Press and Tribune. Senator Douglas had entered upon his campaign with two short-hand reporters, James B. Sheridan and Henry Blnmore, whose duty it was to "write it up" in the columns of the Chicago Times. The necessity of counteracting or matching that force became apparent very soon, and I was chosen to write up Mr. Lincoln's campaign. ) I was not a short-hand reporter. The verbatim reporting for the Chicago Tribune in the joint debates was done by Mr. Robert R. Hitt, late assistant secretary of state Verbatim reporting was a new feature in journalism in Chicago and Mr. Hitt was the pioneer thereof. The publication of Senator Douglas's opening speech in that campaign, delivered on the evening of July 9, by the Tribune the next morning, was a feat hitherto unexampled in the West, and most mortifying to the Democratic newspaper, the Times, and to Sheridan and Binmore, who, ¦ Mr. Horace White ia Herndon's Life of Lincoln, by permission of D. Appleton & Co. HORACE WHITE From a photograpli made in 1S54. and loaned by Mr. White, now a resident of Xew York City REPORTING THE DEBATES 77 after taking down the speech as carefully as Mr. Hitt had done, had gonte to bed intending to write it out the next day, as was then customary. All of the seven joint debates were reported by Mr. Hitt for the Tribune, the manuscript passing through my hands before going to the printers, but no changes were made by me except in a few cases where confusion on the platform, or the blowing of the wind, had caused some slight hiatus or evident mistake in catching the speaker's words. I could not resist the temptation to italicise a few passages in Mr. Lincoln's speeches, where his manner of delivery had been especially emphatic. Here [Ottawa] I was joipied by Mr. Hitt and also by Mr. Chester P. Dewey of the New York Evening Post, who remained with us until the end of the campaign. Hither, also, came quite an army of young newspaper men, among whom was Henry Villard, in behalf of Forney's Philadelphia Press. \ MR. ROBERT R. HITT Robert Roberts Hitt was born in Urbana, Champaign County, Ohio, January i6, 1834. In 1837, the Hitts moved to Illinois and with their following settled in Ogle County, and established what became the village of Mount Morris. Educated at the Rock River Seminary at Mount Morris, an institution founded by his father and uncle, and later graduated from the Asbury (now Depauw) University of Indiana, the subject of this sketch trained himself in the art of phonography and in 1856 opened an office in Chicago and established himself as a court and newspaper shorthand reporter, the first expert stenographer permanently located in that city. His work as a stenographer first brought him into the notice of Abraham Lincoln, then practicing law, and later as a newspaper reporter in reporting the cam paign speeches of Lincoln and other prominent orators of the day, including Douglas, Logan, Lovejoy, and indeed of all the great speakers of the Middle West of that time. During the Lincoln-Douglas debates he was the verbatim 78 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS reporter, receiving the highest praise from Mr. Lincoln for the accuracy of his work. During the sessions of 1858, 1859, and i860, Mr. Hitt was the official stenographer of the Illinois legislature, having the contract for both the senate and the house. In 1867 and 1868 he made a tour of Europe and Asia, daily taking down in shorthand notes his impressions of the peoples and conditions of the countries and places visited, Upon his return he was again employed by the government in confi dential cases, including missions to Santo Domingo and to the southern states to investigate the Ku Klux Klan, after which he became private secretary to Senator O. P. Mor ton, and in December of the same year was appointed secretary of legation at Paris, by President Grant, which position he held for six years. In 1880, upon the request of Mr. Blaine, then secretary of state. President Garfield appointed him assistant secretary, which position he resigned to become a candidate for Con gress, to which he was elected in 1882. He served continu ously from the Forty-eighth to the Fifty-eighth Congress. WhUe serving his twelfth term, Mr. Hitt died on September 20 1906 at Narragansett Pier, Rhode Island. [Phonographic Magazine, VII, 205; June i, 1893] AN INTERVIEW WITH HON. R. R. HITT When I was a lad of nearly fifteen, I saw some little pamphlets which were handed me by a man named Pickard, in 1850, in advocacy of phonetic reform, and it was through the advertisements in them that I procured the phonographic manuals. From these works I obtained enough knowledge of the principles and rules of shorthand to begin to use it. The first fruitful use of it was in taking notes of lectures at college. After graduating at Mt. Morris College I went to New Orleans, con stantly practicing the art and gaining speed. In the spring of 1857 I returned to Illinois, then removed to Chicago and began to report 'm ?.¦¦¦-¦ ¦ ."¦ " ,¦¦; ROBERT R. HITT From a daguerreotype made in 1858, and loaned by .Mrs Hill, of Washington, D C REPORTING THE DEBATES 79 court cases. In 1858 the contest between Stephen A. Douglas and Mr. Lincoln for the Senate brought Mr. Lincoln into national view. Seven debates were arranged between them and I was employed to report them on the Republican side. There was no one to assist in reporting but a young man named Laraminie from Montreal, who was a skilful reader of shorthand and could transcribe my notes with perfect accuracy. At Quincy, lUinois, where one of the debates was held, he took the train for Chicago, which left before the debate was finished, carrying with him my notes of the earlier part of the debate, and I first saw the work printed in a newspaper. Mr. Lincoln never saw the report of any of the debates. I mention this as it was often charged at that time in the fury of partisan warfare that Mr. Lincoln's speeches were doctored and almost re-written before they were printed; that this was necessary because he was so petty a creature in ability, in thought, in style, in speaking when compared with the matchless Douglas. [New York Herald, May 29, 1904] To tell the story of Mr. Hitt's public career with anything like completeness would require columns of space. He first came into the public eye just after he left college. He had learned the system of shorthand then in use and was probably the only stenographer in the West at that time who could take a speech verbatim as it was delivered from the rostrum. Abraham Lincoln had heard of his rare accomplishment and made a requisition on the young man to report the Lincoln-Douglas debate at Freeport, Illinois. It is chronicled that when the debate was about to begin, Mr. Lincoln hfted his long form from a chair, looked out over the immense audience, and shouted, "Where's Hitt ? Is Hitt present ?" The future representative and possible vice-president was far out on the edge of the crowd: "Here I am, Mr. Lincoln," he cried, "but I can't get through this crowd to the stand." Whereupon strong men lifted the frail, slender young man into the air and passed him along over the heads of the crowd to the platform. Mr. Hitt took complete notes of the speech and afterward transcribed most of them himself. Some of Mr. Lincoln's political enemies, who had brought an indictment of illiteracy against the gaunt lUinois statesman, charged Mr. Hitt with "doctoring" the English of the speech, but he denied that he had taken any hberties 8o ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS with Lincoln's phraseology His notes of the Lincoln-Douglas debates would be invaluable literary documents today, but he did not preserve them. .... Because of the prestige growing out of his services in the Lincoln-Douglas debate, he was selected to make the official report of the trouble that arose in i860 in the Department of Missouri under General Fremont. HENRY BINMORE Henry Binmore was born in London, England, Sep tember 23, 1833; educated in the schools- of England and at Wickhall College, and came to Montreal, Canada, at the age of 16. He at once entered the profession of journalism and invented a system of phonographic reporting peculiar to himself. With it he Was able to attain a desirable speed, but could not exchange reading with other systems. He continued at newspaper work in Montreal, New York, and St. Louis for several years, including a term as reporter in the Missouri state senate. In 1858 he was employed on the St. Louis Republican, a Douglas organ, and was sent to Illi nois to report the triumphant home-coming of the senator. His reports appearing in the Republican showed such skill in his art that he was employed by the Chicago Times, the official newspaper of Douglas, to report the set debates with Lincoln. He shared this task with James B. Sheridan, a regular phonographic reporter, brought from Philadelphia. At the close of the campaign, Mr. Binmore became a private secretary to Douglas and in i860 was made reporter in the House of Representatives. From this position he resigned to accept a secretarial appointment on the staff of General Prentiss and later on that of General Hurlbert. At the close of the war, he returned to Chicago, became a law reporter, was admitted to the bar, and died in that city, November 4, 1907. He left an unpublished manuscript on the art and experiences of repertorial writing. HENRY BINMORE From a contemporary photograph in the possession of the family, Chicago REPORTING THE DEBATES 8i JAMES B. SHERIDAN The art of phonography was early developed in Phila delphia where was located a prominent school. Among its early disciples was Mr. Sheridan, who became a promi nent reporter on Forney's Philadelphia Press. Forney espoused the cause of Douglas in his breach with Buchanan, and when the senator entered upon his great canvass for re-election, Forney sent Sheridan to Illinois to follow the campaign. It was not the original intention to have him remain throughout the autumn, but the value of his services as a reporter was so evident that he was employed to take the debates for the Democratic Chicago Times, in con nection with Mr. Binmore. He continued to write de scriptive articles for the Press, many of the quotations from that paper printed in this volume being no doubt contributed by him. At the close of the campaign, Sheridan went to New York, enlisted as a northern Democrat in the Civil War, attained the rank of colonel, and later became the official reporter of the New York Supreme Court. In 1875, he was elected justice of the Marine Court of New York City. He died about 1905. Owing to the prevalent partisan feeling, there was com plaint on both sides of unfairness in reporting the debates. Immediately after the appearance in print of the speeches in the first debate, each side accused the other of misrepre senting the ideas expressed by its spokesman. The Repub lican press claimed that Lincoln was not given a fair report, and the Democratic editors replied that Lincoln was by nature ungrammatical and uncouth in his utterances. It is true that the variations to be noted in Mr. Lincoln's speeches as reported in the Republican and in the Demo cratic papers decreased steadily throughout the campaign. 82 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Quite naturally the Democratic reporters did not exercise the same care in taking the utterances of Mr. Lincoln as with those of Mr. Douglas, and vice versa. Mr. White described later the difficulties under which the reporting was done — the open air, the rude platforms, the lack of accommodations for writing, the jostling of the crowds of people, and the occasional puffs of wind which played havoc with sheets of paper. [Chicago Times, August 25, 1858] LINCOLN'S SPEECH We delayed the issue of our Sunday morning's paper some hours in order that we might publish in full the speeches of Lincoln and Douglas, at Ottawa. We had two phonographic reporters there to report those speeches. One of them (Mr. Sheridan) we have known personally for years, and know him to be one of the most accomplished phonographers in the United States Senate. The other (Mr. Binmore) is reputed to be a most excellent reporter, and having had occasion to mark the manner in which he has on several occasions executed his duty, we are satisfied that he is not only a competent but a most faithful reporter. These two gentlemen reported the two speeches, and they, shortly after their arrival in Chicago from Ottawa, commenced transcribing the speeches from their notes. We publish both speeches as they were furnished us by the reporters. THE SPEECHES AT OTTAWA Another Grross Charg'e.— Dialectics, Logic, and Other Things Any person who heard at Ottawa the speech of Abraham, aUas Old Abe, aUas Abe, alias "Spot," Lincoln, must have been astonished at the report of that speech as it appeared in the Press and Tribune of of this city. Our version of it was literal. No man, who heard it delivered, could faU to recognize and acknowledge the fidelity of our reporters. We did not attempt, much, to "fix up" the bungling effort; that was not our busings. Lincoln should have learned, before this, to "rake after" himself — or rather to supersede the necessity of "raking after" by taking heed to his own thoughts and expression^. If he ever gets into the United States Senate— of which there is no earthly JAMES B. SHERIDAN From a photograph in the possession of Airs. Sheridan, New York, made about 1S57 REPORTING THE DEBATES 83 probability — ^he wiU have to do that; in the congressional arena, the words of debaters are snatched from their lips, as it were, and imme diately enter into and become a permanent part of the literature of the country. But it seems, from the difference between the two versions of Lincoln's speech, that the Republicans have a candidate for the Senate of whose bad rhetoric and horrible jargon they are ashamed, upon which, before they would pubUsh it, they caUed a councU of "liter ary" men, to discuss, re-construct and re-write; they dare not allow Lincoln to go into print in his own dress; and abuse us, the Times, for reporting him literally. We also printed Senator Douglas literally. Our accomphshed reporters alone are responsible to us for the accuracy of our version of both speeches. There is no orator in America more correct in rhetoric, more clear in ideas, more direct in purpose, in all his public addresses, than Stephen A. Douglas. That this is so, is not our fault, but rather it is the pride of the Democracy of lUinois and of the Union. [Galesburg, III., Democrat, October 13, 1858] OUTRAGEOUS FRAUDS One Hundred and Eighty Mutilations Made in Lincoln's Speech by The Chicago Times ! ! We had heard of the numerous frauds to which the Douglas party resort to mislead the public mind, beginning with the forgery of the platform at Ottawa and ending with Douglas' declaration that Mr. Lincoln is hired by the lUinois Central Railroad Company, at $S,ooo per year, to cheat the State of its 7 per cent, dividends of the earnings of the Road (the very post occupied by Mr. Douglas), but were not prepared for such rascality as is exhibited in the Times' report of the debate in this place. There is scarcely a correctly reported paragraph in the whole speech! Many sentences are dropped out which were absolutely necessary for the sense; many are transposed so as to read wrong end first; many are made to read exactly the opposite of the orator's intention, and the whole aim has been to blunt the keen edge of Mr. Lincoln's wit, to mar the beauty of his most eloquent passages, and make him talk like a booby, a half-witted numbskull. By placing him thus before their readers they hope to disgust the people with Mr. Lincoln, and at least keep them at home if they do not vote for Douglas. Even that beautiful apostrophe, quoted from the "Revered Clay," 84 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS as Douglas hypocritically called him at the Bancroft House, could not go unmutUated. We have taken the pains to go over the reports of the speeches care fully and note the material alterations — saying nothing of long passages, where the Times' Reporter appeared to aim only at the sense, without giv ing the language — ^and find that they number One Hundred and Eighty^;; We beheve that an action for libel would hold against these villains, and they richly deserve the prosecution. [Chicago Times, October la, 1858] GARBLING SPEECHES.-THE OLD CHARGE We do not mean, by this remark, to cast any imputation of unfairness on Mr. Hitt, the reporter for the Press and Tribune; such imputation would be unjust, as we have reason to believe. Our controversy is not with the reporter at all; for even if he should maltreat Senator Douglas' speeches, he would do so under iristructions; he being the employee of our neighbor, he could not relieve the editors of the odium of the act. But such are the facts; we give them, not because we feel very deeply on this point, but to put the public right with regard to them. We can prove their proof by Mr. Hitt himself, if he will go upon the stand under oath. Even, however, after Senator Douglas' speeches are marred — ^by striking out words, here and there, by mangling sen tences to hide their meaning, by mis-punctuations, etc. etc. — and after re-writing and pohshing the speeches of Lincoln, those of Douglas so much excelled those of his opponent, in aU respects, that we cannot find it in our hearts to complain much. Poor Lincoln requires some such advantage — ^though it be mean — in his contest with the irresistible advocate of liberal principles — the acknowledged champion of living principles in Illinois. [The Daily Whig, Quincy, 111., October 16, 1858] Douglas carries around with him a reporter by the name of Sheridan, whose business it is to garble the speeches of Mr. Lincoln, and amend and elaborate those of Douglas, for the Times. As almost everybody present on Wednesday could hear Mr. Lincoln distinctly, and not a hundred in the crowd could understand Douglas, we are curious to see the report that this fellow Sheridan will give of the speeches. Our word for it, he will serve his master to the best of his ability, and he about the whole proceedings. CHAPTER V THE OTTAWA DEBATE [Chicago Press and Tribune, August i8, 1858] THE GREAT DEBATE AT OTTAWA The first grand encounter between the champions of Slavery and Freedom, — Douglas and Lincoln, — takes place at- Ottawa on Saturday afternoon, Aug. 21st. A special train will leave the Rock Island depot at 8 a. m., passing Blue Island at 8:45, Joliet at 9:55, Morris 10:50, and Ottawa at 11 :4s, which win give plenty of time for dinner, to arrange the preUminaries, and to prepare the polemic combatants for the contest. The train will leave Ottawa on its return at 6 p. m. and will be back in Chicago at 9 :4s. Passengers will be carried the round trip for half-fare from all the stations above named. How big a crowd is going from this city? The Lincoln boys should be on hand. [Chicago Press and Tribune, August 21, 1858] ALL ABOARD FOR OTTAWA! Special Despatch to Press and Tribune. Ottawa, Aug. 20, 1858 Lincoln will take the Special Train from Chicago at Morris tomorrow morning. Please give notice to the public. Republican Committee [Chicago Press and Tribune, August 21, 1858] HO! FOR OTTAWA The gallant Lincoln will enter the lists at Ottawa today, with Douglas. The meeting will be a memorable one, and the first of the present campaign. A large delegation will be in attendance from this city, leaving here by the 8 A. m. train on the Chicago Sz: Rock Island Railroad, returning this evening. Let there be a good attendance of our Republicans. The Press and Tribune of Monday will contain a full Phono graphic verbatim report of the speeches of Lincoln and Douglas. 8s 86 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Let all who can be present hear the champions, and aU who cannot should read and judge for themselves. [Chicago Press and Tribune, August 23, 1858] FIRST JOINT DEBATE At two o'clock the multitude gathered in the public square, the sun shining down with great intensity, and the few trees affording but little shade. It would seem that the most exposed part of the city was se^ lected for the speaking. After a long delay, the discussion was opened by Judge Douglas, who spoke as follows: Mr. Douglas' Speech' Ladies and Gentlemen: I appear before you to-day for the purpose of discussing the leading political topics which now agitate the public mind. By an arrangement between Mr. Lincoln and myself, we are present here to-day for the^purpose of having a joint discussion, as the representatives of the two great .political parties of the State and Union, upon the principles in issue between those parties, and this vast concourse of people shows the deep feeling which pervades the public- mind in regard to the questions dividing usy (. Prior to 1854 this country was divided into two great political parties, known as the Whig and Democratic parties.^ Both were national and patriotic,, advocating principles that were universal in their application. An Old Line Whig could proclaim his principles in Louisiana and Massachusetts alike. Whig principles had no boundary sectional line; they were not limited by the Ohio River, nor by the Potomac, nor by the line of the Free and Slave States; but applied and were proclaimed wherever the Constitution ruled or the American flag waved over the American soil. ["Hear him;" and three cheers.] So it was, and so it is with the great Democratic party, which, from the days of Jefferson until this period, has proven itself to be the historic party of this nation. While the Wliig and Democratic parties differed in regard to a bank, the tariff, distribution, the specie circular, and the sub-treasury, they ' The speeches in this debate have been reprinted from the Follett, Foster & Co. edition of i860, and all the interruptions, omitted in that edition, have been added from the newspaper reports, those in Douglas' speeches from the official Democratic report in the Chicago Times, and those in Lincoln's speeches from the official Republican report in the Chicago Press and Tribune. All variants in the text (except those of capitalization and punctuation) from these official reports have been noticed in the footnotes. From an examination of these, it will be seen that Lincoln did not make any impor tant changes m his speeches, and that the editors were very fair in their reprint of the speeches of his opponent. PUBLIC SQUARE AT OTTAWA The stand fur the public speaking was erected in th^it part of the square shown in the foreground DOUGLAS AT OTTAWA 87 agreed on the great slavery question which now agitates the Union. I say that the Whig party and the Democratic party agreed on this slavery question,; while they differed on those matters of expediency to which I have referred. The Whig party and the Democratic party jointly adopted the Compromise measures of 1850 as the basis of a proper and just solution of this slavery question in aU its forms. Clay was the great leader, with Webster on his right and Cass on his left, and sustained by the patriots in the Whig and Democratic ranks who had devised and enacted the Compromise measures of 1850. In 185 1 the Whig party and the Democratic party united in Illinois in adopting resolutions indorsing' and approving the principles of the Compromise measures of 1850, as the proper adjustment of that ques tion. In 1852, when the Whig, party assembled in Convention at Baltimore for the purpose of nominating a candidate for the Presi dency, the first thing it did was to declare the Compromise measures of 1850, in substance and in prinriple, a suitable adjustment of that question. [Here the speaker was interrupted by loud and long-continued applause.] My friends, silence will be more acceptable to me in the discussion of these questions than applause. I desire to address myself to your judgment, your understanding, and your consciences, and not to your passions or your enthusiasm. When the Democratic Con vention assembled in Baltimore in the same year, for the purpose of nominating a Democratic candidate for the Presidency, it also adopted the Compromise measures of 1850 as the basis of Democratic action. Thus you see that up to i853-'54, the Whig party and the Democratic party both stood on the same platform with regard to the slavery ques tion. That platform was the right of the people of each State and each Territory to decide their local and domestic institutions for them.selves, subject only to the Federal Constitution. 5^ During the session of Congress of i853-'s4, 1 introduced into the Senate of the United States a biU to organize the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska on that principle which had been adopted in the Com promise measures of 1850, approved by the WTiig party and the Demo cratic party in lUinois in i85iJand indorsed^ by the Wliig party and the Democratic party in National Convention in 1852. In order that there might be no misunderstanding in relation to the principle involved in the Kansas and Nebraska biU, I put forth the true intent and meaning * Reads; "endorsing" for *' indorsing.*' 'Reads: "endorsed" for "indorsed." 88 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS of the Act in these words : ("It is the true intent and meaning of this Act not to legislate slavery into any State or Territory, or to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Federal Constitution." j Thus you see that up to 1854, when the Kansas and Nebraska biU was brought into Congress for the purpose of carrying out the principles which both parties had up to that time indorsed' and approved, there had been no division in this country in regard to that principle except the opposition of the Abohtionists. In the House of Representatives of the Illinois Legislature, upon a reso lution asserting that principle, every Whig and every Democrat in the House voted in the affirmative, and only four men voted against it, and those four were Old Line Abolitionists. [Cheers.] ( In 1854, Mr. Abraham Lincoln and Mr. TrumbuU entered into an arrangement, one with the other, and each with his respective friends, to dissolve the old Whig party on the one hand, and to dissolve the old Democratic party on the other, and to connect the members of both into an Abolition party, under the name and disguise of a Republican party, j) [Laughter and cheers; "Hurrah for Douglas."] The terms of that arrangement between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Trumbull have been pub lished to the world by Mr. Lincoln's special friend, James H. Matheny, Esq., and they were, that Lincoln should have Shields's place in the United States Senate, which was then about to become vacant, and that Trumbull should have my seat when my term expired. [Great laugh ter.]/ I.,incoln went to work to Abolitionize the old Whig party all over^the State, pretending that he was then as good a Whig as ever [laughter]; and Trumbull went to work in his part of the State preaching Abolitionism in its milder and lighter form, and trying to Abolitionize the Democratic party, and bring old Democrats handcuffed and bound hand and foot into the Abolition camp J ["Good," "hurrah for Doug las," and cheers.] / In pursuance of the arrangement, the parties met at Springfield in October, 1854, and proclaimed their new platform. / Lincoln was to bring into the Abolition camp the Old Line Whigs, and transfer them over to Giddings, Chase, Fred" Douglas, and Parson Lovejoy, who were ready to receive them and christen them in their new faith.N [Laugh ter and cheers.] | They laid down on that occasion a platform for their » Reads: "endorsed" for "indorsed." " Reads: "Ford, Douglass" for "Fred Douglass." DOUGLAS AT OTTAWA 89 new Republican party, which was to be thus constructed. I have the resolutions of their State Convention then held, which was the first mass State Convention ever held in Illinois by the Black Republican party, and I now hold them in my hands, and will read a part of them, and cause the others to be printed.^ Here are' the most important and material resolutions" of this Abolition platform: — /"i. Resolved, (That we believe this truth to be self-evident, that when parties become subversive of the ends for which they are established, or incapable of restoring the Government to the true principles of the Constitution, it is the right and duty of the people to dissolve the political bands by which they may have been connected therevrith, and to organize new parties, upon such principles and with such views as tlie circumstances and exigencies of the nation may demand. ("2. Resolved) That the times imperatively demand the reorganization of parties, and, repudiating all previous party attachments, names, and predilections, we unite ourselves together in defense of the liberty and Constitution of the country, and win hereafter co-operate as the Republican party, pledged to the accomplish ment of the following purposes: To bring the administration of the Government back to the control of first principles, to restore Nebraska and Kansas to the posi tion of Free Territories, that, as the Constitution of the United States vests in the States, and not in Congress, the power to legislate for the extradition of fugitives from labor, to repeal and entirely abrogate the Fugitive-Slave law; to restrict slavery to those states in which it exists; to prohibit the admission of any more Slave States into the Union; to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia; to exclude slavery from all the Territories over which the General Government has exclusive jurisdiction; and to resLst the acquirements of any more Territories, unless the pactioe of slavery -therein forever shall have been prohibited. /'3. Resolved J That in furtherance of these principles we will use such Con stitutional and lawful means as shall seem best adapted to their accomplishment, and that we will support no man for office, under the General or State Government, who is not positively and fully committed to the support of these principles, and whose personal character and conduct is not a guarantee that he is reliable, and who shall not have abjured old party allegiance and ties." [The resolutions as they were read were cheered throughout.] Now, gentlemen, your Black Republicans have cheered every one -of those propositions ["Good" and cheers.], and yet I venture to say that you cannot get Mr. Lincoln to come out and say that he is now in favor of each one of them. [Laughter and applause. "Hit him again."] That these propositions, one and all, constitute the platform of the Black Republican party of this day, I have no doubt; ["Good."] > Reads: "is" for "are." ' Reads; "resolution" for "resolutions." 3 Reads: "acquirements" for "acquirement." 90 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS and when you were not aware for what purpose I was reading them, your Black Republicans cheered them as good Black Republican doctrines. ["That's it," etc.] (My object in reading these resolutions was to put the question to Abraham Lincoln this day, whether he now stands and wiU stand by each article in that creed and carry it out. ) ["Good," "Hit him again."] (l desire to know whether Mr. Lincoln to-day stands, as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive-Slave law. I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more Slave States into the Union, even if the people want them. I want to know whether he stands pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union with such a Constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make. ["That's it;" "put it at him."] I want to know whether he stands to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to the prohibition of the slave trade between the different States. ["He does."] I desire to know whether he stands pledged to prohibit sla very in all the Territories of the United States, North as weU as South of the Missouri Compromise line. ["Kansas too."] I desire him to answer whether he is opposed to the acquisition of any more territory, unless slavery is' prohibited therein. x I want his answer to these questions- / Your affirmative cheers in favor of this Abolition platform are" not satisfactory. I ask Abraham Lincoln to answer these questions, in order that, when I trot him down to lower Egypt, I may put the same questions to him. [Enthusiastic applause.] (.My principles are the same everywhere^ [Cheers, and "hark."] I can proclaim them alike in the North, the South, the East, and the West. My principles will apply wherever the Constitution prevails, and the American , flag waves. ["Good," and applause.] I desire to know whether Mr. Lincoln's principles wiU bear transplanting from Ottawa to Jonesboro? I put these questions to him to-day distinctly, and ask an answer. I have a right to an answer ["That's so;" "he can't dodge you," etc.], for 4 quote from the platform of the Republican party, made by himselr- and others at the time that party was formed, and the bargain made by Lincoln to dissolve and kiU the old Whig party, and transfer its members, bound hand and foot, » Reads: "is first prohibited." ¦ Read: "is" for "are." DOUGLAS AT OTTAWA 9I to the Abolition party, under the ditection of Giddings and Fred Douglass. \ [Cheers.] In the remarks I have made on this platform, and the position of Mr. Lincoln upon it, I mean nothing personally disrespectful or unkind to that gentleman. I have known him for nearly twenty-five years. There were many points of s)rmpathy between us when we first got acquainted. We were both comparatively boys, both' struggling with poverty in a strange land. I was a school-teacher in the town of Winchester, and he a flourishing grocery-keeper in the town of Salem. [Applause and laughter.] He was more successful in his occupation thani was in mine, and hence more fortunate in this world's goods. Lincoln is one of those peculiar men who perform with admirable skill everything which they undertake. I made as good a school-teacher as I could, and when a cabinet-maker I made a good bedstead and tables, although my old boss said I succeeded better with bureaus and secre taries than with" anything else; [cheers] but I believe that Lincoln was always more successful in business than I, for his business enabled him to get into the Legislature. I met him there, however, and had a sym pathy with him, because of the up-hiU struggle we both had in life. He was then just as good at teUing an anecdote as now. ["No doubt."] He could beat any of the boys wrestling, or running a foot-race, in pitching quoits or tossing a copper; could ruin more liquor than all the boys of the town together; [uproarious laughter] and the dignity and impartiality with which he presided at a horse-race or fist-fight excited the admiration and won the praise of everybody that was present and participated. [Renewed laughter.] I S3rmpathized with him because he was struggling with difficulties, and so was I. Mr. Lincoln served with me in the Legislature in 1836, when we both retired, and he subsided, or became submerged, and he was lost sight of as a public man for some years. In 1846, when Wilmot intro duced his celebrated proviso, and the Abolition tornado swept over the country, Lincoln again turned up as a member of Congress from the Sangamon district. I was then in the Senate of the United States, and was glad to welcome my old friend and companion. WhUst in Con gress, he distinguished himself by his opposition to the Mexican war, taking the side of the common enemy against his own country; ["that's true"] and when he returned home he found that the indignation of ¦ Reads: "and both." > Reads: "than anything else." 92 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS the people followed him everywhere, and he was again submerged, or obliged to retire into private life, forgotten by his former friends. ["And will be again."] He came up again in 1854, just in time to make this Abolition or Black Republican platform, in company with Giddings, Lovejoy, Chase, and Fred Douglass, for the Republican party to stand upon. [Laughter, "Hit him again," etc.] [TrumbuU, too, was one of our own contemporaries. He was born and raised in old Connecticut, was bred a Federalist, but, removing to Georgia, turned BfuUifier when Nullification was popular, and as soon as he disposed of his clocks and wound up his business, migrated to Illinois^ [laughter] turned politician and lawyer here, and made his appearance in 1841 as a member of the Legislature. {He became noted as the author of the scheme to repudiate a large portion of the State debt of Blinois, which, if successful, would have brought infamy and disgrace upon the fair escutcheon of our glorious State. The odium attached to that measure consigned him to oblivion for a time. I helped to do it. I walked into a public meeting in the hall of the House of Representatives, and replied to his repudiating speeches, and reso lutions were carried over his head denouncing repudiation, and asserting the moral and legal obligation of Illinois to pay every dollar of the debt she owed, and every bond that bore her seal. ["Good," and cheers.] Trumbull's malignity has followed me since I thus defeated his infamous scheme. These two men having formed this combination to Abolitionize the old Whig party and the old Democratic party, and put themselves into the Senate of the United States, in pursuance of their bargain, are now carrying out that arrangement. (Matheny states that Trumbull broke faith; that the bargain was that Lincoln should be the Senator in Shields's' place, and TrumbuU was to wait for miny [laughter and cheers] and the story goes that Trumbull cheated Lincoln, having control of four or five Abolitionized Democrats who were holding over in the Senate; he would not let them vote for Lincoln, which" obliged the rest of the Abohtionists to support him in order to secure an Abohtion Senator. There are a number of authorities for the truth of this besides Matheny, and I suppose that even Mr. Lincoln will not deny it. [Applause and laughter.] Mr. Lincoln demands that he shall have the place intended for * Reads: "Shields'." » Reads: "and which." DOUGLAS AT OTTAWA 93 Trumbull, as Trumbull cheated him and got his, and Trumbull is stumping the State traducing me for the purpose of securing the' po sition for Lincoln, in order to quiet him. ["Lincoln can never get it."] It was in consequence of this arrangement that the Republican Conven tion was empanelled to instruct for Lincoln and nobody else, and it was on this account that they passed resolutions that he was their first, their last, and their only choice. Archy WiUiams was nowhere. Brown ing was nobody, Wentworth was not to be considered; they had no man in the Republican party for the place except Lincoln, for the reason that he demanded that they should carry out the arrangement. ["Hit him again."] Having formed this new party for the benefit of deserters from Whiggery, and deserters from Democracy, and having laid down the Abolition platform which I 'have read, Lincoln now takes his stand and proclaims his Abolition doctrines. Let me read a part of them. In his speech at Springfield to the Convention which nominated him for the Senate, he said: — / "In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this- Government cannot endure permanently half Slave and half Free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved, — I do not expect the house to fall; but I -do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest, in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it for ward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, — old as well as new. North as well as South." A ["Good," "good," and cheers.] I am delighted to hear you Black Republicans say "good." [Laugh ter and cheers.] I have no doubt that doctrine expresses your senti ments ["Hit them again," "that's it."], andsT will prove to you now, if you will listen to me, that it is revolutionary, and destructive of the existence of this Governmenty ["Hurrah for Douglas," "good," and cheers.] Mr. Lincoln, in the extract from which I have read, says that this Government cannot endure permanently in the same condition in which it was made by its framers, — divided into Free and Slave States. He says that it has existed for about seventy years thus divided, and yet he tells you that it cannot endure permanently on the same principles and in the same relative condition in which our fathers made it. ["Neither ¦ Reads: "That" for "the. 94 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS can it."] Why can it not exist divided into Free and Slave States? Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, Madison, Hamilton, Jay, and the great men of that day, made this government divided into Free States and Slave States, and left each State perfectly free to do as it pleased on the subject of slavery. ["Right, right."] Why can it not exist on th.e same principles on which our fathers made it? ["It can."] They knew when they framed the Constitution that in a country as wide and broad as this, with such a variety of climate, production, and interest, the people necessarily required different laws and institutions in different localities. They knew that the laws and regulations which would suit the granite hills of New . Hampshire would be unsuited to the rice plantations of South Carolina, ["Right, right."] and they therefore pro vided that each State should retain its own Legislature and its own sovereignty, with the full and complete power to do as it pleased within its own limits, in all that was local and not national. [Applause.] y One of the reserved rights of the States was the right to regulate the relations between master and servant, on the slavery question. ) At the time the Constitution was framed,' there were thirteen States in the , Union, twelve of which were slaveholding States and one a Free State. ' ( Suppose this doctrine of uniformity preached by Mr. Lincoln, that the States should all be Frfee or aU be Slave had prevailed, and what would have been the result ? Of course, the twelve slaveholding States would have overruled the one Free State, and slavery would have been fastened by a Constitutional provision on every inch of the American Republic, instead of-^being left, as our fathers wisely left it, to each State to decide for itself. )["Good, good," and "three cheers for Douglas."] Here I assert that uniformity in the local laws and institutions of the different States is neither possible or desirable. If uniformity had been adopted when the Government was established, it must inevitably have been the uniformity of slavery everywhere, or else the uniformity of negro citi zenship and negro equality everywhere. We are told by Lincoln that he is utterly opposed to thd^Dred Scott decision, and will not submit to it, for the reason that he says it deprives the negro of the rights and privileges of citizenship. [Laughter and applause.] That is the first and main reason which he assigns for his warfare on the Supreme Court of the United States and its decision. I ask you, are you in favor of conferring upon the negro the rights and ' Reads: "formed" for "framed." DOUGLAS AT OTTAWA 95 privileges of citizenship ? ["No, no."] Do you desire to strike out of our State Constitution that clause which keeps slaves and free negroes out of the State, and allows the free negroes to flow in, ["Never."] and cover your prairies with black settlements ? Do you desire to turn this beautiful State into a free negro colony,j["No, no."] in order that when Missouri aboUshes slavery she can send one hundred thousand emanci pated slaves into lUinois, to become citizens and voters, on an equality with yourselves? ["Never," "no."] If you desire negro citizenship, if you desire to aUow them to come into the State and settle with the white man, if you desire them to vote on an equality with yourselves, and to make them eligible to office, to serve on juries, and to adjudge your rights, then support Mr. Lincoln and the Black Republican party, /who are in favor of the citizenship of the negro. ["Never, never."] (^For one, I am opposed to negro citizenship in any and every form.J) [Cheers.] \ I believe this Government was made on the white basis. [" Good."] I believe it was made by white men, for the benefit of white men and their posterity forever, and I am in favor of confining citizen ship to white men, men of European birth and descent, instead of con ferring it upon negroes, Indians, and other inferior races. ["Good for you.'-' "Douglas forever."] y I Mr. Lincohi, following the example and lead of all the little Aboli tion orators, who go around and lecture in the basements of schools and churches, /reads from the Declaration of Independence that all men were created equal, and then asks. How can you deprive a negro of that equality which God and the Declaration of Independence award' to him? jHe and they maintain that negro equahty is guaranteed by the laws of God, and that it is asserted in the Declaration of Inde pendence. If they think so, of course they have a right to say so, and so vote. (l do not question Mr. Lincoln's conscientious belief that the negro was made his equal, and hence is his brother; [laughter] but for my own part, I do not regard the negro as my equal, and positively deny that he is my brother, or any kin to me whatever) ["Never," "Hit him agaift," and cheers.] Lincoln has evidently learned by heart Parson Lovejoy's catechism. [Laughter and applause.] He can repeat it as weU as Famsworth, and he is worthy of a medal from Father Giddings and Fred Douglass for his Abolitionism. [Laughter.] He holds that the negro was born his equal and yours, and that he was endowed ' Reads: "awards." 96 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS with equality by the Almighty, and that no human law can deprive him of these rights, which were guaranteed to him by the Supreme Ruler of th^ Universe. \ Now I do not believe that the Almighty ever intended the negro to be the equal of the white man^ ["Never, never."] If he did, he has been a long time demonstrating the fact. [Cheers.] For thousands of years the negro has been a race upon the earth, and during all that time, in aU latitudes and climates, wherever he has wandered^pr been taken, he has been inferior to the race which he has there met. | He belongs to an inferior race and must always occupy an inferior position J ["Good," "that's so," etc.] I do not hold that because the negro is our inferior that therefore he ought to be a slave. By no means can such a con clusion be drawn from what I have said. On the contrary, I hold that humanity and Christianity both require that the negro shall have and ienjoy every right, every privilege, and every immunity consistent with the safety of the society in which he lives. ["That's so."] On that point, I presume, there can be no diversity of opinion. You and I are bound to extend to our inferior and dependent beings every right, every privilege,- every facihty and immunity consistent with the public good. The question then arises, \^What rights and privileges are consistent with the public good ?|1 This is a question which each State and each Territory must decide for itself. ] Illinois has decided it for herself. We have provided that the negro shall not be a slave, and we have also provided that he shall not be a citizen, but protect him in his civil rights, in his hfe, his person and his property, only depriving him of aU political rights whatsoever, and refusing to put him on an equality with the white man. ["Good."] That pohcy of Illinois is satisfactory to the Democratic party and to me; and if it were to the Republicans, there would then be no question upon the subject. But the Republicans say that he ought to be made a citizen, and when he becomes a citizen he becomes your equal, with all your rights and privileges. ["He never shall."] They assert the Dred Scott decision to be monstrous because it denies that the negro is or can be a citizen under the Constitution. Now, I hold that Illinois had a right to abolish and prohibit slavery as she did, and I hold that Kentucky has the same right to continue and protect slavery that Illinois had to abolish it. I hold that New York had as much right to abolish slavery as Virginia has to continue it, and that each and every State of this Union is a sovereign power, with the DOUGLAS AT OTTAWA 97 right to do as it pleases upon this question of slavery, and upon all its domestic institutions. Slavery is not the only question which comes up in this controversy. There is a far more important one to you, and that is, What shaU be done with the free negro ? We have settled the slavery question as far as we are concerned; we have prohibited it in lUinois forever; and in doing so, I think we have done wisely, and there is no man in the State who would be more strenuous in his opposition to the introduction of slavery than I would. [Cheers.] But when we settled it for ourselves, we exhausted aU our power over that subject. We have done our whole duty, and can do no more. We must leave each and every other State to decide for itself the same question. In relation to the policy to be pursued toward' the free negroes, we have said that they shall not vote; whilst Maine, on the other hand, has said that they shall vote. Maine is a sovereign State, and has the power to regulate the qualifications of voters within her limits;/ I would never consent to confer the right of voting and of citizenship upon a negro; ,}but still I am not going to quarrel with Maine for differing from me in opinion. Let Maine take care of her own negroes, and fix the qualifications of her own voters to suit herself, without interfering with Illinois, and Illinois will not interfere with Maine. So with the State of New York. She allows the negro to vote, provided he owns two hundred and fifty dollars' worth of property, but not otherwise. While I would not make any distinction whatever between a negro who held property and one who did not; yet if the sovereign State of New York chooses to make that distinction, it is her business and not mine, and I will not quarrel with her for it. She can do as she pleases on this question! if she minds her own business, and we will do the same thing. ) Now, my friends, if we will only act conscientiously and rigidly upon this great principle of popular sovereignty, which guarantees to each State and Territory the right to do as it pleases on aU things, local and domestic, instead of Congress interfering, we will continue at peace one with another. Why should Illinois be at war with Missouri, or Kentucky with Ohio, or Virginia with New York, merely because their institutions differ? Our fathers intended that our institutions should differ. They knew that the North and the South, having differ ent climates, productions, and interests, required different institutions. ' Reads: "towards" for "toward." 98 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS r I This doctrine of Mr. Lincoln,' of uniformity among the institutions of the different states, is a new doctrine, never dreamed of by Washington,) Madison, or the framers of this Government. '\Mr. Lincoln and the Republican party set themselves up as wiser than these men who made this Government, which has flourished for seventy years under the principle of popular sovereignty, recognizing the right of each State to do as it pleased. /Under that principle, we have grown from a nation of three or four mUlions to a nation of about thirty miUions of people; we have crossed the AUeghany" mountains and fiUed up the whole Northwest, turning the prairie into a garden, and building up churches and schools, thus spreading civilization and Christianity where before there was nothing but savage barbarism. Under that principle we have become, from a feeble nation, the most powerful on the face of the earth; and if we only adhere to that principle, we can go forward in creasing in territory, in power, in strength, and in glory until the Republic of America shall be the North Star that shall guide the friends of free dom throughout the civilized world. ["Long may you live," and great applause.] I And why can we not adhere to the great principle of self-government, upon which our institutions were originaUy based? ["We can."] I believe that this new doctrine preached by Mr. Lincoln and his party will dissolve the Union if it succeeds. They are trying to array all the Northern States in one body against the South, to excite a sectional war between the Free States and the Slave States, in order that the one or the other may be driven to the wall. I am told that my time is out. Mr. Lincoln wiU now address you for an hour and a half, and I will then occupy an half hour in replying to him. [Three times three cheers were -here given for Douglas.] Mr. Lincoln's Reply "Mr. Lincoln then came forward and was greeted with long and protracted cheers from fully two-thirds of the audience^ This was admitted by the Douglas men on the platform. It was some minutes -before he could make himself heard, even by those on the stand. At last he said: My Fellow-Citizens: \ When a man hears himself somewhat mis represented, it provokes him,^at least, I find it so with myself; but ^ Reads: "Lincoln's." ¦ Reads: "Allegheny" for "AUeghany." LINCOLN AT OTTAWA 99 when misrepresentation becomes very gross and palpable, it is more apt to amuse him [laughter]. ( The first thing I see fit to notice is the fact that Judge Douglas alleges, after running through the history of the old Democratic and the old Whig parties, that Judge TrumbuU and myself made an arrangement in 1854, by which I was to have the place of General Shields in the United States Senate, and Judge Trum bull was to have the place of Judge Douglas. Now, all I have to say upon that subject is that I think no man — ^not even Judge Douglas — can prove it, because it is not true [cheers]. I have no doubt he is "con scientious" in saying it [laughter]./ ( As to those resolutions' that he took such a length of time to read, as being the platform of the Republican party in 1854, I say I never had anything to do with them,' and I think TrumbuU never had [renewed laughter]. Judge Douglas cannot show that either" of us ever did have anything to do with them. I believe this is true about those reso lutions. There was a call for a Convention to form a Republican party at Springfield, and I think that my friend Mr. Lovejoy, who is here upon this stand, had a hand in it. I think this is true, and I think if he will remember accurately, he wUl be able to recoUect that he tried to get me into it, and I would not go in [cheers and laughter]. I believe it is also true that I went away from Springfield when the Convention was in session, to attend court in TazeweU County. It is true they did place my name, though without authority, upon the committee, and afterward wrote me to attend the meeting of the committee; but I refused to do so, and I never had anything to do with that organization. This is the plain truth about all that matter of the resolutions. Now, about this story that Judge Douglas tells. of Trumbull bar gaining to seU out the old Democratic party, and Lincoln agreeing to sell out the old Whig party, I have the means of knowing about that: [laughter] Judge Douglas cannot have; and I know there is no sub stance to it whatever [applause]. Yet I have no doubt he is "conscien tious " about it [laughter]. I know that after Mr. Lovejoy got into the Legislature that winter, he complained of me that I had told all the old Whigs of3 his district that the old Whig party was good enough for them, and some of them voted against him because I told them so. ' These resolutions are deliberate forgeries by Mr. Douglas. None such were passed by the Springfield convention nor anything like them. — (Ed. Press and Tribune.) ¦ Inserts "one" after "either." 3 Reads: "in" for "of." lOO ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Now, I have no means of totally disproving such charges as this which the Judge makes, (a man cannot prove a negative; but he has a right to claim that when a man makes an affirmative charge, he must offer some proof to show the truth of what he says. ) I certainly cannot intro duce testimony to show the negative about things,\but I have a right to claim that if a man says he knows a thing, then he must show how he knows it. j I always have a right to claim this, and it is not satisfactory to me iuaX he may be "conscientious" on the subject [cheers and laughter]. Now, gentlemen, I hate to waste my time on such things; but in regard to that general Abolition tiU that Judge Douglas makes, when he says that I was engaged at that time in selling out and Abolitionizing the old Whig party, I hope ypu will permit me to read a part of a printed speech that I made then' at Peoria, which wiU show altogether a different view of the position I took in that contest of 1854. A Voice. — "Put on your specs." Mr. Lincoln. — Yes, sir, I am obliged to do so; I am no longer a young man [laughter]. "This is the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. = The foregoing history may not be precisely accurate in every particular, but I am sure it is sufficiently so for all the uses I shall attempt to make of it, and in it we have before us the chief materials enabling us to correctly judge whether the repeal of the Missouri Com promise is right or wrong. "I think, and shall try to show, that it is wrong, — ^wrong in its direct effect, letting slavery into Kansas and Nebraska, and wrong in its prospective principle, allowing it to spread to every other part of the wide world where men can be found inclined to take it. " This declared indifference, but, as I must think, covert real zeal for the spread of slavery, I cannot but hate. I hate it because of the monstrous injustice of slavery itself. I hate it because it deprives our republican example of its just influence in the world,— enables the enemies of free institutions, with plausibility, to taunt us as hjrpocrites; causes the real friends of freedom to doubt our sincerity, and es pecially because it forces so many really good men amongst ourselves into an open war with the very fundamental principles of civil liberty, — criticising the Declara- tion of Independence, and insisting that there is no right principle of action but '. self-interest. " Before proceeding let me say, I think I have no prejudice against the Southern ' Reads: "when" for "then." ' This extract from Mr. Lincoln's Peoria speech of 1854 was read by him in the Ottawa debate, but was not reported fully or accurately in either Times or Press Tribune. It is inserted now as necessary to a complete report of the debate. (This note appeared in the Follet, Foster & Co. edition, i860. The whole quotation was omitted in the Press and Tribune to the paragraph beginning * 'When Southern people tell . . . . " and the omission was noted, and even the rest was quoted very incorrectly. — EDnOR.) LINCOLN AT OTTAWA loi people. They are just what we would be in their situation. If slavery did not now exist among them, they would not introduce it. If it did now exist among us, we should not instantly give it up. This I believe of the masses North and South. Doubtless there are individuals on both sides who would not hold slaves under any circumstances; and others who would gladly introduce slavery anew, if it were out of existence. We know that some Southern men do free their slaves, go North, and become tip-top Abolitionists; while some Northern ones go South and become most cruel slave-masters. "When Southern people tell us they are no more responsible for the origin of slavery than we, I acknowledge the fact. When it is said that the institution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of it, in any satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate the saying. I surely will not blame them for not doing what I should not know how to do myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to do as to the existing institution. My first impulse would be to tree all the slaves and send them to Liberia, — to their own native land. But a moment's reflection would convince me that whatever of high hope (as I think there is) there may be in this, in the long run, its sudden execution is impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they would all perish in the next ten days; and there are not surplus shipping and surplus money enough in the world to carry thern there in many times ten days. AVhat then ? Free them all and keep them among us as xmderlings ? Is it quite certain that this betters their condition ? I think I would not hold one in slavery, at any rate; yet the point is not clear enough to me to denounce people upon. What next? Free them, and make them politically and socially our equals ? My own feelings will not admit of thfs; and if mine would, we well know that those of the great mass of white people will not. Whether this feeling accords with justice and sound judgment, is not the sole question, if, indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feeling, whether well or ill founded, cannot be safely disregarded. We cannot, then, make them equals. It does seem to me that systems of gradual emancipation might be adopted; but for their tardiness in this, I will not vmdertake to judge our brethren of the South, "When they remind us of their constitutional rights, I acknowledge them, not grudgingly, but fully and fairly; and I would give them any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugitives which should not, in its stringency, be more likely to carry a free man into slavery, than our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an innocent one [loud applause]. "But all this, to my judgment, furnishes no more excuse for permitting slavery to go into our own Free Territory than it would for reviving the African slave trade by law. The law which forbids the bringing of slaves from Africa, and tliat which has so long forbidden the taking of them to Nebraska, can hardly be distinguished on any moral principle; and the repeal of the former could find quite as plausible excuses as that of the latter."' I have reason to know that Judge Douglas knows that I said this. I think he has the answer here to one of the questions he put to me. I do not mean to allow him to catechise me unless he pays back for it « This clause was not reported in the Tribune account. I02 ILLINOIS.HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS in kind. I wiU not answer questions one after another, unless he reciprocates; but as he has made this inquiry, and I have answered it before, he has got it without my getting anything in return. He has got my answer on the Fugitive-Slave law. J Now, gentlemen, I don't want to read at any greater length; but this is the true complexion of aU I have ever said in regard to the insti tution of slavery and the black race. This is the whole of it; and anything that argues me into his idea of perfect social and political equality with the negro, is but a specious and fantastic arrangement of words, by which a man can prove a horse-chestnut to be a chestnut horse. [Laughter.] I will say here, while upon this subject, that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. \I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between the white and the black races. Y There is a physical difference between the two which, in my judgment, wiU probably forever forbid their living together upon the footing of perfect equality; ^and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong having the superior position. I have never said anything to the contrary, but I hold that, notwithstanding all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumer ated in the Declaration of Independence, — the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. [Loud cheers.] I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man. I agree with Judge Douglas he is not my equal in many respects, — certainly not in color, perhaps not in moral or intellectual endowment. But in the right to eat the bread, without the leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal, and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man. [Great applause.] Now I pass on to consider one or two more of these httle foUies. The Judge is wofully at fault about his early friend Lincoln being a "grocery-keeper." [Laughter.] I don't know as it would be a great sin, if I had been; but he is mistaken. Lincoln never kept a grocery anywhere in the worid. [Laughter.] It is true that Lincoln did work the latter part of iDne winter in a little stiU-house, up at the head of a hollow. [Roars of laughter.] LINCOLN AT OTTAWA 103 And so I think my friend the Judge is equaUy at fault when he charges me at the time when I was in Congress of having opposed our soldiers who were fighting in the Mexican war The Judge did not make his charge very distinctly, but I can tell you what he can prove, by referring to the record. \You remember I was an old Whig, and whenever the Democratic party tried to get me to vote that the war had been righteously begun by the President, I would not do it!j\But whenever they asked for any money, or land-warrants, or anything to pay the soldiers th^e, during all that time, I gave the same vote that Judge Douglas did./ [Loud applause.] You can think as you please as to whether that was consistent. Such is the truth; and the Judge has the right to make aU he can out of it. But when he, by a general charge, conveys the idea that I withheld supplies from the soldiers who were fighting in the Mexican war, or did an)rthing else to hinder the soldiers, he is, to say the least, grossly and altogether mistaken, as a consultation of the records wiU prove to him. As I have not used up so much of my time as I had supposed, I wUl dwell a little longer upon one or two of these minor topics upon which the Judge has spoken. He has read from my speech in Springfield, in which I say "that a house divided against itself can not stand." Does the Judge say it can stand? [Laughter.] I don't know whether he does or not. The Judge does not seem to be attending to me just now, but I would like to know if it is his opinion that a house divided against itself can stand. If he does, then there is a question of veracity, not between him and me, but between the Judge and an authority of a somewhat higher character. [Laughter and applause.] Now, my friends, I ask your attention to this matter for the purpose of saying something seriously. I know that the Judge may readily enough agree with me that the maxim which was put forth by the Saviour is true, but he may aUege that I misapply it; and the Judge has a right to urge that, in my application, I do misapply it, and then I have a right to show that I do not misapply it. When he undertakes to say that because I think this nation, so far as the question of slavery is con cerned, will all become one thing or aU the other, I am in favor of bringing about a dead uniformity in the various States, in aU their institutions, he argues erroneously. The great variety of the local insti tutions in the States, springing from differences in the soU, differences in the face of the country, and in the climate, are bonds of Union. They I04 H^LINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS do not make "a house divided against itself," but they make a house united. 1 If they produce in one section of the country what is called for by the wants of another section, and this other section can supply the wants of the first, they are not matters of discord, but bonds of union, true bonds of union. \ But can this question of slavery be considered as among these varieties in the institutions of the country ? I leave it to you to say whether, in the history of our Government, this institution of slavery has not always failed to be a bond of union, and, on the contrary, been an apple of discord and an element of division in the holise. [Cries of "yes, yes," and applause.] I ask you to consider whether, 'so long as the moral constitution of men's minds shaU continue to be the same, after this generation and assemblage shall sink into the grave, and another race shaU arise, with the same moral and intellectual development we have, — whether, if that institution is standing in the same irritating position in which it now is, it will not continue an element of division ? [Cries of "Yes, yes."] If so, then I have a right to say that, in regard to this question, the Union is a house divided against itself; and when the J Judge reminds me that I have often said to him that the institution of slavery has existed for eighty years in some States, and yet it does not exist in some others, I agree to the fact, and I account for it by look ing at the position in which our fathers originaUy placed it, — ^restricting it from the new Territories where it had not gone, and legislating to cut off its source by the abrogation of the slave-trade, thus putting the seal of legislation against its spread. \ The public mind did rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. [Cries of "Yes, yes."] But lately, I think — and in this I charge nothing on the Judge's motives — lately, I think, that he, and those acting with him, have placed that institution on a new basis, which looks to the perpetuity and nationalization of slavery. [Loud cheers.] And while it is placed upon this new basis, I say, and I have said that I believe we shaU not have peace upon the question until the opponents of slavery arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shaU rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or, on the other hand, that its advocates wiU push it for ward untU it shaU become alike lawful in aU the States, old as weU as new. North as weU as South. Now, I believe if we could arrest the spread, and place it where Washington and Jefferson and Madison LINCOLN AT OTTAWA 105 placed it, it would be in the course of ultimate extinction, and the public mind would, as for eighty years past, believe that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. The crisis would be past, and the institution might be let alone for a hundred years, if it should live so long, in the States where it exists; yet it would be going out of existence in the way best for both the black and the white races. [Great cheering.] A Voice. — "Then do you repudiate Popular Sovereignty?" Mr. Lincoln. — WeU, then, let us talk about Popular Sovereignty- [Laughter.] What is Popular Sovereignty ? [Cries of " A Humbug," " a -humbug."] Is it the right of the people to have slavery or not have it, as they see fit, in the Territories ? I will state — and I have an able man to watch me — ^my understanding is that Popular Sovereignty, as now applied to the question of slavery, does allow the people of a Territory to have slavery if they want to, but does not allow them not to have it if they do not want it. [Applause and laughter.] I do not mean that if this vast concourse of people were in a Territory of the United States, any one of them would be obliged to have a slave if he did not want one; but I do say that, as I understand the Dred Scott decision, if any one man wants slaves, aU the rest have no way of keeping that one man from holding them. When I made my speech at Springfield, of which the Judge complains, and from which he quotes, I really was not thinking of the things which he ascribes to me at aU. I had no thought in the world that I was doing anything to bring about a war between the Free and Slave States. I had no thought in the world that I was doing anything to bring about a political and social equality of the black and the white races. It never occurred to me that I was doing anythmg, or favoring anything to reduce to a dead uniformity all the local institutions of the various States. But I must say, in all fairness to him, if he thinks I am doing something which leads to these bad results, it is none the better that I did not mean it. It is just as fatal to the country, if I have any influence in producing it, whether I intend it or not. But can it be true that placing this institution upon the original basis — ^the basis upon which our fathers placed it — can have any tendency to set the Northern and the Southern States at war with one another, or that it can have any tendency to make the people of Vermont raise sugar-cane, because they raise it in Louisi ana; or that it can compel the people of lUinois to cut pine logs on the lo6 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Grand Prairie, where they wUl not grow, because they cut pine logs in Maine, where they do grow? [Laughter.] The Judge says this is a new principle started in regard to this ques tion. Does the Judge claim that he is working on the plan of the found ers of the government ? I think he says in some of his speeches — ^indeed, I have one here now — ^that he saw evidence of a policy to allow slavery to be south of a certain line, while north of it it should be excluded, and he saw an indisposition on the part of the country to stand upon that policy, and therefore he set about studying the subject upon original principles, and upon original principles he got up the Nebraska bill! I am fighting it upon these "original principles," — fighting it in the Jeffersonian, Washingtonian, and Madisonian fashion. [Laughter and applause.] Now, my friends, I wish you to attend for a little while to one or two other things in that Springfield speech. My main object was to show, so far as my humble ability was capable of showing, to the people of this country, what I believed was the truth, — that there was a tendency, if not a conspiracy, among those who have engineered this slavery question for the last four or five years, to make slavery perpetual and universal in this nation. Having made that speech principally for that object, after arranging the evidences that I thought tended to prove my proposition, I concluded with this bit of comment : — "We cannot absolutely know that these exact adaptations are the result of pre concert; but when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions of which we know have been gotten out at different times and places, and by different workmen, — Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James, for instance, — and when we see these timbers joined together, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or a mill, all the tenons and mortises exactly fitting, and all the lengths and proportions of the differ ent pieces exactly adapted to their respective places, and not a piece too many or too few, — ^not omitting even the scaffolding, — or if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in the frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such piece in, — in such a case we feel it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and James all understood one another from the beginning, and all worked upon a common plan or draft drawn before the first blow was struck. " [Great cheers.] When my friend Judge Douglas came to Chicago on the 9th of July, this speech having been delivered on the i6th of June, he made an harangue there, in which he took hold of this speech of mine, showing that he had carefuUy read it; and while he paid no attention to this matter at all, but complimented me as being a "kind, amiable, and LINCOLN AT OTTAWA 107 intelligent gentleman," notwithstanding I had said this, he goes on and deduces,' or draws out, from my speech this tendency of mine to set the States at war with one another, to make all the institutions uniform, and set the niggers and white people to marrying together. [Laughter.] Then, as the Judge had compUmented me with these pleasant titles (I must confess to my weakness), I was a little "taken" [laughter], for it came from a great man. I was not very much accustomed to flattery, and it came the sweeter to me. I was rather like the Hoosier, with the gingerbread, when he said he reckoned he loved it better than any other man, and got less of it. [Roars of laughter.] As the Judge had so flattered me, I could not make up my mind that he meant to deal unfairly with me; so I went to work to show him that he misunderstood the whole scope of my speech, and that I really never intended to set the people at war with one another. As an illustration, the next time I met him, which was at Springfield, I used this expression, that I claimed no right under the Constitution, nor had I any inclination; to enter into the Slave States, and interfere with the institutions of slavery. He says upon that: Lincoln will not enter into the Slave States, but will go to the banks of the Ohio, on this side, and shoot over ! [Laughter.] He runs on, step by step, in the horse-chestnut style^ of argument, until in the Springfield speech he says: "Unless he shall be successful in firing his batteries, until he shaU have extinguished slavery in aU the States, the Union shaU be dissolved." Now, I don't think that was exactly the way to treat a "kind, amiable, intelligent gentleman." [Roars of laughter.] I know if I had asked the Judge to show when or where it was I had said that if I didn't succeed in firing into the Slave States untU slavery should be extinguished, the Union should be dissolved, he could not have shown it. I understand what he would do. He would say, "I don't mean to quote from you, but this was the result of what you say." But I have the right to ask, and I do ask now. Did you not put it in such a form that an ordinary reader or listener would take it as an expression from me ? [Laughter.] In a speech at Springfield, on the night of the 17th, I thought I might as well attend to my own business a little, and I recalled his attention as well as I could to this charge of conspiracy to nationalize slavery. ' Reads; "eliminates." • Reads: "plan." io8 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS I called his attention to the fact that he had acknowledged, in my hear ing twice,- that he had carefully read the speech, and, in the language of the lawyers, as he had twice read the speech, and stiU had put in no plea or answer, I took a default on him. I insisted that I had a right then to. renew that charge of conspiracy. Ten days afterward I met the Judge at Clinton, — that is to say, I was on the ground, but not in the discussion, — and heard him make a speech. Then he comes in with his plea to this charge, for the first time; and his plea when put in, as well as I can recoUect it, amounted to this : that he never had any talk with Judge Taney or the President of the United States with regard to the Dred Scott decision befoj-e it was made; I (Lincoln) ought to know that the man who makes a charge without knowing it to be true, falsifies as much as he who knowingly teUs a falsehood; and, lastly, that he would pronounce the whole thing a falsehood; but he would make no personal application of the charge of falsehood, not because of any regard for the "kind, amiable, inteUigent gentleman," but because of his own personal self-respect ! [Roars of laughter.] I have understood since then (but [turning to Judge Douglas] will not hold the Judge to it if he is not wiUing) that he has broken through the "self-respect," and has got to saying the thing out. The Judge nods to me that it is so. [Laughter.] It is fortunate for me that I can keep as good-humored as I do, when the Judge acknowledges that he has been trying to make a question of veracity with me. \ I know the Judge is a great man, while I am only a small man, but / feel that I have got him. [Tremendous cheering.] jl demur to that plea. I waive aU objections that it was not filed till after default was taken, and demur to it upon the merits. What if Judge Douglas never did talk with Chief Justice. Taney and the President before the Dred Scott decision was made, does it follow that he could not have had as perfect an under standing without talking as with it ? I am not disposed to stand upon my legal advantage. I am disposed to take his denial as being like an answer in chancery, that he neither had any knowledge, information, or belief in the existence, of such a conspiracy. I am disposed to take his answer as being as broad as though he had put it in these words. And now, I ask, even if he had done so, have not I a right to prove it on him, and to offer the evidence of more than two witnesses, by whom to prove it; and if the evidence proves the existence of the conspiracy, does his broad answer denying all knowledge, information, or belief. LINCOLN AT OTTAWA 109 disturb the fact ? It can only show that he was used by conspirators, and was not a leader of them. [Vociferous cheering.] Now, in regard to his reminding me of the moral rule that persons who tell what they do not know to be true, falsify as much as those who knowingly tell falsehoods. I remember the rule, and it must be borne in mind that in what I have read to you, I do not say that I know such a conspiracy to exist. To that I reply, I believe it. If the Judge says that I do not believe it, then he says what he does not know, and falls within his own rule, that he who asserts a thing which he does not know to be true, falsifies as much as he who knowingly tells a falsehood. I want to call your attention to a little discussion on that branch of the case, and the evidence which brought my mind to the conclusion which I expressed as my belief. If, in arraying that evidence, I had stated anything which was false or erroneous, it needed but that Judge Douglas should point it out, and I would have taken it back, with all the kindness in the world. I do not deal in that way. If I have brought forward anything not a fact, if he wiU point it out, it wiU not even ruffle me to take it back. But if he will not point out anything erroneous in the evidence, is it not rather for him to show, by a comparison of the evidence, that I have reasoned falsely, than to call the "kind, amiable, inteUigent gentleman" a Uar? [Cheers and laughter.] If I have reasoned to a false conclusion, it is the vocation of an able debater to show by argument that I have wandered to an erroneous conclusion. I want to ask your attention to a portion of the Nebraska bill, which Judge Douglas has quoted: "It being the true intent and meaning of this Act, not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." Thereupon Judge Douglas and others began to argue in favor of "Popular Sovereignty," — the right of the people to have slaves if they wanted them, and to ex clude slavery if they did not want them. "But," said, in substance, a Senator from Ohio (Mr. Chase, I believe), "we more than suspect that you do not mean to allow the people to exclude slavery if they wish to; and if you do mean it, accept an amendment which I propose, expressly authorizing the people to exclude slavery." I believe I have the amendment here before me, which was offered, and under which the people of the Territory, through their proper repre- no ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS sentatives, might, if they saw fit, prohibit the existence of slavery therein. And now I state it as a fact, to be taken back if there is any mistake about it, that Judge Douglas and those acting with him voted that amendment down. [Tremendous applause.] I now think that those men who voted it down had a real reason for doing so. They know what that reason was. It looks to us, since we have seen the Dred Scott decision pronounced, holding that "under the Constitution," the people cannot exclude slavery, — I say it looks to outsiders, poor, simple, "amiable, inteUigent gentlemen," [great laughter] as though the niche was left as & place to put that Dred Scott decision in, [laughter and cheers] — a niche which would have been spoiled by adopting the amendment. And now, I say again, if this was not the reason, it will avaU the judge much more to calmly and good-humoredly point out to these people what that other reason was for voting the amendment down, than, swelling himself up, to vociferate that he may be provoked to call somebody a liar. [Tremendous applause.] Again : There is in that same quotation from the Nebraska bill this clause: |"It being the true intent and meaning of this bUl not to legis late slavery into any Territory or State." j I have always been puzzled to know what business the word "State" had in that connection. Judge Douglas knows. He put it there. He knows what he put it there for. We outsiders cannot say what he put it there for. The law they were passing was not about States, and was not making provision for States. What was it placed there for? After seeing the Dred Scott decision, which holds that the people cannot exclude slavely from a Territory, if another Dred Scott decision shall come, holding that they cannot exclude it from a State, we shaU discover that when the word was origin ally put there, it was in view of something which was to come in due time, we shaU see that it was the other half of something. [Applause.] I now say again, if there is any different reason for putting it there. Judge Douglas, in a good-humored way, without calling anybody a liar, can tell what the reason was. [Renewed cheers.] When the Judge spoke at Chnton, he came very near making a charge of falsehood against me. He used, as I found it printed in a newspaper, which, I remember, was very nearly like the real speech, the foUowing language : — ¦ "I did not answer the charge [of conspiracy] before, for the reason that I did not suppose there was a man in America with a heart so corrupt as to believe such LINCOLN AT OTTAWA in a charge could be true. I have too much respect for Mr. Lincoln to suppose he is serious in making the charge." I confess this is rather a curious view, that out of respect for me he should consider I was making what I deemed rather a grave charge, in fun. [Laughter.] I confess it strikes me rather strangely. But I let it pass. As the Judge did not for a moment believe that there was a man in America whose heart was so "corrupt" as to make such a charge, and as he places me among the "men in America," who have hearts base enough to make such a charge, I hope he wiU excuse me if I hunt out another charge very like this; and if it should turn out that in hunting I should find that other, and it should turn out to be Judge Douglas himself who made it, I hope he wiU reconsider this question of the deep corruption of heart he has thought fit to ascribe to me. [Great applause and laughter.] In Judge Douglas's speech of March 22, 1858, which I hold in my hand, he says : — "In this connection there is another topic to which I desire to allude. I seldom refer to the course of newspapers, or notice the articles which they pub lish in regard to myself; but the course of the Washington Union has been so extraordinary, for the last two or three months, that I think it well enough to make some allusion to it. It has read me out of the Democratic party every other day, at least for two or three months, and keeps reading me out [laughter], and, as if it had not succeeded, still continues to read me out, using such terms as 'traitor,' 'renegade,'- 'deserter,' and other kind and polite epithets of that nature. Sir, I have no vindication to make of my Democracy against the Washington Union, or any other newspaper. I am willing to allow my history and action for the last twenty years to speak for themselves as to my political principles and my fidehty to political obligations. The Washington Union has a personal grievance. When its editor was nominated for public printer, I declined to vote for him, and stated that at some time I might give my reasons for doing so. Since I declined to give that vote, this scurrilous abuse, these vindictive and constant attacks havfe been repeated almost daily on me. Will my friend from Michigan read the article to which I allude ?" This is a part of the speech. You must excuse me from reading the entire article of the Washington Union, as Mr. Stuart read it for Mr. Douglas. The Judge goes on and sums up, as I think, correctly: — "Mr. President, you here find several distinct propositions advanced boldly by the Washington Union editorially, and apparently authoritatively; and any man who questions any of them is dehoimced as an Abolitionist, a Free-soiler, a fanatic. The propositions are, first, that the primary object of all government at its original institution is the protection of person and property; second, that the Constitution of the United States declares that the citizens of each State shall 112 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS be entided to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States; and that, therefore, thirdly, all State laws, whether organic or otherwise, which prohibit the citizens of one State from settling in another with their slave property, and especially declaring it forfeited, are direct violations of the original intention of the Government and Constitution of the United States; and, fourth, that the emancipation of the slaves of the Northern States was a gross outrage of ' the rights of property, inasmuch as it was involuntarily done on the part of the owner. "Remember that this article was published in the Union on the 17th of No vember, and on the i8th appeared the first article giving the adhesion of the Union to the Lecompton Constitution. It was in these words: — " 'Kansas and her Constitution. — The vexed question is settled. The problem is solved. The dead point of danger is passed. AU serious trouble to Kansas affairs is over and gone ' — "And a column nearly of the same sort. Then, when you come to look into the Lecompton Constitution, you find the same doctrine incorporated in it which was put forth editorially in the Union. What is it ? " 'Article 7, Section i. The right of property is before and higher than any constitutional sanction; and the right of the owner of a slave to such slave and its increase is the same and as inviolable as the right of the ovraer of any property whatever.' "Then in the schedule is a provision that the Constitution may be amended after 1864 by a two-thirds vote. " 'But no alteration shall be made to affect the right of property in the owner ship of slaves.' "It will be seen by these clauses in the Lecompton Constitution that they are identical in spirit with the authoritative article in the Washington Union of the day previous to its indorsement of this Constitution." I pass over some portions of the speech, and I hope that any one who feels interested in this matter will read the entire section of the speech, and see whether I do the Judge injustice. He proceeds : — "When I saw that article in the Union of the 17th of November, followed by the glorification of the Lecompton Constitution on the 18th of November, and this clause in the Constitution asserting the doctrine that a State has no right to prohibit slavery within its limits, I saw that there was a fatal blow being struck at the sovereignty of the States of this Union." I stop the quotation there, again requesting that it may aU be read. I have read aU of the portion I desire to comment upon. \ What is this charge that the Judge thinks I must have a very corrupt heart to make ? It was a purpose on the part of certain high functionaries to make it impossible for the people of one State to prohibit the people of any other State from entering it with their "property," so called, and making it a Slave State. I In other words it was a charge implying a ' Reads: "on" for "of." LINCOLN AT OTTAWA 113 design to make the institution of slavery national. ) And now I ask your attention to what Judge Douglas has himself done here. I know he made that part of the speech as a reason why he had refused to vote for a certain man for public printer; but when we get at it, the charge itself is the very one I made against him, that he thinks I am so corrupt for uttering. Now, whom does he make that charge against ? Does he make it against that newspaper editor merely? No; he says it is identical in spirit with the Lecompton Constitution, and so the framers of that Constitution are brought in with the editor of the newspaper in that "fatal blow being struck." [Cheers and laughter.] He did not call it a "conspiracy." In his language, it is a "fatal blow being struck." And if the words carry the meaning better when changed from a "conspiracy" into a "fatal blow bejng struck," I wUl change my expression, and call it "fatal blow being struck." We see the charge made not merely against the editor of the Union, but all the framers of the Lecompton Constitution; and not only so, but the article was an authoritative article. By whose authority? Is there any question but he means it was by the authority of the President and his Cabinet, — the Administration? Is there any sort of question but that' he means to make that charge ? Then there are the editors of the Union, the framers of the Lecompton Constitution, the President of the United States and his Cabinet, and all the supporters of the Lecompton Constitution, in Congress and out of Congress, who are all involved in this "fatal blow being struck." I commend to Judge Douglas's consideration the question of how corrupt a man's heart must be to make such a charge! [Vociferous cheering.] Now, my friends, I have but one branch of the subject, in the little time I have left, to which to call your attention; and as I shall come to a close at the end of that branch, it is probable that I shall not occupy quite all the time allotted to me. Although on these questions I would like to talk twice as long as I have, I could not enter upon another head and discuss it properly without running over my time. I ask the question* of the people here assembled and elsewhere to the course that Judge Douglas is pursuing every day as bearing upon this question of making slavery national. Not going back to the records, but taking the speeches he makes, the speeches he made yesterday and day before, ¦ Omits: "that." ' Reads: "attention" for "question." 114 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS and makes constantly aU over the country, — I ask your attention to them. \J.n the first place, what is necessary to make the institution national? Not war.) There is no danger that the people of Kentucky will shoulder their muskets, and, with a young nigger stuck on every bayonet, march into lUinois and force them upon us. There is no danger of our going over there and making war upon them./ Then what is necessary for the, nationalization of slavery ? It is simply the next Dred Scott decision. | It is merely for the Supreme Court to decide that no State under the constitution can exclude it, just as they have already decided that under the Constitution neither Congress nor the Territorial Legislature can do it. When that is decided and acquiesced in, the whole thing is done. / This being true, and this being the way, as I think, that slavery is to be made national, let us consider what Judge Douglas is doing every day to that end. In the first place, let us see what influence he is exerting on public sentiment. In this and like communities, public sentiment is everything. With public sentiment, nothing can fail; with out it, nothing can succeed. Consequently, he who moulds public sentiment, goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or pronounces decisions. He makes statutes and decisions possible or impossible to be executed. This must be borne in mind, as also the additional fact that Judge Douglas is a man of vast influence, so great that it is enough for many men to profess to believe anything, when they once find out that Judge Douglas professes to believe it. Consider also the attitude he occupies at the head of a large party, — a party which he claims has a majority of aU the voters of the country. This man sticks to a decision which forbids the people of a Territory from excluding slavery, and he does so, not because he says it is right in itself, — ^he does not give any opinion on that, — ^but because it has been decided by the court; and being decided by the court, he is, and you are, bound to take it in your political action as law, not that he judges at aU of its merits, but 'because a decision of the court is to him a "Thus saith the Lord." He places it on that ground alone; and you wiU bear in mind that thus committing himself unreservedly to this decision commits him to the next one just as firmly as to this. He did not commit himself on account of the merit or demerit of the decision, but it is a "Thus saith the Lord." The next decision, as much as this, wiU be a "Thus saith the Lord." [Ap plause.] LINCOLN AT OTTAWA IIS There is nothing that can divert or turn him away from this decision. It is nothing that I point out to him that his great prototype, General Jackson, did not believe in the binding force of decisions. It is nothing to him that Jefferson did not so believe. I have said that I have often heard him approve of Jackson's course in disregarding the decision of the Supreme Court pronouncing a National Bank constitutional. He says, I did not hear him say so. He denies the accuracy of my recol lection. I say he ought to know better than I, but I wiU make no ques tion about this thing, though it stiU seems to me that I heard him say it twenty times. [Applause and laughter.] I wUl tell him, though, that he now claims to stand on the Cincinnati platform, which affirms that Congress cannot charter a National Bank, in the teeth of that old standing decision that Congress can charter a bank. And I remind him of another piece of history on the question of respect for judicial decisions: and it is a piece of Illinois history be longing to a time when the large party to which Judge Douglas belonged were displeased with a decision of the Supreme Court of Illinois ; because they had decided that a Governor could not remove a Secretary of State. You will find the whole story in Ford's History of Illinois, and I know that Judge Douglas will not deny that he was then in favor of overslaugh ing that decision by the mode of adding five new judges, so as to vote down the four old ones. Not only so, but it ended in the Judge's sitting down on that very bench as one of the five new judges to break down the four old ones. [Cheers and laughter.] It was in this way precisely that he got his title of judge. Now, when the Judge tells me that men appointed conditionally to sit as members of a court will have to be catechised beforehand upon some subject, I say, "You know. Judge; you have tried it." [Laughter.] When he says a court of this kind will lose the confidence of aU men, wiU be prostituted and disgraced by such a proceeding, I say, "You know best. Judge; you have been through the miU." [Great laughter.] But I cannot shake Judge Douglas's teeth loose from the Dred Scott decision. Like some obstinate animal (I mean no disrespect) that will hang on when he has once got his teeth fixed, you may cut off a leg, or you may tear away an arm, still he wUl not relax his hold. And so I may point out to the Judge, and say, that he is bespattered aU over, from the beginning of his political life to the present time, with attacks upon judicial decisions; I may cut off limb after limb of his public Ii6 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS record, and strive to wrench him from a single dictum of the court. — yet I cannot divert him from it. He hangs, to the last, to the Dred Scott decision. [Loud cheers.] These things show there is a purpose strong as death and eternity for which he adheres to this decision, and for which he will adhere to all other decisions of the same court. [Vociferous applause.] A Hibernian. — "Give us something besides Drid Scott." Mr. Lincoln. — Yes; no doubt you want to hear something that don't hurt. [Laughter and applause.] Now, having spoken of the Dred Scott decision, one more word, and I am done. Henry Clay, my beau ideal of a statesman, the man for whom I fought all my humble life, — ^Henry Clay once said of a class of men who would repress all tendencies to liberty and ultimate emancipation, that they must, if they would do this, go back to the era of our Independence, and muzzle the cannon which thunders its annual joyous return; they must blow out the moral lights around us; they must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate there the love of liberty; and then, and not till then, could they perpetuate slavery in this country! [Loud cheers.] To my thinking, Judge Douglas is, by his example and vast influence, doing that very thing in this community, [cheers] when he says that the negro has nothing in the. Declaration of Independence. Henry Clay plainly understood the contrary. Judge Douglas is going back to the era of our Revolution, and to the extent of his abUity, muzzling the cannon which thunders its annual joyous return. (When he invites any people, willing to have .slavery, to /establish it, he is blowing out the moral lights around us. ) [Cheers.] When he says he "cares not whether slavery is voted down or voted up," ^ — that it is a sacred right of self-government, — ^he is, in my judgment, penetrating the human soul and eradicating the light of reason and the love of liberty in this American people. ] [Enthusiastic and continued applause.] And now I wiU only say thait when, by aU these means and appliances. Judge Douglas shaU succeed in bringing pubhc senti ment to an exact accordance with his own views; when these vast assemblages shaU echo back all these sentiments; when they shaU come to repeat his views and to avow his principles, and to say aU that he says on these mighty questions,— then it needs only the formality of the second Dred Scott decision, which he endorses in advance, to make slavery alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new. North as well as South. DOUGLAS AT OTTAWA 117 My friends, that ends the chapter. The Judge can take his half- hour. As Mr. Lincoln retired, three cheers were proposed and given with tremendous volume — ^followed by three more, and then three more, extending to aU parts of the public square. Mr. Doug-las's Rejoinder Fellow-Citizens: I will now occupy the half-hour allotted to me in replying to Mr. Lincoln. The first point to which I will call your attention is as to what I said about the organization of the Republican party in 1854, and the platform that was formed on the 5th of October of that year, and I will then put the question to Mr. Lincoln, whether or not he approves of each article in that platform, ["He answered that already."] and ask for a specific answer. ["He has answered," "you cannot make him answer," etc.]( I did not charge him with being a member of the committee which reported that platform. ["Yes, you did."] I charged that that platform was the platform of the Republican party adopted by them. ) The fact that it was the platform of the Re publican party is not defied; but Mr. Lincoln now says that although his name was on the committee which reported it, he does not think he was there, but thinks he was in TazeweU, holding court. ["He said he was there."] Gentlemen, I ask your silence, and no inter ruptions. Now, I want to remind Mr. Lincoln that he was at Spring field when that Convention was held and those resolutions were adopted. ["You can't do it." "He wasn't there," etc.] [Mr. Glover, chairman of the Republican Committee: I hope no Republican will interrupt Mr. Douglas. The masses listened to Mr. Lincoln attentively and as respectable men we ought now to hear Mr. Douglas and without interruption. ("Good.")] Mr. Douglas resuming: The point I am going to remind Mr. Lincoln of is this : that after I had made my speech in 1854, during the Fair, hegave me notice that he was going to reply to me the next day. I was sick at the time, but I stayed over in Springfield to hear his reply, and to reply to him. On that day this very Convention, the resolutions adopted by which I have read, was to meet in the Senate chamber. He spoke in the hall of the House; and when he got through his speech, — ^my recollection is dis tinct, and I shaU never forget it, — Mr. Codding walked in as I took the ii8 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS stand to reply, and gave notice that the Republican State Convention would meet instantly in the Senate chamber, and caUed upon the •Republicans to retire there and go into this very Convention, instead or remaining and listening to me. [Three cheers for Douglas.] Mr. Lincoln, interrupting, excitedly and angrily. — ^Judge, add that I went along with them. [This interruption was made in a pitiful, mean, sneaking way, as Lincoln floundered around the stand.] Mr. Douglas. — Gentlemen, Mr. Lincoln tells me to add that he went along with them to the senate chamber. I wUl not add that, because I do not know whether he did or not. Mr. Lincoln, again interrupting. — I know he did not. [Two of the Republican committee here seized Mr. Lincoln, and by a sudden jerk caused him to disappear from the front of the stand, one of them saying quite audibly, "What are you making such a fuss for ? Douglas didn't interrupt you, and can't you see that the people don't like it ?"] Mr. Douglas. — I do not know whether he knows it or not, that is not the point and I will yet bring him to the question. In the first place, Mr. Lincoln was selected by the very men who made the Republican organization on that day, to reply to me. He spoke for them and for that party, and he was the leader of the party; and on the very day he made his speech in reply to me, preaching up this same doctrine of negro equality under the Declaration of Independ ence, this Republican party met in Convention. [Three cheers for Douglas.] Another evidence that he was acting in concert with them is to be found in the fact that that Convention waited an hour after its time of meeting to hear Lincoln's speech, and Codding, one of their leading men, marched in the moment Lincoln got through, and gave notice that they did not want to hear me, and would proceed with the business of the Convention. ["Strike him again," — three cheers, etc.] StiU another fact. I have here a newspaper printed at Spring field, Mr. Lincoln's own town, in October, 1854, a few days afterward, publishing these resolutions, charging Mr. Lincoln with entertaining these sentiments, and trying to prove that they were also the sentiments of Mr. Yates, then candidate for Congress. This has been published on Mr. Lincoln over and over again, and never before has he denied it. ["Three cheers."] But, my friends, this denial of his that he did not act on the com mittee, is a miserable quibble to avoid thiff^main issueVApplause, "That's DOUGLAS AT OTTAWA 119 so. "] which is, that this Republican platform declares in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive-Slave law/\ Has Lincoln answered whether he indorsed' that or not ? ["No, no."] I called his attention to it when I first addressed you, and asked him for an answer, and I then predicted that he would not answer. ["Bravo, glorious," and cheers.] How does he answer? Why, that he was not on the committee that wrote the resolutions. [Laughter.] I then repeated the next propo sition contained in the resolutions, which was to restrict slavery in those States in which it exists, and asked him whether he indorsed* it. Does he answer yes, or no ? He says in reply, "I was not on the committee at the time; I was up in TazeweU." The next question I put to him was, whether he was in favor of prohibiting the admission of any more Slave States into the Union. I put the question to him distinctly, whether, if the people of the Territory, when they had sufficient popu lation to make a State, should form their Constitution recognizing slavery, he would vote for or against its admission. ["That's it."] He is a candidate for the United States^ Senate, and it is possible, if he should be elected, that he would have to vote directly on that question. ["He never wiU."]',^I asked him to answer me and you, whether he would vote to admit a State into the Union, with slavery or without it, as its own people might choose.'. ["Hear him," ".That's the doctrine," and applause.] -iHe did not answer that questions ["He never wiU."] He dodges that question also, under the cover that he was not on the committee at the time, that he was not present when the platform was made. I want to know if he should happen to be in the Senate when a State applied for admission, with a Constitution acceptable to her own people, he would vote to admit that State, if slavery was one of its insti tutions. ["That's the question."] He avoids the answer. Mr. Lincoln, interrupting the third time, excitedly. — No, Judge. — [Mr. Lincoln again disappeared suddenly, aided by a pull from behind.] It is true he gives the Abolitionists to understand by a hint that he would not vote to admit such a State. And why ? He goes on to say that the man who would talk about giving each State the right to have slavery or not, as it pleased, was akin to the man who would muzzle the guns which thundered forth the annual joyous return of the day » Reads: "endorsed" for "indorsed." " Reads: "endorsed" for "indorsed." s Omits "States." 120 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS of our Independence. [Great laughter.] He says that that kind of talk is casting a blight on the glory of this country. What is the mean ing of that ? That he is not in favor of each State to have' the right of doing as it pleases on the slavery question ? ["Stick it to him," "don't spare him," applause.] I will put the question to him again and again, and I intend to force it out of him. [Immense applause.] Then, again, this platform, which was made at Springfield by his own party when he was its acknowledged head, provides that Republi cans wiU insist on the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and I asked Lincoln specifically whether he agreed with them in that? ["Did you get an answer?"] ["No, no."] He is afraid to answer it. ["We wiU not vote for him."] He knows I wUl trot him down to Egypt. [Laughter and cheers.] I intend to make him answer there, ["That's right"] or I wUl show the people of Illinois that he does not intend to answer these questions. ["Keep him to the point," "give us more," etc.] fThe Convention to which I have been alluding goes a little further, and pledges itself to exclude slavery from aU the Territories over which the General Government has exclusive jurisdic tion north of 36 deg. 30 min., as weU as south. Now, I want to know whether he approves that provision.^ ["He'U never answer," and cheers.] I want him to answer, and when he does, I want to know his opinion on another point, which is, whether he will redeem the pledge of this platform, and resist the acquirement of any more territory unless slavery therein shall be forever prohibited. I want him to answer this last question. ( Each of the questions I have put to him are practical questions, — questions based upon the fundamental principles of the Black Re publican party; and I want to know whether he is the first, last, and only choice of a party with whom he does not agree in principle^ [Great applause.] ["Rake him down."] He does not deny but that that principle was unanimously adopted by the Republican party; he does not deny that the whole Republican party is pledged to it; he does not deny that a man who is not faithful to it is faithless to the Republican party; and now I want to know whether that party is unanimously in favor of a man who does not adopt that creed and agree with them in their principles; I want to know whether the man who does not agree with them, and who is afraid to avow his differences, and who dodges « Reads: "having" for "to.have. DOUGLAS AT OTTAWA 121 the issue, is the first, last, and only choice of the Republican party. [Cheers.] . A Voice. — ^How about the conspiracy? Mr. Douglas. — Never mind, I will come to that soon enough. ["Bravo, Judge, hurrah," "three cheers for Douglas."] But the plat form which I have read to you not only lays down these principles, but it adds: — "Resolved, That, in fUrtiierance of these principles, we will use such con stitutional and lawful means as shall seem best adapted to their accomplishment, and that we will support no man for office, under the General or State Government, who is not positively and fully committed to the support of these principles, and whose personal character and conduct is not a guarantee that he is reliable, and who shall not have abjured old party allegiance and ties." ["Good", "you have him," etc.] The Black Republican party stands pledged that they wiU never support Lincoln until he has pledged himself to that platform; [Tremen dous applause, men throwing up their hats, and shouting, "You've got him."] but he cannot devise his answer. He has not made up his mind whether he wUl or not. [Great laughter.] He talked about every thing else he could think of to occupy his hour and a half, and when he could not think of anything more to say, without an excuse for refusing to answer these questions, he sat down long before his time was out. [Cheers.] On relation to Mr. Lincoln's charge of conspiracy against me, I have a word to say. ) In his speech to-day he quotes a playful part of his speech at Springfield, about Stephen, and James, and Franklin, and Roger, and says that I did not take exception to it. I did not answer it, and he repeats it again. I did not take exception to this figure of his. He has a right to be as playful as he pleases in throwing his arguments together, and I wiU not object; but I did take objection to his second Springfield speech, in which he stated that he intended his first speech as a charge of corruption or conspiracy against the Supreme Court of the United States, President Pierce, President Buchanan, and myself. That gave the offensive character to the charge. He then said that when he made it he did not know whether it was true or not; [laughter] but inasmuch as Judge Douglas had not denied it, although he had replied to the other parts of his speech three times, he repeated it as a charge of conspiracy against me, thus charging me with moral turpitude. When 122 ILLIlSfOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS he put it in that form, I did say that, inasmuch as he repeated the charge simply because I had not denied it, I would deprive him of the opportunity of ever repeating it again, by declaring that it was, in aH its bearings, an infamous lie. ["Three cheers for Douglas."] He says he wUl repeat it untU I answer his folly and nonsense about Stephen, and Franklin, and Roger, and Bob, and James. He studied that out, prepared that one sentence with the greatest care, committed it to memory, and put it in his first Springfield speech; and now he carries that speech around, and reads that sentence to show how pretty it is. [Laughter.] His vanity is wounded because I wiU not go into that beautiful figure of his about the building of a house. [Renewed laughter.] AU I have to say is, that I am not green enough to let him make a charge which he acknowledges he does not know to be true, and then take up my time in answering it, when I know it to be false, and nobody else knows it to be true. [Cheers.] I have not brought a charge of moral turpitude against him. When he, or any other man, brings one against me, instead of disproving it, I will say that it is a lie, and let him prove it if he can. [Enthusiastic applause.] I have lived twenty-five years in Illinois, I have served you with all the fidelity and ability which I possess, ["That's so," "good" and cheers] and Mr. Lincoln is at liberty to attack my public action, my votes, and my conduct; but when he dares to attack my moral integrity by a charge of conspiracy between myself, Chief Justice Taney and the Supreme Court, and two Presidents of the United States, I wiU repel it. ["Three cheers for Douglas."] Mr. Lincoln has not character enough for integrity and truth, merely on his own ipse dixit, to arraign President Buchanan, President Pierce, and nine Judges of the Supreme Court, not one of whom would be complimented by being put on an equality with him. ["Hit him again," "three cheers," etc.] There is an unpardonable presumption in a man putting himself up before thousands of people, and pretending that his ipse dixit, without proof, without fact, and without truth, is enough to bring down and destroy the purest and best of living men. ["Hear him," "three cheers."] / Fellow-citizens, my time is fast expiring; I must pass on. Mr. ( Lincohi wants to know why I voted against Mr. Chase's amendment to the Nebraska bm.\ I wiU teU him. 'in the first place, the bUl already DOUGLAS AT OTTAWA 123 conferred all the power which Congress had, by giving the people the whole power over the subject. Chase offered a proviso that they might abolish slavery, which by implication would convey the idea that they could prohibit by not introducing that institution. General Cass asked him to modify his amendment so as to provide that the people might either prohibit or introduce slavery, and thus make it fair and equal. Chase refused to so modify his proviso, and then General Cass and all the rest of us voted it down. [Immense cheering.] Those facts appear on the journals and debates of Congress, where Mr. Lincoln found the charge; and if he had told the whole truth, there would have been no necessity for me to occupy your time in explaining the matter. [Laughter and applause.] \ Mr. Lincoln wants to know why the word "State," as weU as "Terri tory," was put into the Nebraska biU. I wiU teU him. It was put there to meet just such false arguments as he has been adducing. [Laugh ter.] That first, not only the people of the Territories should do as they pleased, but that when they come to be admitted as States, they should come into the Union with or without slavery, as the people determined. I meant to knock in the head this Abolition doctrine of Mr. Lincoln's, that there shaU be no more Slave States, even if the people want them. [Tremendous applause.] And it does not do for him to say, or for any other Black Republican to say, that there is nobody in favor of the doctrine of no more Slave States, and that nobody wants to interfere with the right of the people to do as they please. What was the origin of the Missouri difficulty and the Missouri Compromise? The people of Missouri formed a Constitution as a Slave State, and asked adinission into the Union; but the Free-soil party of the North, being in a majority, refused to admit her because she had slavery as one of her institutions. Hence this first slavery agitation arose upon a State, and not upon a Territory; and yet Mr. Lincoln does not know why the word "State" was placed in the Kansas-Nebraska biU. [Great laughter and applause.] The whole Abolition agitation arose on that doctrine of prohibiting a Stute from coming in with slavery or not, as it pleased, and that same doctrine is here in this Republican platform of 1854; it has never been repealed; and every Black Repub lican stands pledged by that platform never to vote for any man who is not in favor of it. Yet Mr. Lincoln does not know that there is a man in the world who is in favor of preventing a State from coming in 124 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS as it pleases, notwithstanding. The Springfield platform says that they, the RepubUcan party, will not allow a State to come in under such circumstances. He is an ignorant man. [Cheers.] Now you see that upon these very points I am as far from bringing Mr. Lincoln up to the line as I ever was before. He does not want to avow his principles. I do want to avow mine, as clear as sunlight in midday. [Cheers and applause.] Democracy is founded upon the eternal principle of right. ["That's the talk."] The plainer these principles are avowed before the people, the stronger wiU be the support which they wiU receive. I only wish I had the power to make them so clear that they would shine in the heavens for every man, woman, and child to read. [Loud cheering.] The first of those principles that I would proclaim would be in opposition to Mr. Lincoln's doctrine of uniformity between the different States, and I would declare instead the sovereign right of each State to decide the slavery question as well as aU other domestic questions for themselves, without interference from any other State or po.wer whatsoever. ["Hurrah for Douglas!"] When that principle is recognized, you will have peace and harmony and fraternal feeling between aU the States of this Union; untU you do recognize that doctrine, there wiU be sectional warfare agitating and distracting the country. ; What does Mr. Lincoln propose ? He says that the Union cannot exist divided into Free and Slave States. If it cannot endure thus divided, then he must strive to make them aU Free or aU Slave, which wiU inevitably bring about a dissolution of the Union. [Cries of "He can't do it."] ') Gentlemen, I am told that my time is out, and I am obliged to stop. [Three times three cheers were here given for Senator Douglas. When Douglas had concluded the shouts were tremendous; his excoriation of Lincoln was so severe, that the Republicans hung their heads in shame. The Democrats, however, were loud in their vocifera tions.] [Philadelphia, Pa., Press, August 26, 1858] THE CAMPAIGN IN ILLINOIS Great Discussion between Doug'las and Lincoln.— Immense Enthu siasm.— The Little Giant Triumphant.— 20,000 People Present [Special Correspondence of The Press.} The discussion between Judge Douglas and Hon. A. Lincoln, the respective candidates for the United States Senate, commenced at THE OTTAWA DEBATE 125 Ottawa, lU., on Saturday, the 21st instant. The meeting was the largest ever held in this part of the State, and the enthusiasm was unbounded. ( It is estimated that not less than 20,000 persons were present on this important occasion. ) The bare announcement that the two candidates were to meet in open debate was sufficient to bring together an iinmense crowd. A special train of fourteen passenger cars, filled to overflowing, came from Chicago. Another train, composed of eleven cars, came from Peru and La Salle; whilst delegations in wagons, carriages, and on horseback, came from aU directions, and aided to swell the great multitude. K^ Gorgeous flags and ensigns, bearing appropriate inscriptions, un furled to the breeze, whilst the rapid discharges of artiUery reverberated on. the air, and seemed to make the very earth tremble. ( Judge Douglas, the great champion, and the invincible defender of the rights, liberties, and institutions of a free people, was met at the city of Peru, sixteen miles distant, by the committee, in an elegant carriage drawn by four splendid horses, and brought to Ottawal Four miles out he was met by a delegation composed of several hundreds, bearing flags and banners, and escorted into the city amid the booming of cannon, the shouts of thousands, and the strains of martial music. As he neared the Geiger House, it was almost impossible for the car riages to force their way through the dense mass of living beings that blocked up the streets, and clung to the carriage containing the dis tinguished Senator, anxious to clasp him by the hand. The shouts and cheers that arose on his approach were deafening. No conception can be formed of the enthusiasm that was manifested without having been present, and I cannot command the language to render a proper description, f He came like some great deliverer, some mighty cham pion, who had covered himself with imperishable laurels, and saved a nation from ruin; %e came as the immortal Washingon, or the patriotic Lafayette, with a nation ready to do him homage. But how different his deeds! They had distinguished themselves on the battle field, whilst the statesman and Senator had reached the culminating point of his career in the councUs of the nation, by beating back the tide of political tyranny, and gloriously establishing the doctrine of popular sovereignty, and the right of the people to make their own laws. When they reached the Geiger House, and the carriage halted in 126 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS the street, there arose one spontaneous shout that seemed to rend the very air. Again and again did that shout go up, as the distinguished Senator stood in the open carriage with head uncovered, gracefully bowing to the living mass of humanity that surrounded him on aU sides. As soon as sufficient order could be restored, he was welcomed in a reception speech by H. W. H. Cushman, Esq., which was indeed an eloquent tribute of esteem and appreciation of. his course in the Senate. It was, undoubtedly, the finest, most eloquent, and appro priate reception address delivered during this campaign. I wUI attempt no description of it — ^you must read it to appreciate it. Judge Douglas was deeply affected, and could scarcely restrain his emotion. 'How different the enthusiasm manifested for his competitor, Mr. Lincoln; or, as he has termed himself, "the living dog." ^s his pro cession passed the Geiger House there was scarcely a cheer went up. They marched along silently and so.rrowfuUy, as if it were a funeral cortege foUowing him to the grave. ,: It struck me as very appropriate, as well as symbolical, of what would most assuredly come to pass next November. They appeared to be following "a dead dog" to his political grave; and had the bands played a mournful funeral dirge, the picture would have been complete. [The discussion opened at 2 o'clock in Lafayette Square.; The crowd was so dense that the speakers and committeemen could scarcely make their way to the stand, which was filled with reporters and repre sentatives of the press from all sections of the State. ; It was agreed that Judge Douglas should open the debate in a speech an hour in length, when Lincoln should foUow in a reply an hour and a half, and Judge Douglas rejoin for thirty minutes. \ The opening speech was able and eloquent..' The Little Giant seemed to surpass himself. l/He put a number of pointed and leading questions to Lincoln, one of which was whether, if he were elected to the Senate, he would vote to admit States with the privilege of making their own Constitutions, subject to the wiU of the majority. ) He deemed it very important that the "living dog" should define his position, by answering this question. ( If he were a Republican he wanted to know it, and if he were an Abolitionist he wanted to know that also) He wanted no more dodging. It was all-important that Lincoln should teU whether he was for Congress to say whether slavery should exist in a State or Territory, or whether the people should say so. This is the THE OTTAWA DEBATE 127 key to the whole question at issue, and it wiU put a different complexion on the campaign. The remainder of Judge Douglas's speech was particularly severe, as well as logical and powerful. I wiU attempt no further description of it, as ^ou can read it almost as soon as this. (^When Lincoln commenced his reply,! he was evidently laboring under great embarrassment. When he had spoken only twenty minutes,^ he turned round and asked the moderator how near his time was up ! Poor fellow ! he was writhing in the powerful grasp of an intellectual giant. (His speech amounted to nothing.,' It was made up with sucl; expressions as f'^I think it is soV' pi may hs mistake^]" {'I guess it was^ I done," &c., &c.\ There were no straightforward assertions and logical "'-conclusions, such as fall from the lips of Douglas. i'He spent over half an hour reading from some old speech that he had previously made on Abolitionism.) As he continued reading, there were numerous voices exclaiming: ''What book is that you are reading from ?" This tended to increase his confusion, and, after blundering and whining along, and endeavoring to teU anecdotes and nursery tales, he sat down at the end of one hour and fifteen minutes, a quarter of an hour before the expira tion of his time, without alluding to one of the questions put to him by Judge Douglas. He dodged them aU, not daring to give an answer. But they will be put to him again, and there is no alternative now but to "face the music." \ When Judge Douglas rose to reply ,j his countenance brightened up with that peculiar inteUectual and demolishing look that he is so famous for when he is about to make a great point. (He electrified the crowd at once.) Could you have seen those looks, and heard those burning words of sarcasm, as he comhienced to rend his antagonist to atoms, you would have been obliged to admit that it was the culminating period of his life. He poured forth a torrent of logic and sarcasm blended in one strain, that was astonishing. Turning around and facing Lincoln, who was beginning to get very blue about his chops, he impaled him at once — ^then clutching him in his intellectual grasp, he held him up before the crowd as it were, in imagination, tUl you could see him like a captivated spider. He reiterated his questions, and informed him that there must be no more dodging, and that he was "determined to screw an answer out of him." (, He reviewed Lin coln's political career, and showed how he had distinguished himself 128 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS when in Congress by taking sides with the enemy, and how he votea against his country and her soldiers.) The excoriation that he gave him was terrible. When he concluded his thirty-minute broadside, he left the stand immediately, for the cars were waiting. The crowd made one rush after him, and there arose a shout that reverberated for mUes across the prairies. In front was the "Little Giant," swinging his hat from right to left, with thousands rushing after him. Such unbounded and electrical enthusiasm I never saw before. Fifteen minutes afterwards a crowd of about 150 proceeded up the street, four of whom had shouldered Mr. Lincoln, and were carrying him to his hotel. A sardonic grin was on his countenance. It was decidedly the most laughable, as well as the most ridiculous, spectacle that I have beheld for many a day. It excited much merriment on aU sides. Vjjincoln is the worst-used-up man in the United States, and he is driven almost to desperation. ^You will find that before he passes through this discussion, there will scarcely be an)rthing left of him. He now exhibits the appearance of great mental and bodily suffering. He has six appointments to meet Judge Douglas yet. / don't believe he will fill them all. / The next one is at Freeport, on the 27th inst. The campaign in Illinois surpasses aU others that have ever taken place. ThecontestinPennsylvania, in 1856, falls far behind it [Evening Post, New York, Aug. 27, 1858] SENATORIAL CANVASS IN ILLINOIS Lincoln and Doug-las at Ottawa [From our Special Correspondent.] Chicago, August 23, 1858 Saturday, the 21st, was the day of the first discussion between Lincohi and Douglas. It was held at Ottawa, a city of about 9,000 inhabitants, on the line of the Chicago and Rock Island Railroad and the lUinois canal, and at the junction of the Fox and Illinois rivers. I arrived late the night before at Ottawa, and was accommodated with a sofa at the hotel. The city was already even fuU. Saturday was a pleasant, but warm day, and Ottawa was deluged in dust. By wagon, by rail, by canal, the people poured in, tiU Ottawa was one mass of THE OTTAWA DEBATE 129 active life. Men, women, and children, old and young, the dwellers on the broad prairies, had turned their backs upon the plough, and had come to listen to these champions of the two parties. Military com panies were out; martial music sounded, and salutes of artUlery thun dered in the air. Eager marshals in partisan sashes rode furiously about the streets. Peddlers were crying their wares at the corners, and excited groups of politicians were canvassing and quarreUng every where. And StiU they came, the crowd swelling constantly in its pro portions and growing more eager and more hungry, perhaps more thirsty, though every precaution was taken against this latter evil. About noon the rival processions were formed, and paraded the streets amid the cheers of the people. Mr. Lincoln was met at the depot. by an immense crowd, who escorted him to the residence of the Mayor, with banners flying and mottoes waving their unfaltering attachment to him and to his cause. The Douglas turnout, though plentifully interspersed with the Hibernian element, was less noisy, and thus matters were arranged for the after-dinner demonstration in the Court House square, where the stand was erected, and where, under the blazing sun, unprotected by shade trees, and unprovided with seats, the audience was expected to congregate and listen to the champions. (^ Two men presenting wider contrasts could hardly be found as the representatives of the two great partiesrj Everybody knows Douglas, a short, thiqk-set, burly man, with large round head, heavy hair, dark complexion, and fierce bull-dog bark. Strong in his own real power, and skilled by a thousand conflicts in all the strategy of a hand-to-hand or a general fight. Of towering ambition, restless in his determined desire for notoriety; proud, defiant, arrogant, audacious, unscrupulous, "Little Dug," ascended the platform and looked out impudently and carelessly on^the immense throng which surged and struggled before him. A native of Vermont, reared on a soil where no slave ever stood, trained to hard manual labor and schooled in early hardships, he came to lUinois a teacher, and from one post to another had risen to his present eminence. Forgetful of the ancestral hatred of slavery to which he was the heir, he had come to be a holder of slaves and to owe much of his fame to his continued subservience to southern influence. The other — Lincoln — is a native of Kentucky, and of poor white parentage; and from his cradle has felt the blighting influence of the dark and cruel shadow which rendered labor dishonorable, and kept I30 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS the poor in poverty, while it advanced the rich in their possessions. Reared in poverty and the humblest aspirations, he left his native state, crossed the line into Illinois, and began his career of honorable toil. At first a laborer, splitting rails for a living — deficient in education, and appl)dng himself even to the rudiments of knowledge — ^he, too, felt the expanding power of his American manhood, and began to achieve the greatness to which he has succeeded. With great difficulty struggling through the tedious formularies of legal lore, he was admitted to the bar, and rapidly made his way to the front ranks of his profession. Honored by the people with office, he is still the same honest and reliable man. He volunteers in the Black Hawk war, and does the state good service in its sorest need. In every relation of life, socially and to the State, Mr. Lincoln has been always the pure and honest man. In physique he is the opposite to Douglas. BuUt on the Kentucky type, he is very taU, slender and angular, awkward even, in gait and attitude. His face is sharp, large-featured and unprepossessing. His eyes are deep set, under heavy brows; his forehead is high and retreating, and his hair is dark and heavy. In repose, I must confess that "Long Abe's" appearance is not comely. But stir him up, and the fire of his genius plays on every feature. His eye glows and sparkles, every lineament, now so iU formed, grows briUiant and expressive, and you have before you a man of rare power and of strong magnetic influence. He takes the people every time, and there is no getting away from his sturdy good sense, his unaffected sincerity, and the unceasing play of his good humor, which accompanies his close logic and smoothes the way to . conviction. Listening to him on Saturday, calmly and unprejudiced, I was convinced that he has no superior as a stump speaker. He is clear, concise and logical; his language is eloquent and at perfect command. .' He is altogether a more fluent speaker than Douglas, and in aU the arts of debate fully his equal.^ The Republicans of lUinois have chosen a champion "worthy of their heartiest support, and fully equipped for the conflict. .... Yours, &c.. Bayou [Boston Daily Advertiser, August 28, 1858] THE CAMPAiaN IN ILLINOIS Messrs. Douglas and Lincoln on the Stump Messrs. Douglas and Lincohi the rival candidates for the U, S. Senate in Illinois, have arranged to hold seven public debates with each THE OTTAWA DEBATE 131 other in different parts of the State. The first of them took place at Ottawa on Saturday last, in presence of an immense attendance, esti mated at twelve thousand. Great interest was exhibited by the multi tude, and the champions were loudly cheered and applauded by their respective friends. Mr. Douglas spoke first for an hour; then Mr. Lincoln for an hour-and-a-half; and finally Mr. Douglas for half an hour in closing. The whole debate is reported in fuU in the Chicago papers, but is of course too voluminous for our space. Our readers, however, will doubtless be glad to understand the basis upon which the campaign is carried on in Illinois, and accordingly we make an extract from each of the speeches, copying from the report in the Chicago Press and Tribune of the 23d inst. The republicans were delighted with the effect of the day's debate. Mr. Lincoln was most vociferously cheered throughout, and at the conclusion of the debate it is stated that "he was seized by the multi tude and borne off on their shoulders in the center of a crowd of five thousand shouting republicans with a band of music in front." Judge Douglas, on his part, was cordially supported by his friends. [Baltimore, Md., Sun, August 27, 1858] THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN IN ILLINOIS Joint Discussion between Doug'las and Lincoln.— Larg-e Turnout.— An Amusing- Sketch The political campaign in Illinois is becoming decidedly warm and interesting, and begins to attract no little attention throughout the country. We find in the New York Express a letter dated Ottawa 111., August 2ist, from which we select a few extracts: The representatives of republicanism and democracy in this State — Mr. Lincoln and Judge Douglas — met at this place by appointment to-day, and had a public discussion before an immense concourse of people, on the great questions that agitate the State. Both speakers are able; both have the warmest personal and political adherents, and attract great attention where-ever they appear. The number in Ottawa to-day, brought together chiefly from the surrounding country — though many came from distant parts of the State — could not be less than 20,000. There is no comparison in my judgment between the two speakers. Judge Douglas stands erect, and has the bearing, the presence and the thoughts of a states man who aims at the wellfare of the whole country. Mr. Lincoln throws himself into all manner of shapes when speaking, and represents a narrow idea. Judge 132 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Douglas could say what he says at the furthest North and throughout the South. Mr.Xincoln could not find hearers south of the Potomac on the doctrines he pro fesses. [St. Louis, Mo., Morning Herald, August 24, 1858] ILLINOIS POLITICS Tremont House' Chicago, III., August 22nd, 1858 Editor Herald: — Leaving St. Louis on Friday morning, the 20th instant, at 6 o'clock A. M., we arrived at Ottawa the same night at i o'clock — ^thanks to the gentlemanly and obliging conductors of the St. Louis, Alton and Terre Haute, and lUinois Central Railroads, over which we traveled. On Saturday morning the country people were seen coming into town to be present at the political discussion between Douglas and Lincoln. Lincoln arrived from Morris shortly before 12 o'clock m., and after wards Douglas came into town from Peru. Several hundred persons had congregated at the Geiger House to see the procession pass, and although Ottawa is claimed to be a Repub lican district, yet not a cheer was heard as Lincoln passed by with his escort: but when Douglas arrived near the same place, he was greeted with loud and continued cheering. At about half past 2 o'clock Douglas commenced the discussion, speaking one hour. Lincoln replied in a speech of one hour and a half, and then Douglas rejoined, speaking half an hour. It was evident, from the manner in which the candidates were re ceived on mounting the stump, that the Lincoln men were in the ma jority, and this idea seemed to be substantiated from the applause Lincoln received during his speech, and on concluding, he sat down apparently weU pleased with himself. But when Douglas rejoined in his speech of half an hour, he carried with him almost the entire crowd. He propounded several questions to Lincoln, which Lincoln could not or would not answer. Among the questions he asked L. if he would sustain the resolutions or platform adopted by the Republican Convention at Springfield, in 1854; but Lincoln remained sUent and did not answer, and his smihng face changed considerably when he saw he was cornered. Lincoln had denied in his speech that he took any part in that Convention, although his name was on one of the Committees. But THE OTTAWA DEBATE 133 Douglas brought forward proofs to show that Lincoln had supported that platform, and, said Douglas, "I wiU yet bring Mr. Lincoln to his mUk on that point." At this time matters changed considerably, and hundreds of those who had been applauding Lincoln aU along, now turned and applauded Douglas. At the conclusion of the discussion Douglas was surrounded by an immense crowd and escorted to the Geiger House, amid the loudest cheers. Thus ended the first of the seven discussions to be held at various places in this State, in which both candidates are to take part; and if Douglas commences by triumphing in a Republican district, Lincoln may as well hang up his hat, take a back seat, and wait until i860, as Douglas will then be President; and then Mr. Lincoln may make another effort for an election to the United States Senate, without having a Douglas to contend with. M. [Chicago Press and 7 ribune, August 23, 1858] GREAT DEBATE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS AT OTTAWA Twelve Thousand Persons Present.— The Dred Scott Champion Pul verized.— Verbatim Report ol Doug'las' Speech.— Lincoln's Reply and Doug'las' Rejoinder From sunrise tiU high noon on Saturday, Ottawa was deluged in dust. The first of the seven great debates which Douglas had con sented to hold with Lincoln, had started La Salle, Will, Kendall, Grundy, Kankakee, Cook and other surrounding counties, in unwonted commo tion. Before breakfast Ottawa was beleaguered with a multiplying host from aU points of the compass. At eight o'clock the streets and avenues resembled a vast smoke house. Teams, trains and processions poured in from every direction like an army with banners.* National flags, mottoes and devices - fluttered and stared from every street corner. Military companies and bands of music monopolized the thorough fares around the Court House and the public square. Two brass twelve-pounders banged away in the center of the city and drowned the hubbub of the multitude with their own higher capacities for hubbub. Vanity Fair never boiled with madder enthusiasm. At eleven o'clock two long processions were formed, one marching 134 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS to the depot of the Rock Island Railroad, where Mr. Lincoln was expected to arrive, and the other moving down the road towards Peru whence Mr. Douglas was advertised to come. As the first procession was crossing the canal, an enormous canal boat was moored near the bridge, crowded with men and women. In the bow was a large banner inscribed: THE corporation OF MARSEILLES FOR ABRAHAM XINCOLN. In a few minutes another boat appeared from Morris with a simUar crowd and similar devices. Shortly after twelve o'clock a special train from Chicago, Joliet, etc., came in with seventeen cars. When it reached the depot, three deafening cheers were repeated and re-repeated until the woods and bluffs rang again. Mr. Lincoln was placed in a carriage beautifully decorated with evergreens and mottoes by the young ladies of Ottawa, and escorted by the procession, over half a mile in length, with military companies and bands of music, from the depot tp the public square, around the square and to the residence of Mayor Glover. Enormous crowds blocked the streets and side-walks through which the procession moved, and the shouts of the multitude roUed from end to end, around the street corners and across the bridge, in a continuous tumult. When Mr. Lincoln's carriage stopped at the Mayor's residence, three mighty cheers were given and the crowd scattered misceUaneously for dinner. The Douglas procession moved down the Peru road to Buffalo Rock, where they met the pro-slavery champion, whom they escorted to the Geiger House. The procession was about half as long as that which waited on Mr. Lincoln, and the enthusiasm was almost whoUy confined to the Irish Catholics. At one o'clock, the crowd commenced pouring into the public square. The rush was hteraUy tremendous. The speaking stand had been foolishly left unguarded, and was so crowded with people, before the officers of the day arrived, that half an hour was consumed in a battle to make room for the speakers and reporters. Even then the accommodations were of the most wretched character. Two or three times the surge of people on the platform nearly drove the reporters off, and half a dozen clowns on the roof broke through some of the boards and let them down on the heads of the Reception Committees. The X I THE OTTAWA DEBATE 135 whole number of persons present could not have been less than twelve thousand. Large numbers were present from Chicago, Galena, Spring field, Peoria, Quincy, Rock Island, Bloomington, Alton and other distant towns. The crowd was considerably larger on the ground than that which assembled in this city on the night of Douglas' opening speech. MR. DOUGLAS'S SPEECH At half past two, Mr. Douglas took the front of the platform, amid the cheers of the Hibernians, who had fought their way to the front, and said: MR. LINCOLN'S REPLY Mr. Lincoln then came forward and was greeted with loud and protracted cheers from fully two-thirds of the audience. This was admitted by the Douglas men on the platform. It was some minutes before he could make himself heard, even by those on the stand. At last he said: When Lincoln had concluded his masterly and crushing indictment and conviction, amidst the applause of thousands of voices, Douglas sprang to his feet to reply. His face was livid with passion and excite ment. All his plans had been demolished, himself placed in the crimi nal's box to answer to an indictment, and make head against a mountain of damning testimony heaped up against him by his antagonist. We have never seen a human face so distorted with rage. He resembled a wild beast in looks and gesture, and a maniac in language and argu ment. He made no adequate reply to the heavy charges brought against him, save to call everybody "liars" who alleged to believe them. He finished up by renewing his miserable charges and repeating his irrelevant questions, and claiming with a grand flourish, that Lincoln had not refuted the one nor answered the other; boasted that he had won the victory, and threatened what awful things he would do when he would next meet Lincoln at Freeport. The bodyguard of five or six hundred Irish Papists stood close by him yelling and cheering at all he said, perfectly indifferent whether it was sound sense or wild raving. It was the opinion of every unprejudiced listener, that Douglas 136 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS would give a year off the end of his life if he could escape meeting Lincoln at the six discussions through which he must pass. At the conclusion of the debate, when Mr. Lincoln walked down from the platform, he was seized by the multitude and borne off on their shoulders, in the center of a crowd of five thousand shouting Republicans, with a band of music in front. The Chicago delegation scattered for the cars, and so ended the Great Debate. [Missouri Republican, St. Louis, August 29, 1858] CHICAGO COEEESPONDENCE Chicago, August 23, 1858 The contest between Douglas and Lincoln seems to be the one matter of interest among the good people of Chicago at present; and the chances of either candidate form the reigning topic of conversation in every crowd. Saturday was a day of considerable excitement here, and little was talked of except the pitched battle between the two political champions at Ottawa. Early in the morning, large masses of the people gathered around the Rock Island depot, and the trains, both regular and extra, were crammed to their utmost capacity with excur sionists to the great gathering. Upon the arrival of the trains, it was estimated that there were present some four thousand people, aU of whom came from then: fields, workshops, counting rooms, and offices, to evince theur interest in the great struggle of the two great parties for predominance. I presume no mass meeting of the present canvass has been composed of a more respectable class. Douglas made the opening speech, which was a calm, deliberate and logical argument, of one hour, during which the people listened to him with much the same calmness which characterized the speech — aU seeming much interested, but not excited. Lincoln foUowed, in one of his characteristic efforts, interlarding his address with funny anecdotes, droU expressions and frequent witti cisms, which soon put to flight the gravity which had reigned during the previous hour; and many were the outbursts of applause which his clever hits drew forth. He punched the "Little Giant" right and left, and dealt him many a weU aimed thrust of keen satire, whereat, as your local man would say, "ye congregation did betray an unseemhe lack of gravitie." But the aforesaid "Giant" didn't seem to be other- THE OTTAWA DEBATE I37 wise affected than as a young bull by an attack of gad flies, which one whisk of his capacious taU can put to flight. Like the bull, he was sufficiently irritated by the infliction to rouse his pugnacity, and when it came to his turn to reply, "pre-haps" he didn't make the "har" fly! When "Uncle Abe," as the Tribune dubs him, rounded a sentence he was greeted with a merry outburst of humorous applause, but as blow after blow and thrust after thrust was dealt by the Judge, not ebullitions of merriment, but loud, long and sturdy shouts of triumph, rent the air, and when he concluded, the satisfaction which glowed upon the countenances of the hardy yeomen, who composed the princi pal part of the audience, testified that his last hour had been well occupied. Yours, Peter Pinfeather [Peoria, III., Transcript, August 24, 1858] THE GEEAT DEBATE AT OTTAWA Twelve Thousand Persons Present.— Lincoln's Triumphant Vindica tion ol Republican Principles. — The Giant Slain (Editorial Correspondence of the Transcript) Ottawa, Ills., ) Saturday Evening, Aug. 21 J Such was the enthusiasm of the masses over Mr. Lincoln's triumph that as soon as the debate had closed and he had stepped from the platform, he was immediately by an immense crowd, numbering at least five thousand persons, lifted upon the shoulders of two stout men, and was borne about the streets, a band of music leading off with "Hail Columbia," while the vast multitude followed in broken column, shouting "Hurrah for Lincoln" as they went. Such was the interest in this' face-to-face encounter of Lincoln and Douglas, that the masses flocked here from every quarter of the State. The Chicago special train numbering seventeen cars arrived, aU crammed with the crowd to the fullest capacity. Thousands of people came pouring into town in wagons, boats, &c., the various delegations bearing banners and accompanied by bands of music. The debate came off in a vacant square near the center of the city. When we arrived upon the ground the crowd, numbering at least 12,000 persons, was pressing towards the speaker's stand in great confusion. The stand itself was besieged 138 HLLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS by a boorish multitude whom the committee of arrangements were vainly endeavoring to drive off in order to make room for the speakers and reporters. Half an hour having been thus spent, Mr. Douglas took his position and commenced speaking. The whole speech was delivered in a coarse, vulgar, boisterous style, and excepting among a body-guard of roaring Irish Catholics, it was received with silent dis gust. Lincoln came forward and commenced his reply amid thunders of applause. He disposed of Douglas' questions and charges in the most summary manner, and then entered at once and with great earnest ness of manner into a consideration of the real questions in issue. He brought up the charge of conspiracy against Mr. Douglas, drove it home upon him, and wedged it there. Lincoln's speech was an ad mirable effort. It was high-toned and honorable, bold, pungent and powerful. He made his antagonist wince at every turn, and the vast audience manifested then: appreciation of his success by shouts of exul tation and applause. — When he had finished, the universal feeling was that he had made a masterly effort — that he had, in fact, completely demolished the little giant. Douglas sprung to his feet in reply, and it was evident that he felt that his case was a desperate one. I never looked upon a countenance so livid with excitement and brutal passions. — ^He looked and acted like a wild beast, and what he said resembled the ravings of a maniac more than the reasonings of a sane man. — ^The heavy charges of Lincoln were not disproved, nor attempted to be, but he bellowed the lie, feU back upon his forgery in relation to the Springfield resolutions, boasted that he had won the victory, threatened what he would hereafter do, and retired in a perfectly uncontroUable rage. As he went off of the platform, his Irish body-guard accompanied him to his hotel, and the crowd soon followed bearing Lincohi in triumph. L. R. W. [Illinois State Register, August 24, 1858] DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN-THE DEBATE AT OTTAWA 12,000 People Witness the Rout ol Lincoln!— Doug'las Ag-ain Triumph ant!— Lincoln on the Sick List!!— He Shirks the Republican Platlorm We had the pleasure of being present at Ottawa on Saturday last, and hearing the opening debate between Messrs. Douglas and Lincoln. — THE OTTAWA DEBATE 139 The assemblage of the people was an immense one — there being between ten and twelve thousand present. The two orators were received in town, by their respective friends, about noon. — Mr. Lincoln passed up the night before, to Morris, and came down by the railroad, with the crowd from Cook, WiU, &c. Mr. Douglas left the road three miles west of the town, and came up in a carriage, escorted by the democratic committee. When about two miles from town he was met by an immense procession, bearing flags and banners, with eloquent mottoes, speaking the hearty welcome of the La Salle democracy, and attesting theur loyalty to the good old cause. — ^This procession of carriages, wagons, buggies, horsemen and footmen was quite a mile and a half long, swelling in numbers as it approached the town. When the head of this procession reached the center of the town, the republican escort, with Mr. Lincoln, was met. Each wended its way, by different routes, through the principal streets. The democratic procession escorted Mr. Douglas to the Geiger House, where he was welcomed in a neat address by Hon. W. H. W. Cushman; the repubUcans escorted Mr. . Lincoln to the Mansion House. The town was fairly alive with people, and with their shouts and hurras for their respective favorites, a constant roar was kept up. But there was no mistaking, notwith standing the preponderance of the repubhcan element in that quarter of the state, as shown by the election of '56, to whom popular attention was directed. Compared with the hearty welcome to Douglas the efforts of the republicans to make a show for Lincoln was a sickly affair. — ^There was no heart nor hope in it. In addition to the large attendance from La Salle, the surrounding counties sent large delegations, and when the whole appeared upon the square, where the speakers' stand was erected, the crowd presented a most imposing appearance. Having dined, the two speakers were escorted to the stand by their party committees. Mr. Douglas com menced about 2^ o'clock and spoke an hour. It is not our intention to go over the line of his argument or that of Mr. Lincoln. We shaU lay the whole debate before our readers. It is sufficient now to say that Judge D., after reviewing the general points he has previously made during the present canvass, took up the republican platform as first enunciated in this state, in state convention in this city in October 1854, which platform was reported by a committee of which Mr. Lincoln was a member, as shown by the convention's proceedings. On Thurs- I40 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS day last we published the principal resolution of that platform — ^which declares for the repeal of the fugitive slave law; against the admission of any more slave states, and for extending "the Wilmot" over all the territories. Upon this Mr. Douglas descanted at length. He dissected the abolition thing, and showed up to his immense audience the infamous political heresies it embodied. Every word told, as the responses of the crowd fairly proved. He contrasted this platform of Mr. Lincoln with that of the democracy. Never was he more eloquent — never were his arguments more closely made or more pungently delivered. We are incUned to the opinion that Mr. Lincoln was not prepared to get into the debate- in this shape. He was crammed with a speech suited to a defensive one from Douglas, but he found himself with a fire not only in his front, but in his rear and on both flanks. He was surrounded, and driven on to his own narrow sectional platform, which was completely "honey-combed" by the heavy shots of his antagonist. This was too hot a place for our ambitious townsman. He denied being the author of the platform, stumbled, floundered, and, instead of the speech that he had prepared to make, bored his audience by using up a large portion of his time reading from a speech of 1854, of his own. He did not "face the music "upon the points made by Douglas. He neither confessed nor denied — ^he only blundered, and broke down, lacking fifteen minutes of making out the time allotted to him — an hour and a half. He evidently felt, himself, that he had signally failed, and exposed the weakness of his position. Certainly his hearers, including his own supporters, were satisfied of it. The half hour reply of Mr. Douglas was a biting commentary upon the shuffling of Mr. Lincoln. From beginning to the end the wool flew. He riddled Lincoln's sophistries, ridiculed his evasions, and nailed him fast to the platform of '54, which Lincoln endeavored to creep out of. — Lincoln withered before the bold, lucid and eloquent argumentation, and writhed under the sharp invective of Douglas. So triumphant was the rejoinder, that, at the conclusion, almost as one man, the immense crowd thundered their appreciation of it. The cheers were absolutely deafening. As Mr. D. left the stand nearly the enture crowd pressed around him, and the living mass, with shouts and hurras bore him, in their midst, to the hotel, the cheering and shouting being kept up incessantly, untU Mr. D., by dint of great exertion, got into the building. Just here a scene was enacted that THE OTTAWA DEBATE 141 would reaUy have been a "study" for a Hogarth. After the great mass had left the ground, with Mr. Lincoln and his committee looking on, with the look of a boy who had "let a bird go," Mr. L. was seized upon by a dozen or more sturdy republicans, who put him on their shoulders, and, preceded by a band, and surrounded by a lonesome squad of fifty or a hundred, tailed in after the mass of people, who had halted, blocking up the street about the Geiger House. This funereal escort passed through the crowd and bore Mr. L., to his quarters, which were in an other direction, with his long arms about his carriers' shoulders, his long legs dangling nearly to the ground, while his long face was an incessant contortion to wear a winning smile that succeeded in being only a ghastly one. — ^But the dust may have been productive of this effect. It was really not a pretty picture, though hugely an amusing one; but Mr. L., like ourself, is not good material for the former. We suppose that this farce was deemed necessary as an afterpiece to the three act tragedy on the stand. "The impalement of Hon. Abraham Lincoln." — It was in fuU keeping with that gentleman's tailing tactics since the. commencement of the canvass. The result of the debate at Ottawa, as the reader will admit on perusing it, was a most overwhelming overthrow of Mr. Lincoln. It places him in his true attitude before the people of the state, which no shuffling or pettifogging dodging can get him out of. He will be forced to stand square up to his abolition platform or back clear down. At Ottawa he beat an inglorious retreat, and shirked the issue at the first joust in the lists of his own suggestion. We shall probably be able to give the debate in tomorrow's Register. [Chicago Times, August 22, 1858] THE CAMPAIGN-DOUGLAS AMONG THE PEOPLE Joint Discussion at Ottawa.— Lincoln Breaks Down.— Enthusiasm ol the People!— The Battle Pougrht and Won.— Lincoln's Heart Pails Him!— Lincoln's Leg's Pail Him!— Lincoln's Tong'ue Fails Him!— Lincoln's Arms Pail Him!— Lincoln Fails All Over!!— The People Relnse to Support Him!— The People Laug'h at Him!— Doug'las the Champion ol the People!— Doug'las Skins the "Living Dog'."— The "Dead Lion" Prig'htens the Canine.— Doug'las "Trotting'" Lin coln Out.— Douglas " Concludes " on Abe On Saturday, the first of the series of joint discussions between Lincoln and Douglas took place at Ottawa. Below we publish a full report of the speeches. 142 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS At an early hour Ottawa was alive with people. From daylight till three o'clock in the afternoon the crowds came in, by train, by canal- boat, and by wagon, carriage, buggy, and on horseback. Morris, Joliet, and aU the towns on the railroad, above and below Ottawa, sent up their delegates. Lincoln on Friday night left Peoria, and passed up the road to Morris, where he staid over, in order that he might have the appearance of being escorted to Ottawa by the crowds who filled the special train on Saturday morning. Douglas left Peru in the morning in a carriage, escorted by a large delegation on horseback, and in vehicles. The procession as it passed along the road received new accessions at every cross-road and stopping place, and when it reached Ottawa it was nearly a mUe in length. As it passed through the streets the people from the sidewalks, from windows, piazzas, house-tops, and every available standing point, cheered and welcomed him. Upon his arrival at the Geiger House he was welcomed by Wm. H. H. Cushman, in the following remarks: Mr. Douglas responded in a few appropriate remarks, and through out the entire proceedings was cheered most enthusiasticaUy. At two o'clock the multitude gathered in the public square', the sun shining down with great intensity, and the few trees affording but little shade. It would seem that the most exposed part of the City was'selected for the speaking. After a long delay, the discussion was opened by Judge Douglas, who spoke as follows: When Douglas had concluded the shouts were tremendous: his excoriation of Lincoln was so severe, that the Republicans hung their heads in shame. The Democrats, however, were loud in their vocifer ation. About two-thirds of the meeting at once surrounded Douglas, and with music, cheers, and every demonstration of enthusiastic admura- tion they escorted him to his quarters at the hotel, where for several minutes they made the welkin ring with their cheers, and applause. Lincoln in the meantime seemed to have been paralyzed. He stood upon the stage looking wildly at the people as they surrounded the triumphant Douglas, and, with mouth wide open, he could not find a friend to say one word to him in his distress. It was a delicate point for Republicans who had witnessed his utter defeat, and who knew how severely he felt it, to offer him condolence, or bid him hope for better THE OTTAWA DEBATE 143 success again. The only thing they could say was that Lincoln ought not to travel round with Douglas, and had better not meet him any more. When Douglas and the Democrats had left the square, Lincoln essayed to descend from the stage, but his limbs refused to do their office. During Douglas' last speech Lincoln had suffered severely; alternately burning with fever, and then suddenly chilled with shame, his respiratory organs had become obstructed, his limbs got cold, and he was unable to walk. In this extremity, the Republican Marshall called half a dozen men, who, lifting Lincoln in their arms, carried him along. By some mismanagement the men selected for this office happened to be very short in stature, and the consequence was, that while Lincoln's head and shoulders towered above theirs, his feet dragged on the ground. Such an exhibition as the "toting" of Lincoln from the square to his lodgings was never seen at Ottawa before. It was one of the richest farces we have ever witnessed, and provoked the laughter of all. Demo crats and Republicans, who happened to see it. [Peoria Transcript, August 25, 1858] The report made current by the Chicago Times and copied into the Democrat of this city, that Lincoln interrupted Douglas during the delivery of his closing speech, and was pulled back by the committee, is as siUy as it is false. We stood close to Mr. Lincoln on the platform during the whole time, and no scene of the kind reported took place, nor nothing of the kind. [Chicago Journal, August 23, 1858] The Late Mr. Douglas. — Since the flailing Senator Douglas received at Ottawa on Saturday, we suggest that his friends hereafter address him as the late Mr. Douglas. [Louisville, Ky., Democrat, August 26, 1858] The Louisville Journal in speaking of the debate between Lincoln and Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois, says : That when the former descended from the platform he was seized by the assemblage and borne off on their shoulders in the center of a crowd of thousands of shouting friends. If they had foreseen how he would come out in the debate, they would have borne him off before it commenced. [Mr. Horace White in Herndon's Life of Lincoln, by permission of D. Appleton & Co.] The next stage brought us to Ottawa, the first joint debate, August 21. Here the crowd was enormous. The weather had been very 144 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS dry and the town was shrouded in dust raised by the moving populace. Crowds were pouring into town from sunrise tiU noon in aU sorts of conveyances, teams, railroad trains, canal boats, cavalcades, and'pro- cessions on foot, with banners and inscriptions, stirring up such clouds of dust that it was hard to make out what was underneath them. The town was covered with bunting, and bands of music were tooting around every corner, drowned now and then by the roar of cannon. Mr. Lincoln came by railroad and Mr. Douglas by carriage from La Salle. 'A train of seventeen passenger cars from Chicago attested the interest felt in that city in the first meeting of the champions. Two great processions escorted them to the platform in the public square. But the eagerness to hear the speaking was so great that the crowd had taken possession of the square and platform and had climbed on the wooden awning overhead to such an extent that the speakers and committees and reporters could not get to their places. Half an hour was consumed in a rough-and-tumble skirmish to make way for them, and when finally this was accomplished, a section of the awning gave way with its load of men and boys, and came down on the heads of the Douglas committee of reception. But, fortunately, nobody was hurt. [Peoria Transcript, August 26, 1858] The complete manner in which Lincoln used up Douglas at Ottawa is evinced by the desperation of the latter's newspaper organs. The Chicago Times, construing the enthusiasm of the Republicans in bearing Lincoln upon theur shoulders after the debate in triumph through the city, says that he "broke down completely, and his friends were obliged to carry him from the ground!" That wUl do; the Times has touched the bottom ! [Whig, Quincy, Ills., August 26, 1858] THE ELEGANCIES OF DOUGLAS The character and disposition of Judge Douglas were pretty clearly exhibited in his speech at Ottawa, the other day. Among other equally elegant terms which he used on the occasion, were the following: In speaking of Mr. Lincoln he said he intended to "bring him to his mUk" — that he advocated the doctrine that "niggers were equal to white men"— that he was going to "trot him (Lincoln) down to Egypt." And much more of the same sort. Isn't this beautiful language to come from a United States Senator ? THE OTTAWA DEBATE 14S Mr. Douglas is as much a blackguard as he is a demagogue, and scarcely has an equal in either respect. [Chicago Press and Tribune, August 24, 1858] The interest in the debate at Ottawa is wide-spread Our own extra edition of 2,000 copies was exhausted before 9 o'clock and a third edition printed and sold during the day. .[Chicago Daily Journal, August 23, 1858] THE EESULT OF THE FIEST LINCLON AND DOUGLAS DEBATE The Republicans were in their glory at Ottawa on Saturday, the foolish statements and falsehoods of the Chicago Times to the contrary notwithstanding. At least two-thirds of the vast assemblage that was attracted thither to listen to the Lincoln and Douglas Debate, was composed of Republicans, and every candid man present whom we have seen, bears testimony to the fact that Lincoln "took down" Douglas most effectuaUy, on every point of the debate. The genuine enthusiasm of the occasion was all on the side of Lincoln, and so pleased were his friends with his strong and crushing reply to the misrepresentations and sophistications of Douglas, that when he concluded his speech, they rushed up to the stand, took him upon their shoulders, and bore him in triumphal procession to the house of Mayor Glover, where he stopped. In the evening the RepubUcans had a grand time. Preceded by a band of music, they marched in procession to Mayor Glover's, and escorted Messrs. Lincoln and Owen Lovejoy from thence to the Court House, where one of the most enthusiastic meetings that was ever gotten up, was held. Mr. Lovejoy made a telling speech — one of his charac teristic sledge-hammer efforts, — after which, the masses — all Republi cans — (for the Douglasites had hidden their heads in shame, at the, to them, inglorious result of the public debate,) formed a grand torch light procession, and paraded the streets, with loud "hurrahs for Lin coln," until a late hour. Every Republican present at this first regular tussle between Lin coln and Douglas, felt entirely satisfied, and the general opinion is that in the Third Congressional District, at least, Douglas is "a dead cock in the pit." CHAPTER VI THE FREEPORT DEBATE [Chicago Press and Tribune, August 26, 1858] HO! FOE FEEEPOET! The usual fare from Chicago to Freeport and return, is $7.20. But excursion tickets will be sold to those who wish to leave this evening or tomorrow morning for the Lincoln and Douglas meeting at Freeport tomorrow, for $4.35, or 60 per cent of the usual fare. By starting on the 9^ train tomorrow morning, you reach Freeport at 3 p. M., an hour after the speaking commences. AU should, therefore, leave by tonight's train, which starts from the Wells Street depot. North Side, at 45 minutes after 10 o'clock. Comfortable sleeping cars wiU be put on, and aU can reach Freeport in season for the whole fun, without losing any time. Tickets for the excursion will be sold at the Wells Street Galena passen ger depot alone. [Freeport, III., Journal, August 26, 1858] HOUE OF AEEIVAL Lincoln spoke at Augusta, in Hancock County yesterday. He will probably arrive in town to-morrow forenoon, on the extra train from Dixon, which train wiU also bring up delegations from Ogle, Lee and Whiteside Counties. [Chicago Press and Tribune, August 25, 1858] LINCOLN AT FEEEPOET Our readers in the Western part of the State wiU bear in mind the fact that the second encounter between LINCOLN and DOUGLAS comes off at Freeport on Friday, the 27th. On that occasion it is expected that Douglas wUl try to "bring Mr. Lincoln to his milk," and all who are curious to know what the process used will be, and what will result therefrom, wiU not faU to be on hand. SECOND JOINT DEBATE Freeport, August 27, 18 §8 Mr. Lincoln was introduced by Hon. Thomas J. Turner, and was greeted with loud cheers. When the applause had subsided, he said: 147 148 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Mr. Lincoln's Speech Ladies and Gentlemen: On Saturday last. Judge Douglas and myself first met in public discussion. He spoke one hour, I an hour and a half, and he replied for half an hour. The order is now reversed. I am to speak an hour, he an hour and a half, and then I am to reply for half an hour. I propose to devote myself during the first hour to the scope of what was brought within the range of his half-hour speech at Ottawa. Of course there was brought within the scope of' that half-hour's speech something of his own opening speech. In the course of that opening argument Judge Douglas proposed to me seven distinct interrogatories. In my speech of an hour and a half, I attended to some other parts of his speech, and incidentally, as I thought, answered one of the interrogatories then. I then distinctly intimated to him that I would answer the rest of his interrogatories. He made no intimation at the time of the proposition, nor did he in his reply allude at aU to that suggestion of mine. I do him no injustice in saying that he occupied at least half of his reply in dealing with me as though I had refused to answer his interrogatories. I now propose that I will answer any of the interrogatories upon con dition that he will answer questions from me not exceeding the same number. I give him an opportunity to respond. The Judge remains silent. I now say^ that I will answer his interrogatories, whether he answers mine or not; [applause] and after that I have done so, I shall propound mine to him. [Applause.] [Owing to the press of people against the platform, our reporter did not reach the stand until Mr. Lincoln had spoken to this point. The previous remarks were taken by a gentleman in Freeport, who has pohtely furnished them to us.] I have supposed myself, since the organization of the RepubUcan party at Bloomington, in May, 1856, bound as a party man by the plat forms of the party, then and since. If in any interrogatories which I shall answer I go beyond the scope of what is within these platforms, it will be perceived that no one is responsible but myself. Having said thus much, I wiU take up the Judge's interrogatories 3,3 I find them printed in the Chicago Timss, and answer them seriatim. In order that there may be no mistake about it, I have copied the inter- ^ Reads: "in" for "of." » Inserts: "to you" after "say." SITE (JF THE FREEPORT DEBATE The granite boulder and tablets were placed by the Freeport Woman's Club to mark the site LINCOLN AT FREEPORT 149 rogatories in writing, and also my answers to it.' The first one of these interrogatories is in these words: — Question i. — "I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day stands as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive- Slave law ?" Answer. — I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the uncon ditional repeal of the Fugitive-Slave law. [Cries of "Good! good!"] Q. 2. "1 desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more Slave States into the Union, even if the people want them ?" A. I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against the admission of any more Slave States into the Union. Q. 3. "I want to know whether he stands pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union with such a Constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make ?" A. I do not stand pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union, with such a Constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make. [Cries of ' ' Good ! good !"] Q. 4. "I want to know whether he stands to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia ?" A. I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. Q. 5. "I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to the prohibition of the slave trade between the different States ?" A. I do not stand pledged to the prohibition of the slave trade be tween the different states. Q. 6. "I desire to know whether he stands pledged to prohibit slavery in all the Territories of the United States, north as weU as south of the Missouri Compromise line ?" A. I am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a belief in the right and duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in all the United States Terri tories. [Great applause.] Q. 7. "I desire him to answer whether he is opposed to the acquisi tion of any new territory unless slavery is first prohibited therein ?" A. I am not generally opposed to honest acquisition of territory; and, in any given case, I would or would not oppose such acquisition, accordingly as I might think such acquisition would or would not ¦ Reads: "them" for "it." 150 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS aggravate' the slavery question among ourselves. [Cries of "Good! good!"] Now, my friends, it will be perceived, upon an examination of these questions and answers, that so far I have only answered that I was not pledged to this, that, or the other. The Judge has not framed his inter rogatories to ask me anything more than this, and I have answered in strict accordance with the interrogatories, and have answered truly, that I am not pledged at aU upon any of the points to which I have answered. But I am not disposed to hang upon the exact form of his interrogatory. I am rather disposed to take up at least some of these questions, and state what I really think upon. them. As to the first one, in regard to the Fugitive-Slave law, I have never hesitated to say, and I do not now hesitate to say, that I think, under the Constitution of the United States, the people of the Southern States are entitled to a Congressional Fugitive-Slave law. Having said that, I have had nothing to say in regard to the existing Fugitive-Slave law, further than that I think it should have been framed so as to be free from some of the objections that pertain to it, without lessening its efl&ciency. And inasmuch as we are not now in an agitation in regatd to an alteration or modification of that law, I would not be the man to introduce it as a new subject of agitation upon the general question of slavery. In regard to the other question, of whether I am pledged to the admission of any more Slave States into the Union, I state to you very frankly that I would be exceedingly §orry ever to be put in a position of having to pass upon that question. I should be exceedingly glad to know that there would never be another Slave State admitted into the Union; [applause] but I must add that if slavery shaU be kept out of the Territories during the Territorial existence of any one given Terri tory, and then the people shall, having a fair chance and a clear field, when they come to adopt the constitution, do such an extraordinary thing as to adopt a slave constitution, uninfluenced by the actual pres ence of the institution among them, I see no alternative, if we own the country, but to admit them into the Union. [Applause.] The third interrogatory is answered by the answer to the second, it being, as I conceive, the same as the second. The fourth one is in regard to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. In relation to that, I have my mind very distinctly made * Reads: "agitate" for "aggravate." LINCOLN AT FREEPORT 151 up. I should be exceedingly glad to see slavery abolished in the Dis trict of Columbia. [Cries of ' ' Good ! Good !"] I believe that Congress possesses the constitutional power to abolish it. Yet as a member of Congress, I should not, with my present views, be in favor of endeavoring to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, unless it would be upon these conditions 1 First, that the abolition should be gradual; second, that it should be on a vote of the majority of qualified voters in the District; aiid third, that compensation should be made to unwiUing owners. With these three conditions, I confess I would be exceedingly glad to see Congress abohsh slavery in the District of Columbia, and, in the language of Henry Clay, "sweep from our capital that foul blot upon our nation." [Loud applause.] In regard to the fifth interrogatory, I must say here, that as to the question of the abolition of the slave trade between the different States, I can truly answer, as I have, that I am pledged to nothing about it. It is a subject to which I have not given that mature consideration that would make me feel authorized to state a position so as to hold myself enturely bound by it. In other words, that question has never been prominently enough before me to induce me to investigate whether we really have the constitutional power to do it. I could investigate it if I had suflScient time to bring myself to a conclusion upon that subject; but I have not done so, and I say so frankly to you here, and to Judge Douglas. I must say, however, that if I should be of opinion that Congress does possess the constitutional power to aboUsh the slave- trade' among the different States, I should stiU not be in favor of the exercise of that power unless upon some conservative principle as I conceive it, akin to what I have said in relation to the abolition of slavery in the X)istrict of Columbia. My answer as to whether I desire that slavery should be prohibited in all the Territories of the United States, is full and explicit within itself, and cannot be made clearer by any comments of mine. So I suppose in regard to the question whether I am opposed to the acquisi tion of any more territory unless slavery is first prohibited therein, my answer is such that I could add nothing by way of Ulustration, or making myself better understood, than the answer which I have placed in vreiting. Now in aU this the Judge has me, and he has me on the record. I suppose he had flattered himself that I was really entertaining one set • Reads: "slavery" for "the slave trade." 152 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS of opinions for one place, and another set for another place; that I was afraid to say at one place what I uttered at another. What I am saying here I suppose I say to a vast audience as strongly tending to Aboli tionism as any audience in the State of Illinois, and I believe I am say ing that which, if it would be offensive' to any persons and render them enemies to myself, would be offensive to persons in this audience. I now proceed to propound to the Judge the interrogatories, so far as I have framed them. I will bring forward a new installment when I get them ready. [Laughter.] I will bring them forward now, only reaching to number four. The first one is: — Question i. If the people of Kansas shaU, by means entirely un objectionable in aU other respects, adopt a State Constitution, and ask .admission into the Union under it, before they have the requisite num ber of inhabitants according to the EngUsh biU, — some ninetyrthree thousand, — ^wiU you vote to admit them ? [Applause.] Q. 2. Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State constitution? [Re newed applause.] Q. 2>- If the Supreme Court of the United States shall decree that States cannot exclude slavery from their limits, are you in favor of acquiescing in, adopting, and following, such decision as a rule of political action? [Loud applause.] Q. 4. Are you in favor of acquiring additional territory, in disregard of how such acquisition may affect the nation on the slavery question ? [Cries of "Good! Good!'"] As introductory to these interrogatories which Judge Douglas pro pounded to me at Ottawa, he read a set of resolutions which he said Judge Trumbull and myself had participated in adopting, in the first Republican State Convention, held at Springfield in October, 1854. He insisted that I and Judge Trumbull, and perhaps the entire Republican party, were responsible for the doctrines contained in the set of resolu tions which he read, and I understand that it was from that set of resolutions that he deduced the interrogatories which he propounded to me, using these resolutions as a sort of authority for propounding those questions to me. Now, I say here to-day that I do not answer his interrogatories because of their springing at all from that set of resolu- ' Reads: "afifirmed" for "offensive." LINCOLN AT|FREEPORT 153 tions which he read. I answered them because Judge Douglas thought fit to ask them. [Applause.] I do not now, nor never did, recognize any responsibility upon myself in that set of resolutions. When I repUed to him on that occasion, I assured him that I never had anything to do with them. I repeat here to-day that I never in any possible form had anything to do with that set of resolutions. It turns out, I beheve, that those resolutions were never passed in any convention held in Springfield. [Cheers and laughter.] It turns out that they were never passed at any convention or any public meeting that I had any part in. I believe it turns out, in addition to all this, that there was not, in the fall of 1854, any convention holding a session in Springfield, calling itself a Republican State Convention; yet it is true there was a convention, or assemblage of men caUing themselves a convention, at Springfield, that did pass some resolutions. But so little did I really know of the proceedings of that convention, or what set of resolutions they had passed, though having a general knowl edge that there had been such an assemblage of men there, that when Judge Douglas read the resolutions, I really did not know but they had been the resolutions passed then and there. I did not question that they were the resolutions adopted. For I could not bring myself to suppose that Judge Douglas could say what he did upon this subject without knowing that it was true. [Cheers and laughter.] I contented myself, on that occasion, ¦with denying, as I truly could, aU connection with them, not denying or aflfirming whether they were passed at Spring field. Now, it turns out that he had got hold of some resolutions passed at some convention or pubhc meeting in Kane County. [Renewed laughter.] I wish to say here, that I don't conceive that in any fair and just mind this discovery relieves me at all. I had just as much to do with the convention in Kane County as that at Springfield. I am just as much responsible for the resolutions at Kane County as those at Springfield, — the amount of the responsibility being exactly nothing in either case; no more than there would be in regard to a set of reso lutions passed in the moon. [Laughter and loud cheers.] I aUude to this extraordinary matter in this canvass for some further purpose than anything yet advanced. Judge Douglas did not make his statement upon that occasion as matters that he believed to be true, but he stated them roundly as being true, in such form as to pledge his veracity for their truth. When the whole matter turns out as it does. IS4 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS and when we consider who Judge Douglas is, — ^that he is a distinguished Senator of the United States; that he has served nearly twelve years as such; that his character is not at aU limited as an ordinary Senator of the United States, but that his name has become of world-wide renown, — it is most extraordinary that he should so far forget all the suggestions of justice to an adversary, or of prudence to himself, as to venture upon the assertion of that which the slightest investigation would have shown him to be whoUy false. [Cheers.] I can only account for his having done so upon the supposition that that evil genius which has attended him through his life, giving to him an appar ent astonishing prosperity, such as to lead very many good men to doubt there being any advantage in virtue over vice, [cheers and laugh ter] — I say I can only account for it on the supposition that that evU genius has at last made up its mind to forsake him. [Continued cheers and laughter.] And I may add that another extraordinary feature of the Judge's conduct in this canvass — ^made more extraordinary by this incident — is, that he is in the habit, in almost aU the speeches he makes, of charging falsehood upon his adversaries, myself and others. I now ask whether he is able to find in anything that Judge TrumbuU, for instance, has said, or in anything that I have said, a justification at all compared with what we have, in this instance, for that sort of vulgarity. [Cries of "Good! Good! Good!"] I have been in the habit of charging as a matter of belief on my part that, in the introduction of the Nebraska biU into Congress, there was a conspiracy to make slavery perpetual and national. I have arranged from time to time the_evidence which establishes and proves the truth of this charge. I recurred to this charge at Ottawa. I shaU not now have time to dweU upon it at very great length; but iniasmuch as Jiidge Douglas, in his reply of half an hour, made some points upon me in relation to it, I propose noticing a few or them. The Judge insists that, in the first speech I made, in which I very distinctly made that charge, he thought for a good while I was in fun ! that I was pla)rful; that I was not sincere about it; and that he only grew angry and somewhat excited when he found that I insisted upon it as a matter of earnestness. He says he characterized it as a falsehood as far as I implicated his moral character in that transaction. Well, I did not know, tiU he presented that view, that I had implicated his LINCOLN AT FREEPORT 15S moral character. He is very much in the habit, when he argues me up into a position I never thought of occupying, of very cosily saying he has no doubt Lincoln is "conscientious" in saying so. He should remember that I did not know but what he was altogether "con scientious" in that matter. [Great laughter.] I can conceive it was possible for men to conspire to do a good thing, and I really find nothing in Judge Douglas's course or arguments that is contrary to, or incon sistent with, his belief of a conspiracy to nationalize and spread slavery as being a good and blessed thing; [continued laughter] and so I hope he wiU understand that I do not at aU question but that in aU this matter he is enturely "conscientious." [More laughter and cheers.] But to draw your attention to one of the points I made in this case, beginning at the beginning. When the Nebraska biU was introduced, or a short time afterward, by an amendment, I believe, it was provided that it must be considered "the true intent and meaning of this Act not to legislate slavery into any State or Territory, or to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their own domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." I have caUed his attention to the fact that when he and some others began arguing that they were giving an increased degree of liberty to the people in the Territories over and above what they formerly had on the question of slavery, a question was raised whether the law was enacted to give such uncondi tional liberty to the people; and to test the sincerity of this mode of argument, Mr. Chase, of Ohio, introduced an amendment, in which he made the law — ^if the amendment were adopted — expressly declare that the people of the Territory should have the power to exclude slavery if they saw fit. I have asked attention also to the fact that Judge Douglas and those who acted with him voted that amendment down, notwithstanding it expressed exactly the thing they said was the true intent and meaning of the law. I have caUed attention to the fact that in subsequent times a decision of the' Supreme Court has been made, in which it has been declared that a Territorial Legislature has no constitutional right to exclude slavery. And I have argued and said that for men who did intend that the people of flie Territory should have the right to exclude slavery absolutely and unconditionaUy, the voting down of Chase's amendment is whoUy inexplicable. It is a puzzle, a riddle. But I have IS6 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS said that with men who did look forward to such a decision, or who had it in contemplation that such a decision' of the Supreme Court would or might be made, the voting down of that amendment would be per fectly rational and intelligible. It would keep Congress from coming in collision with the decision when it was made. Anybody can conceive that if there was an intention or expectation that such a decision was to follow, it would not be a very desirable party attitude to get into, for the Supreme Court — aU or nearly all its members belonging to the same party — to decide one way, when the party in Congress had decided'the other way. Hence it would be very rational for men expecting such a decision to keep the niche in that law clear for it. After pointing this out, I teU Judge Douglas that it looks to me as though here was the reason why Chase's amendment was voted down. I teU him that, as he did it, and knows why he did it, if it was done for a reason different from this, he knows what that reason was, and can tell us what it was. I tell him, also, it wiU be vastly more satis factory to the country for him to give some other plausible, inteUigible, reason why it was voted down than to stand upon his dignity and caU people Uars. [Loud cheers.] Well, on Saturday he did make his answer; and what do you think it was ? He says if I had only taken upon myself to teU the whole truth about that amendment of Chase's, no explanation would have been necessary on his part, — or words to that effect. Now, I say here that I am quite unconscious of having suppressed anything material to the case, and I am very frank to admit if there is any sound reason other than that which appeared to me material, it is quite fair for him to present it. AVhat reason does he propose ? — That when Chase came forward with his amendment expressly authorizing the people to exclude slavery from the limits of every Territory, General Cass proposed to Chase, if he (Chase) would add to his amendment that the people' should have the power to introduce or exclude, they would let it go. (This is substantially aU of his reply.) And because Chase would not do that, they voted his amendment down. WeU, it turns out, I believe, upon examination, that General Cass took some part in the little running debate upon that amendment, and then ran away and did not vote on it at all. [Laughter.] Is not that the fact ? So confident, as I think, was General Cass that there was a snake somewhere about, he chose to run away from the whole thing. This is an inference I draw from the LINCOLN AT FREEPORT iS7 fact that, though he took part in the debate, his name does not appear in the ayes and noes. But does Judge Douglas's reply amount to a satisfactory answer? [Cries of "Yes," "Yes," and "No," "No."] There is some little difference of opinion here. [Laughter.] But I ask attention to a few more views bearing on the question of whether it amounts to a satisfactory answer. The men who were determined that that amendment should not get into the bill and spoil the place where the Dred Scott decision was to come in, sought an excuse to get rid of it somewhere. One of these ways — one of these excuses — was to ask Chase to add to his proposed amendment a provision that the people might introduce slavery if they wanted to. They very well knew Chase would do no such thing, that Mr. Chase was one of the men differ ing from them on the broad principle of his insisting that freedom was better than slavery, — a man who would not consent to enact a law, penned with his own hand, by which he was made to recognize slavery on the one hand,, and liberty on the other, as precisely equal; and when they insisted on his doing this, they very weU knew they insisted on that which he would not for a moment think of doing, and that they were only bluffing him. I believe (I have not, since he made his answer, had a chance to examine the journals or Congressional Globe and there fore speak from memory) — I believe the state of the biU at that time, according to parliamentary rules, was such that no member could pro pose an additional amendment to Chase's amendment. I rather think this is the truth, — the Judge shakes his head. Very weU. I would like to know, then, if they wanted Chase's amendment fixed over, why some body else could not have offered to do it ? If they wanted it amended, why did they not offer the amendment ? Why did they stand there taunting and quibbling at Chase? [Laughter.] Why did they not put it in themselves ? But to put it on the other ground: Suppose that there was such an amendment offered, and Chase's was an amendment to an amendment; until one is disposed of, by parliamentary law you cannot pile another on. Then aU these gentlemen had to do was to vote Chase's on, and then, in the amended form in which the whole stood, add their own amendment to it, if they wanted to put it in that shape. This was aU they were obliged to do, and the ayes and noes show that there were thirty-six who voted it down, against ten who voted in favor of it. The thirty-six held entire sway and control. They could in some form or 158 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS other have put that bill in the exact shape they wanted. If there was a rule preventing their amending it at the time, they could pass that, and th^n. Chase's amendment being merged, put it in the shape they wanted. They did not choose to do so, but they went into a quibble with Chase to get him to add what they knew he would not add, and because he would not, they stand upon that flimpy pretext for voting down what they argued was the meaning and intent of their own bill. They left room thereby for this Dred Scott decision, which goes very far to make slavery national throughout the United States. I pass one or two points I have, because my time will very soon expire; but I must be allowed to say that Judge Douglas recurs again, as he did upon one or two other occasions, to the enormity of Lincoln, — an insignificant individual like Lincoln, — ^upon his ipse dixit charging a conspiracy upon a large number of members of Congress, the Supreme Court, and two Presidents, to nationalize slavery. I want to say that, in the first place, I have made no charge of this sort upon my ipse dixit. I have only arrayed the evidence tending to prove it, and presented it to the understanding of others, saying what I think it proves, but giving you the means of judging whether it proves it or not. This is precisely what I have done. I have not placed it upon my ipse dixit at aU. On this occasion, I wish to recaU his attention to a piece of evidence which I brought forward at Ottawa on Saturday, showing that he had made substantiaUy the same charge against substantially the same persons, excluding his dear self from the category. I ask him to give some attention to the evidence which I brought forward that he him self had discovered a "fatal blow being struck" against the right of the people to exclude slavery from their limits, which fatal blow he assumed as in evidence in an article in the Washington Union, pubUshed "by authority." I ask by whose authority? He discovers a simUar or identical provision in the Lecompton Constitution. Made by whom ? The framers of that Constitution. Advocated by whom ? By aU the members of the party in the nation, who advocated the introduction of Kansas into the Union under the Lecompton Constitution. I have asked his attention to the evidence that he arrayed to prove that such a fatal blow was being struck, and to the facts which he brought forward in support of that charge,— being identical with the one which he thinks so viUanous' in me. He pointed it, not at a news- ' Reads: "villainous." DOUGLAS AT FREEPORT 159 paper editor merely, but at the President and his Cabinet and the members of Congress advocating the Lecompton Constitution and those framing that instrument. I must again be permitted to remind him that although my ipse dixit may not be as great as his, yet it some what reduces the force of his calUng my attention to the enormity of my making a like charge against him. [Loud applause.] Go on. Judge Douglas. Mr. Doug'las's Reply Ladies and Gentlemen: The silence with which you have listened to Mr. Lincoln during his hour is creditable to this vast audience, composed of men of various political parties. Nothing is more honorable to any large mass of people assembled for the purpose of a fair discussion than that kind and respectful attention that is )rielded, not only to your politi cal friends, but to those who are opposed to you in politics. I am glad that at last I have brought Mr. Lincoln to the conclusion that he had better define his position on certain political questions to which I caUed his attention at Ottawa. He there showed no disposition, no inclination, to answer them. I did not present idle questions for him to answer, merely for my gratification. I laid the foundation for those interrogatories by showing that they constituted the platform of the party whose nominee he is for the Senate. I did not presume that I had the right to catechise him as I saw proper, unless I showed that his party, or a majority of it, stood upon the platform and were in favor of the propositions, upon which my questions were based. I desired simply to know, inasmuch as he had been nominated as the first, last, and only choice of his party, whether he concurred in the platform which that party had adopted for its government. In a few moments I wiU proceed to review the answers which he has given to these interroga tories; but, in order to reUeve his anxiety, I wUl first respond to these' which he has presented to me. Mark you, he has not presented interroga tories which have ever received the sanction of the party with which I am acting, and hence he has no other foundation for them than his own curiosity. ["That's a fact."] First, he desires to know if the people of Kansas shall form a con stitution by means entirely proper and unobjectionable, and ask admis sion into the Union as a State, before they have the requisite population ' Reads: "those" for "these." i6o ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS for a member of Congress, whether I wiU vote for that admission. WeU, now, I regret exceedingly that he did not answer that interrogatory himself before he put it to me, in order that we might understand, and not be left to infer, on which side he is. ["Good, good."] Mr. Trum buU, during the last session of Congress, voted from the beginning to the end against the admission of Oregon, although a Free State, because she had not the requisite population for a member of Congress. ["That's it."] Mr. TrumbuU would not consent, under any circumstances, to let a State, Free or Slave, come into the Union untU it had the requisite population. As Mr. TrumbuU is in the field, fighting for Mr. Lincoln, I would like to have Mr. Lincoln answer his own question, and tell me whether he is fighting TrumbuU on that issue or not. ["Good, put it to him," and cheers.] But I will answer his question. In reference to Kansas, it is my opinion that as she has population enough to constitute a Slave State, she has people enough for a Free State. [Cheers.] I wiU not make Kansas an exceptional case to the other States of the Union. ["Sound," and "Hear, hear."] I hold it to be a sound rule, of universal application, to require a Territory to contain the requisite population for a member of Congress before it is admitted as a State into the Union. I made that proposition in the Senate in 1856, and I renewed it during the last session, in a bill providing that no Territory of the United States should form a constitution and apply for admission until it had the requisite population. On another occasion I proposed that neither Kansas nor' any other Territory should be admitted untU it had the requisite popu lation. Congress did not adopt any of my propositions containing this general rule, but did make an exception of Kansas. I wUl stand by that exception. [Cheers.] Either Kansas must come in as a Free State, with whatever population she may have, or the rule must be appfied to aU the other Territories alike. [Cheers.] I therefore answer at once, that, it having been decided that Kansas has people enough for a Slave State, I hold that she has enough for a Free State. ["Good,", and applause.] I hope Mr. Lincoln is satisfied with my answer; ["He ought to be," and cheers.] and now I would like to get his answer to his own inter rogatory,— whether or not he wiU vote to admit Kansas before she has the requisite population. ["Hit him again."] I want to know whether * Reads: "or" for "nor." THE DKDKATKJN OF THE FREEPORT M.ARKER, 1903 I'resiilent Roosevelt is nppruuLhing the stand DOUGLAS AT FREEPORT i6i he wiU vote to admit Oregon before that Territory has the requisite population. Mr. Trumbull wiU not, and the same reason that commits Mr. TrumbuU against the admission of Oregon, commits him against Kansas, even if she should apply for admission as a Free State. ["You've got him," and cheers.] If there is any sincerity, any truth, in the argu ment of Mr. Trumbull in the Senate, against the admission of Oregon because she had not 93,420 people, although her population was larger than that of Kansas, he stands pledged against the admission of both Oregon and Kansas until they have 93,420 inhabitants. I would like Mr. Lincoln to answer this question. I would like him to take his own medicine. [Laughter.] If he differs with Mr. Trumbull, let him answer his argument against the admission of Oregon, instead of poking questions at me. ["Right, good, good," laughter and cheers.] The next question propounded to me by Mr. Lincoln is. Can the people of a Territory in any lawful way, against the wishes of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State constitution? I answer emphatically, as Mr. Lincoln has heard me answer a hundred times from every stump in Illinois, that in my opinion the people of a Territory can, by lawful means, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State constitution. [Enthusiastic applause.] Mr. Lincoln knew that I had answered that question over and over again. He heard me argue the Nebraska biU on that principle aU over the State in 1854, in 1855, and in 1856, and he has no excuse for pretending to be in doubt as to my position on that question. It matters not what way the Supreme Court may hereafter decide as to the abstract question whether slavery may or may not go into a Territory under the Constitution, the people have the lawful means to introduce it or exclude it as they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere, unless it is supported by local police regulations. ["Right, right."] Those police regulations can only be established by the local legislature ; and if the people are opposed to slavery, they will elect representatives to that body who will by unfriendly legislation effectually prevent the introduction of it into their midst. If, on the contrary, they are for it, their legislation wUl favor its extension. Hence, no matter what the decision of the Supreme Court may be on that abstract question, still the right of the people to make a Slave Territory or a Free Territory i62 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS is perfect and complete under the Nebraska biU. I hope Mr. Lincoln deems my answer satisfactory on that point. [Deacon Bross spoke.] In this connection, I wiU notice the charge which he has introduced in relation to Mr. Chase's amendment. I thought that I had chased that amendment out of Mr. Lincoln's brain at Ottawa; [laughter] but it seems that it stUl haunts his imagination, and he is not yet satisfied. I had supposed that he would be ashamed to press that question further. He is a lawyer, and has been a member of Congress, and has occupied his time and amused you by teUing you about pariiamentary proceedings. He ought to have known better than to try to palm off his miserable impositions upon this intelligent audience. ["Good," and cheers.] The Nebraska biU provided that the legislative power and authority of the said Territory should extend to aU rightful subjects of legislation con sistent with the organic act and the Constitution of the United States. It did not make any exception as to slavery, but gave aU the power that it was possible for Congress to give, without violating the Constitution, to the Territorial legislature, with no exception or limitation on the subject of slavery at aU. The language of that bill which I have quoted, gave the full power and the fuU authority over the subject of slavery, affirmatively and negatively, to introduce it or exclude it, so far as the Constitution of the United States would permit. What more could Mr. Chase give by his amendment ? Nothing. He offered his amend ment for the identical purpose for which Mr. Lincoln is using it, — ^to enable demagogues in the country to try and deceive the people. ["Good, hit him again," and cheers.] [Deacon Bross spoke.] His amendment was to this effect. It provided that the legislature should have the power to exclude slavery; and General Cass suggested, "Why not give the power to introduce as well as exclude?" The answer was, They have the power already in the biU to do both. Chase was afraid his amendment would be adopted if he put the alternative proposition, and so make it faur both ways, but would not yield. He offered it for the purpose of having it rejected. He offered it, as he has himself avowed over and over again, simply to make capital out of it for the stump. He expected that it would be capital for smaU politi cians in the country, and that they would make an effort to deceive the people with it; and he was not mistaken, for Lincoln is carrying DOUGLAS AT FREEPORT 163 out the plan admirably. ['*Good, good."] Lincohi knows that the Nebraska bUl, without Chase's amendment, gave all the power which the Constitution would permit. Could Congress confer any more? ["No, no."] Could Congress go beyond the Constitution of the country ? We gave all — a full grant, with no exception in regard to slavery one way or the other. We left that question as we left all others, to be decided by the people for themselves, just as they pleased. I will not occupy my time on this question. I have argued it before, all over Illinois. I have argued it in this beautiful city of Freeport; I have argued it in the North, the South, the East, and the West, avowing the same sentiments and the same principles. I have not been afraid to avow my sentiments up here for fear I would be trotted down into ¦Eg3Tt- [Cheers and laughter.] The third question which Mr. Lincoln presented is. If the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide that a State of this Union can not exclude slavery from its own limits will I submit to it? I am amazed that Lincoln should ask such a question. ["A schoolboy knows better."] Yes, a schoolboy does know better. Mr. Lincoln's object is to cast an imputation upon the Supreme Court. He knows that there never was but one man in America, claiming any degree of inteUigence or decency, who ever for a moment pretended such a thing. It is true that the Washington Union, in an article published on the 17th of last December, did put forth that doctrine, and I denounced the article on the floor of the Senate, in a speech which Mr. Lincoln now pretends was against the President. The Union had claimed that slavery had a right to go into the Free States, and that any provision in the Constitution or laws of the Free States to the contrary were null and void. I denounced it in the Senate, as I said before, and I was the first man who did. Lincoln's friends, Trumbull, and Seward, and Hale, and Wilson, and the whole Black Republican side of the Senate, were silent. They left it to me to denounce it. [Cheers.] And what was the reply made to me on that occasion ? Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, got up and undertook to lecture me on the ground that I ought not to have deemed the article worthy of notice, and ought not to have replied to it; that there was not one man, woman, or child south of the Potomac, in any Slave State, who did not repudiate any such pretension. Mr. Lincoln knows that that reply was made on the spot, and yet now he asks this question. He might as well ask me. Suppose i64 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Mr. Lincoln should steal a horse, would I sanction it, [laughter] and it would be as genteel in me to ask him, in the event he stole a horse, what ought to be done with him. He casts an imputation upon the Supreme Court of the United States, by supposing that they would violate the Constitution of the United States. I teU him that such a thing is not possible. [Cheers.] It would be an act of moral treason that no man on the bench could ever descend to. Mr. Lincohi himself would never in his partisan feelings so far forget what was right as to be guUty of such an act. ["Good, good."] The fourth question of Mr. Lincoln is. Are you in favor of acquiring additional territory, in disregard as to how such acquisition may affect the Union on the Slavery question ?' This question is very ingeniously and cunningly put. [Deacon Bross here spoke, sotto voce, — ^the reporter understanding him to say, "Now we've got him."] The Black Republican creed lays it down expressly that under no circumstances shall we acquire any more territory, unless slavery is first prohibited in the country. I ask Mr. Lincoln whether he is in favor of that proposition. Are you [addressing Mr. Lincohi] opposed to the acquisition of any more territory, under any circumstances, unless slavery is prohibited in it ? That he does not like to answer. When I ask him whether he stands up to that article in the platform of his party, he turns, Yankee-fashion, and without answering it, asks me whether I am in favor of acquiring territory without regard to how it may affect the Union on the slavery question. ["Good."] I answer that whenever it becomes necessary, in our growth and progress, to acquire more territory, that I am in favor of it, without reference to the question of slavery; and when we have acquired it, I wiU leave the people free to do as they please, either to make it slave or free territory as they prefer. [Here Deacon Bross spoke; the reporter believes that he said, "That's bold." It was said solemnly.] It is idle to teU me or you that we have territory enough. Our fathers supposed that we had enough when our territory extended to the Mississippi River; but a few years' growth and expansion satisfied them that we needed more, and the Louisiana Territory, from the West branch of the Mississippi to the British possessions, was acquired. Then we acquired Oregon, then California and New Mexico. We have enough now for the present ; " Reads: "questions" for "question." DOUGLAS AT FREEPORT 165 but this is a young and a growing nation. It swarms as often as a hive of bees; and as new swarms are turned out each year, there must be hives in which they can gather and make theur honey. ["Good."] In less than fifteen years, if the same progress that has distinguished this country for the last fifteen years continues, every foot of vacant land between this and the Pacific Ocean, owned by the United States, will be occupied. WUl you not continue to increase at the end of fifteen years as well as now ? I tell you, increase, and multiply, and expand, is the law of this nation's existence. ["Good."] You cannot limit this great Republic by mere boundary lines, saying, "Thus far shalt thou go, and no farther." Any one of you gentlemen might as well say to a son twelve years old that he is big enough, and must not grow any larger; and in order to prevent his growth, put a hoop around him to keep him to his present size. What would be the result ? Either the hoop must burst and be rent asunder, or the child must die. So it would be with this great nation. With our natural increase, growing with a rapidity unknown in any other part of the globe, with the tide of emigration that is fleeing from despotism in the old world to seek refuge' in our own, there is a constant torrent pouring into this country that requires more land, more territory upon which to settle; and just as fast as our interests and our destiny require additional territory in the North, in the South, or on the islands of the ocean, I am for it; and when we acquire it, wUl leave the people, according to the Nebraska biU, free to do as they please on the subject of slavery and every other question. ["Good, good;" "hurrah for Douglas."] I trust now that Mr. Lincoln wiU deem himself answered on his four points. He racked his brain so much in devising these four ques tions that he exhausted himself, and had not strength enough to invent the others. [Laughter.] As soon as he is able to hold a council with his advisers, Lovejoy, Farnsworth, and Fred Douglass, he will frame and propound others. ["Good, good." Renewed laughter, in which Mr. Lincoln feebly joined, saying that he hoped with their aid to get seven questions, the number asked him by Judge Douglas, and so make conclusions even.] You Black RepubUcans who say good, I have no doubt think that they are aU good men. ["White, white."] I have reason to recoUect that some people in this country think that Fred Douglass is a very good man. The last time I came here to make ' Reads: "Seek a refuge." 1 66 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS . a speech, while talking from the stand to you, people of Freeport, as I am doing to-day, I saw a carriage — and a magnificent one it was, — drive up and take a position on the outside of the crowd; a beautiful young lady was sitting on the box-seat, whilst Fred Douglass and her mother reclined inside, and the owner of the carriage acted as driver. [Laughter, cheers, cries of " right," "what have you to say against it," etc.] I saw this in your own town. ["What of it?"] AU I have to say of it is this, that if you. Black Republicans, think that the negro ought to be on a social equality with your wives and daughters, and ride in a carriage with your wife, whilst you drive the team, you have, a perfect right to do so. ["Good, good," and cheers, mingled with hooting and cries of "white, white."] I am told that one of Fred Douglass's kinsmen, another rich black negro, is now traveling in this part of the State, making speeches for his friend Lincoln as the champion of black men. ["White men, white men," and "What have you' to say against it?" "That's right," etc.] All I have to say on that subject is, that those of you who believe that the negro is your equal and ought to be on an equality with you sociaUy, politically, and legally, have a right to entertain those opinions, and of course will vote for Mr. Lincoln. ["Down with the negro," "no, no," etc.] I have a word to say on Mr. Lincoln's answer to the interrogatories contained in my speech at Ottawa, and which he has pretended to reply to here to-day. Mr. Lincoln makes a great parade of the fact that I quoted a platform as having been adopted by the Black Republican party at Springfield in 1854, which, it turns out, was adopted at another place. Mr. Lincoln loses sight of the thing itself in his ecstasies over the mistake I made in stating the place where it was done. He thinks that that platform was not adopted on the right "spot." When I put the direct questions to Mr. Lincoln to ascertain whether he now stands pledged to that creed, — ^to the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive-Slave law, a refusal to admit any more Slave States into the Union, even if the people want them, a determination to apply the Wilmot proviso, not only to aU the territory, we now have, but all that we may hereafter acquire, — he refused to answer; and his followers say, in excuse, that the resolutions upon which I based my interrogatories were not adopted at the "right spot." [Laughter and applause.] Lin- « Reads: "Whatjhavelyou got to say against it ?" DOUGLAS AT FREEPORT 167 coin and his political friends are great on "spots." [Renewed laughter.] In Congress, as a representative of this State, he declared the Mexican war to be unjust and infamous, and would not support it, or acknowl edge his own country to be right in the contest, because he said that Ameri can blood was not shed on American soil in the "right spot." ["Lay on to him."] And now he cannot answer the questions I put to him at Ottawa because the resolutions I read were not adopted at the "right spot." It may be possible that I was led into an error as to the spot on which the resolutions I then read were proclaimed, but I was not, and am not, in error as to the fact of their forming the basis of the creed of the Republican party when that party was' first organized. [Cheers.] I wiU state to you the evidence I had, and upon which I relied for my statement that the resolutions in question were adopted at Spring field on the 5th of October, 1854. Although I was aware that such resolutions had been passed in this district, and nearly all the Northern Congressional Districts and County Conventions, I had not noticed whether or not they had been adopted by any State Convention. In 1856, a debate arose in Congress between Major Thomas L. Harris, of the Springfield District, and Mr. Norton, of the Joliet District, on political matters connected with our State, in the course of which, Major Harris quoted those resolutions as having been passed by the first Republican State Convention that ever assembled in lUinois. I knew that Major Harris was remarkable for his accuracy, that he was a very conscientious and sincere man, and I also noticed that Norton did not question the accuracy of this statement. I therefore took it for granted that it was so; and the other day when I concluded to use the resolutions at Ottawa, I wrote to Charles L. Lanphier, editor of the State Register at Springfield, caUing his attention to them, teUing him that I had been informed that Major Harris was lying sick at Springfield, and desiring him to caU upon him and ascertain all the facts concerning the resolutions, the tim6 and the place where they were adopted. In reply, Mr. Lanphier sent me two copies of his paper, which I have here: The first is a copy of the State Register, published at Springfield, Mr. Lincoln's own town, on the i6th of October, 1854, only eleven days after the adjournment of the Convention, from which I desire to read the following — ¦ Reads: "party first" for "party was first." i68 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS "During late discussions in this city, Lincoln made a speech, to which Judge Douglas replied. In Lincoln's speech he took the broad ground that, according to the Declaration of Independence, the whites and blacks are equal. From this he drew the conclusion, which he several times repeated, that the white man had no right to pass laws for the government of the black man vdthout the nigger's consent. This speech of Lincoln's was heard and applauded by all the Abolitionists assembled in Springfield. So soon as Mr. Lincoln was done speaking, Mr. Codding arose, and requested all the delegates to the Black Republican Convention to withdraw into the Senate chamber. They did so; and after long deliberation, they laid down the following Abolition platform as the platform on which they stood. We cal the particular attention of all our readers to it." Then follows the identical platform, word for word, which I read at Ottawa. [Cheers.] Now, that was published in Mr. Lincoln's own town, eleven days after the Convention was held, and it has remained on record up to this day never contradicted. When I quoted the resolutions at Ottawa and questioned Mr. Lincoln in relation to them, he said that his name was on the committee that reported them, but he did not serve, nor did he think he served, because he was, or thought he was, in TazeweU County at the time the Convention was in session. He did not deny that the resolutions were passed by the Springfield Convention. He did not know better, and evidently thought that they were; but afterward his friends declared that they had discovered that they varied in some respects from the resolutions passed by that convention. I have shown you that I had good evidence for believing that the resolutions had beeii passed at Springfield. Mr. Lincoln ought to have known better; but not a word is said about his ignorance on the subject, whilst I, notwithstanding the circumstances, am accused of forgery. Now, I wiU show you that if I have made a mistake as to the place where these resolutions were adopted, — and when I get down to Spring field I wiU investigate the matter, and see whether or not I have,— that the principles they enunciate were adopted as the Black Republican platform, ["White, white"] in the various counties and Congres sional Districts throughout the north end of the State in 1854. This platform was adopted in nearly every county that gave a Black Republi can majority for the Legislature in that year, and here is a man [pointing to Mr. Denio, who sat on the stand near Deacon Bross] who knows as weU as any living man that it was the creed of the Black Republican party at that time. I would be wUUng to caU Denio as a witness, or any other honest man belonging to that party. I wiU now read the resolu- DOUGLAS AT FREEPORT 169 tions adopted at the Rockford Convention on the 30th of August, 1854, which nominated Washburne for Congress. You elected him on the following platform: — "Resolved, That the continued and increasing aggressions of slavery in our country are destructive of the best rights of a free people, and that such aggressions cannot be successfully resisted without the united political action of all good men. " Resolved, That the citizens of the United States hold in their hands peaceful, constitutional, and eflScient remedy against the encroachments of the slave power, — the ballot-box; and if that remedy is boldly and wisely applied, the principles of liberty and eternal justice will be established. "Resolved, That we accept this issue forced upon us by the slave power, and. In defense of freedom, will co-operate and be known as Republicans, pledged to the accomplishment of the following purposes: — "To bring the Administration of the Government back to the control of first principles; to restore Kansas and Nebraska to the position of Free Territories; to repeal and entirely abrogate the Fugitive-Slave law; to restrict slavery to those States in which it exists; to prohibit the admission of any more Slave States into the Union; to exclude slavery from all the Territories over which the General Government has exclusive jurisdiction; and to resist the acquisition of any more Territories, unless the introduction of slavery therein forever shall have been pro hibited. "Resolved, That in furtherance of these principles we will use such constitu tional and lawful means as shall seem best adapted to their accomplishment, and that we will support no man for office under the General or State Government who is not positively committed to the support of these principles, and whose personal character and conduct is not a guarantee that he is reliable, and shall abjure all party allegiance and ties. "Resolved, That we cordially invite persons of all former political parties whatever, in favor of the object expressed in the above resolutions, to unite with us in carrying them into effect." [Senator Douglas was frequently interrupted in reading these resolutions by loud cries of "Good, good," "that's the doctrine," and vociferous applause.] Well, you think that is a very good platform, do you not ? ["Yes, yes, all right," and cheers.] If you do, if you approve it now, and think it is aU right, you wiU not join with those men who say that I libel you by caUing these your principles, wUl you ? [' ' Good, good, hit him again," and great laughter and cheers.] Now, Mr. Lincoln complains; Mr. Lincoln charges, that I did you and him injustice by saying that this was the platform of your party. [Renewed laughter.] I am told that Wash burne made a speech in Galena last night, in which he abused me awfully for bringing to Ught this platform, on which he was elected to Congress. He thought that you had forgotten it, as he and Mr. Lincoln desires to. [Laughter.] He did not deny but that you had adopted it. I70 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS and that^he had subscribed to and was pledged by' it, but he did not think it was fair to caU it up and remind the people that it was their platform. [Here Deacon Bross spoke.] But I am glad to find that you are more honest in your Abolitionism than your leaders, by avowing that it is your platform, and right in your opinion. [Laughter, "You have them, good, good."] In the adoption of that platform, you not only declared that you would resist the admission of any more Slave States, and work for the repeal of the Fugitive-Slave law, but you pledged yourselves not to vote for any man for State or Federal offices who was not committed to these principles. ["Exactly so, exactly so," cheers.] You were thus committed. SimUar resolutions to those were adopted in your county Convention here, and now with your admissions that they are your platform and embody your sentiments now as they did then, what do you think of Mr. Lincoln, your candidate for the United States Senate, who is attempting to dodge the responsibility of this platform, because it was not adopted in the right spot. [Shouts of laughter, "Hurrah for Douglas."] I thought that it was adopted in, Springfield; but it turns out it was not, that it was adopted at Rockford, and in the various counties which comprise this Congressional District. When I get into the next district, I wiU show that the same platform was adopted there, and so on through the State, until I naU the responsibUity of it upon the back of the Black Republican party throughout the State. ["White, white," "three cheers for Douglas."] A Voice. — Couldn't you modify, and caU it brown ? [Laughter.] Mr. Douglas. — Not a bit. I thought that you were becoming a little brown when your members in Congress voted for the Crittenden- Montgomery biU; but since you have backed out from that position and gone back to Abolitionism you are black, and not brown. [Shouts of laughter, and a voice, "Can't you ask him another question?"] Gentlemen, I have shown you what your platform was in 1854. You StiU adhere to it. The same platform was adopted by nearly aU the counties where the Black Republican party had a majority in 1854. I wish now to caU your attention to the action of your representatives in the Legislature when they assembled together at Springfield. In the first place, you must remember that this was the organization of a new party. It is so declared in the resolutions themselves, which say that ¦ Reads: "to" for "by. ' DOUGLAS AT FREEPORT 171 you are going to dissolve aU old party ties and caU the new party Republi can. The old Whig party was to have its throat cut from ear to ear, and the Democratic party was to be annihilated and blotted out of existence, whilst in lieu of these parties the Black RepubUcan party was to be organized on this Abolition platform. You know who the chief leaders were in breaking up and destroying these two great parties. Lincoln on the one hand, and TrumbuU on the other, being disappointed politicians, [laughter] and having retired or been driven to obscurity by an outraged constituency because of their political sins, formed a scheme to Abolitionize the two parties, and lead the Old Line Whigs and Old Line Democrats captive, bound hand and foot, into the Abolition camp. Giddings, Chase, Fred Douglass, and Lovejoy were here to christen them whenever they were brought in. [Great laughter.] Lincoln went to work to dissolve the Old Line Whig party. Clay was dead; and although the sod was not yet green on his grave, this man undertook to bring into disrepute those great Compromise measures of 1850, with which Clay and Webster were identified. Up to 1854 the Old Whig party and the Democratic party had stood on a common platform so far as this slavery question was concerned. You Whigs and we Democrats differed about the bank, the tariff, distribution, the specie circular, and the sub-treasury, but we agreed on this slavery question, and the true mode of preserving the peace and harmony of the Union. The Compromise measures of 1850 were intro duced by Clay, were defended by Webster, and supported by Cass, and were approved by FiUmore, and sanctioned by the National men of both parties. They constituted a common plank upon which both Whigs and Democrats stood. In 1852 the Whig party, in its last National Convention at Baltimore, indorsed and approved these meas ures of Clay, and so did the National Convention of the Democratic party held that same year. Thus the Old Line Whigs and the Old Line Democrats stood pledged to the great principle of self-government, which guarantees to the people of each Territory the right to decide the slavery question for themselves. In 1854, after the death of Clay and Webster, Mr. Lincoln, on the part of the Whigs, undertook to Abolitionize the Whig party, by dissolving it, transferring the members into the Abolition camp, and making them train under Giddings, Fred Douglass, Lovejoy, Chase, Farnsworth, and other Abolition leaders. Trumbull undertook to dissolve the Democratic party by taking old 172 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Democrats into the Abolition camp. Mr. Lincoln was aided in his efforts by many leading Whigs throughout the State, your member of Congress, Mr. Washburne, being one of the most active. [Good feUow.] TrumbuU was aided by many renegades from the Democratic party, among whom were John Wentworth, [laughter] Tom Turner, and others, with whom you are familiar. [Mr. Turner, who was one of the moderators, here interposed, and said that he had drawn the resolutions which Senator Douglas had read.] Mr. Douglas — Yes, and Turner says that he drew these resolutions. ["Hurrah for Turner," "Hurrah for Douglas."] That is right; give Turner cheers for drawing the resolutions if you approve them. If he drew those resolutions, he wiU not deny that they are the creed of the Black Republican party. Mr.. Turner. — They are our creed exactly. [Cheers.] Mr. Douglas. — ^And yet Lincoln denies that he stands on them ["Good, good," and laughter.] Mr. Turner says that the creed of the Black Republican party is the admission of no more Slave States, and yet Mr. Lincoln declares that he would not like to be placed in a position where he would have to vote for them. All I have to say to friend Lincoln is, that I do not think there is much danger of his being placed in such a position. [More laughter.] As Mr. Lincoln would be very sorry to be placed in such an embarrassing position as to be obliged to vote on the admission of any more Slave States, I propose, out of mere kindness, to relieve him from any such necessity. [Renewed laughter and cheers.] When the bargain between Lincoln and TrumbuU was completed for Abolitionizing the Whig and Democratic parties, they "spread'' over the State, Lincoln still pretending to be an Old Line AVhig, in order to "rope in" the Whigs, and Trumbull pretending to be as good a Democrat as he ever was, in order to coax the Democrats over into the Abolition ranks. ["That's exactly what we want."] They played the part that "decoy ducks" play down on the Potomac River. In that part of the country they make artificial ducks, and put them on the water in places where the wild ducks are to be found, for the purpose of decoying them. WeU, Lincoln and TrumbuU played the part of these "decoy ducks," and deceived enough Old Line Whigs and Old Line Democrats to elect a Black RepubUcan Legislature. When that DOUGLAS AT FREEPORT I73 Legislature met, the first thing it did was to elect as Speaker of the House the very man who is now boasting that he wrote the Abolition platform on which Lincoln wiU not stand. [" Good," "Hit him again," and cheers.] I want to know of Mr. Turner whether or not, when he was elected, he was a good embodiment of Republican principles ? Mr. Turner. — I hope I was then, and am now. Mr. Douglas. — He swears' that he hopes he was then, and is now. He wrote that Black Republican platform, and is satisfied with it now. ["Hurrah for Turner," "Good," etc.] I admire and acknowledge Turner s honesty. Every man rf you knows that what he says about these resolutions being the platform of the Black RepubUcan party is true, and you also know that each one of these men who are shuffling and trying to deny it are only trying to cheat the people out of their votes for the purpose of deceiving them still more after the election. ("Good," and cheers.] I propose to trace this thing a little further, in order that you can see what additional evidence there is to fasten this revolutionary platform upon the Bkck Republican party. When the Legislature assembled, there was a^ United States Senator to elect in the place of General Shields, and before they proceeded to' ballot, Lovejoy insisted on laying down certain principles by which to govern the party. It has been published to the world and satisfactorily proven that there was, at the time the aUiance was made between TrumbuU and Lincoln to Abolitionize the two parties, an agreement that Lincoln should take Shields's place in the United States Senate, and Trumbull should have mine so soon as they could conveniently get rid of me. When Lincoln was beaten for Shields's place, in a manner I wiU refer to in a few minutes, he felt very sore and restiVe; his friends grumbled, and some of them came out and charged that the most infamous treachery had been practiced against him; that the bargain was that Lincoln was to have had Shields's place, and Trumbull was to have waited for mine, but that TrumbuU, having the control of a few Abolitionized Demo crats, he prevented them from voting for Lincoln, thus keeping him within a few votes of an election until he succeeded in forcing the party to drop him and elect Trumbull. WeU, Trumbull having cheated Lincoln, his friends made a fuss, and in order to keep them and Lincoln quiet, the party were obliged to come forward, in advance, at the last 'Reads: "Answers" for ''swears." "Reads: "an" for "a." 174 ILLINOIS JHISTORICAL COLLECTIONS State election, and make a pledge that they would go for Lincoln and nobody else. Lincoln could not be silenced in any other way. Now, there are a great many Black Republicans of you who do not know this thing was done. ["White, white,"and great clamor.] Iwish to remind you thiat while Mr. Lincoln was speaking there was not a Democrat vulgar and blackguard enough to interrupt him. [Great applause and cries of, "Hurrah for Douglas."] But I know that the shoe is pinching you. I am clinching Lincoln now, and you are scared to death for the result. [Cheers.] I have seen this thing before. I have seen men make a.ppointments for joint discussions, and the mo ment their man has been heard, try to interrupt and prevent a fair hearing of the other side. I have seen your mobs before, and defy your wrath. [Tremendous applause.] My friends, do not cheer, for I need my whole time. The object of the opposition is to occupy my attention in order to prevent me from giving the whole evidence and nailing this double dealing on the Black Republican party As I have before said, Lovejoy demanded a declaration of principles on the part of the Black Republicans of the Legislature before going into an election for United States Senator. He offered the following preamble and resolutions which I hold in my hand: — "Whereas, Human slavery is a violation of the principles of natural and revealed rights; and whereas the fathers of the Revolution, fully imbued with the spirit of these principles, declared freedom to be the inalienable birthright of all men; and whereas the preamble to the Constitution of the United States avers that that instrument was ordained to establish justice, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity; and whereas, in furtherance of the above principles, slavery was forever prohibited in the old Northwest Territory, and more recently in all that Territory lying west and north of the State of Missouri, by the Act of the Federal Government; and whereas the repeal of the prohibition last referred to was contrary to the wbhes of the people of Illinois, a violation of an implied compact long deemedi sacred by the citizens of the United States, and a wide departure from the uniform action of the General Government in relation to the extension of slavery; therefore, "Resolved, by the House of Representatives, the Senate concurring therein. That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Representatives requested to introduce, if not otherwise introduced, and to vote for, a bill to restore such pro hibition to the aforesaid Territories, and also to extend a similar prohibition to all territory which now belongs to the United States, or which may hereafter come under their jurisdiction. "Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Representa- ' Reads: "deemed and held. DOUGLAS AT FREEPORT I75 lives requested, to vote against the admission of any State into the Union, the Constitution of which does not prohibit slavery, whether the Territory out of which such State may have been formed shall have been acquired by conquest, treaty, purchase, or from original Territory of the United States. "Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Repre sentatives requested, to introduce and vote for, a bill to repeal an Act entitied 'an Act respecting fugitives from justice and persons escaping from the service of thiir masters;' and, failing in that, for such a modification of it as shall secure the right of habeas corpus and trial by jury before the regularly constituted authorities of the State, to all persons claimed as owing service or labor.' [Cries of "good," "good," and cheers.] Yes, you say "good," "good," and I have no doubt 3'ou think so. Those resolutions were introduced by Mr. Lovejoy immediately preceding the election of Senator. They declared, first, that the Wilmot Proviso must be applied to all territory north of 36 deg. 30 min. Sec ondly, that it must be applied to all territory south of 36 deg. 30 min. Thirdly, that it must be applied to all the territory now owned by the United States; and finaUy, that it must be applied to all territory here after to be acquired by the United States. The next resolution declares that no more Slave States shall be admitted into this Union under any circumstances whatever, no matter whether they are formed out of territory now owned by us or that we may hereafter acquire, by treaty, by Congress, or in any manner whatever. [A voice, "That is right."] You say that is right. We will see in a moment. The next resolution demands the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive-Slave law, although its unconditional repeal would leave no provision for carrying out that clause of the Constitution of the United States which guarantees the surrender of fugitives. If they could not get an unconditional repeal, they demanded that that law should be so modified as to make it as nearly useless as possible. Now, I want to show you who voted for these resolutions. When the vote was taken on the first resolution it was decided in the affirma tive, — ^yeas, 41, nays 32. You wiU find that this is a strict party vote, between the Democrats on the one hand, and the Black Republicans on the other. [Cries of "White, white", and clamor.] I know your name and always call things by their right name. The point I wish to call" your attention to is this: that these resolutions were adopted on the 7th day of February, and that on the 8th they went into an election for a United States Senator, and that day every man who voted for 176 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS these resolutions, with but two exceptions, voted for Lincoln for the United States Senate. [Cries of "Good, good," and cheers. "Give us their names."] I wiU read the names over to you if you want them, but I. believe your object is to occupy my time. [Cries of "That is it."] On the next resolution the vote stood — ^yeas 32, nays 40; and on the third resolution, — ^yeas 35, nays 47. I wish to impress it upon you that every man who voted for those resolutions, with but two exceptions, voted on the next day for Lincpln for United States Senator. Bear in mind that the members who thus voted for Lincoln were elected to the Legislature pledged to vote for no man for office under the State or Federal Government who was not committed to this Black Republican platform. [Cries of "White, white," and "Good for you."] They were all so pledged. Mr. Turner, who stands by me, and who - then represented you, and who says that he wrote those resolutions, voted for Lincoln, when he was pledged not to do so unless Lincoln was in favor of those resolutions. I now ask Mr. Turner [turning to Mr. Turner], did you violate your pledge in voting for Mr. Lincoln, or did he commit himself to your platform before you cast your vote for him? [Mr. Lincoln here started forward and grasping Mr. Turner shook him nervously and said "Dqn't answer. Turner, you have no right to answer."] I could go through the whole list of names here, and show you that aU the Black Republicans in the Legislature, ["White, white."] who voted for Mr. Lincoln, had voted on the day previous for these resolutions. For instance, here are the names of Sargent, and Little, of Jo Daviess and CarroU; Thomas J. Turner, of Stephenson; Lawrence, of Boone and Mc Henry; Swan, of Lake; Pinckney, of Ogle County; and Lyman, of Winnebago. Thus you see every member from your Congressional District voted for Mr. Lincoln, and they were pledged not to vote for him unless he was committed to the doctrine of no more Slave States, the prohibition of slavery in the Territories, and the repeal of the Fugi tive-Slave law. Mr. Lincoln teUs you to-day that he is not pledged to any such doctrme. Either Mr. Luicoln was then committed to these propositions, or Mr. Turner violated his pledges to you when he voted for him. Either Lmcoln was pledged to each one of those propositions, or else every Black Republican [cries of "White, white"] Representative from this Congressional District violated his pledge of honor to his constituents by voting for him. DOUGLAS AT FREEPORT 177 I ask you which horn of the dilemma wiU you take ? WiU you hold Lincoln up to the platform of his party, or wiU you accuse every Repre sentative you had in the Legislature of violating his pledge of honor to his constituents ? [Voices: "We go for Turner," "We go for Lincoln;" "Hurrah for Douglas," "Hurrah for Turner."] There is no escape for you. Either Mr. Lincoln was committed to those propositions, or your members violated theur faith. Take either horn of the dUemma you choose. There is no dodging the question; I want Lincoln's answer. He says he was not pledged to repeal the Fugitive-Slave law, that he does not quite like to do it; he will not introduce a law to repeal it, but thinks there ought to be some law; he does not tell what it ought to be; upon the whole he is altogether undecided, and don't know what to think or' do. That is the substance of his answer upon the repeal of the Fugitive-Slave law. I put the question to him distinctly, whether he indorsed^ that part of the Black Republican platform which calls for the enture abrogation and repeal of the Fugitive-Slave law. , He answers, No! that he does not indorses that; but he does not tell what he is for, or what he will vote for. His answer is, in fact, no answer at all. Why cannot he speak out, and say what he is for, and what he wUl do? [Cries of "That's right."] In regard to there being no more Slave States, he is not pledged to that. He would not Uke, he says, to be put in a position where he would have to vote one way or another upon that question I pray you, do not put him in a position that would embarrass him so much. [Laugh ter.] Gentlemen, if he goes to the Senate, he may be put in that position, and then which way wiU he vote ? A Voice. — ^How wiU you vote ? Mr. Douglas. — I wiU vote for the admission of just such a State as by the form of their constitution the people show they want; if they want slavery, they shall have it; if they prohibit slavery, it shall be prohibited. They can form their institutions to please themselves, subject only to the Constitution; and I, for one, stand ready to receive them into the Union. ["Three cheers for Douglas."] Why cannot your Black Re publican candidates talk out as plain as that when they are questioned ? [Cries of "Good, good."] [Here Deacon Bross spoke.] > Reads: "or to do" for "or do." ¦ Reads: "endorsed" for "indorsed." » Reads: "endorse" for "indorse." 178 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS I do not want to cheat any man out of his vote. No man is deceived in regard to my principles if I have the power to express myself in terms explicit enough to convey my ideas. Mr. Lincoln made a speech when he was nominated for the United States Senate \YUich covers aU these Abolition platforms. He there lays down a proposition so broad in its Abolitionism as to cover the whole ground. "In my opinion it [the slavery agitation] will not cease untU a crisis shall lia.ve been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this Government cannot endure permanentiy, half Slave and half Free. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, — old as well as new. North as well as South." There you find that Mr. Lincoln lays down the doctrine that this Union cannot endure divided as our fathers made it, with Free and Slave States. He says they must aU become one thing, or aU the other; that they must all be Free'or aU Slave, or else the Union cannot continue to exist; it being his opinion that to admit anymore Slave States, to continue to divide the Union into Free and Slave States wiU dissolve it. I want to know of Mr. Lincoln whether he will vote for the admission of another Slave State. [Cries of "Bring him out."] He tells you the Union cannot exist unless the States are all Free or all Slave; he tells you that he is opposed to making them all Slave and hence he is for making them all Free, in order that the Union may e.xist; and yet he wiU not vote against another Slave State, knowing that the Union must be dissolved if he votes for it. [Great laughter.] I ask you if that is fau- dealing ? The true intent and inevitable conclusion to be drawn from his first Springfield speech is, that he is opposed to the admission of any more Slave States under any circumstances.^ If he is so opposed, why not say so ? If he believes this Union cannot endure divided into Free and Slave States, that they must aU become free in order to save the Union, he is bound as an honest man to vote against any more Slave States. If he believes it, he is bound to do it. Show me that it is my duty, in order to save the Union, to do a particular act, and I wiU do it if the Constitution does not prohibit it. [Applause.] I am not for the dissolution of the Union under any circumstances. [Re- ^ Reads: "circumstance" for "circumstances." DOUGLAS AT FREEPORT I79 newed applause.] I wiU pursue no course of conduct that will give just cause for the dissolution of the Union. The hope of the friends of freedom throughout the world rests upon the perpetuity of this Union. The down-trodden and oppressed people who are suffering under European despotism aU look with hope and anxiety to the American Union as the only resting place and permanent home of freedom and self-government . Mr. Lincoln says that he believes that this Union cannot continue to endure with Slave States in it, and yet he will not tell you distinctly whether he will vote for or against the admission of any more Slave States, but says he would not like to be put to the test. [Laughter.] I do not think he wiU be put to the test. [Renewed laughter.] I do not thuik that the people of Illinois desire a man to represent them who would not like to be put to the test on the performance of a high consti tutional duty [Cries of "Good."] I wiU retire in shame from the Senate of the United States when I am not willing to be put to the test in the performance of my duty. I have been put to severe tests. ["That is so."] I have stood by my principles in fair weather and in foul, in the sunshine and in the rain. I have defended the great principles of self-government here among you when Northern sentiment ran in a torrent against me, [A voice, "That is so."] and I have defended that same great principle when Southern sentiment came down like an avalanche upon me. I was not afraid of any test they put to me. I knew I was right; I knew my principles were sound; I knew that the people would see in the end that I had done right, and I knew that the God of heaven would smile upon me if I was faithful in the performance of my duty. [Cries of "Good," cheers and laughter.] Mr. Lincoln makes a charge of corruption against the Supreme Court of the United States, and two Presidents of the United States, and attempts to bolster it up by saying that I did the same against the Washington Union. Suppose I did make that charge of corruption against the Washington Union, when it was true, does that justify him in making a false charge against me and others ? That is the question I would put. He says that at the time the Nebraska biU was introduced, and before it was passed, there was a conspiracy between the Judges of the Supreme Court, President Pierce, President Buchanan, and myself, by that biU and the decision of the court, to break down the barrier and establish slavery all over the Union. i8o ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Does he not know that that charge is historically false as against President Buchanan ? He knows that Mr. Buchanan was at that time in England, representing this country with distinguished ability at the Court of St. James, that he .was there for a long time before, and did not return for a year or more after. He knows Ihat to be true, and that fact proves his charge to be false as against Mr. Buchanan. [Cheers.] Then, again, I wish to caU his attention to the fact that at the time the Nebraska biU was passed, the Dred Scott case was not before the Supreme Court at aU; it was not upon the docket of the Supreme Court; it had not been brought there ; and the Judges in aU probabiUty knew nothing of it. Thus the history of the country proves the charge to be false as against them. As to President Pierce, his high character as a man of integrity and honor is enough to vindicate him from such a charge; [laughter and applause] and as to myself, I pronounce the charge an infamous lie, whenever and wherever made, and by whomsoever made. I am willing that Mr. Lincoln should go and rake up every public act of mine, every measure I have introduced, report I have made, speech delivered, and criticise them; but when he charges upon me a corrupt conspiracy for the purpose of perverting the institutions of the country, I brand it as it deserves. I say the history of the country proves it to be false; and that it could not have been possible at the time. . But now he tries to protect himself in this charge, because I made a charge against the Washington Union. My speech in the Senate against the Washington Union was made because it advocated a revolutionary doctrine, by declaring that the Free States had not the right to prohibit slavery within their own Umits. Because I made that charge against the Washington Union, Mr. Lincoln says it was a charge against Mr. Bucha nan. Suppose it was: is Mr. Lincoln the pecuhar defender of Mr. Buchanan ? Is he so interested in the Federal Administration, and so bound to it -that he must jump to the rescue and defend it from every attack that I may make against it ? [Great laughter and cheers.] I understand the whole thing. The Washington Union, under that most corrupt of all men, Cornelius WendeU, is advocating Mr. Lincoln's claim to the Senate. WendeU was the printer of the last Black RepubUcan House of Representatives; he was a candidate before the present Demo cratic House, but was ignominiously kicked out; and then he took the money which he had made out of the public printing by means of the DOUGLAS AT FREEPORT i8i Black Republicans, bought the Washington Union, and is now pub lishing it in the name of the Democratic party, and advocating Mr. Lincoln's election to the Senate. Mr. Lincoln therefore considers an attack upon Wendell and his corrupt gang as a personal attack upon him. [Immense cheering and laughter.] This only proves what I have charged, — that there is an aUiance between Lincoln and his supporters, and the Federal office-holders of this State, and Presidential aspirants out of it, to break me down at home. [A voice — "That is impossible," and cheering.] Mr. Lincoln feels bound to come in to the rescue of the Washington Union. In that speech which I delivered in answer to the Washington Union, I made it distinctly against the Union, and against the Union alone. I did not choose to go beyond that. If I have occasion to attack the President's conduct, I will do it in language that will not be misun derstood. When I differed with the President, I spoke out so that you all heard me. ["That you did," and cheers.] That question passed away; it resulted in the triumph of my principle, by allowing the people to do as they please; and there is an end of the controversy. ["Hear, hear."] Whenever the great principle of self-government, — ^the right of the people to make their own Constitution, and come into the Union with slavery or without it, as they see proper, — shall again arise, you will find me standing firm in the defense' of that principle, and fighting whoever fights it. ["Right, right," "Good, good," and cheers.] If Buchanan stands, as I doubt not he wiU, by the recommendation contained in his Message, that hereafter all State constitutions ought to be sub mitted to the people before the admission of the State into the Union, he will find me standing by him firmly, shoulder to shoulder, in carrying it out I know Mr. Lincoln's object: he wants to divide the Demo cratic party, in order that he may defeat me and get to the Senate. Mr. Douglas's time here expired, and he stopped on the moment. Mr. Lincoln's Rejoinder As Mr. Lincoln arose he was greeted with vociferous cheers. He said: My Friends: It will readily occur to you that I cannot, in half an hour, notice all the things that so able a man as Judge Douglas can say * Reads: "in defence" for "in the defense" i82 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS in an hour and a half; and I hope, therefore, if there be anything that he has said upon which you would like to hear something from me, but which I omit to comment upon, you will bear in mind that it would be expecting an impossibility for me to go over his whole ground. I can but take up some of the points that he has dwelt upon, and employ my half hour specially on them. The first thing I have to say to you is a word in regard to Judge Douglas's declaration about the "vulgarity and blackguardism" in the audience, — that no such thing, as he says, was shown by any Demo crat while I was speaking. Now, I only wish, by way of reply on this subject, to say that while / was speaking, / used no "vulgarity or black guardism" toward any Democrat. [Laughter and applause.] Now, my friends, I come to all this long portion of the Judge's speech, — ^perhaps half of it, — ^which he has devoted to the various resolutions and platforms that have been adopted in the different counties in the different Congressional Districts, and in the Illinois Legislature, which he supposes are at variance with the positions I have assumed before you to-day. It is true that many of these resolutions are at variance with the positions I have here assumed. All I have to ask is that we talk reasonably and rationally about it. I happen to know, the Judge's opinion to the contrary notwithstanding, that I have never tried to conceal my opinions, nor tried to deceive any one in reference to them. He may go and examine all the members who voted for me for United States Senator in 1855, after the election of 1854. They were pledged to certain things here at home, and were determined to have pledges from me; and if he will find any of these persons who wiU tell him anything inconsistent with what I say now, I will resign, or rather retire from the race, and give him no more trouble. [Applause.] The plain truth is this: At the introduction of the Nebraska pohcy, we believed there was a new era being introduced in the history of the Republic, which tended to the spread and perpetuation of slavery. But in our opposition to that measure we did not agree with one another in everything. The people in the north end of the State were for stronger measures of opposition than we of the central and southern portions of the State, but we were all opposed to the Nebraska doctrine. We had that one feeling and that one sentiment in common. You at the north end met in your Conventions and passed your resolutions. We in the middle of the State and further south did not hold such Con- LINCOLN AT FREEPORT 183 ventions and pass the same resolutions, although we had in general a common view and a common sentiment. So that these meetings which the Judge has alluded to, and the resolutions he has read from, were local, and did not spread over the whole State. We at last met together in 1856, from all parts of the State, and we agreed upon a common platform. You who held more extreme notions, either yielded those notions, or, if not whoUy yielding them, agreed to yield them practically, for the sake of embodying the opposition to the measures which the opposite party were pushing forward at that time. We met you then and if there was anything yielded, it was for practical purposes. We agreed then upon a platform for the party throughout the entire State of lUinois, and now we are all bound, as a party, to that platform. And I say here to you, if any one expects of me — in the case of my elec tion — that I wiU do anything not signified by our Republican platform and my answers here to-day, I tell you very frankly that person will be deceived. I do not ask for the vote of any one who supposes that I have secret purposes or pledges that I dare not speak out. Cannot the Judge be satisfied ? If he fears, in the unfortunate case of my election, [laughter] that my going to Washington will enable me to advocate sentiments contrary to those which I expressed when you voted for and elected me, I assure him that his fears are wholly needless and groundless. Is the Judge really afraid of any such thing ? [Laughter.] I'U tell you what he is afraid of. He is afraid we'll all pull together. ' [Applause and cries of "We wiU! we will!"] This is what alarms him more than anything else. [Laughter.] For my part, I do hope that all of us, entertaining a common sentiment in opposition to what appears to us a design to nationalize and perpetuate slavery, will waive minor differences on questions which either belong to the dead past or the distant future, and all pull together in this struggle. What are your sentiments ? ["We will! We will!" loud cheers.] If it be true that on the ground which I occupy,— ground which I occupy as frankly and boldly as Judge Douglas does his, — my views, though partly coinciding with yours, are not as perfectly in accordance with your feelings as his are, I do say to you in all candor, go for him, and not for me. I hope to deal in all things fairly with Judge Douglas, and with the people of the State, in this contest. And if I should never be elected to any office, I trust I may go down with no stain of falsehood upon my reputation, notwith- i84 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS standing the hard opinions Judge Douglas chooses to entertain of me. [Laughter.] The Judge has again addressed himself to the Abolition tendencies of a speech of mine made at Springfield in June last. I have so often tried to answer what he is always saying on that melancholy theme that I almost turn -with disgust from the discussion, — ^from the repetition of an answer to it. I trust that nearly all of this inteUigent audience have read that speech. ["We have! We have!"] If you have, I may venture to leave it to you to inspect it closely, and see whether it con tains any of those "bugaboos " which frighten Judge Douglas. [Laugh ter.] The Judge complains that I did not fuUy answer his questions. If I have the sense to comprehend and answer those questions, I have done so fairly. If it can be pointed out to me how I can more fully and fairly answer him, I wiU do it;' but I aver I have not the sense to see how it is to be done. He says I do not declare I would in any event vote for the admission of a Slave State into the Union. If I have been fairly reported, he wiU see that I did give, an explicit answer to his interrogatories; I did not merely say that I would dislike to be put to the test, but I said clearly, if I were put to the test, and a Territory from which slavery had been excluded should present herself with a State con stitution sanctioning slavery, — a most extraordinary thing, and wholly unlikely to happen, — I did not see how I could avoid voting for her admission. But he refuses to understand that I said so and he wants this audience to understand that I did not say so. Yet it wiU be so reported in the printed speech that, he cannot help seeing it. He says if I should vote for the admission of a Slave State I would be voting for a dissolution of the Union, because I hold that the Union cannot permanently exist half Slave and half Free. I repeat that I do not believe this Government can endure permanently half Slave and half Free; yet I do not admit, nor does it at aU follow, that the admission of a single Slave State wiU permanently fix the character and establish this as a universal slave nation. The Judge is very happy indeed at working up these quibbles. [Laughter and cheers.] Before leaving the subject of answering questions, I aver as my confident belief, when you come to see our speeches in print, that you wiU find every question * "I will do it; but" omitted. » "Ever" inserted^after "unlikely." LINCOLN AT FREEPORT 185 which he has asked me more fairly and boldly and fully answered than he has answered those which I put to him. Is not that so ? [Cries of "Yes, yes."] The two speeches may be placed side by side, and I wiU venture to leave it to impartial judges whether his questions have not been more directly and circumstantially answered than mine. Judge Douglas says he made a charge upon the editor of the Wash ington Union, alone, of entertaining a purpose to rob the States of their power to exclude slavery from their hmits. I undertake to say, and I make the direct issue, that he did not make his charge against the editor of the Union alone. [Applause.] I will undertake to prove by the record here that he made that charge against more and higher dignitaries than the editor of the Washington Union. I am quite aware that he was shirking and dodging around the form in which he put it, but I can make it manifest that he levelled his "fatal blow" against more persons than this Washington editor. WiU he dodge it now by alleging that I am trying to defend Mr. Buchanan against the charge ? Not at aU. Am I not making the same charge myself ? [Laughter and applause.] I am trying to show that you. Judge Douglas, are a witness on my side. [Renewed laughter.] I am not defending Buchanan, and I wiU teU Judge Douglas that in my opinion, when he made' that charge, he had an eye farther north than he has to-day. He was then fighting against people who called him a Black Republican and an Aboli tionist. It is mixed all through his speech, and it is tolerably manifest that his eye was a great deal farther north than it is to-day. [Cheers and laughter.] The Judge says that though he made this charge, Toombs got up and declared there was not a man in the United States, except the editor of the Union, who was in favor of the doctrines put forth in that article. And thereupon I understand that the Judge with drew the charge. Although he had taken extracts from the newspaper, and then from the Lecompton Constitution, to show the existence of a conspiracy to bring about a "fatal blow," by which the States were to be deprived of the right of excluding slavery, it aU went to pot as soon as Toombs got up and told him it was not true. [Laughter.] It reminds me of the story that John Phoenix, the California railroad surveyor, tells. He says they started out from the Plaza to the Mission of Dolores. They had two ways of determining distances. One was by a chain and pins taken over the ground. The other was by a "go- it-ometer," — an invention of his own, — a three-legged instrument, with 1 86 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS which he computed a series of triangles between the points. At night he turned" to the chain-man to ascertain what distance they had come, and found that by some mistake he had merely dragged the chain over the ground, without keeping any record. By the "go-it-ometer" he found he had made ten miles. Being skeptical about this, he asked a drayman who was passing how far it was to the Plaza. The drayman replied it was just half a mile; and the surveyor put it down in his book, — ^just as Judge Douglas says, after he had made his calculations and computations, he took Toombs's statement. [Great laughter.] I have no doubt that after Judge Douglas had made his charge, he was as easily satisfied about its truth as the surveyor was of the drayman's statement of the distance to the Plaza. [Renewed laughter.] Yet it is a fact that the man who put forth all that matter which Douglas deemed a "fatal blow" at State sovereignty, was elected by the Demo crats as public prmter. Now, gentlemen, you may take Judge Douglas's speech of March 22d, 1858, beginning about the middle of page 21, and reading to the bottom of page 24, and you will find the evidence on which I say that he did not make his charge against the editor of the Union alone. I cannot stop to read it, but I wiU give it to the reporters. Judge Douglas said: — "Mr. President, you here find several distinct propositions advanced boldly by the Washington Union editorially, and apparentiy authoritatively, and every man who questions any of them is denounced as an Abolitionist, a Free-soiler, u fanatic. The propositionli are, first, that the primary object of all government at its original institution is the protection of persons and property; second, that the Constitution of the United States declares that the citizens of each State shall be entitied to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States; and that, therefore, thirdly, all State laws, whether organic or otherwise, which pro hibit the citizens of one State from settling in another with their slave property, and especially declaring it forfeited, are direct violations of the original intention •of the Government and Constitution of the United States; and, fourth, that the emancipation of the slaves of the Northern States was a gross outrage on the rights 6i property, inasmuch as it was involuntarily done on the part of the owner. " Remember that this article was published in the Union on the 17th of Novem ber, and on the 18th appeared the first article, giving the adhesion of the Union to the Lecompton Constitution. It was in these words: — ' 'Kansas and her CoNsmuiiON. — ^The vexed question is settled. The problem is solved. The dead point of danger is passed. All serious trouble to Kansas affairs is over and gone — ' " And a column, nearly, of the same sort. Then, when you come to look into LINCOLN AT FREEPORT 187 the Lecompton Constitution, you find the same doctrine incorporated in it which was put forth editorially in the Union. What is it ? " 'Article 7, Section i. The right of property is before and higher than any constitutional sanction ; and the right of the owner of a slave to such slave and its increase is the same and as invariable as the right of the owner of any property whatever.' "Then in the schedule is a provision that the Constitution may be amended after 1864 by a two-thirds vote. " ' But no alteration shall be made to affect the right of property in the owner ship of slaves.' "It will be seen by these clauses in the Lecompton Constitution that they are identical in spirit with this authoritative article in the Washington Union of the day previous to its indorsement of this Constitution. "When I saw that article in the Union of the 17th of November, followed by the glorification of the Lecompton Constitution on the i8th of November, and this clause in the Constitution asserting the doctrine that a State has no right to pro hibit slavery within its Umits, I saw that there was a fatal blow being struck at the sovereignty of the States of the Union.'' Here, he says, "Mr. President, you here find several distinct propo sitions advanced boldly, and apparently authoritatively." By whose authority, Judge Douglas ? [Great cheers and laughter.] Again, he says in another place, " It will be seen by these clauses in the Lecompton Constitution that they are identical in spirit with this authoritative article." By whose authority ? [Renewed cheers.] Who do you mean to say authorized the publication of these articles ? He knows that the Washington Union is considered the organ of the Administration. / demand of Judge Douglas by whose authority he meant to say those arti cles were published, if not by the authority of the President of the United States and his Cabinet ? I defy him to show whom he referred to, if not to these high functionaries in the Federal Government. More than this, he says the articles in that paper and the provisions of the Lecompton Constitution are "identical," and, being identical, he argues that the authors are co-operating and conspiring together. He does not use the word "conspiring," but what other construction can you put upon it ? He winds up with this: — "When I saw that article in the Union of the r7th of November, followed by the glorification of the Lecompton Constitution on the rSth of November, and this clause in the Constitution asserting the doctrine that a State has no right to pro hibit slavery within its limits, I saw that there was a fatal blow being struck at the sovereignty of the States of this Union." I ask him if all this fuss was made over the editor of this newspaper. 1 88 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS [Laughter.] It would be a terribly "fatal blow" indeed which a single man could strike, when no President, no Cabinet officer, no member of Congress, was giving strength and efficiency to the movement. Out of respect to Judge Douglas's good sense I must believe he did not manu facture his idea of the "fatal" character of that blow out of such a miserable scapegrace as he represents that editor to be. But the Judge's eye is farther south now. [Laughter and cheers.] Then, it was very peculiarly and decidedly north. His hope rested on the idea of enlisting' the great "Black Republican" party, and making it the tail of his new kite. [Great laughter.] He knows he was then expecting from day to day to turn Republican, and place himself at the head of our organization. He has found that these despised "Black Republicans" estimate him by a standard which he was taught them only too well. Hence he is crawling back into his old camp, and you wiU find him eventually installed in full fellowship among those whom he was then battling, and with whom he now pretends to be at suCh fearful variance. [Loud applause, and cries of "Go on, go on."] I cannot, gentlemen, my time has expired. [Chicago Times, August 29, 1858] THE CAMPAIGN.-THE DISCUSSION AT FREEPORT Doug'las and Lincoln. — 15,000 Present!— Lincoln on Pledg'es.— Lincoln "Aint Pledged " to Anything'! Lincoln Asks Questions! Lincoln Gets Answered!— A Leak Takes Place.— The "Lion" Frightened the "Dog"!— Lincoln Gets Weak! Lincoln a Fountain! !— Speeches of the Candidates Friday was the day appointed for the joint discussion at Freeport between Douglas and Lincoln. On Thursday night Judge Douglas reached Freeport from Galena, and was met at the depot by a vast multitude of persons. As he stepped upon the platform, he was greeted with tremendous shouts and cheers. A grand salute was fired at the same time, which, as it resounded through the city, gave notice to the people that the champion of popular rights had arrived, and thousands of- persons flocked from the hotels and from aU parts of the city, sweUing the assemblage to not less than five thousand persons. A procession was formed, and, with not less than a thousand torches, music, the cheers of people, and the thunders of the cannon, * Reads: "visiting" for '"enlisting." THE FREEPORT DEBATE 189 Judge Douglas was escorted to the Brewster House. When the head of the procession reached the hotel, the ranks opened, and the carriage containing the people's guest drove up to the door. At this moment the scene was the grandest ever beheld in Freeport. The whole area of the streets in the vicinity of the hotel was densely packed; a few squares off, the cannon was belching forth its notes of welcome; a thousand torches blazed with brilliancy; the crowd cheered lustily, and from win dows, balconies, house-tops, etc., there were to be seen the smihng faces and waving handkerchiefs of ladies. Friday's proceedings On Friday the day was heavy, and weather chilly and damp, yet, at two o'clock, there had assembled at the grove on the outskirts of the town, a multitude numbering not less than 15,000 persons, many of them ladies. Hon. Thomas J. Turner was moderator on the part of the Republicans, and Col. Mitchell on the part of the Democrats. At two o'clock the discussion commenced, and we give the speeches in the order that they were delivered. A PRELIMINARY SCENE Mr. Lincoln — Fellow Citizens, Ladies and Gentlemen — Deacon Bross — ^Hold on, Lincoln. You can't speak yet. Hitt ain't here, and there is no use of your speaking unless the Press and Tribune has a report. Mr. Lincoln — ^Ain't Hitt here? Where is he? A Voice. — Perhaps he is in the crowd. Deacon Bross — (After adjusting the green shawl around his classic shoulders, after the manner of McVicker in Brutus, advanced to the front of the stand and spoke.) If Hitt is in this crowd he will please to come forward. Is Hitt in the crowd ? If he is, tell him Mr. Bross of the Chicago Press and Tribune wants him to come up here on the stand t } make a verbatim report for the only paper in the Northwest that has enterprise enough to publish speeches in full. Joe Medill— That's the talk. Herr Kriesman here wiped his spectacles and looked into the crowd to see if he could distinguish Hitt. A Voice — If Hitt ain't here, I know a young man from our town that can make nearly a verbatim report, I guess. Shall I call him ? Deacon Bross — Is he here. IQO ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS A Voice — "Yes, I see him, his name is Hitch." Loud cries for "Hitch" were made, and messengers ran wildly about enquuring "where is Hitch?" "where is Hitch?" After a delay, the moderator decided that the speaking must go on. Deacon Bross — "Well, wait, (taking a chair) I'll report the speech. Lincoln you can go on now. I'll report you." Mr. Lincoln, though he had five minutes of his time left, then took his seat. During the delivery of Douglas' speech Lincoln was very uneasy; he could not sit stiU, nor would his limbs sustain him while standing. He was shivering, quaking, trembling, and his agony during the last fifteen minutes of Judge Douglas' speech was positively painful to the crowd who witnessed his behavior. The weather was lowering, and occasionaUy showering, and this, together with the fearful blows of Douglas, had a terrible effect upon Lincoln. He lost aU his natural powers, and it was discovered that wherever he moved about the stand there was a leak from the roof or elsewhere. The leak seemed to be confined to the "spot" where Lincoln stood; his boots glistened with the dampness, which seemed to have the attribute of mercy for It droppeth like the gentle rain Upon the place beneath, [Chicago Press and Tribune, August 30, 1858] GREAT DEBATE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS AT FREEPORT Fifteen Thousand Persons Present.— The Dred Scott Champion " Trot ted Out" and "Brought to His Milk."— It Proves to Be Stump- Tailed.— Great Caving-in on the Ottawa Forgery.— He Was " Con scientious " about It.— Why Chase's Amendment Was Voted Down. -Lincoln Tumbles Him All over Stephenson County.— Verbatim Report ol Lincoln's Speech.— Douglas' Reply and Lincoln's Re joinder The second great debate between Lincoln and Douglas came off at Freeport, on Friday afternoon. The day broke chiUy, cloudy and lowering. Alternations of wind, and sunshine filled up the foretfoon. At twelve o'clock the weather settled dismally, cold and damp, and the afternoon carried out the promise of the morning with the single excep tion of the rain. Ourner Stephenson and lleelianic Stree(> "Pi v^ }. W. HUMPHREY, Proprietoi FREEPORT, ILLIX(.)IS— THE BREWSTER HOUSE, i860 Lincoln was the guest of this hotel at the time of the debate THE FREEPORT DEBATE 191 The crowd, however, was enormous. At nine o'clock the Carroll County delegation came in with a long procession headed by a band of music and a banner on which was inscribed: CARROLL COUNTY FOR ABRAHAM LINCOLN At ten o'clock a special train from Amboy, Dixon and Polo, arrived with twelve cars crowded full. Mr. Lincoln was on this train, and some two thousand citizens of Freeport and vicinity had assembled to escort him to the Brewster House. Six deafening cheers were given as our next Senator stepped from the cars; after which the whole company formed in procession and escorted him around the principal streets to the elegant hotel. Here the reception speech was delivered by Hon. Thomas J. Turner — to which Mr. Lincoln responded in a few appro priate remarks. Half an hour later a train of eight cars arrived from Galena. Another procession was formed, preceded by a banner on ' which was inscribed : THE GALENA LINCOLN CLUB. The delegation marched to the Brewster House and gave three rousing cheers for Abraham Lincoln. Mr. L. appeared on the balcony and returned his thanks amid a storm of applause. But the special train on the Galena road from Rockford, Marengo and Belvidere, eclipsed the whole — consisting of sixteen cars and over a thousand per sons. They also marched to the Brewster House with a national flag bearing the words: WINNEBAGO COUNTY FOR "OLD ABE" Mr. Lincoln was again called out and received with loud cheers. Douglas arrived in the town on Thursday evening and was escorted from the depot by what purported to be a torchlight procession. It was held to be a torchlight procession by a number of Dred Scottites who were in the secret, but with the mass of the community it passed for a small pattern, candle-box mob of Irishmen and street urchins. "Plenty of torches, gentlemen!" cried the chief lictor, — "plenty of torches; won't cost you a cent." "Don't be afraid of 'em." He succeeded in "passing" about seventy-five of them. The rest wiU be good for the next time. 192 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS At two o'clock the people rushed to the grove, a couple of squares in the rear of the Brewster House. The crowd was about one-third larger than that at Ottawa. It formed a vast circle around a pyramid of lumber in the center, which had been erected for the speakers and reporters. In the essence of bUUngsgate Douglas transcended his Ottawa performance. He threw mud in great handfuls. So disgusting was his language that the people on the ground peremptorily hushed him up, three times. After a copious volley of phrases from the cock-pit, he bellowed out "You Black RepubUcans" to his audience, who stopped him right in his tracks, and ordered him to say "white," or to leave off the adjective entirely. Twice did he essay to go on, and twice did the people bruig him to, and make him take a fresh start. Good for old Stephenson ! [Evening Post, New York, September 2, 1858] THE SENATORIAL CONTEST IN ILLINOIS [From our Special Correspondent] Freeport, III., Friday, August 27, 1858 To-day was set apart as the occasion of the second discussion between Lincoln and Douglas, and Freeport has the distinguished honor. It is a day fruitful in debate, and abundantly refreshing to hotel and saloon keepers, who stand aghast at the multitudes to be fed. There is an immense throng here, larger than that at Ottawa, and larger, it is admitted, than that at the great Fremont demonstration here, two years ago. By the lUinois Central and the Chicago and Galena railroads, by boats on the Pecatonic, and by divers vehicles, the masses have come. The Rockford train brought eighteen cars filled. The Dixon train brought twelve, and others in proportion. AU prairiedom has broken loose. Banners wave unyielding devotion to " Old Abe Lincoln," and unfettering faith in "Douglas and Popular Sovereignty." Cotton mottoes proclaim a similar creed, and smaU flags upon the horses announce a Uke truth. The town, which has a population of 7,000 has an outside delegation of many more, and the streets are fairly black with people. It would be uncomfortable, if it were hot and sunny; but the weather is cool and cloudy. Mr. Douglas arrived last night, and was greeted with a turn-out of torches, a salvo of artillery, and a stunning iUumination of the hotel. THE FREEPORT DEBATE 193 Mr. Lincoln came in this morning by the Dixon train, and was received at the depot by a host of staunch friends, who roared themselves hoarse on his appearance. The forenoon was occupied with the receptions and levees of the distinguished orators, and by a free interchange of political views and speculation among the masses, that blocked up .every avenue of approach to anywhere. After dinner the crowd hurried to a grove near the hotel, where the speakers' stand and the seats for listeners has been arranged. Here also were confusion and disorder. They have a wretched way in Illinois of leaving the platform unguarded and exposed to the forcible entry of the mob, who seize upon it an hour or so before the notabilities arrive, and turn a deaf ear to all urgent appeals to evacuation. Hence orators, committee of reception, invited guests, and last, but not least, the news paper gentry, have to fight a hand-to hand conflict for even the meagerest chance for standing room. This consumes half an hour or so, during which the crowd, taking their cue from those of high places, improvise a few scuflSes for position among themselves. Yours truly, Bayou [Missouri Republican, St. Louis, August 31, 1858] THE CAMPAIGN IN ILLINOIS The Joint Discussion at Freeport.— Reception of Senator Douglas.- Torch-light Procession. — The Excitement Commencing. — The Lincoln Reception.— High Times Freeport, Stephenson Co., III., August 27, 1858 The excitement which I had thought had run to its extremest inten sity in this State, as connected with the canvass, is largely on the increase. In so far I was mistaken, for crowds which were heretofore great are now greater. If this displeases our friends of the Republican party, they can feel that it is to a great extent their own fault, whereat good Democrats may laugh, for the falsehoods and false reports which of late they have sent floating thick through the air, until there is a very murkiness of disorder around the districts infested by their evU cogitations, are com mencing like curses and chickens to come home to roost. These lying reports have been devised by the Republican committee, which meets 194 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS every evening at the office of the Press and Tribune for the purpose of squaring up the reports sent in by Lincoln's hired reporters, and to see that they teU the tale of his progress as Republican leaders can best afford to let the readers of their circulating mediums peruse them. I speak on no h)rpothesis, for it is beyond denial that the committee does so meet on nearly every evening, and that the Black Republican guber natorial aspirant for i860, Mr. Judd, is constantly running in to see that all goes on according to gunter. Judge Douglas arrived at this place, the second on his second list of appointments, last evening, when he was made to be the recipient of honors which would well become the crowned head of a monarch. Napoleon or Victoria, passing to Cherbourg, through towns of equal size with this, followed by the proud pageantry of modern monarchical show, never feU in with such enthusiastic greeting, such cordial welcome of vociferous applause as fell to his share when he stepped from the railroad car into this, which is claimed to be a Black Republican town. There was no Mayor in scarlet robes, supported by potbeUied Aldermen to deliver him keys of gold, no cringing and fawning employees, no standing multitudes gaping upon hereditary greatness, but there was a shout — oh, such a shout — as in times of yore they were wont to de scribe as making the "welkin ring." There were not multitudes of people obeying the behests of titled lords, or following the command of some flattering courtier, but there were thousands of men whose sovereignty is in their own hands, and whose votes are the tokens of their unbought and unpurchasable rights. But a new feature has here been introduced into the reception. By the side of every main street there are flaming torches, each with a living bearer; a field piece is yielding from its unswelling and untiring throat the echo of those glorious shouts, banners are waving, and the gloom of the evening is dissipated by the flooding of Ught, and concealed by those wav ing colors, which, as the breeze sweeps by, stir and rustle in like tones of jubilee. Such a shout and such an echo as that I have spoken of, could not but find the Senator at his feet, when he would have bowed his acknowl edgment, had it not been that these people, in their glee, captured him, to make him first see how they welcomed the favorite son of Illinois. They took him to the carriage which was in waiting hard by to the line of procession, which they formed. First was the band, discoursing THE FREEPORT DEBATE 19S sweet sounds; then the committee of arrangements, with Mr. Douglas; then came the hosts of citizens who tendered the honor. On the left hand and on the right, in regular order, marched but a few paces apart, per haps a thousand men, each carrying a lighted torch. As the procession passed through these lines of torches, they closed in and became part of the parading mass. Thus escorted the Senator was taken to the Brewster House, a large and very fine hotel opened within the last few months. Here Mr. MitcheU a prominent Democrat of this place, and a man of large influ ence, having been delegated thereto, made him a reception speech. But let me hurry. There has been another reception. Lincoln arrived in town this morning and his political friends raking the earth all around have paraded their strength, having at that the benefit of all the delegations. Democrat and Abolition, that came in. Their cannon did as good service as did that for Douglas, it was likely the same piece, but they could not come the torches, nor could they make the cheers which the Black Republicans so much covet, rise above the yell of a defeated pack of "living dogs." The only flag they had among them had lost its color — it looked as though it had been of a variety trailed in the dust, as without doubt it was, when at Ottawa Lincoln on last Saturday stood and shivered at the side of Douglas as he exposed his nigger-loving propensities. WeU, these folks, numbering perchance a thousand men, got them selves into order, they walked in procession up the main street, where, of course, they were followed by the Democrats who had been com- peUed to come on the same cars. They took Lincoln to the Brewster House and then adjourned to_ meet the Rockford people and such others as should come by the cars from that region. These made quite a procession, they having filled some eleven cars ; of course they all marched up to the house together and Lincoln was "toted" out to the balcony, when lo ! these folks sent up a shout for Douglas, which showed how the wind blew in that quarter at any rate. As I write it is estimated that there are upward of ten thousand people in town, but of this I shall be able better to inform you in my next. B. B. 196 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS [Freeport, III., Journal, September 2, 1858] THE DISCUSSION BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS At Freeport, August 27th, 1858.— A Tremendous Crowd Present.— Douglas Abuses the Republicans!— Gets Paid off in His Own Coin! And Gets Mad about It!— Lincoln Too Much for Him!! On Friday last this city witnessed one of the largest outpourings of the masses ever known in Northern Illinois. They commenced coming the day before, upon the regular trains, and from that time until noon of Friday, by regular trains and extra trains from every direction, and by teams from this and adjoining counties, the tide kept flowing in. Some of the trains came in with 18 passenger cars completely jammed full. The crowd in attendance is variously estimated. It could not have been less than 10,000, and it probably did not exceed 20,000 people. Mr. Douglas reached the city on Thursday evening and was met ' at the depot by his friends, and made a brief reception speech at the Brewster House. On Friday morning at 10 o'clock Lincoln arrived on an extra train from the South, and was welcomed at the depot by an immense assemblage of Republicans. He was saluted by the firing of cannons and escorted by a large procession headed by a Band of music, with ban ners, to the Brewster House, where a speech of .welcome was made by Hon. T. J. Turner, to which Mr. Lincoln briefly responded in a happy style. AU away along the route of the procession he was received with the most unbounded enthusiasm, cheer after cheer for the man of the people, the Champion of Free Labor, rending the air. It was plainly evident that a very large majority of the multitude present, had no sympathy with the party that endorsed Dred Scott, or with their unprinci pled leader. Jo Daviess, CarroU, Winnebago and Ogle Counties were aU represented by enthusiastic RepubUcans, bearing banners with appropriate inscriptions, and evincing an enthusiasm arid zeal which betokens auspicious resuUs. But we have not room for the particulars we should be glad to give. Want of space compels us to omit much that might be said. At a Utile before two o'clock the speakers were escorted to the speaking stand— Arrangements had been made by the Douglasites to escort their champion over in a splendid carriage, drawn by white THE FREEPORT DEBATE I97 horses. The Republicans chose a more "appropriate conveyance for "Old Abe," he being a man of the people and not an aristocrat, and chartered a regular old-fashioned Pennsylvania wagon, to which were attached six horses, aU with the old "strap" harness, and the driver riding one of the wheel horses. Abe was seated in the wagon, together with about a dozen good, solid, old-fashioned farmers, the "bone and sinew" of the land, and they were greeted with hearty rounds of cheers as they passed along; The Douglasites concluded that the "white horse" arrangement wouldn't be popular after such a truly democratic display, and backed out of it. At two o'clock the speaking commenced, Mr. Lincoln being introduced by Hon. T. J. Turner, Moderator on the part of the Republicans, Mr. Lincoln spoke for one hour. Douglas' Manners — During the whole of Mr. Lincoln's opening speech at the discussion on Friday last, Mr. Douglas sat near him smok ing a cigar, and puffing out its fumes for the benefit of the Speaker and the Ladies who were so unfortunate as to be in the immediate vicinity of this " Shortboy Senator." Take this in connection with the ridiculous exhibition he made of himself when in his "mad" fit, and what a speci men does he afford of an American Statesman ! A libel upon the race of heroes [Daily Missouri Democrat, St. Louis, September 3, 1858] PROGRESS OF THE ILLINOIS CAMPAIGN Second Meeting ol the Rival Senatorial Candidates.— Debate between Lincoln and Douglas at Freeport.- Fifteen Thousand Persons Present Notwithstanding the combined drawbacks of wind and rain, the second debate between Messrs. Lincoln and Douglas, which took place at Freeport, Illinois on Friday last, attracted even a larger crowd than that which greeted the contestants at Ottawa, on the Saturday pre ceding. About 15,000 persons were present, a gain of one-third on the former attendance. At their first meeting the advantage of opening and closing the dis cussion was enjoyed by Douglas, while at the second, Lincoln in turn had the first and last word. In a repeated consideration of the same topics, there must of necessity be in general, a rehearsal of the same arguments, although circumstances 198 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS will exert more or less influence in reproducing them in new lights and connections. In some respects the debate at Freeport was more interesting than that at Ottawa. Having once measured theur own strength, and felt the full weight of their antagonist's attacks, the combatants were respec tively more at ease, and were prepared to enforce their strong points with greater zeal, to correct their mistakes, supply their deficiencies, and bring to bear new aids upon what had been too lightly touched on. [Chicago Journal, August 28, 1858] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE AT FREEPORT From 15,000 to 20,000 People Present.— Lincoln Answers and Asks Some Questions.— Douglas Gets into a Passion There was an immense assemblage of the people of Northern Illinois at Freeport yesterday. They came down from above, and came up from below, in scores and hundreds. All the regular railroad trains and one or two special excursion trains, both on Thursday afternoon and on Friday morning, brought in great crowds, and hundreds of others came in with teams from all directions. Senator Douglas reached Freeport the evening previous, and was honored with the show of a public reception by his friends, and made a short address from the Brewster House balcony. Mr. Lincoln arrived by the Illinois Central train at about 9 o'clock Friday morning and was saluted by the cannon and received by a large procession of Republicans, on whose behalf Hon. T J. Turner of Free- port, made the speech of welcome. He was conducted to the Brewster House, where he made a most happy speech of acknowledgment. From the moment he came out of the cars tUl he entered his room in the hotel, the streets were made perfectly clamorous with shouts and hurrahs for Lincoln. He tried in vain to enjoy a few hours of retirement at the hotel; the multitude insisted upon his "showing himself" again on the balcony, and of greeting him with hearty shakes of his right hand. The people, on this occasion, were Lincoln men — there being four RepubUcans present to every Douglasite. Northern lUinois is "aU right," and no mistake. At two o'clock, the mass of people had surrounded the platform that had been erected in a large vacant lot in the rear of the Brewster House, THE FREEPORT DEBATE 199 and the debate commenced, Mr. Lincoln opening in a speech of an hour; Douglas foUowing in a reply of an hour and a half; and Mr. Lincoln concluding in a half hour speech. [Illinois State Register, September i, 1858] THE FREEPORT DEBATE.-SECOND ROUT OF LINCOLN We give today, from the report of the Chicago Times, the first hall of the second debate .between Messrs. Lincoln and Douglas, at Freeport We shaU complete it to-morrow. We regret that our space prevents oui giving the whole in a single issue of our daUy. In this bout Mr. Lincoln led off, and, consequently, had the conclusion. Mr. L., did not recover any of the ground lost at Ottawa. He was only involved deeper in the intricate mazes of his inconsistency. He seems to have learned -a "Yankee trick" during his northern tour — of asking questions in re sponse to those put to him. In this he was foiled. Douglas promptly replied, while Lincoln again shuffled and quibbled upon the leading points of the black republican creed. We have given the Ottawa debate in full, and shall give the Freeport. In these our readers can judge for themselves as to the merits of the debates, which afford their own com ment. With such a succession of disasters, it is no wonder that the sachems of his party sit here in secret conclave three or four days debat ing as to what had better be done with their candidate, and the best means of getting him from before the public, who are daily witnessing his discomfiture and the withering contrast between himself and Douglas. We invite the special attention of our readers to Lincoln's speech, and Douglas' reply. We suggest to them to lay away the paper for future reference. The Journal will, probably, keep this debate from its readers, as it did the Ottawa debate. The editors prefer giving their Ijdng versions of the contest between the two men to the verbatim report of their debates. Keep the debate by you, to refute the lies and mis representations in regard to it which the lying organs of Lincohi wUI put forth. [Illinois State Journal, August 30, 1858] THE GREAT DEBATE AT FREEPORT BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS CarroU county mustered several thousand strong. Jo Daviess sent over nine carloads including the Lincoln Club of Galena. Large ~ 200 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS delegations came in from Rockford and other points, and aU with their banners and bands of music. Douglas arrived the night before the discussion but met with a poor reception. Lincoln came in on the morning train from Amboy at lo o'clock. FuU five thousand strong received him at the depot, and es corted him to the hotel where he made a short speech which set the crowd in a blaze of enthusiasm. He was several times afterwards called out by the various delegations, who as they arrived, paraded in quest of his quarters to pay their respects to him. At two o'clock p. M., he was wheeled to the place appointed for the speaking in a cannestoga wagon, drawn by six white horses. A tre mendous hurrah went up as the crowd joined in the procession and march, the music plapng and the flags and banners waving in aU directions. Douglas was to have been driven out in his splendid six- horse coach, but when he saw Lincoln's equipments, he backed out of the arrangement. [New York Daily Tribune, September 9, 1858] FROM CHICAGO Douglas and Lincoln,— Blunders Corrected [Correspondence of the N. Y. Tribune] Chicago, Sept. i, 1858 Douglas and Lincoln have had two encounters before the people. The first was at Ottawa, in La SaUe County, where the strong point of the Judge's speech was a forgery, set off and Ulustrated by the most virulent abuse of his opponents. TrumbuU in particular came in for a large share of these compliments, which the Judge dispenses with a grace aU his own. "Liar," "sneak," "coward," these are some of the Doug- lassian flowers of rhetoric. He is rather more cautious how he taUis about Lincoln, "Long Abe" being a man of Kentucky raising, and one who might fight — and "Little Dug" is weU known to be a buUy who only insults peaceable men. He could taUi in the Senate about kicking^Charles Sumner; but J. J. Crit tenden shut him up very quickly when he tried to play off his arrogance upon the old Kentuckian. The second meeting was at Freeport, Stephenson County, and the largest part of the audience being RepubUcans, Douglas adopted the THE FREEPORT DEBATE 201 same tactics which he used at Chicago some years ago. He deliberately insulted the audience, in order to provoke them to interrupt him, so that he might make capital for himself by the cry of persecution and unfairness. On both occasions Lincoln made the best impression. He is an earnest, fluent speaker, with a very good command of language, and he ran the Judge so hard that the latter quite lost his temper. Douglas is no beauty, but he certainly has the advantage of Lincoln in looks. Very taU and awkward, with a face of grotesque ugliness, he presents the strongest possible contrast to the thick set, burly bust and short legs of the Judge. They tell this story of Lincoln in Southern Illinois, where he resides : Being out in the woods hunting, he fell in with a most truculent looking hunter, who immediately took a sight on him with his rifle. "Halloo !" says Lincoln. "What are you going to do, stranger!" "See here, friend; the folks in my settlement told me if ever I saw a man uglier than I was, then I must shoot him; and I've found him at last." "Well," said Lincoln, after a good look at the man, "shoot away; for if I am really uglier than you are, I don't want to live any longer!" But you will see him in Washington, and then you can form your own opinion as to his looks. We mean to send him there. Sauganash [Evening Post, New York, September 7, 1858] THE SENATORIAL CANVASS OF ILLINOIS [From our Special Correspondent.] Chicago, III., September 2, 1858 On the other hand, it was very evident that Mr. Douglas was "cor nered" by the questions put to him by Mr. Lincoln. He claimed to be the upholder of the Dred Scott decision, and also of popular sovereignty. He was asked to reconcile the two. He said that the people of a territory had the right to exclude slavery before the territory comes in as a state, and that whatever the Supreme Court might decide, it made no differ ence, for the people of a territory need not pass the needful local laws and police regulations to protect and enforce the right to slaves. This is opposed to the language of the Supreme Court, "that no tribunal, whether legislative, executive or judicial, has a right to deny to it (slav- 202 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS ery) the benefit of the provisions and guaranties which have been pro vided for private property against the encroachments of the govern ment;" while Mr. Buchanan, in his New Haven letter, says that "slavery exists in Kansas under the constitution of the United States," a point "settled by the highest tribunal known to our laws." Senator Douglas, in his speech, came directly in-oCoUision with the Dred Scott decision, with Mr. Buchanan, and with the sentiment of democrats "pure and undefiled," who walk in Administration paths and are warmed by a southern sun. The next joint discussion between Lincoln and Douglas is at Jones boro, (Egypt), near Cairo, on the 15th. It is at this place that Mr. Douglas said he would "trot Lincoln out." In that hitherto thoroughly democratic district Mr. Douglas thinks that Mr. Lincoln dares not avow his sentiments. There he can prove, to his own content and to the enture satisfaction of his hearers, that Lincoln is an " amalgamationist." There, too — and the knife has a double edge — ^he must be wary how he calls a Supreme Court decision an "abstraction," and how he prates of popular sovereignty as taught by him in 1854, and before the later discoveries and improvements in democratic science. Away down there, "on Egypt's dark sea," there floats but occasionally a Republican bark; but Lincoln wiU nail his colors to the mast, and proclaim his Freeport doctrines as earnestly and as freely as if he stood surrounded by the constituents of Washburne or Lovejoy. Yours, &c.. Bayou [Chicago Times, October 1, 1858] BLACK REPUBLICAN OUTRAGES The Black RepubUcans evidently intend to be consistent in one thing — and for that one thing, unfortunately, they have fixed on ruffian ism. — Until the joint discussion at Freeport, when Lincoln was proven to be no match of Douglas, the contest was free from any overt insults; but the mortification of the Black Republicans was then so overwhelming, that it only found reUef in violence towards the man who occasioned it. — It wiU be remembered that after Lincoln had been listened to attentively, and when Douglas went upon the stand, some viUain threw at the latter a melon, hitting him on one shoulder. Nor was that the only indecent THE FREEPORT DEBATE 203 act perpetrated by the enemies of the Democracy at that place; but the Democratic speakers, preferring to deal in argumentation rather than with bludgeons, suffered the affronts to pass unredressed. From that day to this the ruffianism of the Black Republicans has steadily increased, and has been applied on all occasions [Chicago Press and Tribune, September i, 1858] it^^Speaking of Judge Douglas' reception at Freeport on Thursday night, one of his hired puffers, vsTriting an account to the Times says: A grand salute was fired at the same time, which, as it resounded through the city, gave notice to the people that the champion of popular right had arrived, and thousands of people flocked from the hotels and from all parts of the city, swelling the assemblage to not less than five thousand persons. A procession was formed, and, with not less than a thousand torches, music, the cheers of the people, and the thunders of the cannon, Judge Douglas was escorted to the Brewster House. We happened to stand on the balcony of the Brewster House all the time embraced in the above fancy picture, and the naked truth is this : ist. The gun squad fired off their piece some half a dozen times, because they were paid for so doing, to give notice that the champion of Dred Scottism had come to town. 2d. The greatest number of persons did not exceed eight hundred to one thousand at any one time that night. 3d. The "procession," counting loafers and boys, did not number two hundred and fifty persons, and of that number, by actual count, only seventy-four carried torches. [Chicago Sunday Tribune, May 9, 1895] A REMINISCENCE OF LINCOLN By Joseph Medill Lincoln's Cunning Questions Put to Douglas at the Freeport Debate I traveled around with Mr. Lincoln after the Ottawa discussion to Freeport. He addressed three or four meetings during that time, one of them at Galesburg, where he had an immense audience; another at Macomb in McDonough county, where the crowd was comparatively small. As I recollect it we proceeded directly from Macomb to Free- port on the morning of Aug. 27. On the way north on the cars Mr. Lincpln beckoned to me to take a seat beside him — I was sitting a few seats behind him at the time — which I did. He took a half sheet of 204 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS writing paper out of his pocket and handing it to me said: "I am going to answer Mr. Douglas' questions today in our discussion which he put to me at Ottawa and I intend to ask him a few questions in return, and I jotted them down this morning at the hotel before I left there. I wish you to read them over and tell me what you think of my questions." I did so, reading one of them several times. After a considerable pause he said: " Well, how do those interrogatories strike you ?" I replied: "Mr. Lincoln, I do not like the second question." "What's the objec tion to it ?" Mr. Lincoln asked. I repUed : "It opens the door through which Senator Douglas wiU be enabled to escape from the tight place in which he finds himself on the slavery question in this State since he succeeded in getting the Missouri compromise repealed (which excluded slavery from the territories north of 36° 30', and that included, of course, Kansas and Nebraska)." We argued at some further length, but I could make no impression whatever on Mr. Lincoln's mind. He said that he wouldn't change the form of the question, and that he intended "to spear it at Douglas that afternoon." In due time we arrived at Freeport and there was a great crowd of Lincoln's friends at the depot with a carriage to take him up to his hotel. The town was swarming with people, great numbers coming from aU the adjoining counties. I found at the hotel the Repub lican member of Congress from that district, E. B. Washburne, with whom I was intimately acquainted, and Norman B. Judd, of Chicago, who was chairman of the Republican State Central Committee. I took each of them aside and related what passed between Lincoln and myself on the cars, and repeated the language of the second question which he intended to propound to Douglas, and both of them said that they feared the iU effects from it, and they would try and per suade Lincoln to leave it out or modify its language. They followed Mr. Lincoln up stairs into his apartments, where he was making his toilet for dinner, as the road had been dusty on the way up, and they spent a considerable time with him. When they came down stairs I saw both of them again, and they informed me that they had argued the impolicy of putting question two to Douglas as strongly as they could, but were not able to change his purpose. Other leaders saw Mr. Lincoln before the debate began and urged him not to give Douglas such an opportunity to get out of the tight place it was believed he was in before the people of Illinois on the slavery question. THE FREEPORT DEBATE 205 Mr. Lincoln opened the discussion in the afternoon, and first replied to Douglas' seven questions put to him at Ottawa, and then said: "I now proceed to propound to the Judge interrogatories so far as I have framed them. I will bring forward today an installment, only to number four, and reserve the other questions to our next debate." And thereupon he read his four questions, including the No. 2, to which I have referred. He went on and finished his speech, and Mr. Douglas arose in reply and proceeded to answer the four questions. When he came to No. 2 he reahzed in his reply my worst fears. He said in substance: "It matters not what way the Supreme Court may hereafter decide as to the abstract questions whether slavery may or may not go into a Territory under the constitution; a majority of the people thereof have the lawful means to introduce or exclude it as they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere unless it is sup ported by local police regulations. These police regulations can only be established by the local Legislature and if the majority of the people of the Territory are opposed to Slavery they wiU elect representatives to that body who wUl by unfriendly legislation, effectually prevent the introduction of it into theur midst. If, on the contrary, they are for Slavery, their Legislature wiU favor its admission and extension. Hence, no matter what the decision of the Supreme Court may be on that abstract question, stiU the. right of the people to make a Slave Territory or Free Territory is perfect and complete under the Nebraska bill. I hope Mr. Lincoln deems my answer satisfactory on that point." That was Senator Douglas' reply to Mr Lincoln's sharp question, and it so pleased the thousands of Democrats present that they cheered and shouted and kept it up so long it was with difficulty the chairman of the meeting, aided by Mr. Douglas himself, could induce them to stop applauding in order that he might proceed with his speech, while Republicans maintained an absolute silence. The Democratic papers all over Northern Illinois quoted and ap plauded Douglas' triumphant reply to Mr. Lincoln's interrogatory. Two or three days after the election of i860, learning that the active workers of the Republican party in the State were caUing on Mr. Lincoln in Springfield from aU lUinois to congratulate him on his triumphant elec tion to the Presidency, I concluded to make the same pilgrimage and went down to the Alton cars with a number of other Chicagoans reaching 2o6 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS there in the morning. After breakfast I walked up to the old State House in the public square of that city, where Mr. Lincoln was holding his levee in the office of the Secretary of State. He bent his head down to my ear and said in low tones, something like this: "Do you recoUect the argument we had on the way up to Freeport two years ago over my question that I was going to ask Judge Douglas about the power of squatters to exclude slavery from territories ?" And I replied — ^that I recoUected it very well. "Now," said he, "don't you think I was right in putting that question to him ?" I said : "Yes Mr. Lincoln, you were, and we were both right. Douglas' reply, to that question undoubtedly hurt him badly for the Presidency but it re-elected him to the Senate at that time as I feared it would." Lincoln then gave me a broad smile and said — "Now I have won the place that he was playing for" We both laughed and the matter was never again referred to. REMINISCENCES OF THE FREEPORT DEBATE Ingalls Carleton, of 1414 East State Street, Freeport, 111., who is one of the few survivors of the multitude who heard the historic Lincoln-Douglas debate in Freeport in 1858, has a distinct recollection of it. The people from this county who heard the debate went from Rockford on the Galena & Chicago Union railroad on a special train which ran from Chicago to Freeport. We got there in the afternoon a while before the hour for speakuig. From the railroad depot the train crowd marched to the Brewster Hotel, or rather struggled to it, in pretty fast time, for we aU wanted to see Lincoln and Douglas as soon as we could. The street in front of the hotel was fuU of people, shouting for both of the men, and we joined in the shouting. Presently Lincohi and Douglas came out on the balcony of the hotel. They stepped out arm in arm and the crowd cheered and cheered. Neither Lincoln or Douglas attempted to say anything. They just stood there for a minute and bowed again and again to the crowd and every time they bowed a bigger shout went up. I must say that Douglas made the most graceful bow. It seemed to be natural for him to bow. Lincoln bowed awkwardly and appeared to be more awkward in com parison with the gracefulness and ease of Douglas. Douglas accepted THE FREEPORT DEBATE 207 the plaudits of the people as one who felt that they belonged to him or at least that was the way it seemed. It was a remarkable contrast that these two men furnished as they stood there, not only in physique but in manner and in attire. Lincoln was tall and ungainly with a lean face, homely and sorrowful looking, while Douglas was short and fat, easy in manner and his full face appeared to be that of a man whose life had been one of success and sunshine. Douglas was dressed in what might have been called plantation style. He was richly dressed. He wore a ruffled shirt much in style in wealthy and aristocratic circles those days, a dark blue coat buttoned close with shiny buttons, light trousers and shiny shoes, with a wide brimmed ' soft hat like the prosperous politicians of the southern part of Illinois wear to this day. He made a picture fitted for the stage. Lincoln wore that old high stovepipe hat with a coarse looking coat with sleeves far too short, and baggy looking trousers that were so short that they showed his rough boots. The Douglas men laughed at him and said he would be a nice looking object to put into the senate and to tell the truth the Lincoln men couldn't brag much on their man for exhibition purposes. When it came to the debate, however, the Lincoln men had the laugh on the Douglas men. Of course each crowd thought his man did the best, but it was a fact that the whole crowd felt that Lincoln had Douglas on the hip and that the latter was doing his best under the circumstances. The debate took place riot far from the Brewster House and I beheve I could walk right to the spot now. The platform wasn't much of an affair. It was three or four feet high and there was just about room on it for the debaters and the reporters. Bob Hitt was one of them. He didn't look much like he does now. He looked like a boy then, which he was, and he was sUmly built. The crowd was a big one, but I saw a larger crowd than that in the campaign of 1840. You see no one recognized the importance of that day besides Lincoln. [Hon. Clakk E. Care, of Galesburg, in an Address before the lUinois Bar Association, July 11, 1907:] It was stated, as has been said, that Mr. Lincoln drove Senator Douglas into a corner and forced him to make that reply as the only possible way to save himself from defeat and that he was thus "driven 2o8 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS into a corner " and forced to make that reply by Mr. Lincoln for the purpose of defeating him for the Presidency. On the sixteenth day of July, six weeks before this Freeport debate. Senator Douglas spoke at Bloomington and the speech was published and spread broadcast. Mr. Lincoln was present, sat upon the platform, and heard every word. It was the senator's own meeting and there was no one to reply, no one to ask him a question, no one to drive him into a corner, or to force him to make a statement in order to save him self from defeat. In that speech, before thousands of people, including Mr. Lincoln, Senator Douglas said: "Slavery wiU never exist one day, or one hour in any territory against the unfriendly legislation of an unfriendly people. I care not how the Dred Scott discussion may have settled the abstract question, so far as the practical result is concerned, for to use the language of an eminent southern senator on this question: " 'I do not care a fig which way the decision shall be, for it is of no particular consequence; slavery cannot exist a day, nor an hour, in any territory or state, unless it has affirmative laws sustaining and supporting it, furnishing police remedies and regulations and an omission to furnish them would be as fatal as a constitutional prohibition. With out affirmative legislation in its favor, slavery could not exist any longer than a new-born infant could survive under the heat of the sun on a barren rock without protection.' " After making this quotation from "an eminent southern senator," Douglas proceeded. "Hence, if the people of a territory want slavery they wtU encourage it, by passing affirmative laws, and the necessary, police regulations, patrol laws, and slave code; if they do not want it, they wiU withhold that legislation and by withholding it slavery is as dead as if it was prohibited by constitutional prohibition, especially if, in addition, their legislation is unfriendly as it would be if they were opposed to it." On the next day, Senator Douglas spoke at Springfield and repeated what he had said on this occasion at Bloomington. Mr. Lincoln was not present; but the speech was pubhshed in fuU and Mr. Lincoln, no doubt read it as he read everything said by the senator. Can anyone believe for a moment that Mr. Lincoln, after hearing Senator Douglas so expound this doctrine, was in doubt as to how he would answer that second interrogatory ? Can anyone believe that he THE FREEPORT DEBATE 209 thought he was driving his adversary into a comer and forcing him to say what he did in order to save himself from defeat ? Can anyone believe Abraham Lincoln to have been so insincere as to have pretended, when talking with friends at Mendota, upon a railway train, or at Freeport, that he was in doubt as to Senator Douglas's position or that he could drive him into a corner? Senator Douglas was never driven into a comer during all his long career of pubUc hfe. In all his debates with the greatest American statesman, running through a quarter of a century, he was never driven into a corner. His views in regard to slavery were wrong, radically wrong, as we Republicans then believed and as we stiU believe, but there was no concealment of them. He was always outspoken and it is an unwarrantable and an outrageous imputation against him to say that he was forced to take a position through being "driven into a corner." [William Askey, Who Was Present, States Recollection of Event.] I was an ardent supporter of Mr. Douglas. I was twenty-one years of age at that period and in attendance at the Rock River seminary at Mt. Morris. I came to Freeport in company with others in a hack with four horses attached. We were all enthusiastic and anxious to hear the discussion. We started early and arrived in Freeport before the arrival of the Illinois Central train from the south which brought Mr. Lincoln, and I was one of a number that awaited his arrival. Mr. Martin P. Sweet mounted a box car when the train came in sight and in a loud voice said, "Make the welkin ring when the train arrives," which they did with a vengeance worthy of the memorable occasion. Mr. Lincoln was taken from the train by his friends. He towered above the crowd, slightly stooping forward, the crowd following, cheer ing him as though bedlam had an outing. On his arrival at the Brewster House he held a reception, as did Mr. Douglas who arrived the preceding evening. Just as they were about ready to start to the place of speaking with Mr. Lincoln, who was in a high old English wagon, box, the kind used by the Pennsylvania Dutch farmers to haul flour and merchandise in early days, before the time of railroads — as I was taking it in on the opposite side of the street from the Brewster House, I was accosted by Colonel George Walker of Dakota, IU., also a Douglas man, who asked me whether I had been introduced to Mr. Douglas. I said no, I had 2IO ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS not. "Come with me" said he and " I wiU see that you get an introduc tion." I went and being ushered into Mr. Douglas' reception room saw Mr. Douglas in company with Colonel MitcheU and others getting ready to start for the place of speaking. I beheve that I was the last person that Mr. Douglas took by the hand before making his memorable trip to the stand. Someone (I think Colonel MitcheU) told him how they were taking Mr. Lincoln. It had been previously arranged to take Mr. Douglas in a carriage, but when he was told how they were taking Mr. Lincoln he turned to Colonel MitcheU and said, "We wiU walk," and we started for the place of speaking around the comer of the Brewster House on Mechanic street. Mr. Douglas and Colonel Mitchell walked side by side and others, including Colonel Walker and myself, followed closely. As- near as I can remember we walked two blocks and crossed the street diagonally to near or on the spot where the bowlder is placed. There was a platform built in the shadow of two trees which were covered with branches to keep off the sun. My impression is that in speaking to the immense crowd the speakers faced toward where the Stephenson bridge now is. I stood close to the platform during the whole discussion an interested listener I can assure you. I have seen it stated that Mr. Douglas was stylishly, even foppishly, dressed. To my recoUection he was simply and plainly dressed as was also Mr. Lincoln. They both looked to me as men on a political tour trying to make a favorable impression before the people. [Recollection of General Smith D. Atkins, of Freeport] At Freeport, Mr. F. W. S. Brawley, postmaster, entertained Mr. Douglas and secured for him the only fine carriage for hire at that time in the vUlage. It was drawn by an elegant span of weU-matched dapple grey horses. Learning that it was the intention to convey the Democratic champion in this splendid equipage from Mr. Brawley's residence to the place of speaking, the Republican Committee sent over into Lan caster township for Uncle John Long to come to Freeport with his splendid team of six enormous horses and his Conestoga wagon in which he had recently driven from Pennsylvania. When the vehicle reached the Brewster House and Mr. Lincoln was informed of the plan, he stoutly protested, but eventually consented. Amidst the cheers of Republicans and Democrats aUke, he cUmbed into the wagon, foUowed THE FREEPORT DEBATE 211 by a dozen of his enthusiastic supporters from the farming contingent, and was drawn the short distance to the place of speaking. The driver of the teams sat on the nigh wheel horse and drove the six horses with a single rein. When Douglas saw the evident burlesque on his fine conveyance, he refused to ride in the carriage and walked to the grove, accompanied by his cheering supporters. CHAPTER VII THE JONESBORO DEBATE [Chicago Press and Tribune, September 15, 1858] THE DEBATE AT JONESBORO The third debate between Lincoln and Douglas takes place today at Jonesboro. Douglas has boasted that when he got Lincoln down into Egypt he would "bring him to his milk." Jonesboro is in the heart of Egypt, and here, if ever, the little giant wUl exhibit himself in the character of milk maid. It is altogether probable that both himself and his milking arrangements will come out of the trial badly damaged. We hope to have full intelligence from the "milk pen " on Friday morning. [Chicago Journal, September 16, 1858] LETTERS FROM SOUTHERN ILLINOIS (Special Correspondence of the Journal) Just as we were going to press, we received a letter from Southern Illinois, a portion only of which we can pubUsh today: Cairo, Sept. 14, 1858 .... Senator Douglas with his cannon arrived here yesterday and made a speech to the assembled Cairoites. Linder, Judge Marshall and John Logan also had their say. We did not get here in time to hear the speeches. In the morning, Douglas and his cannon proceed to Jonesboro, where he meets Mr. Lincoln in debate before the Egyptians, for the first time, tomorrow afternoon. Mr. Lincoln is ahready there, having come down on the same train which brought us to Cairo. He was received by a number of friends at the Depot, and is the guest of Mr. Dresser. He feels well, looks strong, and is full of courage, as he has every reason to be. A warm time is expected tomorrow, and we hear some whispers of a proposed attempt on the part of Missourians and Ken- tuckians, who are coming over to shout for Douglas, to "put down" Lincoln. But we cannot believe that the attempt will be made. Mr. Lincoln wiU not be without friends at the meeting. We find that he is personally popular even here in Egypt. 213 214 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS THIRD JOINT DEBATE Jonesboro, September ij, 1858 Mr. Douglas's Speech Ladies and Gentlemen: I appear before you to-day in pursuance of a previous notice, and have made arrangements with Mr. Lincoln to divide time, and discuss with him the leading political topics that now agitate the country. Prior to 1854 this country was divided into two great political parties known as Whig and Democratic. These parties differed from each other on certain questions which were then deemed to be important to the best interests of the Republic. Whigs and Democrats differed about a bank, the tariff, distribution, the specie circular, and the sub-treasury. On those issues we went before the country and discussed the principles, objects, and measures of the two great parties. Each of the parties could proclaim its principles in Louisiana as weU as in Massachusetts, in Kentucky as weU as in Illinois. Since that period, a great revolution has taken place in the formation of parties, by which they now seem to be divided by a geographical line, a large party in the North being arrayed under the Abolition or Republican, banner, in hostility to the Southern States, Southern people, and Southern institutions. It becomes important for us to inquire how this transformation of parties has occurred, made from those of national principles to geographical factions. You remember that in 1850 — this country was agitated from its center to its circumference about this slavery question — it became necessary for the leaders of the great Whig party and the leaders of the great Democratic party to gostpone, for the time being, their particular disputes, and unite first to save the Union before they should quarrel as to the mode in which it was to be governed. During the Congress of i849-'5o, Henry Clay was the leader of the Union men, supported by Cass and Webster, and the leaders of the Democracy and the leaders of the AVhigs, in opposition to Northern Abolitionists or Southern Dis- unionists. That great contest of 1850 resulted in the establishment of the Compromise measures of that year, which measures rested on the great principle that the people of each State and each Territory of this Union ought to be permitted to regulate their own domestic institutions DOUGLAS AT JONESBORO 215 in their own way, subject to no other limitation than that which the Federal Constitution imposes. I now wish to ask you whether that principle was right or wrong which guaranteed to every State and every community the right to form and regulate their domestic institutions to suit themselves. These measures were adopted, as I have previously said, by the joint action of the Union Whigs, and Union Democrats in opposition to Northern Abolitionists and Southem Disunionists. In 1852, when the Whig party assembled, at Baltimore, in National Convention for the last time, they adopted the principle of the Compromise Measures of 1850 as their rule of party action in the future. One month thereafter the Democrats assembled at the same place to nominate a candidate for the Presidency, and declared the same great principle as the rule of action by which the Democracy would be governed. The Presidential election of 1852 was fought on that basis. It is true that the Whigs claimed special merit for the adoption of those measures, because they asserted that their great Clay originated them, their god-like Webster defended them, and their Fillmore signed the biU making them the law of the land; but, on the other hand, the Democrats claimed special credit for the Democracy, upon the ground that we gave twice as many votes in both houses of Congress for the passage of these measures as the Whig party. Thus you see that in the Presidential election of 1852, the Whigs were pledged by their platform and their candidate to the principle of the Compromise Measures of 1850, and the Democracy were likewise pledged by our principles, our platform, and our candidate to the same line of policy, to preserve peace and quiet between the different sections of this Union. Since that period the Whig party has been transformed into a sectional party, under the name of the Republican party, whilst the Democratic party continues the same national party it was at that day. AU sectional men, aU men of Abolition sentiments and principles, no matter whether they were old Abolitionists or had been Whigs or Democrats, rally under the sectional Republican banner, and conse quently all National men, all Union-loving men, whether Whigs, Democrats, or by whatever name they have been known, ought to rally under the Stars and Stripes in defense of the Constitution as our fathers made it, and of the Union as it has existed under the Constitution. How has this departure from the faith of the Democracy and the faith of the Whig party been accomplished ? In 1854, certain restless, am- 2i6 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS bitious, and disappointed politicians throughout the land took advantage of the temporary excitement created by the Nebraska bUl to try and dissolve the old Whig party, and the old Democratic party, to Abolition ize their members, and lead them, bound hand and foot, captives into the Abolition camp. In the State of New York a convention was held by some of these men, and a platform adopted, every plank of which was as black as night, each one relating to the negro, and not one refer ring to the interests of the white man. That example was followed throughout the Northern States, the effort being made to combine all the Free States in hostile array against the Slave States. The men who thus thought that they could build up a great sectional party, and through its organization control the political destinies of this country, based all their hopes on the single fact that the North was the stronger division of the nation, and hence, if the North could be combined against the South, a sure victory awaited their efforts. I am doing no more than justice to the truth of history when I say that in this State, Abraham Lincoln, on behalf of the Whigs, and Lyman Tmmbull, on behalf of the Democrats, were the leaders who undertook to perform this grand scheme of Abolitionizing the two parties to which they belonged. They had a private arrangement as to what should be the political destiny of each of the contracting parties before they went into the operation. The arrangement was that Mr. Lincoln was to take the Old Line Whigs with him, claiming that he was still as good a Whig as ever, over to the Abolitionists, and Mr. TrumbuU was to run for Congress in the Belleville District, and claiming to be a good Demo crat, coax the old Democrats into the Abolition camp, and when, by the joint efforts of the Abolitionized Whigs, the Abolitionized Democrats, and the Old Line Abolition and Free-soil party of this State, they should secure a majority in the Legislature. Lincoln was then to be made United States Senator in Shields's place, TmmbuU remaining in Con gress untU I should be accommodating enough to die or resign, and give him a chance to follow Lincoln. [Laughter, applause and cries of "Don't die."] That was a very nice little bargain so far as Lincohi and TmmbuU were concerned, if it had been carried out in good faith, and friend Lincoln had attained to senatorial dignity according to the contract. They went into the contest in every part of the State, caUing upon aU disappointed politicians to join in the cmsade against the Democracy, DOUGLAS AT JONESBORO 217 and appealed to the prevaUing sentiments and prejudices in all the northern counties of the State. In three Congressional Districts in the north end of the State they adopted, as the platform of this new party thus formed by Lincoln and Trumbull in' connection with the Aboli tionists, aU of those principles which aimed at a warfare on the part of the North against the South. They declared in that platform that the Wilmot Proviso was to be applied to all the Territories of the United States, north as well as south of 36 deg. 30 min., and not only to all the territory we then had, but all that we might hereafter acquire; that hereafter no more Slave States should be admitted into this Union, even if the people of such State desired slavery; that the Fugitive-Slave law should be absolutely and unconditionally repealed; that slavery should be abolished in the District of Columbia; that the slave trade should be abolished between the different states; and, in fact, every article in their creed related to this slavery question, and pointed to a Northern geographical party in hostility to the Southern States of this Union. Such were their principles in Northern lUinois. A httle farther^ south they became bleached, and grew paler just in proportion as public sentiment moderated and changed in this direction. They were Repub licans or Abolitionists in the North, anti-Nebraska men down about Springfield, and in this neighborhood they contented themselves with talking about the inexpediency of the repeal of the Missouri Compro mise. [Shouts of laughter.] In the extreme northem counties they brought out men to canvass the State whose complexion suited their political creed; and hence Fred Douglass, the negro, was to be found there, foUowing General Cass, and attempting to speak on behalf of Lincoln, Trumbull, and Abolitionism, against that illustrious senator. [Renewed laughter.] Why, they brought Fred Douglass to Freeport, when I was addressing a meeting there, in a carriage driven by the white owner, the negro sitting inside with the white lady and her daugh ter. ["Shame."] When I got through canvassing the northern counties that year, and progressed as far south as Springfield, I was met and opposed in discussion by Lincoln, Lovejoy, Trumbull and Sidney Breese, who were on one side. [Laughter.] Father Giddings, the high-priest of Abolitionism, had just been there, and Chase came about the time ¦ Inserts "the" after "in." " Reads: "further" for "farther." 2i8 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS I left. [Voice: "Why didn't you shoot him?"] I did takeamnning shot at them; but as I was single-handed against the white, black, and mixed drove, I had to use a shot-gun' and fire into the crowd, instead of taking them off singly with a rifle. [Great laughter and cheers.] TmmbuU had for his lieutenants, in aiding him to Abolitionize the Democracy, such men as John Wentworth of Chicago, Governor Rey nolds, of BeUeviUe, Sidney Breese of Carlisle, and John Dougherty of Union ["Good, "Good," "Give it to them," etc.], each of whom modified his opinions to suit the^ locality he was in. Dougherty, for instance, would not go much further than to talk about the inexpedienpy of the Nebraska bUl, whilst his aUies at Chicago advocated negro citizen ship and negro equality, putting the white man and the negro on the same basis under the law. ["Never, never."] Now, these men, four years ago, were engaged in a conspiracy to break down the Democ racy; to-day they are again acting together for the same purpose ! They do not hoist the same flag, they do not own the same principles or pro fess the same faith, but conceal their union for the sake of policy. In the northem counties, you find that aU the conventions are caUed in the name of the Black Republican party; at Springfield they dare not caU a Republican Convention, but invite aU the enemies of the Democracy to unite; and when they get down into Egypt, TrumbuU issues notices' caUing upon the "Free Democracy" to assemble and hear him speak. I have one of the handbills caUing a TrumbuU meeting at Waterloo the other day, which I received there, which is in the following language: — A meeting of the Free Democracy wiU take place in Waterloo, on Monday, Sept. 13th inst., whereat Hon. Lyman Trumbull, Hon. Jehus Baker and others will address the people upon the different political topics of the day. Members of all parties are cordially invited to be present, and hear and determine for themselves. The Monroe Free Democracy What is that name of "Free Democrats" put forth for, unless to deceive the people, and make them believe that TrumbuU and his followers are not the same party as that which raises the black flag of Abolitionism in the northern part of this State, and makes war upon the Democratic party throughout the State? When I put that question to them at Waterloo on Saturday last, one of them rose and stated that they had changed their name for political effect, in order to get votes. There was ' Reads: "short gun." ¦ Inserts "particular." J Reads: "John" for "Jehu." DOUGLAS AT JONESBORO 219 a candid admission. Their object in changing their party organization and principles in different localities was avowed to be an attempt to cheat and deceive some portion of the people until after the election. Why cannot a pohtical party that is conscious of the rectitude of its purposes and the soundness of its principles declare them everywhere alike ? I would disdain to hold any political principles that I could not avow in the same terms in Kentucky that I declared in Illinois, in Charles ton as weU as in Chicago, in New Orleans as weU as in New York. [Cheers.] So long as we live under a Constitution common to all the States, our political faith ought to be as broad, as liberal, and just as that Constitution itself, and should be proclaimed alike in every portion of the Union. [' ' Hear, hear. ' '] But it is apparent that our opponents find it necessary, for partisan effect, to change their colors in different counties in order to catch the popular breeze, and hope with these discordant materials combined together to secure a majority in the Legislature for the purpose of putting down the Democratic party. This combination did succeed in 1854 so far as to elect a majority of their confederates to the Legislature; and the first important act which they performed was to elect a Senator in the place of the eminent and gallant Senator Shields. His term ex pired in the United States Senate at that time, and he had to be crushed by the Abolition coalition for the simple reason that he would not join in their conspiracy to wage war against one-half of the Union. That was the only objection to General Shields. He had served the people of the State with ability in the Legislature, he had served you with fidelity and abUity as Auditor, he had performed his duties to the satis faction of the whole country at the head of the Land Department at Washington, he had covered the State and the Union with immortal glory on the bloody fields of Mexico in defense of the honor of our flag, and yet he had to be stricken down by this unholy combination. And for what cause? Merely because he would not join a combination of one half of the States to make war upon the other half, after having poured out his heart's blood for aU the States in the Union. Tmmbull was put in his place by Abolitionism. How did TrumbuU get there ? Before the Abolitionists would con sent to go into an election for United States Senator they required all the members of this new combination to show their hands upon this question of AboUtionism. Lovejoy, one of their high-priests, brought 220 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS in resolutions defining the Abolition creed, and required them to commit themselves on it by their votes, — ^yea or nay. In that creed, as laid down by Lovejoy, they declared, first, that the WUmot Proviso must be put on all the Territories of the United States, north as weU as south of 36 deg. 30.,' and that no more territory should ever be acquired unless slavery was at first prohibited therein; second, that no more States should ever be received into the Union unless slavery was first prohibited, by Constitutional proAdsion, in such States; third, that the Fugitive- Slave law must be immediately repealed, or, failing in that, then such amendments were to be made to it as would render it useless and ineffi cient for the objects for which it was passed, etc. The next day after these resolutions were offered they were voted upon, part of them carried, and the others defeated, the same men who voted for them, with only two exceptions, voting soon after for Abraham Lincoln as their candi date for the United States Senate. He came within one or two votes of being elected, but he could not quite get the number required, for the simple reason that his friend TrumbuU, who was a party to the bargain by which Lincoln was to take Shields's place, controlled a few Abolition ized Democrats in the Legislature, and would not aUow them all to vote for him, thus wronging Lincoln by permitting him on each ballot to be almost elected, but not quite, until he forced them to drop Lincoln and elect him (Trumbull), in order to unite the party. [Immense laughter.] Thus you find that although the Legislature was carried that year by the bargain between TrumbuU, Lincoln, and the Abolitionists, and the union of these discordant elements in one harmonious party, yet Tmmbull violated his pledge, and played a Yankee trick on Lincoln when they came to divide the spoils. [Laughter and cheers. Mr. Lincoln greatly agitated, his face buried in his hands.] Perhaps you would like a little evidence on this point. If you would, I wiU call Colonel James H. Matheny, of Springfield, to the stand, Mr. Lincoln's especial confidential friend for the last twenty years, and see what he wiU say upon the subject of this bargain. " Matheny is now the Black Republican, or Abolition, candidate for Congress in the Springfield Dis trict against the gaUant Colonel Harris, and is making speeches all over that part of the State against me and in favor of Lincoln, in concert with TmmbuU. He ought to be a good witness, and I wiU read an extract from a speech which he made in 1856, when he was mad because his friend ¦Inserts: "min." after "30." DOUGLAS AT JONESBORO 221 Lincoln had been cheated. It is one of numerous speeches of the same tenor that were made about that time, exposing this bargain between Lincoln, TrumbuU, and the Abolitionists. Matheny then said: — "The Whigs, Abolitionists, Know-Nothings, and renegade Democrats made a solenln compact for the purpose of carrying this State against the Democracy, on this plan: ist. That they would all combine and elect Mr. Trumbull to Con gress, and thereby carry his district for the Legislature, in order to throw all the strength that could be obtained into that body against the Democrats. 2d, That when the Legislature should meet, the officers of that body, such as Speaker, clerks, door-keepers, etc., would be given to the Abolitionists; and 3d. That the Whigs were to have the United States Senator. That, accordingly, in good faith, Trum bull was elected to Congress, and his district carried for the Legislature, and, when it convened, the Abolitionists got all the officers of that body; and, thus far, the 'bond' was fairly executed. The Whigs, on their part, demanded the election of Abraham Lincoln to the United States Senate, that the bond might be fulfilled, the other parties to the contract having already secured to themselves all that was called for. But, in the most perfidious manner, they refused to elect Mr. Lincoln, and the mean, low-lived, sneaking Trumbull succeeded, by pledging all that was required by any party, in thrusting Lincoln aside, and foisting himself, an excrescence from the rotten bowels of the Democracy, into the United States Senate: and thus it has ever been, that an honest man makes a bad bargain When he conspires or contracts with rogues." Matheny thought that his friend Lincoln made a bad bargain when he conspired and contracted with such rogues as Tmmbull and his Abolition associates in that campaign. [Great cheers and laughter; Lincoln looking very miserable.] Lincoln was shoved off the track, and he and his friends all at once began to mope, became sour and mad, [laughter] and disposed to teU, but dare not; [shouts of laughter] and thus they stood for a long time, until the Abolitionists coaxed and flattered him back by their assurances that he should certainly be a senator in Douglas's place. [Roars of laughter, Lincoln looking as if he had not a friend on earth, although Herr Kriesman whispered, "Never mind" into his ear.] In that way the Abolitionists have been enabled to hold Lincoln to the alliance up to this time, and now they have brought him into a fight against me, and he is to see if he is again to be cheated by them. Lincoln this time, though, required more of them than a promise, and holds their bond, if not security, that Lovejoy shaU not cheat him as TmmbuU did. [Renewed shouts of laughter.] AVhen the Republican Convention assembled at Springfield, in June last, for the purpose of nominating State officers only, the AboU- 222 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS tionists could not get Lincoln and his friends into it until they would pledge themselves that Lincoln should be their candidate for the Senate; and you wiU find, in proof of this, that that Convention passed a reso lution unanimously declaring that Abraham Lincoln was the "first, last, and only choice" of the Republicans for United States Senator. He was not wiUing to have it understood that he was merely their first choice, or their last choice, but their only choice. The Black RepubU can party had nobody else. Browning was nowhere; Governor BisseU was of no account; Archie WiUiams was not to be taken into consider ation; John Wentworth was not worth mentioning; John M. Palmer was degraded; and their party presented the extraordinary spectacle of having but one, — the first, the last, and only choice for the Senate. [Laughter.] Suppose that Lincoln should die, what a horrible condition the Republican party would be in! [A groan from Lincoln, and great laughter.] They would have nobody left. They have no other choice, and it was necessary for them to put themselves before the world in this ludicrous, ridiculous attitude of ha'nng no other choice, in order to quiet Lincoln's suspicions, and assure him that he was not to be cheated by Lovejoy, and the trickery by which TrumbuU outgeneraled him. Well, gentlemen, I think they wiU have a nice time of it before they get through. I do not intend to give them any chance to cheat Lincoln at all this time. [Cheers.] I intend to relieve him" of aU anxiety upon that subject, and spare them the mortification of more exposures of contracts violated, and the pledged honor of rogues forfeited. [Great applause.] But I wish to invite your attention to the chief points at issue between Mr. Lincoln and myself in this discussion. Mr. Lincoln, knowing that he was to be the candidate of his party, on account of the arrangement of which I have already spoken, knowing that he was to receive the nomination of the Convention of the United States Senate, had his speech, accepting that nomination, aU written and committed to mem ory, ready to be delivered the moment the nomination was announced. Accordingly, when it was made, he was in readiness, and delivered his speech, a portion of which I wiU read in order that I may state his politi cal principles faurly, by repeating them in his own language: — "We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was instituted for the avowed " Reads: "to relieve him and them from," DOUGLAS AT JONESBORO 223 object, and with the confident promise, of putting an end to slavery agitation; under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. I believe it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this Government cannot endure permanently, half Slave and half Free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved, I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It wiU become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery wUl arrest the spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, North as well as South." There you have Mr. Lincoln's first and main proposition, upon which he bases his claims, stated in his own language. He tells you that this Republic cannot endure permanently divided into Slave and Free States, as our fathers made it. He says that they must all become Free or aU become Slave, that they must all be one tiling or aU be the other, or this Government cannot last. Why can it not last, if we will execute the Government in the same spurit and upon the same principles upon which it is founded? Lincoln, by his proposition, says to the South: "If you desure to maintain your institutions as they are now, you must not be satisfied with minding your own business, but you must invade lUinois and aU the other Northern States, establish slavery in them, and make it universal;" and in the same language he says to the North: "You must not be content with regulating your own affairs and minding your own business, but if you desire to maintain your freedom, you must invade the Southern States, abolish slavery there and everywhere, in order to have the States all one thing or all the other. I say that this is the inevitable and irresistible result of Mr. Lincoln's argument, inviting a warfare between the North and the South, to be carried on with ruthless vengeance until the one section or the other shall be driven to the wall, and become the victim of the rapacity of the other. What good would foUow such a system of warfare ? Sup pose the North should succeed in conquering the South, how much would she be the gainer? Or suppose the South should conquer the North, could the Union be preserved in that way? Is this sectional warfare to be waged between the' Northem States and Southern States until they aU shall become uniform in their local and domestic insti tutions, merely because Mr. Lincoln says that a house divided against itself cannot stand, and pretends that thisi scriptural quotation, this I "The" omitted. 224 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS language of our Lord and Master, is applicable to the American Union and the American Constitution ? Washington and his compeers, in the Convention that framed the Constitution, made this Government divided into Free and Slave States. It was composed then of thirteen sovereign and independent States, each having sovereign authority over its local and domestic institu tions, and aU bound together by the Federal Constitution. Mr. Lin coln Ukens that bond of the Federal Constitution, joining Free and Slave States together, to a house divided against itself, and says that it is contrary to the law of God, and cannot stand. When did he leam, and by what authority does he proclaim, that this Government is con trary to the law of God and cannot stand ? It has stood thus divided into Free and Slave States from its organization up to this day. During that period we have increased from four millions to thirty millions of people; we have extended our territory from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean; we have acquired the Floridas and Texas, and other territory sufficient to double our geographical extent; we have increased in population, in wealth, and in power beyond any example on earth; we have risen from a weak and feeble power to become the terror and admiration of the civilized world; and aU this has been done under a Constitution which Mr. Lincoln, in substance, says is in violation of the law of God, and under a Union divided into Free and Slave States, which Mr. Lincoln thinks, because of such division, cannot stand. Surely Mr. Lincoln is a wiser man than those who framed the Gov ernment. Washington did not believe, nor did his compatriots, that the local laws and domestic institutions that were weU adapted to the Green Mountains of Vermont were suited to the rice plantations of South Carolina; they did not believe at that day that in a Republic so broad and expanded as this, containing such a variety of climate, soU, and interest, that uniformity in the local laws and domestic institutions was either desirable or possible. They believed then, as our experience has proved to us now, that each locality, having different interests, a different cUmate, and different surroundings, required different local laws, local policy, and local institutions, adapted to the wants of that locality. Thus our Government was formed on the principle of diversity in the local institutions and laws, and not on that of uniformity. As my time flies, I can only glance at these points, and not present them as fuUy as I would wish, because I desire to bring aU the points in DOUGLAS AT JONESBORO 225 controversy between the two parties before you, in order to have Mr. Lincoln's reply. He makes war on the decision of the Supreme Court, in the case known as the Dred Scott case. I wish to say to you, fellow- citizens, that I have no war to make on that decision, or any other ever rendered by the Supreme Court. I am content to take that decision as it stands delivered by the highest judicial tribunal on earth, — a tribunal established by the Constitution of the United States for that purpose; and hence that decision becomes the law of the land, binding on you, on me, and on every other good citizen, whether we like it or not. Hence I do not choose to go into an argument to prove, before this audience, whether or not Chief Justice Taney understood the law better than Abraham Lincoln. [Laughter.] Mr. Lincoln objects to that decision, first and mainly because it deprives the negro of the right' of citizenship. I am as much opposed to his reason for that objection as I am to the objection itself. I hold that a negro is not and never ought to be a citizen of the United States. ["Good, good," and tremendous cheers.] I hold that this Government was made on the white basis, by white men, for the benefit of white men and their posterity forever, and should be administered by white men and none others. I do not believe that the Almighty made the negro capable of self-government. I am aware that all the Abolition lecturers that you find traveling about through the country are in the habit of reading the Declaration of Independence to prove that all men were created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which were^ life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Mr. Lincoln is very much in the habit of foUowing in the track of Love joy in this particular, by reading that part of the Declaration of Inde pendence to prove that the negro was endowed by the Almighty with the inalienable right of equality with white men. Now, I say to you, my feUow-citizens, that in my opinion the signers of the Declaration had no reference to the negro whatever when they declared aU men to be created equal. They desired to express by that phrase white men, men of European birth and European descent, and had no reference either to the negro, the savage Indians, the Fijian, 3 the Malay, or any other inferior and degraded race, when ¦ Reads; "rights" for "right." ¦Reads: ''are'' for "were." 3 Reads: "Fejee" for "Fijian." 226 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS they spoke of the equality of men. One great evidence that such was their understanding is to be found in the fact that at that time every one of the thirteen colonies was a slave-holding colony, every signer of the Declaration represented a slaveholding constituency, and we know that no one of them emancipated his slaves, much less offered citizenship to them, when they signed the Declaration; and yet, if they' intended to declare that the negro was the equal of the white man, and entitled by divine right to an equality with him, they were bound, as honest men, that day and hour to have put theur negiroes on an equality with them selves. [Cheers.] Instead of doing so, with upUfted eyes to Heaven they implored the divine blessing upon them, during the seven years' bloody war they had to fight to maintain that Declaration, never dream ing that they were violating divine law by still holding the negroes in bondage and depriving them of equality. My friends, I am in favor of preserving this Government as our fathers made it. It does not follow by any means that because a negro is not your equal or mine, that hence he must necessarily be a slave. On the contrary, it does foUow that we ought to extend to the negro every right, every privilege, every immunity, which he is capable of enjoy ing, consistent with the good of society. When you ask me what these rights are, what their nature and extent is, I tell you that that is a ques tion -which each State of this Union must decide for itself. lUinois has already decided the question. We have decided that the negro must not be a slave within our Umits, but we have also decided that the negro shall not be a citizen within our limits; that he "shaU not vote, hold office, or exercise any political rights. I maintain that lUtnois, as a sovereign State, has a right thus to fix her policy with reference to the relation between the white man and the negro; but whUe we had that right to decide the question for ourselves, we must recognize the same right in Kentucky and in every other State to make the same decision, or a different one. Having decided our own policy with reference to the black race, we must leave Kentucky and Missouri and every other State perfectly free to make just such a decision as they see proper on that question. Kentucky has decided that .question for herself. She has said that withm her limits a negro shaU not exercise any political rights, and she has also said that a portion of the negroes under the laws of that .' Inserts "had" after "they." DOUGLAS AT JONESBORO 227 State shall be slaves. She had as much right to adopt that as her policy as we had to adopt the contrary for our policy. New York has decided that in that State a negro may vote if he has $250 worth of property, and if he owns that much he may vote upon an equality with the white man. I, foir one, am utterly opposed to negro suffrage anywhere and under any circumstances; yet, inasmuch as the Supreme Court have decided in the celebrated Dred Scott case that a State has a right to confer the privilege of voting upon free negroes, I am not going to make war upon New York because she has adopted a policy repugnant to my feelings. ["That's good."] But New York must mind her own busi ness, and keep her negro suffrage to herself, and not attempt to force it upon us. [Great applause.] In the State of Maine they have decided that a negro may vote and hold office on an equality with a white man. I had occasion to say to the senators from Maine, in a discussion last session, that if they thought that the white people within the limits of their State were no better than negroes, I would not quarrel with them for it, but they must not say that my white constituents of lUinois were no better than negroes, or we would be sure to quarrel. [Cheers.] The Dred Scott decision covers the whole question, and declares that each State has the right to settle this question of suffrage for itself, and aU questions as to the relations between the white man and the negro. Judge Taney expressly lays down the doctrine. I receive it as law, and I say that while those States are adopting regulations on that subject disgusting and abhorrent, according to my views, I wiU not make war on them if they wiU mind their own business and let us alone. ["Bra vo," and cheers.] I now come back to the question. Why cannot this Union exist for ever, divided into Free and Slave States, as our fathers made it ? It can thus exist if each State wUl carry out the principles upon which our institutions were founded; to wit, the right of each State to do as it pleases, without meddling with its neighbors. Just act upon that great principle, and this Union will not only live forever, but it wUl extend and expand untU it covers the whole continent, and makes this confederacy one grand ocean-bound Republic. We must bear in mind that we are yet a young nation, growing with a rapidity unequalled in the history of the world, that our national increase is great, and that the emigration from the Old World is increasing, requiring us to expand 228 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS and acquire new territory from time to time, in order to give our people land to live upon. If we live up to the principle of State rights and State sovereignty, each State regulating its own affairs and minding its own business, we can go on and extend indefinitely, just as fast and as far as we need the territory. The time may come, indeed has now come, when our interests would be advanced by the acquisition of the Island of Cuba. [Terrific applause.] When we get Cuba we must take it as we find it, leaving the people to decide the question of slavery for themselves, without interference on the part of the Federal Govern ment or of any State of this Union. So, when it becomes necessary to acquire any portion of Mexico or Canada, or of this continent or the adjoining islands, we must take them as we find them, leaving the people free to do as they please, — ^to have slavery or not, as they choose. I never have inquired and never wiU inquire whether a new State, applying for admission, has slavery or not for one of her institutions. If the Constitution that is presented be the act and deed of the people, and embodies their will, and they have the requisite population, I wUl admit them, with slavery or without it, just as that people shall determine. ["That's good," "That's right," and cheers.] My objection to the Lecompton Constitution did not consist in the fact that it made Kansas a Slave State. I would have been as much opposed to its admission under such a Constitution as a Free State as I was opposed to its admission under it as a Slave State. I hold that that was a question which that people had a right to decide for themselves, and that no power on earth ought to have interfered with that decision. In my opinion, the Lecompton Constitution was not the act and deed of the people of Kansas, and did not embody their will; and the recent election in that Territory, at which it was voted down by nearly ten to one, shows conclusively that I was right in saying, when the Constitution was presented, that it was not the act and deed of the people, and did not embody their will. If we wish to preserve our institutions in their purity, and transmit them unimpaired to our latest posterity, we must preserve with religious good faith that great principle of self-government which guarantees to each and every State, old and new, the right to make just such consti tutions as they desu-e, and come into the Union with theur own consti tution, and not one palmed upon them. [Cheers.] Whenever you sanction the doctrine that Congress may crowd a constitution down the LINCOLN AT JONESBORO 229 throats of an unwiUing people, against their consent, you will subvert the great fundamental principle upon which aU our free institutions rest. In the future I have no fear that the attempt will ever be made. President Buchanan declared in his annual message that hereafter the rule adopted in the Minnesota case, requiring a constitution to be sup- mitted to the people, should be followed in all future cases; and if he stands by that recommendation there wUl be no division in the Demo cratic party on that principle in the future. Hence, the great mission of the Democracy is to unite the fraternal feeling of the whole country, restore peace and quiet, by teaching each State to mind its own business, and regulate its own domestic affairs, and aU to unite in carryirig out the Constitution as our fathers made it, and thus to preserve the Union and render it perpetual in all time to come. Why should we not act as our fathers who made the Government ? There was no sectional strife, in Washington's army. They were all brethren of a common confederacy; they fought under a common flag that they might bestow upon their posterity a common destiny; and to this end they poured out their blood in common streams, and shared, in some instances, a common grave. [Three hearty cheers for Douglas.] Mr. Lincoln's Reply Mr. Lincoln was then introduced to the audience by D. L. PhUlips, Esq., and was greeted with three cheers, and then three more; after which he said: Ladies and Gentlemen: There is very, much in the principles that Judge Douglas has here enunciated that I most cordially approve, and over which I shall have no controversy with him. In so far as he has insisted that aU the States have the right to do exactly as they please about all their domestic relations, including that of slavery, I agree entirely with him. He places me wrong in spite of all I can tell him, though I repeat it again and again, insisting that I have no difference with him upon this subject. I have made a great many speeches, some of which have been printed, and it will be utterly impossible for him to find anything that I have ever put in print contrary to what I now say upon this subject. I hold myself under Constitutional obligations to allow the people in all the States, without interference, direct or indirect, to do exactly as they please; and I deny that I have any inclination to interfere with them, even if there were no such Constitutional obligation. 230 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS I can only say again that I am placed improperly — altogether improperly, in spite of aU I can say — when it is insisted that I entertain any other view or purpose in regard to that matter. While I am upon this subject, I wiU make some answers briefly to certain propositions that Judge Douglas has put. He says, "Why can't this Union endure permanently, half Slave and half Free?" I have said that I supposed it could not, and I wUl try, before this new audience, to give briefly some of the reasons for entertaining that opinion. Another form of his question is, "Why can't we let it stand as our fathers placed it?" That is the exact difficulty between us. I say that Judge Douglas and his friends have changed it' from the position in which our fathers originaUy placed it. I say, in the way our fathers originaUy left the slavery question, the institution was in the course of ultimate extinction, and the public mind rested in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. I say, when this Government was first established, it was the policy of its founders to prohibit the spread of slavery into the new Territories of the United States, where it had not existed. But Judge Douglas and his friends have broken up that policy, and placed it upon a new basis, by which it is to become national and perpetual. AU I have asked or desired anywhere is that it should be placed back again upon the basis that the fathers of our Government originally placed it upon, I have no doubt that it would become extinct, for all time to come, if we but re-adopted the policy of the fathers, by restricting it to the limits it has ahready covered,' — restricting it from the new Territories. I do not wish to dweU at great length on this branch of the subject at this time, but allow me to repeat one thing that I have stated before. Brooks — the man who assaulted Senator Sumner on the floor of the Senate, and who was complimented with dinners, and silver pitchers, and gold-headed canes, and a good many other things for that feat — in one of his speeches declared that when this Government was originally established, nobody expected that the institution of slavery would last until this day. That was but the opinion of one man, but it was such an opinion as we can never get from Judge Douglas or anybody in favor of slavery in the North at aU. You can sometimes get it from a Southern man. He said at the same time that the framers of our Government did not have the knowledge that experience has taught us; that expe- * Reads: "them" for "it." LINCOLN AT JONESBORO 231 rience and the invention of the cotton-gin have taught us that the per petuation of slavery is a necessity. He insisted, therefore, upon its being changed from the basis upon which the fathers of the Government left it to the basis of its perpetuation and nationalization. I insist that this is the difference between Judge Douglas and myself, — that Judge Douglas is helping that change along. I insist upon this Government being placed where our fathers originally placed it. I remember Judge Douglas once said that he saw the evidences on the statute books of Congress of a policy in the origin of the Govern ment to divide slavery and freedom by a geographical line; that he saw an indisposition to maintain that policy, and therefore he set about studying up a way to settle the institution on the right basis, — ^the basis which he thought it ought to have been placed upon at first; and in that speech he confesses that he seeks to place it, not upon the basis that the fathers placed it upon, but upon one gotten up on "original princi ples." When he asks me why we cannot get along with it in the attitude where our fathers placed it, he had better clear up the evidences that he has himself changed it from that basis, that he has himself been chiefly instrumental, in changing the policy of the fathers. [Applause.] Any one who wUl read his speech of the 2 2d of last March wiU see that he there makes an open confession, showing that he set about fixing the institution upon an altogether different set of principles. I think I have fully answered him when he asks me why we cannot let it alone upon the basis where our fathers left it, by showing that he has himself changed the whole policy of the Government in that regard. Now, feUow-citizens, in regard to this matter about a contract that was made between Judge TrumbuU and myself, and aU that long portion of Judge Douglas's speech on this subject, — I wish simply to say what I have said to him before, that he cannot know whether it is tme or not, and I do know that there is not a word of tmth in it. [Ap plause.] And I have told him so before. [Continued applause. "That's right." "Hit him again."] I don't want any harsh language indulged in, but I do not know how to deal with this persistent insisting on a story that I know to be utterly without tmth. It used .to be a fashion amongst men that when a charge was made, some sort of proof was brought forward to establish it, and if no proof was found to exist, the charge was dropped. I don't know how to meet this kind of an argu ment. I don't want to have a fight with Judge Douglas, and I have no 232 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS way of making an argument up into the consistency of a corn-cob and stopping his mouth with it. [Laughter and applause.] AU I can do is, good-humoredly to say that, from the beginning to the end of aU that story about a bargain between Judge TmmbuU and myself, there is not a word of truth in it. [Applause,] I can only ask him to show some sort of evidence of the tmth of his story. He brings forward here and reads from what he contends is a speech by James H. Matheny, charging such a bargain between Tmm buU and myself. My own opinion is that Matheny did do some such immoral thing as to teU a story that he knew nothing about. I believe he did. I contradicted it instantly, and it has been contradicted by Judge TmmbuU, whUe nobody has produced any proof, because there is none. Now, whether the speech which the Judge brings forward here is reaUy the one Matheny made, I do not know, and I hope the Judge wUl pardon me for doubting the genuineness of this document, since his production of those Springfield resolutions at Ottawa. [Laughter and cheers.] I do not wish to dwell at any great length upon this matter. I can say nothing when a long story like this is told, except it is not tme, and demand that he who insists upon it shaU produce some proof. That is aU any man can do, and I leave it in that way, for I know of no other way of dealing with it. The Judge has gone over a long account of the old Whig and Demo cratic parties, and it connects itself with this charge against TrumbuU and myself. He says that they agreed upon a compromise in regard to the slavery question in 1850; that in a National Democratic Convention reso lutions were passed to abide by that compromise as a finality upon the slavery question. He also says that the Whig party in National Conven tion agreed to abide by and regard as a finality the Compromise of 1850. I understand the Judge to be altogether right about that; I understand that part of the history of the country as stated by him to be correct, I recoUect that I, as a member of that party, acquiesced in that com promise. I recoUect in the Presidential election which followed, when we had General Scott up for the Presidency, Judge Douglas was around berating us Whigs as Abolitionists, precisely as he does to-day, — not a bit of difference. I have often heard him. We could do nothing when the old Whig party was alive that was not Abolitionism; but it has got an extremely good name since it has passed away. [Laughter.] When that Compromise was made it did not repeal the old Missouri LINCOLN AT JONESBORO 233 Compromise. It left a region of the United States territory half as large as the present territory of the United States, north of the line of 36 de grees 30 minutes, ui which slavery was prohibited by Act of Congress. This Compromise did not repeal that one. It did not affect or propose to repeal it. But at last it became Judge Douglas's duty, as he thought (and I find no fault with him), as Chaurman of the Committee on Terri tories, to bring in a bUl for the organization of a Territorial Government, — first of one, then of two Territories north of that line. When he did so, it ended in his inserting a provision substantially repealing the Missouri Compromise, That was because the Compromise of 1850 had not repealed it. And now I ask why he could not have let that Compromise alone ? We were quiet from the agitation of the slavery question. We were making no fuss about it. All had acquiesced in the Compromise meas ures of 1850. We never had been seriously disturbed by any Abolition agitation before that period. When he came to form governments for the Territories north of the line of 36 degrees 30 minutes, why could he not have let that matter stand as it was standing? [Applause.] Was it necessary to the organization of a Territory ? Not at all, Iowa lay north of the line, and had been organized as a Territory and' come into the Union as a State without disturbing that Compromise, There was no sort of necessity for destroying it to organize these Territories, But, gentlemen, it would take up aU my time to meet aU the little quibbling arguments of Judge Douglas to show that the Missouri Com promise was repealed by the Compromise of 1850. My own opinion is, that a careful investigation of aU the arguments to sustain the position that that Compromise was virtually repealed by the Compromise of 1850 would show that they are the merest faUacies. I have the Report that Judge Douglas first brought into Congress at the time of the intro duction of the Nebraska biU, which in its original form did not repeal the Missouri Compromise, and he there expressly stated that he had forborne to do so because it had not been done by the Compromise of 1850. I close this part of the discussion on my part by asking him the question again, "Why, when we had peace under the Missouri Compromise,' could you not have let it alone ?" In complaining of what I said in my speech at Springfield, in which he says I accepted my nomination for the senatorship (where, by the ¦ Inserts "had" after "and." 234 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS way, he is at fault, for if he wiU examine it, he wUl find no acceptance in it), he again quotes that portion in which I said that "a house divided against itself cannot stand." Let me say a word in regard to that matter. He tries to persuade us that there must be a variety in the different institutions of the States of the Union; that that variety necessarily proceeds from the variety of soil, climate, of the face of the country, and the difference in the natural features of the States. I agree to all that. Have these very matters ever produced any difficulty amongst us? Not at all. Have we ever had any quarrel over the fact that they have laws in Louisiana designed to regulate the commerce that springs from the production of sugar ? Or because we have a different class relative to the production of flour in this State ? Have they produced any differ ences ? Not at aU. They are the very cements of this Union, They don't make the house a house divided against itself. They are the props that hold up the house and sustain the Union. But has it been so with this element of slavery? Have we not always had quarrels and difficulties over it ? And when will we cease to have quarrels over it ? Like causes produce like effects. It is worth while to observe that we have generally had comparative peace upon the slavery question, and that there has been no cause for alarm untU it was excited by the effort to spread it into new territory. Whenever it has been limited to its present bounds, and there has been no effort to spread it, there has been peace. All the trouble and convulsion has proceeded from efforts to spread it over more territory. It was thus at the date of the Missouri Compromise. It was so again with the annexation of Texas; so with the territory acquired by the Mexican war; and it is so now. Whenever there has been an effort to spread it, there has been agitation and resistance. Now, I appeal to this audience (very few of whom are my political friends), as national men, whether we have reason to expect that the agitation in regard to this subject wiU cease while the causes that tend to reproduce agitation are actively at work ? Will not the same cause that produced agitation in 1820, when the Missouri Compromise was formed, — ^that which produced the agitation upon the annexation of Texas, and at other times, — ^work out the same results always? Do you think that the nature of man wiU be changed ? that the same causes that produced agitation at one time wiU not have the same effect at another ? LINCOLN AT JONESBORO 235 This has been the result so far as my observation of the slavery question and my reading in history extends. What right have we then to hope that the trouble wiU cease, — that the agitation wiU come to an end, — ^untU it shall either be placed back where it originally stood, and where the fathers originally placed it, or, on the other hand, until it shall entirely master all opposition ? This is the view I entertain, and this is the reason why' I entertained it, as Judge Douglas has read from my Springfield speech. Now, my friends, there is one other thing that I feel myself under some sort of obligation to mention. Judge Douglas has here to-day — in a very rambling way, I was about saying — spoken of the platforms for which he seeks to hold me responsible. He says, "Why can't you come out and make an open avowal of principles in aU places alike ?" and he reads from an advertisement that he says was used to notify the people of a speech to be made by Judge Trumbull at Waterloo. In com menting on it he desires to know whether we cannot speak frankly and manfully, as he and his friends do. How, I ask, do his friends speak out their own sentiments ? A Convention of his party in this State met on the 2 ist of April at Springfield, and passed a set of resolutions which they proclaim to the country as their platform. This does constitute their platform, and it is because Judge Douglas claims it is his platform — that these are his principles and purposes — that he has a right to declare he speaks his sentiments "frankly and manfully." On the 9th of June, Colonel John Dougherty, Governor Reynolds, and others, caUing them selves National Democrats, met in Springfield and adopted a set Of reso lutions which are as easUy understood, as plain and as definite in stating to the country and to the world what they believed in and would stand upon, as Judge Douglas's platform. Now what is the reason that Judge Douglas is not wiUing that Colonel Dougherty and Governor Reynolds should stand upon their own written and printed platform as well as he upon his ? Why must he look farther than their platform when he claims himself to stand by his platform ? Again, in reference to our platform: On the i6th of June the Republicans had their Convention and published their platform, which is as clear and distinct as Judge Douglas's. In it they spoke their principles as plainly and as definitely to the world. What is the reason that Judge Douglas is not wiUing I should stand upon that platform ? ' Omits "why." 236 ILLINOISIHISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Why must he go around hunting for some one who is supporting me, — or has supported me at some time in his life, and who has said something at some time contrary to that platform? Does the Judge regard that rule as a good one ? If it turn out that the mle is a good one for me, that I am responsible for any and every opinion that any man has expressed who is my friend, — ^then it is a good mle for him. I ask. Is it not as good a rule for him as it is for me ? In my opinion it is not a good mle for either of us. Do you think differently. Judge ? Mr. Douglas. — I do not. Mr. Lincoln. — Judge Douglas says he does not think differently. I am glad of it. Then can he tell me why he is looking up resolutions of five or six years ago, and insisting that they were my platform, not withstanding my protest that they are not, and never were my platform, and my pointing out the platform of the. State Convention which he delights to say nominated me for the Senate? I cannot see what he means by parading these resolutions, if it is not to hold me responsible for them in some way. If he says to me here that he does not hold the rule to be good, one way or the other, I do not comprehend how he could answer me more fully if he answered me at greater length. I will therefore put in as my answer to the resolutions that he has hunted up against me, what I, as a lawyer, would caU a good plea to a bad declaration. I understand that it is a maxim of law that a poor plea may be a good plea to a bad declaration. [Laughter.] I think that the opinions the Judge brings from those who support me, yet differ from me, are' a bad declaration against me; but if I can bring the same things against him, I am putting in a good plea to that kind of declara tion, and now I propose t& try it. At Freeport, Judge Douglas occupied a large part of his time in producing resolutions and documents of various sorts, as I understood, to ma,ke me somehow responsible for them; and I propose now doing a little of the same sort of thing for him. In 1 850 a very clever gentleman by the name of Thompson CampbeU, a personal friend of Judge Douglas and myself, a political friend of Judge Douglas and opponent of mme, was a candidate for Congress in the Galena District. He was mterro- gated as to his views on this same slavery question. I have here before me the interrogatories, and Campbell's answers to them. I wUl read them: — ' Reads: "is" for "are." LINCOLN AT JONESBORO 237 Interrogatories I. Will you, if elected, vote for and cordially support a bill prohibiting slavery in the Territories of the United States ? 2, Will you vote for and support a bill abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia ? 3, Will you oppose the admission of any Slave States which may be formed out of Texas or the Territories ? 4. Will you vote for and advocate the repeal of the Fugitive-Slave law passed at the recent session of Congress ? 5. Will you advocate and vote for the election of a Speaker of the House of Representatives who shall be willing to organize the committees of that House so as to give the Free States their just influence in the business of legislation ? 6. What are your views, not only as to the constitutional right of Congress to prohibit the slave trade between the States, but also as to the expediency of exercising that right immediately ? Campbell's Reply To the first and second interrogatories, I answer unequivocally in the affirma tive. To the third interrogatory I reply, that I am opposed to the admission of any more Slave States into the Union, that may be formed out of Texas or any other Territory. To the fourth and fifth interrogatories I unhesitatingly answer in the affirmative. To the sixth interrogatory I reply, that so long as the Slave States continue to treat slaves as articles of commerce, the Constitution confers power on Congress to pass laws regulating that peculiar COMMERCE, and that the protection of Human Rights imperatively demands the interposition of every constitutional means to prevent this most inhuman and iniquitous traffic. T, Campbell I want here to say that Thompson CampbeU was elected to Congress on that platform, as the Democratic candidate in the Galena District, against Martin P. Sweet. Judge Douglas. — Give me the date of the letter, Mr. Lincoln. — ^The time Campbell ran was in 1850. I have not the exact date here. It was sometime in 1850 that these interrogatories were put and the answer given. Campbell was elected to Congress, and served out his term. I think a second election came up before he served out his term, and he was. not re-elected. Whether defeated or not nominated, I do not know. [Mr. CampbeU was nominated for re-elec tion by the Democratic party, by acclamation.] At the end of his term his very good friend Judge Douglas got him a high office from President Pierce, and sent him off to California. Is not that the fact ? Just at the end of his term in Congress it appears that our mutual friend Judge 238 H^LINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Douglas got our mutual friend Campbell a good office, and sent him to Cahfomia upon it. And not only so, but on the 27th of last month, when Judge Douglas and myself spoke at Freeport in joint discussion, there was his same friend Campbell, come all the way from California, to help the Judge beat me; and there was poor Martin P. Sweet standing on the platform, trying to help poor me to be elected. [Laughter.] That is tme of one of Judge Douglas's friends. So again, in the same race of 1850, there was a Congressional Con vention assembled at Joliet, and it nominated R. S. Molony for Congress, and unanimously adopted the following resolution : — "Resolved, That we are uncompromisingly opposed to the extension of slavery; and while we would not make such opposition a ground of interference with the interests of the States where it exists, yet we moderately but firmly insist that it is the duty of Congress to oppose its extension into Territory now free, by aU means compatible vfith the obligations of the Constitution, and with good faith to our sister States; that these principles were recognized by the Ordinance of 1787, which received the sanction of Thomas Jefferson, who is acknowledged by all to- be the great oracle and expounder of our faith." Subsequently the same interrogatories were propounded to Dr. Molony which had been addressed to Campbell, as above, with the exception of the 6th, respecting the interstate slave trade, to which Dr. Molony the Democratic nominee for Congress, replied as follows : — I received the written interrogatories this day, and, as you will see by the La Salle Democrat and Ottawa Free Trader I took at Peru on the Jth, and at Ottawa on the 7th, the affirmative side of interrogatories ist and 2d; and in relation to the admission of any more Slave States from Free Territory, my position taken at these meetings, as correctly reported in said papers, was emphatically and dis tinctly opposed to it. In relation to the admission of any more Slave States from Texas, whether I shall go against it or not will depend upon the opinion that I may hereafter form of the true meaning and nature of the resolutions of annexation. If, by said resolutions, the honor and good faith of the nation is pledged to admit more Slave States from Texas when she (Texas) may apply for the admission of such States, then I should, if in Congress, vote for their admission. But if not so PLEDGED and bound by sacred contract, then a bill for the admission of more Slave States from Texas will' never receive my vote. To your fourth interrogatory I answer most decidedly in the affirmative, and for reasons set forth in my reported remarks at Ottawa last Monday, To your fifth interrogatory I also reply in the affirmative most cordially, and that I will use my utmost exertions to secure the nomination and election of a man who wiU accomplish the objects of said interrogatories. I most cordially approve of the resolutions adopted at the union meeting held at Princeton on the 27th September ult. Yours, etc, R. S. Molony « Reads: "would" tor "will." LINCOLN AT JONESBORO 239 AU I have to say in regard to Dr, Molony is, that he was the regularly nominated Democratic candidate for Congress in his district; was elected at that time, at the end of his term was appointed to a land-office at Danville, (I never heard anything of Judge Douglas's instmmentality in this,) He held this office a considerable time, and when we were at Freeport the other day, there were handbills scattered about notifying the public that after our debate was over, R, S, Molony would make a Democratic speech in favor of Judge Douglas, That is all I know of my own personal knowledge. It is added here to this resolution, and I truly believe, that — "Among those who participated in the Joliet Convention, and who supported its nominee, with his platform as laid down in the resolution of the Convention and in his reply as above given, we call at random the following names, all of which are recognized at this day as leading Democrats : — ¦ Cook County: E, B, Williams, Charles Mc Donnell, Arno Voss, Thomas •Hoyne, Isaac Cook." I reckon vjie. ought to except Cook. "F. C. Sherman. "Will: Joel A. Matteson, S. W. Bowen. "Kane: B. F. HaU, G. W. Renwick, A. M. Herrington, Elijah Wilcox. "Mc Henry: W. M. Jackson, Enos W. Smith, Neil Donnelly. "La Salle: John Hise, William Reddick." WilUam Reddick! another one of Judge Douglas's friends that stood on the stand with him at Ottawa, at the time the Judge says my knees trembled so that I had to be carried away. The names are all here: — "DuPage: Nathan Allen. "De Kalb: Z. B. Mayo." Here is another set of resolutions which I think are apposite to the matter in hand. On the 28th of Febmary of the same year, a Democratic District Convention was held at NaperviUe to nominate a candidate for Circuit Judge. Among the delegates were Bowen and KeUy, of WiU; Captain Naper, H. H. Cody, Nathan Allen, of Du Page; W. M. Jackson, J. M, Strode, P. W. Piatt [sic], and Enos W. Smith, of McHenry; J. Horsman and others, of Winnebago. Colonel Strode presided over the Conven tion. The foUowing resolutions were unanimously adopted, — the first on motion of P. W. Pratt [sic], the second on motion of WUUam M. Jack son: — 240 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS "Resolved, That this Convention is in favor of the Wilmot Proviso, both in Principle and Practice and that we know of no good reason why any person should oppose the largest ladtude in Free Soil, Free Territory and Free Speech. "Resolved, That in the opinion of this Convention, the time has arrived when all men should be free, whites as well as others." Judge Douglas. — What is the date of those resolutions ? Mr. Lincoln.^-! understand it was in 1850, but I do not know it. I do not state a thing and say I know it, when I do not. But I have the highest belief that this is so. I know of no way to arrive at the conclusion that there is an error in it. I mean to put a case no stronger than the truth wiU aUow. But what I was going to comment upon is an extract from a newspaper in De Kalb County; and it strikes me as being rather singular, I confess, under the circumstances. There is a Judge Mayo in that county, who is a candidate for the Legislature, for the purpose, if he secures his election, of helping to re-elect Judge Douglas. He is the editor of a newspaper [DeKalb County Sentinel], and in that paper I find the extract I am going to read. It is part of an editorial article in which he was electioneering as fiercely as he could for Judge Douglas and against me. It was a curious thing, I think, to be in such a paper. I will agree to that, and the Judge may make the most of it: — " Our education has been such that we have ever been rather in favor of the equality of the blacks; that is, that they should enjoy all the privileges of the whites •where they reside. We are aware that this is not a very popular doctrine. We have had many a confab with some who are now strong 'Republicans,' we taking the broad ground of equality, and they the opposite ground. "We were brought up in a State where blacks were voters, and we do not know of any inconvenience resulting from it, though perhaps it would not work as well where the blacks are more numerous. We have no doubt of the right of the whites to guard against such an evil, if it is one. Our opinion is that it would be best for all concerned to have the colored population in a State by themselves [in this I agree with him]; but if within the jurisdiction of the United States, we say by all means they should have the right to have their Senators and Representatives in Congress, and to vote for President. With us 'worth makes the man, and want of it the fellow.' We have seen many a 'nigger' that we thought more of than some white men." That is one of Judge Douglas's friends. Now, I do not want to leave myself in an attitude where I can be misrepresented, so I wiU say I do not think the Judge is responsible for this article: but he is quite as responsible for it as I would be if one of my friends had said it. I think that is fair enough. [Cheers.] LINCOLN AT JONESBORO 241 I have here also a set of resolutions passed by a Democratic State Convention in Judge Douglas's own good old State of Vermont, that I think ought to be good for him too: — "Resolved, That liberty is a right inherent and inalienable in man, and that herein all men are equal. "Resolved, That we claim no authority in the Federal Government to abolish slavery in the several States, but we do claim for it Constitutional power perpetu ally to prohibit the introduction of slavery into territory now free, and abolish it wherever, under the jurisdiction of Congress, it exists. " Resolved, That this power ought immediately to be exercised in prohibiting the introduction and existence of slavery in New Mexico and California, in abolishing slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia, on the high seas, and wherever else, under the Constitution, it can be reached. "Resolved, That no more Slave States should be admitted into the Federal Union. "Resolved, That the Government ought to return to its ancient policy, not to extend, nationalize, or encourage, but to limit, localize, and discourage slavery." At Freeport I answered several interrogatories that had been pro pounded to me by Judge Douglas at the Ottawa meeting. The Judge has not yet seen fit to find any fault with the position that I took in regard to those seven interrogatories, which were certainly broad enough, in all conscience, to cover the entire ground. In my answers, which have been printed, and aU have had the opportunity of seeing, I take the ground that those who elect me must expect that I wiU do nothing which will not be' in accordance with those answers. I have some right to assert that Judge Douglas has no fault to find with them. But he chooses to StiU try to thmst me upon different ground, without paying any attention to my answers, the obtaining of which from me cost him so much trouble and concern. At the same time I propounded four interrogatories to him, claiming it as a right that he should answer as many interrogatories for me as I did for him, and I would reserve myself for a future instaUment when I got them ready. The Judge, in answer ing me upon that occasion, put in what I suppose he intends as answers to aU four of my interrogatories. The first one of these interrogatories I have before me, and it is in these words : — "Question I, If the people of Kansas shall, by means entirely unobjec tionable in all other respects, adopt a State Constitution, and ask admission into the Union under it, before they have the requisite number of inhabitants according to the English bill, — some ninety-three thousand, — ^will you vote to admit them ? ' ' Reads: "is" for "will be.' 242 LLLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS As I read the Judge's answer in the newspaper, and as I remember it as pronounced at the time, he does not give any answer which is equiva lent to yes or no, — I wiU or I won't. He answers at very considerable length, rather quarreUng with me for asking the question, and insisting that Judge TmmbuU had done something that I ought to say something about, and finally getting out such statements as induce me to infer that he means to be understood he wiU, in that supposed case, vote for the admission of Kansas. I only bring this forward now for the purpose of saying that if he chooses to put a different constmction upon his answer he may do it. But if he does not, I shaU from this time forward assume that he wiU vote for the admission of Kansas in disregard of' the English bill. He has the right to remove any misunderstanding I may have. I only mention it now, that I may hereafter assume this to be the true constmction of his answer, if he does not now choose to correct me. The second interrogatory that I propounded to him was this : — "Question 2. Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution ?" To this Judge Douglas answered that they can lawfuUy exclude slavery from the Territory prior to the formation of a Constitution. He goes on to tell us how it can be done. As I understand him, he holds that it can be done by the Territorial Legislature refusing to make any enactments for the protection of slavery in the Territory, and especiaUy by adopting unfriendly legislation to it. For the sake of clearness, I state it again: that they can exclude slavery from the Territory, ist, by withholding what he assumes to be an indispensable assistance to it in the way of legislation; and, 2d, by unfriendly legislation. If I rightly understand him, I wish to ask your attention for a whUe to his position. In the first place, the Supreme Court of the United States has decided that any Congressional prohibition of slavery in the Territories is uncon stitutional; that they have reached this proposition eis a conclusion from their former proposition, that thje Constitution of the United States expressly recognizes property in slaves, and from that other Consti tutional provision, that no person shall be deprived of property without due process of law. Hence they reach the conclusion that as the Consti tution of the United States expressly recognizes property in slaves, and prohibits any person from being deprived of property without due ' Reads: "according to" for "in disregard of." LINCOLN AT JONESBORO 243 process of law, to pass an Act of Congress by which a man who owned a slave on one side of a line would be deprived of him if he took him on the other side, is depriving him of that property without due process of law. That I understand to be the decision of the Supreme Court. I understand also that Judge Douglas adheres most firmly to that decision; and the difficulty is, how is it possible for any power to exclude slavery from the Territory, unless in violation of that decision ? That is the difficulty. In the Senate of the United States, in 1856, Judge TrumbuU, in a speech substantially, if not directly, put the same interrogatory to Judge Douglas, as to whether the people of a Territory had the lawful power to exclude slavery prior to the formation of a constitution. Judge Douglas then answered at considerable length, and his answer will be found in the Congressional Globe, under date of June 9th, 1856. The Judge said that whether the people could exclude slavery prior to the formation of a constitution or not was a question to be decided by the Supreme Court. He put that proposition, as will be seen by the Con gressional Globe, in a variety of forms, all running to the same thing in substance, — that it was a question for the Supreme Court. I maintain that when he says, after the Supreme Court have decided the question, that the people may yet exclude slavery by any means whatever, he does virtually say that it is not a question for the Supreme Court, [Applause.] He shifts his ground, I appeal to you whether he did not say it was a question for the Supreme Court ? Has not the Supreme Court decided that question? When he now says the people may exclude slavery, does he not make it a question for the people ? Does he not virtuaUy shift his ground and say that it is not a question for the court, but for the people ? This is a very simple proposition, — a very plain and naked one. It seems to me that there is no difficulty in deciding it. In a variety of ways he said that it was a question for the Supreme Court, He did not stop then to tell us that whatever the Supreme Court decides, the people can by withholding necessary "police regulations" keep slavery out. He did not make any such answer. I submit to you now whether the new state of the case has not induced the Judge to sheer away from his original ground. [Applause.] Would not this be the impression of every fair-minded man ? I hold that the proposition that slavery cannot enter a new country without police regulations is historicaUy false. It is not tme at aU. 244 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS I hold that the history of this country shows that the institution of slavery was originally planted upon this continent without these "police regu lations" which the Judge now thinks necessary for the actual estab lishment of it. Not only so, but is there not another fact: how came this Dred Scott decision to be made ? It was made upon the case of a negro being taken and actually held in slavery in Minnesota Territory, claiming his freedom because the Act of Congress prohibited his being so held there. WUl the Judge pretend that Dred Scott was not held there without police regulations? There is at least one matter of record as to his having been held in slavery in the Territory, not only without police regulations, but in the teeth of Congressional legislation supposed to be vaUd at the time. This shows that there is vigor enough in slavery to plant itself in a new country even against unfriendly legislation. It takes not only law, but the enforcement of law to keep it out. That is the history of this country upon the subject. I wish to ask one other question. It being understood that the Constitution of the United States guarantees property in slaves in the Territories, if there is any infringement of the right of that property, would not the United States courts, organized for the government of the Territory, apply such remedy as might be necessary in that case ? It is a maxim held by the courts that there is no wrong without its remedy; and the courts have a remedy for whatever is acknowledged and treated as a wrong. Again: I will ask you, my friends, if you were elected members of the Legislature, what would be the first thing you would have to do before entering upon your duties? Swear to support the Constitution of the United States. Suppose you believe, as Judge Douglas does, that the Constitution of the United States guarantees to your neighbor the right to hold slaves in that Territory; that they are his property: how can you clear your oaths unless you give him such legislation as is neces sary to enable him to enjoy that property ? What do you understand by supporting the Constitution of a State, or of the United States ? Is it not to give such constitutional helps to the rights established by that Constitution as may be practicaUy needed ? Can you, if you swear to support the Constitution, and beheve that the Constitution establishes a right, clear your oath, without giving it support ? Do you siipport the Constitution if, knowing or believing there is a right established under it which needs specific legislation, you withhold that legislation? Do LINCOLN AT JONESBORO 245 you not violate and disregard your oath? I can conceive of nothing plainer in the world. There can be nothing in the words "support the Constitution," if you may run counter to it by refusing support to any right established under the Constitution. And what I say here will hold with StiU more force against the Judge's doctrine of "unfriendly. legislation." How could you, having sworn to support the Constitu tion, and believing it guaranteed the right to hold slaves in the Territories, assist in legislation intended to defeat that right ? That would be violat ing your own view of the Constitution. Not only so, but if you were to do so, how long would it take the courts to hold your votes unconsti tutional and void ? Not a moment. Lastly, I would ask : Is not Congress itself under obligation to give legislative support to any right that is estabUshed under the United States Constitution ? I repeat the question : Is not Congress itself bound to give legislative support to any right that is established in the United States Constitution? A member of Congress swears to support the Constitution of the United States ; and if he sees a right established by that Constitution which needs specific legislative protection, can he clear his oath without giving that protection ? Let me ask you why many of us who are opposed to slavery upon principle give our acquies cence to a Fugitive-Slave law ? Why do we hold ourselves under obli gations to pass such law, and abide by it when it is passed ? Because the Constitution makes provision that the owners of slaves shall have the right to reclaim them. It gives the right to reclaim slaves; and that right is, as Judge Douglas says, a barren right, unless there is legislation that will enforce it. The mere declaration, "No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shaU in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due," is powerless without specific legislation to enforce it. Now, on what ground would a member of Congress who is opposed to slavery in the abstract, vote for a Fugitive-Slave law, as I would deem it my duty to do ? Because there is a constitutional right which needs legislation to enforce it. And although it is distasteful to me, I have swom to support the Constitution; and having so sworn, I cannot conceive that I do support it if I withhold from that right any ' necessary legislation to make it practical. And^if that is tme in regard 246 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS to a Fugitive-Slave law, is the right to have fugitive slaves reclaimed any better fixed in the Constitution than the right to hold slaves in the Territories ? For this decision is a just exposition of the Constitution, as Judge Douglas thinks. Is the one right any better than the other ? Is there any man who, while a member of Congress, would give support to the one any more than the other ? If I wished to refuse to give legisla tive support to slave property in the Territories, if a member of Congress, I could not do it, holding the view that the Constitution establishes that right. If I did it at aU, it would be because I deny that this decision properly construes the Constitution. But if I acknowledge, with Judge Douglas, that this decision properly construes the Constitution, I cannot conceive that I would be less than a perjured man if I should refuse in Congress to give such protection to that property as in its nature it needed. At the end of what I have said here I propose to giye the Judge my fifth interrogatory, which he may take and answer at his leisure. My fifth interrogatory is this : — If the slaveholding citizens of a United States Territory should need and demand Congressional legislation for the protection of their slave property in such Territory, would you, as a member of Congress, vote for or against such legislation? Judge Douglas. — WiU you repeat that? I want to answer that question. Mr. Lincoln. — If the slaveholding citizens of a United States Terti- tory should need and demand Congressional legislation for the protection of their slave property in such Territory, would you, as a member of Congress, vote for or against such legislation ? I am aware that in some of the speeches Judge Douglas has made he has spoken as if he did not know or think that the Supreme Court had decided that a Territorial legislature cannot exclude slavery. Pre cisely what the Judge would say upon the subject, — whether he would say definitely that he does not understand they have so decided, or whether he would say he does understand that the court have so decided, — I do not know; but I know that in his speech at Springfield he spoke of it as a thing they had not decided yet; and in his answer to me at Freeport, he spoke of it, so far, again, as I can comprehend it, as a thing that had not yet been decided. Now, I hold that if the Judge does entertain that view, I think that' ¦ Omits "that." LINCOLN AT JONESBORO 247 he is not mistaken in so far as it can be said that the court has not de cided anything save the mere question of jurisdiction. I know the legal arguments that can be made, — that after a court has decided that it cannot take jurisdiction in' a case, it then has decided all that is before it, and that is the end of it. A plausible argument can be made in favor of that proposition; but I know that Judge Douglas has said in one of his speeches that the court went forward, like honest men as they were, and decided aU the points in the case. If any points are reaUy extra judicially decided because not necessarily before them, then this one as to the power of the Territorial legislature to exclude slavery is one of them, as also the one that the Missouri Compromise was null and void. They are both extra-judicial, or neither is, according as the court held that they had no jurisdiction in the case between the parties, because of want of capacity of one party to maintain a suit in that court. I want, if I have sufficient time, to show that the court did pass its opinion; but that is the only thing actually done in the case. If they did not decide, they showed what they were ready to decide whenever the matter was before them. What is that opinion? After haAdng argued that Congress had no power to pass a law excluding slavery from a United States Territory, they then used language to this effect: That inasmuch as Congress itself could not exercise such a power, it followed as a matter of course that it could not authorize a Territorial government to exercise it; for the Territorial legislature can do no more than Congress could do. Thus it expressed its opinion emphati- caUy against the power of a Territorial legislature to exclude slavery, leaving us in just as little doubt on that point as upon any other point they reaUy decided. Now, my fellow-citizens, I will detain you only a little while longer; my time is nearly" out. I find a report of a speech made by Judge Douglas at Joliet, since we last met at Freeport, — published, I believe, in the Missouri Republican, — on the 9th of this month, in which Judge Douglas says: — "You know at Ottawa I read this platiorm, and asked him if he concurred in each and all of the principles set forth in it. He would not answer these ques tions. At last I said frankly, I wish you to answer them, because when I get them up here where the color of your principles ares a littie darker than in Egypt, I ¦Reads: "of" for "in." ¦ Inserts, "very" before "nearly." 3 Reads: "is" for "are." 248 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS intend to trot you down to Jonesboro. The very notice that I was going to take him down to Egypt made him tremble in the knees so that he had tp be carried from the platform. He laid up seven days, and in the meantime held a consul tation with his political physicians; they had Lovejoy and Famsworth and all the leaders of the Abolition party; they consulted it all over, and at last Lincoln came to the conclusion that he would answer; so he came up to Freeport last Friday." Now, that statement altogether furnishes a subject for philosophical contemplation. [Laughter.] I have been treating it in that way, and I have really come to the conclusion that I can explain it in no other way than by believing the Judge is crazy. [Renewed laughter.] If he was in his right mind, I cannot conceive how he would have risked. disgusting the four or five thousand of his own friends who stood there, and knew, as to my having been carried from the platform, that there was not a word of tmth in it. Judge Douglas. — Didn't they carry you off ? Mr. Lincoln. — There ! that question illustrates the character of this man Douglas exactly. He smiles now, and says, "Didn't they carry you off ?" But he said then "he had to be carried off;" and he said it to convince the country that he had so completely broken me down by his speech that I had to be carried away. Now he seeks to dodge it, and asks, "Didn't they carry you off ?" Yes, they did. But Judge Douglas why didn't you tell the truth? [Great laughter and cheers.] I would Uke to know why you didn't tell the tmth about it. [Continued laugh ter,] And then again, "He laid up seven days." He puts this in print for the people of the country to read as a serious document. I think if he had been in his sober senses he would not have risked that bare- facedness in the presence of thousands of his own friends, who knew that I made speeches within six of the seven days at Henry, Mar shall County; Augusta, Hancock County; and Macomb, McDonough County; including aU the necessary travel to meet him again at Freeport at the end of the six days. Now, I say there is no charitable way to look at that statement, except to conclude that he is actually crazy. [Laughter,] There is another thing in that statement that alarmed me very greatly as he states it, — that he was going to "trot me down to Egypt." Thereby he would have you infer that I. would not come down to Egypt unless he forced me, — that I could not be got here, unless he, giant-like, had hauled me down here. [Laughter.] That statement he makes, too. DOUGLAS AT JONESBORO 249 in the teeth of the knowledge that I had made the stipulation to come down here, and that he himself had been very reluctant to enter into that stipulation. [Cheers and laughter.] More than all this. Judge Douglas, when he made that statement, must have been crazy, and wholly out of his sober senses, or else he would have known that when he got me down here, that promise — that windy promise — of his powers to anni hilate me, wouldn't amount to anything. Now, how little do I look like being carried away trembling ? Let the Judge go on; and after he is done with his half hour, I want you aU, if I can't go home myself to let me stay and rot here; and if anything happens to the Judge, if I cannot carry him to the hotel and put him to bed, let me stay here and rot. [Great laughter.] I say, then, there is something extraordinary in this statement. I ask you if you know any other living man who would make such a statement? [Cries of "No, no;" "Yes, yes."] I wiU ask my friend Casey over there if he would do such a thing? [Casey dropped his head and said nothing.] Would he send that out, and have his men take it as the truth ? Did the Judge talk of trotting me down to Egypt to scare me to death ? Why, I know this people better than he does. I was raised just a little east of here. I am a part of this people. But the Judge was raised further north, and perhaps he has some horrid idea of what this people might be induced to do. [Roars of laughter and cheers.] But reaUy I have talked about this matter perhaps longer than I ought, for it is no great thing; and yet the smaUest are often the most difficult things to deal with. The Judge has set about seriously trying to make the impression that when we meet at different places I am literaUy in his clutches — that I am a poor, helpless, decrepit mouse, and that I can do nothing at all. This is one of the ways he has taken to create that impression. I don't know any other way to meet it, except this. I don't want to quarrel with him, — to caU him a liar; but when I come square up to him I don't know what else to caU him, if I must tell the truth out. [Cheers and laughter.] I want to be at peace, and reserve all my fighting powers for necessary occasions. My time, now, is nearly out, and I give up the trifle that is left to the Judge, to let him set my knees trembling again, if he can. Mr. Doug'las's Rejoinder Mr. Douglas on again taking the stand was greeted with thundering applause. He said: 2SO ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS My'^friends, while I am very grateful to you for the enthusiasm which you show for me, I wiU say in aU candor, that your quietness wiU be much niore agreeable than your applause, inasmuch as you deprive me of some part of my time whenever you cheer. [" AU right, go ahead, we won't intermpt," etc.] I will commence where Mr. Lincoln left off, and make a remark upon this serious complaint of his about my speech at Joliet. I did say there in a playful manner that when I put these questions to Mr. Lincoln at Ottawa he failed to answer, and that he trembled and had to be carried off the stand, and required seven days to get up his reply. [Laughter.] That he did not walk off from that stand he wUl not deny. That when the crowd went away from the stand with me, a few persons carried him home on theur shoulders and laid him down he wiU admit. [Shouts of laughter.] I wish to say to you that whenever I degrade my friends and myself by allowing them to carry me on theur backs along through the public streets, when I am able to walk, I am wiUing to be deemed crazy ["AU right, Douglas," laughter and applause. Lincoln chewing his naUs in a rage in a back corner.] I did not say whether I beat him or he beat me in the argument. It is true I put these questions to him, and I put them, not as mere idle questions, but showed that I based them upon the creed of the Black Republican party as declared by their conventions in that portion of the State which he depends upon to elect him, and desired to know whether he indorsed that creed. He would not answer. When I reminded him that I intended bringing him into Egypt and renewing my questions if he refused to answer, he then consulted, and did get up his answers one week after, — answers which I may refer to in a few minutes, and show you how equivocal they are. My object was to make him avow whether or not he stood by the platform of his party; the resolutions I then read, and upon which I based my questions, had been adopted by his party in the Galena Congressional District, and the Chicago and Bloomington Congressional Districts, composing a large majority of the counties in this State that give Republican or Abolition majorities. Mr. Lincoln cannot and wiU not deny that the doctrines laid down in these resolutions were in substance put forth in Lovejoy's resolutions, which were voted for by a majority of his party, some of them, if not aU, receiving the support of every man of his party. Hence, I laid a foundation for my questions to him before I asked him whether that was or was not the platform of his party. DOUGLAS AT JONESBORO 251 He saj^ that he answered my questions. One of them was whether he would vote to admit any more Slave States into the Union. The creed of the Republican party as set forth in the resolutions of their various conventions was, that they would under no circumstances vote to admit another Slave State. It was put forth in the Lovejoy resolu tions in the Legislature; it was put forth and passed in a majority of all the counties of this State which give Abolition or Republican ma jorities, or elect members to the Legislature of that school of politics. I had a right to know whether he would vote for or against the admission of another Slave State, in the event the people wanted it. He first answered that he was not pledged on the subject, and then said: — "In regard to the other question, of whether I am pledged to the admission of any more Slave States into the Union, I state to you very frankly that I would be exceedingly sorry ever to be put in the position of having to pass on that question. ["No doubt, — " and laughter. Mr. Lincoln looks savagely into the crowd for the man who said "no doubt."] I should be exceedingly glad to know that there would never be another Slave State admitted into the Union; but I must add that if slavery shall be kept out of the Territories during the Territorial existence of any one given Territory, and then the people, having a fair chance and clean field when they come to adopt a Constitution, do such an extraordinary thing as adopt a slave constitution, uninfluenced by the actual presence of the institution among them, I see no alternative, if we own the country, but to admit them into the Union." Now analyze that answer. In the first place, he says he would be exceedingly sorry to be put in a position where he would have to vote on the question of the admission of a Slave State. Why is he a candidate for the Senate if he would be sorry to be put in that position ? I tmst the people of lUinois wiU not put him. in a position which he would be so sorry to occupy. ["There's no danger," etc.] The next position he takes is that he would be glad to know that there would never be another Slave State, yet, in certain contingencies, he might have to vote for one. What is that contingency? "If Congress keeps slavery out by law while it is a Territory, and then the people should have a fair chance and should adopt slavery, uninfluenced by the presence of the institution," he supposed he would have to admit the State. Suppose Congress should not keep slavery out during their Terri torial existence, then how would he vote when the people applied for admission into the Union with a slave constitution ? That he does not answer; and that is the condition of every Territory we have now got. Slavery is not kept out of Kansas by act of Congress; and when I put the question to Mr. Lincoln, whether he wiU vote for the admission 252 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS with or without slavery, as her people may desire, he wUl not answer, and you have not got an answer from him. In Nebraska, slavery is not prohibited by >Act of Congress, but the people are aUowed, under the Nebraska biU, to do as they please on the subject; and when I ask him whether he will vote to admit Nebraska with a slave constitution if her people desire it, he wiU not answer. So with New Mexico, Wash ington Territory, Arizona, and the four new States to be admitted from Texas, You cannot get an answer from him to these questions. His answer only appUes to a given case, to a condition, — ^things which he knows do not exist in any one Territory in the Union. He tries to give you to understand that he would allow the people to do as they please, and yet he dodges the question as to every Territory in the Union. I now ask why cannot Mr. Lincoln answer to each of these Territories ? He has, not done it, and he wiU not do it. The Abolitionists up north understand that this answer is made with a view of not committing himself on any one Territory now in existence. It is so understood there, and you cannot expect an answer from him on a case that apphes to any one Territory, or applies to the new States which by compact we are pledged to admit out of Texas, when they have the requisite population and desire admission. I submit to you whether he has made g, frank answer, so that you can tell how he would vote in any one of these cases. "He would be sorry to be put in the position." Why would he be sorry to be put in this position if his duty required him to give- the vote ? If the people of a Territory ought to be permitted to come into the Union as a State, with Slavery or without it, as they pleased, why not give the vote admitting them cheerfully? If in his opinion they ought not to come in with slavery, even if they wanted to, why not say that he would cheerfully vote against their admission ? His intimation is that conscience would not let him vote "No," and he would be sorry to do that which his conscience would compel him to do as an honest man. [Laughter and cheers,] In regard to the contract, or bargain, between TmmbuU, the -Abo litionists, and him, which he denies, I wish to say that the charge can be proved by notorious historical facts, TmmbuU, Lovejoy, Giddings, Fred Douglass, Hale, and Banks were travelmg the State at that time, making speeches on the same side and in the same cause with him. He contents himself with the simple denial that no such thing occurred. DOUGLAS AT JONESBORO 253 Does he deny that he, and Trumbull, and Breese, and Giddings, and Chase, and Fred Douglass, and Lovejoy, and all those Abolitionists and deserters from the Democratic party did make speeches all over this State in the same common cause? Does he deny that Jim Matheny was then, and is now, his confidential friend, and does he deny that Matheny made the charge of the bargain and fraud in his own language, as I have read it from his printed speech ? Matheny spoke of his own personal knowledge of that bargain existing between Lincoln, TmmbuU, and the Abolitionists. He still remains Lincoln's confidential friend, and is now a candidate for Congress, and is canvassing the Springfield District for Lincoln. I assert that I can prove the charge to be tme in detail if I can ever get it where I can summon and compel the attend ance of witnesses. I have the statement of another man to the same effect as that made by Matheny, which I am not permitted to use yet; but Jim Matheny is a good witness on that point, and then' the history of the country is conclusive upon it. That Lincoln up to that time had been a Whig, and then undertook to Abolitionize the Whigs and bring them into the Abolition camp, is beyond denial; that Tmmbull up to that time had been a Democrat, and deserted, and undertook to Aboli tionize the Democracy, and take them into the Abolition camp, is beyond denial; that they are both now active, leading, distinguished members of this Abolition RepubUcan party in full communion, is a fact that cannot be questioned or denied. But Lincoln is not wiUing to be responsible for the creed of his party He complains because I hold him responsible; and in order to avoid the issue, he attempts to show that individuals in the Democratic party, many years ago, expressed Abolition sentiments. It is tme that Tom Campbell, when a candidate for Congress in 1850, published the letter which Lincoln read. When I asked Lincoln for the date of that letter, he could not give it. The date of the letter has been suppressed by other speakers who have used it, though I take if for granted that Lincoln did not know the date. If he will take the trouble to examine, he will find that the letter was published only two days before the election, and was never seen untU after it, except in one county. Tom CampbeU would have been beat to death by the Democratic party if that letter had been made public in his district. As to Molony, it is tme he uttered sentiments of the kind referred to by Mr. Lincoln, and the best Demo- ¦ OmiU "then," 254 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS crats would not vote for him for that reason. I returned from Wash ington after the passage of the Compromise Measures in 1850, and when I found Molony mnning under' Wentworth's tutelage and on his platform, I denounced him, and declared that he was no Democrat. In my speech at Chicago, just before the election that year, I went before the infuriated people of that city and vindicated the Compro mise Measures of 1850. Remember the city councU had passed reso lutions nullifying Acts of Congress and instmcting the police to withhold their assistance from the execution of the laws; and as I was the only man in the city of Chicago who was responsible for the passage of the Compromise Measures, I went before the crowd, justified each and every one of those measures; and let it be said, to the eternal honor of the people of Chicago, that when they were convinced by my exposition of those measures that they were right, and they had done wrong in opposing them, they repealed their nullifying resolutions, and declared that they would acquiesce in and support the laws of the land. These facts are well known, and Mr. Lincoln can only get up individual instances, dating back to i849-'5o, which are contradicted by the whole tenor of the Democratic creed. But Mr. Lincoln does not want to be held responsible for the Black Republican doctrine of no more Slave States. Farnsworth is the candi date of his party to-day in the Chicago District, and he made a speech in the last Congress in which he called upon God to palsy his right arm if he ever voted for the admission of another -Slave State, whether the people wanted it or not. Lovejoy is making speeches all over the State for Lincoln now, and taking ground against any more Slave States. Washburne, the Black RepubUcan candidate for Congress in the Galena District, is making speeches in favor of this same Abolition platform declaring no more Slave States. Why are men running for Congress in the northern districts, and taking that Abolition platform for their guide, when Mr. Lincoln does not want to be held to it down here in Egypt and in the center of the State, and objects to it so as to get votes here? ["He can't get any."] Let me teU Mr. Lincoln that his party in the northern part of the State hold to that Abolition platform, and that if they do not in the south and in the center, they present the extra ordinary spectacle of a "house divided agamst itself," and hence, "cannot stand." ["Hurrah."] I now bring down upon him the ven- I Inserts "John." DOUGLAS AT JONESBORO 255 geance of his own scriptural quotation, and give it a more appropriate application than he did, when I say to him that his party. Abolition in one end of the State, and opposed to it in the other, is a house divided against itself, and cannot stand, and ought not to stand, for it attempts to cheat the American people out of their votes by disguising its senti ments. [Cheers,] Mr, Lincoln attempts to cover up and get over his Abolitionism by teUing you that he was raised a little east of you, [laughter] beyond the Wabash in Indiana, and he thinks that makes a mighty sound and good man of him on aU these questions, I do not know that the place where a man is born or raised has much to do with his political principles. The worst Abolitionists I have ever known in Illinois have been men who have sold their slaves in Alabama and Kentucky, and have come here and turned Abolitionists whUst spending the money got for the negroes they sold; ["that's so," and laughter] and I do not know that an Abolitionist from Indiana or Kentucky ought to have any more credit because he was born and raised among slaveholders, ["Not a bit," "not as much," etc] I do not know that a native of Kentucky is more excusable because, raised among slaves, his father and mother having owned slaves, he comes to Illinois, turns Abolitionist, and slanders the graves of his father and mother, and breathes curses upon the insti tutions under which he was born, and his father and mother bred, Tme, I was not bom out west here, I was born away down in Yankee land, ["good"] I was born in a vaUey in Vermont, ["aU right"] with the high "mountains around me, I love the old green mountains and valleys of Vermont where I was born, and where I played in my child hood, I went up to visit them some seven or eight years ago, for the first time for twenty odd years. When I got there they treated me very kindly. They invited me to the Commencement of their college, placed me on the seats with their distinguished guests, and conferred upon me the degree of LL.D. in Latin (doctor of laws), — the same as they did' Old Hickory, at Cambridge, many years ago; and I give you my word and honor I understood just as much of the Latin as he did. [Laughter.] When they got through conferring the honorary degree, they caUed upon me for a speech; and I got up, with my heart fuU and sweUing with gratitude for their kindness, and I said to them, "My friends, Vermont is the most glorious spot on the face of this globe for * Inserts ''on." 2S6 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS a man to be born in, provided he emigrates when he is very young." [Uproarious shouts of laughter.] I emigrated when I was very young. I came out here when I was a boy, and I found my mind liberalized, and my opinions enlarged, when I got on these broad prairies, with only the heavens to bound my vision, instead of having them circumscribed by the little narrow ridges that surrounded the vaUey where I was born. But I discard all flings at' the land where a man was bom. I wish to be judged by my principles, by those great public measures and constitutional principles upon which the peace, the happiness, and the perpetuity of this Republic now rest. Mr. Lincoln has framed another question, propounded it to -me, and desired my answer. As I have said before, I did not put a question to him that I did not first lay a foundation for, by showing that it was a part of the platform of the party whose votes he is now seeking; adopted in a majority of the counties where he now hopes to get a majority; and supported by the candidates of his party now mnning in those counties. But I will answer his question. It is as follows: "If the slaveholding citizens of a United States Territory should need and demand Con gressional legislation for the protection of their slave property in such Territory, would you, as a member of Congress, vote for or against such legislation ?" I answer him that it is a fundamental article in the Democratic creed that there should be non-interference and non intervention by Congress with slavery in the States or Territories. [Immense cheering.] Mr. Lincoln could have found an answer to his question in the Cincinnati platform, if he had desired it. The Dem ocratic party have always stood by that great principle of non-inter ference and non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories aUke, and I stand on that platform now. [Cheer after cheer was here given for Douglas.] Now, I desire to caU your attention to the fact that Lincoln did not define his own position in his own question. ["He can't; it's too far South," and laughter.] How does he stand on that question? He put the question to me at Freeport whether or not I would vote to admit Kansas into the Union before she had 93,420 inhabitants. I answered him at once that, it having been decided that Kansas had now popu lation enough for a Slave State, she had population enough for a Free State. ["Good; that's it;" and cheers.] ¦ Reads: "of" tor "at." DOUGLAS AT JONESBORO 257 I answered the question unequivocally; and then I asked him whether he would vote for or against the admission of Kansas before she had 93,420 inhabitants, and he would not answer me. To-day he has caUed attention to the fact that, in his opinion, my answer on that question was not quite plain enough, and yet he has not answered it himself. [Great laughter.] He now puts a question in relation to Congressional interference in the Territories to me. I answer him direct, and yet he has not answered the question himself. I ask you whether a man has any right, in common decency, to put questions in these public discussions, to his opponent, which he will not answer himself, when they are pressed home to him. I have asked him three times whether he would vote to admit Kansas whenever the people applied with a constitution of their own making and their own adoption, under circum stances that were fair, just, and unexceptionable; but I cannot get an answer from him. Nor will he answer the question which he put to me, and which I have just answered in relation to Congressional interfer ence in the Territories, by making a slave code there. It is tme that he goes on to answer the question by arguing that under the decision of the Supreme Court it is the duty of a man to vote for a slave code in the Territories. He says that it is his duty, under the decision that the court has made; and if he believes in that decision he would be a perjured man if he did not give the vote. I want to know whether he is not bound to a decision which is contrary to his opinions just as much as to one in accordance with his opinions, ["Certainly."] If the decision of the Supreme Court, the tribunal created by the Consti tution to decide the question, is final and binding, is he not bound by it just as strongly as if he was for it instead of against it originally ? Is every man in this land allowed to resist decisions he does not like, and only support those that meet his approval ? What are important courts worth, unless their decisions are binding on aU good citizeng ? It is the fundamental principle of the judiciary that its decisions are final. It is created for that purpose; so that when you cannot agree among yourselves on a disputed point, you appeal to the judicial tribunal, which steps in and decides for you ; and that decision is then binding on every good citizen.. It is the law of the land just as much with Mr, Lincoln against it as for it. And yet he says that if that decision is binding, he is a perjured man if he does not vote for a slave code in the different Territories of this 258 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Union. WeU, if you [turning to Mr. Lincoln] are not going to resist the decision; if you obey it, and do not intend to array mob law against the constituted authorities; then, according to your own statement, you wiU be a perjured man if you do not vote to establish slavery in these Territories. My doctrine is, that even taking Mr. Lincoln's view that the decision recognizes the right of a man to carry his slaves into the Territories of the United States if he pleases, yet after he gets there he needs affirmative law to make that right of any value. The same doctrine not only applies to slave property, but all other kinds of property. Chief Justice Taney places it upon the ground that slave property is on an equal footing with other property. Suppose one of your merchants should move to Kansas and open a liquor store: he has a right to take groceries and liquors there; but the mode of seUing them, and the circumstances under which they shaU be sold, and aU the remedies, must be prescribed by local legislation; and if that is un friendly, it will drive him out just as effectually as if there was a consti tutional provision against the sale of liquor. So the absence of local legislation to encourage and support slave property in a Territory excludes it practically just as effectually as if there was a positive consti tutional provision against it. Hence, I assert that under the Dred Scott decision you cannot main tain slavery a day in a Territory where there is an unwUUng people and unfriendly legislation. If the people are opposed to it, our right is a barren, worthless, useless right; and if they are for it, they wUl support and encourage it. We come right back, therefore, to the practical question. If the people of a Territory want slavery, they wiU have it; and if they do not want it, you cannot force it on them. And this is the practical question, the great principle, upon which our insti tutions rest. ["That's the doctrine."] I am willing to take the decision of the Supreme Court as it was pronounced by that august tribunal, without stopping to inquire whether I would have decided that way or not. I have had many a decision made against me on questions of law which I did not like, but I was bound by them just as much as if I had had a hand in making them and approved them. Did you ever see a lawyer or a client lose his case that he approved the decision of the court ? They always think the decision unjust when it is given against them. In a government of laws, like ours, we must sustain the Consti tution as our fathers made it, and maintain the rights of the States as THE JONESBORO DEBATE 259 they are guaranteed under the Constitution, and then we wiU have peace and harmony between the different States and sections of this glorious Union, [Prolonged cheering.] [Chicago Press and Tribune, September 17, 1858] GEEAT DEBATE BETW^EEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS AT JONESBORO Fourteen Hundred Persons Present.— Doug'las Rehearses the Same Old Speech.— He "Comes to His Milk" Voluntarily, and Old Abe Takes What He Has to Spare.— Lincoln Pulverizes His Freeport Answers on the Dred Scott Decision.— Dougrlas Impeaches the Democracy of His Friends Thomas Campbell and R. S. Malony. — Was He Drunk When He Made His Joliet Speech or Was He Only "Playful?"— Concluding' Speeches by Hon. " For-Grod's-Sake Linder" and Hon, John Doug'herty.— Verbatim Report of Doug las's Speech. Lincoln's Reply and Doug'las's Rejoinder Egypt took the promised novelty of Douglas' "bringing Old Abe to his milk," very coolly, considering the dog-day temperature that prevails down that way. Until ten o'clock on Wednesday the only evidence of the third great debate, in old Jonesboro, was a procession calling itself the Johnson County delegation, consisting of two yoke of steers and a banner inscribed "Stephen A. Douglas," turned bottom upwards. Nothing else unusual transpired during the forenoon until the arrival of two special trains — one from Centralia and the other from Cairo — ^which canie in about the same time. The former consisted of four cars fiUed with attendants on the State Faur, The latter brought Mr. Douglas, his brass cannon, and a band of music from some unknown point, and five or six car-loads of passengers from Cairo, Mound City, Kentucky and Missouri. Arrived at Anna (Jonesboro Station) three cheers were not given — ^in default of which the brass cannon banged away spitefuUy. Mr. Douglas entered a carriage in a quiet and orderly manner, and was driven over to old Jonesboro, about a mile distant. Mr. Lincoln had arrived in town on the evening of the preceding day. Shortly before two o'clock the people entered the Fair grounds, a little north of the town, where the speaking stand had been erected. The inevitable brass cannon was there before them, fiUing the yard with a loud noise and a bad smell. Several banners were brought up on the 26o ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Douglas train from Cairo, and distributed around the stand — ^the principal one inscribed with a paraphrase from Holy Writ: MY SON, IF BOLTERS ENTICE THEE, CONSENT THOU NOT. This was claimed by the Buchanan men as having been stolen from them at a recent county convention. The entire audience on the ground numbered between fourteen and fifteen hundred by actual count. To those who do not know the loca tion of Jonesboro, it wiU be sufficient to say that it is the county seat of Union Co., thirty-three miles north of Cairo, about three hundred and fifty-seven miles south of Chicago. It is very pleasantly and health- fuUy situated among the hiUs towards the confluence of the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, and is about four hundred feet above high water mark. The Jonesboro audience was by far the smaUest that has yet assem bled to hear either of the speakers. There were only a few over fourteen hundred, including the six car-loads brought up by Douglas with his brass cannon and band of music from Cairo. Four car-loads of volun teers came down from Centralia. [Chicago Times, September 17, 1858] THE CAMPAIGN.-DOUGLAS AT JONESBORO Lincoln in Bg'ypt.— Lincoln's Friends Enthusiastic— They Glive Him Three Cheers Each. Lincoln " Trotted Out." His " Points " Dis played. His Wind Fails Him.— Doug'herty Supplies His Place.— The Allies Working' Tog'ether.— Doug'las Triumphs over AU! On Wednesday, Judge Douglas having been escorted to Jonesboro by two hundred and more of his personal friends, the joint discussion took place at a grove on the edge of the town. Delegations of Demo crats from aU the counties of lower lUinois were present, with banners and flags of various descriptions. Notwithstanding the fact that thous ands of farmers and others were engaged elsewhere, at the State Fair, the attendance was very large. The number may be safely estimated at five thousand persons, in which vast body of men there were probably about sixty Republicans and fifteen Danites. The rest of the crowd were Democrats. In Southern lUinois the supporters of Lincoln and negro equality are in the proportion of twelve to a thousand for Douglas and democracy. .While the Danites in Dougherty's own town of Jones- THE JONESBORO DEBATE 261 boro do not exceed altogether twenty-five, and in. the surrounding counties do not average five to a county. The enthusiasm of the people throughout Middle, Eastern, Western, and Southern Illinois in behalf of Douglas is intense; there is but one sentiment, one feeling, and there is but one purpose, which purpose is to re-elect him to the Senate where he has so ably and vigorously defended the constitution and the Union, has so long and successfully served Illinois, and has won for himself and the State such imperishable renown. [New York Evening Post, September 22, 1858] (Special Correspondence of the Evening Post.) Jonesboro', III., September 15, 1858 The third field-day between Lincoln and Douglas has just closed at this town. It is an ancient viUage in the heart of Egypt, among hills and ravines, and invested with forest as the soil itself. It is thirty miles from Cairo and three hundred miles from Chicago, lUinois is no longer the "Prairie state." We have come to it through rocky depths and cliff cuttings; through forests primeval; through sharp and broken bluffs, altogether like in style, though (from diversity of timber) not in appearance, to the region adjacent to the Erie Railroad, where it passes through Western New York. Jonesboro' is a mUe and a half from the railroad. The station is called "Anna," and is as large as the town itself. The Station is Repub lican; the town is democratic. The land sales of the lUinois Central Railroad, by opening the country to the advent of settlers, have intro duced the men of the East, who bring certain uncomfortable and antago- nistical political maxims, and thus the time-honored darkness of Egypt is made to fade away before the approach of middle state and New England ideas. Let these land sales go on, and a change wiU take place in the political physiognomy of Southern lUinois. AU things suffer "a sea change," and already the alterative influence of these new ideas is sensi bly felt in this section. You remember that at Ottawa Mr. Douglas triumphantly informed his audience that he should "trot Lincoln down into Egypt," and "bring him to his milk," on certain questions propounded to him. This classic exercise has just closed. Lincoln has been "trotted out," and Douglas has smaU boast to make of his enterprise. The meeting, which was in a pleasant grove hard by the town, was very small, not 262 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS over 1,200; and of these, probably a fourth were Republicans, another fourth Buchanan men, the rest Douglas men and women. Considering the abundant population of Egypt, and its firm faith in Douglas, it is very remarkable that so smaU a turnout appeared. Mr. Lincoln came to the ground attended by a few friends. The senator came attended by a band of music and a crowd of admirers, and heralded by discharges of that same brass cannon which has already traveUed so extensively through the state. Mr. Douglas was greeted with immense applause on his appearance. He had the opening speech. In language it was almost identical with his Galena speech, and indeed with others that he has made. He began by stating that in 1852, and prior to 1854, the whig and democratic parties, hocsvever they differed on other matters, agreed and harmonized on the slavery question, Ha-ving established this fact, he proceeded to charge upon Lincoln and TmmbuU a con spiracy to bring whigs and democrats, "bound hand and foot," into the aboUtion camp. The one to have Shields's place in the United States Senate, and the other to have "my place, if I should be so accommodating as to die or resign," He had very Utile to say in regard to the doctrine of popular sovereignty, but on the Dred Scott decision, said he was "content to abide by it, as the supreme law of the land," thus meandering slightly from his Freeport position, where this decision was an "abstrac tion" so far as it interfered with the popular sovereignty. Mr, Douglas's speech was not marked by his usual abiUty, and the delivery was very bad — a sort of school boy monotone, with an espe cial aplomb on every emphatic syllable. Mr. Lincoln arose evidently embarrassed by the apparent uniform democratic hue of his audience. A faint cheer was elicited, foUowed by derisive laughter from the Douglas men, and solemn silence from the "Danites," The Lincoln men took courSge from this and burst into a loud cheer, which for the first time satisfied the statesmen on the platform, that matters were not aU one way, Mr. Lincoln proceeded in his accustomed sincere, earnest and good-humored may. to present his side of the case. He was a stranger to the audience and most of them were his bitter foes, but he won rapidly upon them. [Peoria Transcript, September 20, 1858] THE JONESBORO DEBATE Although the audience in attendance at the Jonesboro debate between Lincoln and Douglas was very small compared with the crowd at THE JONESBORO DEBATE 263 Ottawa and Freeport (not more than 1,500 persons being present) the debate itself is, in many respects, the most important one yet held. Its principal features were the new and powerful arguments introduced by Mr, Lincoln in exposing the position of Douglas on the Dred Scott decision, and an exhibition of Democratic platforms in Northern lUi nois in 1850-52, As this portion of Mr, Lincoln's speech is highly interesting and important, we shall give it to our readers in full. Mr. Douglas' opening speech was, from beginning to end, in lan guage and substance, the same that he delivered in Ottawa, He went over the old ground of Negro equality, popular sovereignty, the rights of States, &c. The salient points of his closing speech were an explana tion that when he told his JoUet falsehoods he was only in fun, (leaving the inference that he was probably drunk,) a nimble bound over and dodge under Mr. Lincoln's question as to whether he would or would not give the territorial slave holders Congressional protection should they demand it, and the closing lampoon of his birthplace to the effect that "Vermont is a good State to be born in, provided you emigrate when very young" — ^the same silly anecdote and shameful libel that he has used in every speech he has made since the opening of the campaign. These discussions are resulting in a decided triumph of Mr. Lincoln over his opponent. The dispassionate and able manner in which he addressed the people, and the masterly manner in which he upholds Republicanism and exposes Democracy, elicits the admiration of the whole country. We are more and more convinced of his superiority over Mr. Douglas in every respect — as a debater, a statesman and an upright and incormptible man. The resources of his mind are perfectly inex haustible. No man in the nation has a more intimate knowledge of our political affairs, or knows better how to use that knowledge effectively. [Chicago Journal, September 17, 1858] THE DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN DEBATE IN LOV^ER EGYPT Jonesboro', Sept. 15, 1858 The first debate in "Egypt, "between Douglas and Lincoln-, took place here today. As compared with the audiences they had at Ottawa and Freeport, the crowd present at this debate was small, and lacking in enthusiasm. There were not two thousand people in attendance. The extra excursion train from Cairo, for the State Fair at Centraha, brought up Senator Douglas and his cannon this evening. We came 264 n^LINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS up on the same train, and were surprised that notwithstanding the cannon was fired on the arrival at each station, not a solitary cheer was given, nor any sign of enthusiasm manifested, for Douglas, at any of the Stations, between Cairo and Jonesboro'. We say we were surprised at this, for the reason that we have heard so much about "Egypt" boUing with excitement in favor of the Little Giant. This is not tme. Like a thousand other things we read in his organs and hear his fuglers say, it is bogus. There is no enthusiasm — ^no excitement, in this region for Douglas, We say this candidly, and mention it only to show that even in this strong "Democratic" section, where Douglas has been represented as invulnerable and unassailable, the utmost indifference exists regarding him. We are assured by gentlemen residing here, that there is a strong probabUity that the Buchanan Democratics — the adamantine "Nationals" are strongly in the ascendant over the Douglas bolters, and that in some localities hereaway there are even more Lincoln men than Douglas men. Think of that ! "Egypt " becoming repubUcan- ized, or, as Douglasite libeUers would say, "Abolitionized"! Jonesboro' itseU, the very center of "Egypt," is a Republican town! This shows that the great, patriotic and righteous principles of the RepubUcan party, which Mr. Lincoln so faithfully represents, and so ably advocates and defends before the people, are progressing and finding their way to the popular heart even in regions that Republicans have regarded as hopelessly given over to the worship of false gods. AU that the Egyptians, as weU as others, requure to bring them into the support of Republicanism is to have our principles, sentiments and objects faurly and fully explained to them, so that they wiU understand them, and become disabused of the false notions regarding the Republican party, which Douglas and his blowers have by misrepresentation and falsehood, impressed upon them. But I must say something about the "reception" Douglas and his cannon were honored with here. It was highly amusing, and to the Senator himself, evidently a disappointment. When the train arrived at the Station, his cannon (he always carries it with him, on an extra wood car attached to the train) fired his own salute, and a crowd of about a hundred mshed to the cars. He stepped forth, waved his hand, and nobody appearing to take any particular notice of him*- (they are a very cool set of people down here, notwithstanding the hot weather they are having) — ^he went to a carriage prepared for him and left. There was no cheering — ^no anything. Bye and bye, three boys THE JONESBORO DEBATE 265 came along with Douglas banners, and a couple of big men with a big American flag, which the Senator brought with him in the train and they walked into the middle of the street and halted, expecting "the people" to foUow them in procession behind Douglas' carriage. But "the people" didn't! The three boys and the two big men, with the banners and the big flag, then concluded to march, and off they went up street, presenting a spectacle that excited the laughter and ridicule of "the people." It being customary for some journalists to ridicule and burlesque the men and the meetings of their opponents, however unjustly, some may think that this was written in that spirit, but it is not. In sajdng that Douglas' "reception" here was the most ludicrous failure that we have ever witnessed in a political campaign, we speak in candor and assert the simple tmth, however much such a fact may surprise those who are laboring under the mistaken notion that "Egypt is aU for Douglas." The town was exceedingly quiet, and the people scattered about here and there, until 2 o'clock when the crowd gathered in the grove near by, and the debate commenced. Senator Douglas opened in a speech of an hour, was followed by Mr. Lincoln in an hour and a half, and Douglas wound up the discussion in a half hour's rejoinder. There was no attempt to interfere with either of the speakers, and aU went off orderly and weU. After the debate, cheers were given for Lincoln and for Douglas; and Gen. Linder being lively called for, mounted the stand and made a short Douglas speech. Hon. John Dougherty was also caUed on, and made a stirring Buchanan speech, denouncing Douglas in the strongest possible terms. [Lowell, Mass., Journal and Courier, September 22, 1S58] The Senatorial Canvass in Illinois. — ^The Third senatorial discussion between Douglas and Lincoln took place at Jonesboro', Southern lUinois, on the isth inst. Jonesboro' is one of the darkest regions of "Egypt," thirty miles from Cairo, and three hundred from Chicago. Union county, in which it is situated, gave at the Presidential election 46 votes for Fremont, 246 for FiUmore, and 1283 for Buchanan. Here, Douglas was supposed to be on his own ground, and in his own classic phrase, he was here to bring Lincoln "to his milk." According to the correspondent of the New York Evening Post, however, his sue- 266 ILLESrOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS cess was not very flattering. There were only about 1200 persons in attendance, showing less enthusiasm on the part of the friends of Douglas than might have been expected. About one half of these were Douglas men, one fourth Buchananites, and the remainder Republicans. Mr. Douglas' speech was not marked by his usual abiUty, and his delivery was very bad, while Lincoln's speech was said to have been the best he had delivered. Union county promises to give the Republican ticket three or four hundred votes, which is more than the Fremont and FiUmore vote combined in 1856. [Gate City, Keokuk, Iowa, September 29, 1858] NOT EXACTLY Douglas said that he was going to bring "Old Abe" "to his milk" down in Egypt. The report of their speeches has gone abroad to the world and the Louisville Journal speaks thus of the remarks of Lincoln: "Let no one omit to read them. They are searching, scathing, stunning. They belong to what some one has graphically styled the tomahawking species," CHAPTER VIII THE CHARLESTON DEBATE [The Indiana Journal, Indianapolis, September 1858] The Messenger of the American Express Company who came over the Terre Haute and Alton Road yesterday furnishes us with the foUowing memoranda of the movements of Lincoln and Douglas in Hhnois : Sept. 15, 1858 Editor Journal: Hon. Abraham Lincoln is at Mattoon today. Douglas is to be there tonight. Tomorrow they speak at Charleston, Each is to be accompanied by processions from Mattoon, taking dif ferent routes. There is considerable excitement to see which one has the largest turnout. The "BowUng Green Band" from Terre Haute is employed by the friends of Lincoln to head their procession. FOURTH JOINT DEBATE Charleston, September 18, 18^8 Mr. Lincoln's Speecli Mr. Lincoln took the stand at a quarter before three, and was greeted with vociferous and protracted applause; after which, he said: Ladies and Gentlemen: It wUl be very difficult for an audience so large as this to hear distinctly what a speaker says, and consequently it is important that as profound silence be preserved as possible. While I was at the hotel to-day, an elderly gentleman called upon me to know whether I was really in favor of producing a perfect equality between the negroes and white people, [Great laughter,] While I had not proposed to myself on this occasion to say much on that subject, yet as the question was asked me, I thought I would occupy perhaps five minutes in saying something in regard to it. I will say, then, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races; [applause] that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people; and I wiU say, in addition to this, that there is a physical 267 268 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS difference between the white and black races which I believe will for ever forbid the two races li'ving together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be-the position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race. I say upon this occasion : I do not perceive that because the white man is to have the superior position the negro should be denied every thing. I do not understand that because I do not want a negro woman for a slave I must necessarily want her for a wife, [Cheers and laugh ter,] My understanding is that I can just let her alone. I am now in my fiftieth year, and I certainly never have had a black woman for either a slave or a wife. So it seems to me quite possible for us to get along without making either slaves or wives of negroes. I will add to this that I have never seen, to my knowledge, a man, woman, or child who was in favor of producing a perfect equality, social and political, between negroes and white men, I recoUect of but one distinguished instance that I ever heard of so frequently as to be entirely satisfied of its correct ness, and that is the case of Judge Douglas's old friend Colonel Richard M, Johnson, [Laughter and cheers.] I wiU also add to the remarks' I have made (for I am not going to enter at large upon this subject), that I have never had the least appre hension that I or my friends would marry negroes if there was no law to keep them from it; [laughter] but as Judge Douglas and his friends seem to be in great apprehension that they might, if there were no law to keep them from it, [roars of laughter] I give him the most solemn pledge that I wUl to the very last stand by the law of this State, which forbids the marrying of white people with negroes. [Continued laughter and applause,] I wiU add one further word, which is this: that I do not understand that^ there is any place where an alteration of the social and political relations of the negro and the white irian can be made,' except in the State Legislature, — ^not m the Congress of the United States; and as I do not reaUy apprehend the approach of any such thing myself, and as Judge Douglas seems to be in constant horror that some such danger is rapidly approaching, I propose as the best means to prevent it that the Judge be kept at home, and placed in the State Legislature to * Inserts, "few" before "remarks." > Omits "that." 3 Reads: "changed" for "made." Q Pi f. ?• - 1^ a o g O V. Pi o LINCOLN AT CHARLESTON 269 fight the measure, [Uproarious laughter and applause,] I do not propose dweUing longer at this time on this subject. When Judge TmmbuU, our other Senator in Congress, returned to lUinois in the month of August, he made a speech at Chicago, in which he made what may be called a charge against Judge Douglas, which I understand proved to be very offensive to him. The Judge was at that time out upon one of his speaking tours through the country, and when the news of it reached him, as I am informed, he denounced Judge Trum buU in rather harsh terms for having said what he did in regard to that matter, I was traveling at that time, and speaking at the same places with Judge Douglas on subsequent days; and when I heard of what Judge Trumbull had said of Douglas, and what Douglas had said back again, I felt that I was in a position where I could not remain entirely silent in regard to the matter. Consequently, upon two or three occa sions I aUuded to it, and alluded' to it in no other wise than to say that in regard to the charge brought by Tmmbull against Douglas, I personally knew nothing, and sought to say nothing about it; that I did personally know Judge Tmmbull; that I believed him to be a man of veracity; that I believed him to be a man of capacity sufficient ;o know very weU whether an assertion he was making, as a conclusion drawn from a set of facts, was true or false; and as a conclusion of my own from that, I stated it as my belief, if TmmbuU should ever be called upon, he would prove everything he had said. I said this upon two or three occasions. • Upon a subsequent occasion. Judge Tmmbull spoke again before an audience at Alton, and upon that occasion not only repeated his charge against Douglas, but arrayed the evidence he relied upon to substantiate it. Thisspeech was published at length; and subsequently at JacksonviUe Judge Douglas aUuded to the matter. In the course of his speech, and near the close of it, he stated in regard to myself what I wiU now read: "Judge Douglas proceeded to remark that he should not hereafter occupy his time in refuting such charges made by Trum bull, but that Lincohi having indorsed the character of TmmbuU for veracity, he should hold him (Lincoln) responsible for the slanders," I have done simply what I have told you, to subject me to this invitation to notice the charge. I now wish to say that it had not originally been my purpose to discuss that matter at aU. But inasmuch as it seems to ¦ Inserts "I" before "aUuded." 270 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS be the wish of Judge Douglas to hold me responsible for it, then for once in my life I wiU play General Jackson, and to the just extent I take the responsibility. [Great applause and cries of "Good, good," "Hur rah for Lincoln," etc.] I wish to say at the beginning that I wiU hand to the reporters that portion of Judge Trumbull's Alton speech which was devoted to this matter, and also that portion of Judge Douglas's speech made at Jack sonville in answer to it, I shaU thereby furnish the readers of this debate with the complete discussion between TmmbuU and Douglas, I cannot now read them, for the reason that it would take half of my first hour to do so, I can only make some comments upon them. Tmm- bull's charge is in the following words: "Now, the charge is, that there was a plot entered into to have a Constitution formed for Kansas, and put in force, without giving the people an opportunity to vote upon it, and that Mr, Douglas was in the plot," I wiU state, without quoting further, for aU will have an opportunity of reading it hereafter, that Judge Tmmbull brings forward what he regards as sufficient evidence to substantiate this charge. It will be perceived Judge Trumbull shows that Senator Bigler, upon the floor of the Senate, had declared there had been a conference among the senators, in which conference it was determined to have an Enabling Act passed for the people of Kansas to form a constitution under, and in this conference it was agreed among them that it was best not to have a provision for submitting the constitution to a vote of the people after it should be formed. He then brings forward evidence to show, and showing, as he deemed,' that Judge Douglas reported the biU back to the Senate with thaf clause stricken out. He then shows that there was a new clause inserted into the bill, which would in its nature prevent a reference of the constitution back for a vote of the people, — ^if, indeed, upon a mere silence in the law, it could be assumed that they had the right to vote upon it. These are the general statements that he has made. I propose to examine the points in Judge Douglas's speech in which he attempts to answer that speech of Judge TmmbuU's. When you come to examine Judge Douglas's speech, you wiU find that the first point he makes is : " Suppose it were tme that there was such a change in the bill, and that I struck it out,— is that a proof of a plot to force ¦ Inserts "it" after "deemed," LINCOLN AT CHARLESTON 271 a constitution upon them against their wiU?" His striking out such a provision, if there was such a one in the bill, he argues, does not establish the proof that it was stricken out for the purpose of robbing the people of that right, I would say, in the first place, that that would be a most manifest reason for it. It is tme, as Judge Douglas states, that many Territorial bills have passed without having such a provision in them. I believe it is true, though I am not certain, that in some instances, constitutions framed under such bills have been submitted to a vote of the people, with the law silent upon' the subject; but it does not appear that they once had their Enabling Acts framed with an express provision for submitting the constitution to be framed, to a vote of the people, and then that it was^ stricken out when Congress did not mean to alter the effect of the law. That there have been bills which never had the provision in, I do not question; but when was that provision taken out of one that it was in ? More especiaUy does this evidence tend to prove the propo sition that TmmbuU advanced, when we remember that that provision was stricken out of the bill almost simultaneously with the time that Bigler says there was a conference among certain senators, and in which it was agreed that a bill should be passed leaving that out. Judge Douglas, in answering TmmbuU, omits to attend to the testimony of Bigler, that there was a meeting in which it was agreed they should so frame the bill that there should be no submission of the constitution to a vote of the people. The Judge does not notice this part of it. If you take this as one piece of evidence, and then ascertain that simultaneously Judge Douglas struck out a provision that did require it to be submitted, and put the two together, I think it wiU make a pretty fair show of proof that Judge Douglas did, as Trumbull says, enter into a plot to put in force a constitution for Kansas without giving the people any opportunity of voting upon it. But I must hurry on. The next proposition that Judge Douglas puts is this: "But upon examination it turns out that the Toombs bill never did contain a clause requiring the constitution to be submitted." This is a mere question of fact, and can be determined by evidence. I only want to ask this question: Why did not Judge Douglas say that these words were not stricken out of the Toombs bUl, or this bill from • Reads: "on" for "upon," Reads: "they were" for "it was." 272 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS which it is aUeged the provision was stricken out, — a bill which goes by the name of Toombs, because he originaUy brought it forward ? I ask why, if the Judge wanted to make a direct issue with Trumbull, did he not take the exact proposition Trumbull made in his speech, and say it' was not stricken out ? Tmmbull has given the exact words that he says were in the Toombs bill, and he alleges that when the bill came back, they were stricken out. Judge Douglas does not say that the words which TmmbuU says were stricken out were not so stricken out; but he says there was no provision in the Toombs biU to submit the constitution to a vote of the people. We see at once that he is merely making an issue upon the meaning of the words. He has not undertaken to say that TrumbuU tells a lie about these words being stricken out; but he is reaUy, when pushed up to it, only taking an issue upon the meaning of the words. Now, then, if there be any issue upon the meaning of the words, or if there be upon the question of fact as to whether these words were stricken out, I have before me what I suppose to be a genuine copy of the Toombs bill, in which it can be shown that the words Trumbull says were in it, were, in fact, originally there. If there be any dispute upon the fact, I have got the documents here to show they were there. If there be any con troversy upon the sense of the words, — ^whether these words which were stricken out really constituted a provision for Submitting the matter to a vote of the people, — as that is a matter of argument, I think I may as weU use TmmbuU's own argument. He says that the proposition is in these words : — "That the following propositions be and the same are hereby offered to the said Convention of the people of Kansas when formed, for their free acceptance or rejection; which, if accepted by the Convention and ratified by the people at the election for the adoption of the constitution, shall be obligatory upon the United States and the said State of Kansas," Now, TmmbuU alleges that these last words were stricken out of the biU when it came back, and he says this was a provision for submitting the constitution to a vote of the people ; and his argument is this : ' ' Would it have been possible to ratify the land propositions at the election for the adoption of the constitution, unless such an election was to be held?" [Applause and laughter,] This^ is TmmbuU's argu ment. Now, Judge Douglas does not meet the charge at aU, but he ¦ Inserts "that" before "it." " Reads: "That" for "This," LINCOLN AT CHARLESTON 273 stands up and says there was no such proposition in that biU for sub mitting the constitution, to be framed, to a vote of the people. Tmm buU admits that the language is not a direct provision for submitting it, but it is a provision necessarily implied from another provision. He asks you how it is possible to ratify the land proposition at the election for the adoption of the constitution, if there was no election to be held for the adoption of the constitution. And he goes on to show that it is not any less a law because the provision is put in that indirect shape than it would be if it was put directly. But I presume I have said enough to draw attention to this point, and I pass it by also. Another one of the points that Judge Douglas makes upon TrumbuU, and at very great length, is, that Tmmbull, while the bill was pending, said in a speech in the Senate that he supposed the constitution to be made would have to be submitted to the people. He asks, if Trumbull thought so then, what ground is there for anybody thinking otherwise now ?' Fellow-citizens, this much may be said in reply: That bill had been in the hands of a party to which TrumbuU did not belong. It had been in the hands of the committee, at the head of which Judge Douglas stood, Trumbull perhaps had a printed copy of the original Toombs bill. I have not the evidence on that point, except a sort of inference I draw from the general course of business there. What alterations, or what provisions in the way of altering, were going on in that^ committee, Trumbull had no means of knowing, until the altered bUl was reported back. Soon afterward, when it was reported back, there was a dis cussion over it, and perhaps TrumbuU in reading it hastily in the altered form did not perceive aU the bearings of the alterations. He was hastily borne into the debate, and it does not follow that because there was something in it TmmbuU did not perceive, that something did not exist. More than this, is it tme that what TrumbuU did can have any effect on what Douglas did ? [Applause.] Suppose TmmbuU had been in the plot with these other men, would that let Douglas out of it ? [Applause and laughter.] Would it exonerate Douglas that TmmbuU didn't then perceive thats he was in the plot ? He also asks the question: Why didn't TmmbuU propose to amend the bill, if he thought it needed any amendment ? Why, I beheve that everything Judge TmmbuU had proposed, particularly in connection with ¦ Reads as follows: "He asks, if Trumbull thought so, what reason there is now for any one to suppose the contrary." > Omits "that, ' Omits "that," 2 74 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS this question of Kansas and Nebraska, since he had been on the floor of the Senate, had been promptly voted down by Judge Douglas and his friends. He had no promise that an amendment offered by him to anything on this subject would receive the slightest consideration. Judge TmmbuU did bring to the notice of the Senate at that time the fact that there was no provision for submitting the constitution about to be made for the people of Kansas, to a vote of the people, I believe I may venture to say that Judge Douglas made some reply to this speech of Judge TmmbuU's, but he never noticed that part of it at all. And so the thing passed by, I think, then, the fact that Judge TmmbuU offered no amendment, does not throw much blame upon him; and if it did, it does not reach the question of fact as to what Judge Douglas was doing. [Applause,] I repeat, that if Tmmbull had himself been in the plot, it would not at all relieve the others who were in it from blame. If I should be indicted for murder, and upon the trial it should be dis covered that I had been implicated in that murder, but that the prose cuting witness was guilty too, that would not at aU touch the question of my crime. It would be no relief to my neck that they discovered this other man who charged the crime upon me to be guUty too. Another one of the points Judge Douglas makes upon Judge Trum bull is, that when he spoke in Chicago he made his charge to rest upon the fact that the biU had the provision in it for submitting the constitution to a vote of the people when it went into his (Judge Douglas's) hands, that it was missing when he reported it to the Senate, and that in a public speech he had subsequently said the alterations' in the bill were^ made while it was in committee, and that they were made in consultation between him (Judge Douglas) and Toombs. And Judge Douglas goes on to comment upon the fact of TmmbuU's adducing in his Alton speech the proposition that the biU not only came back with that proposition stricken out, but with another clause and another provision in it, saying that "until the complete execution of this Act there shaU be no election in said Territory," — which, TmmbuU argued, was not only taking the provision for submitting to a vote of the people, out of the biU, but was adding an affirmative one, in that it prevented the people from exer cising the right under a biU that was merely silent on the question. Now, in regard to what he says, that TrumbuU shifts the issue, that ¦ Reads: "alteration" for "alterations." ' Reads: "was" for "were." LINCOLN AT CHARLESTON 275 he shifts his ground, — and I believe he uses the term that, "it being proven false, he has changed ground," — I call upon all of you, when you come to examine that portion of TmmbuU's speech (for it will make a part of mine), to examine whether TmmbuU has shifted his ground or not. I say he did not shift his ground, but that he brought forward his original charge and the evidence to sustain it yet more fully, but pre cisely as he originally made it. Then, in addition thereto, he brought in a new piece of evidence. He shifted no ground. He brought no new piece of evidence inconsistent with his former testimony; but' he brought a new piece, tending, as he thought, and as I think, to piove his proposition. To illustrate: A man brings an accusation against another, and on trial the man making the charge introduces A and B to prove the accusation. At a second trial he introduces the same witnesses, who tell the same story as before, and a third witness, who tells the same thing, and in addition gives further testimony corrob orative of the charge. So with TmmbuU, There was no shifting of ground, nor inconsistency of testimony between the new piece of evidence and what he originaUy introduced. But Judge Douglas says that he himself moved to strike out that last provision of the biU, and that on his motion it was stricken out and a substitute inserted. That I presume is the tmth. I presume it is true that that last proposition was stricken out by Judge Douglas. Tmm buU has not said it was not, Trumbull has himself said that it was so stricken out. He says: "I am speaking of the biU as Judge Douglas reported it back. It was amended somewhat in the Senate before it passed, *but I am speaking of it as he brought it back," Now, when Judge Douglas parades the fact that the provision was stricken out of the bill when it came back, he asserts nothing contrary to what Trum bull alleges, Trumbull has only said that he originally put it in, — ^not that he did not strike it out. TmmbuU says it was not in the biU when it went to the committee. When it came back it was in, and Judge Douglas said the alterations were made by him in consultation with Toombs, TmmbuU aUeges, therefore, as his conclusion, that Judge Douglas put it in. Then, if Douglas wants to contradict TrumbuU and caU him a liar, let him say he did not put it in, and not that he didn't take it out again. It is said that a bear is sometimes hard enough pushed to drop a cub; » Reads: "and" for "but." 276 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS and so I presume it was in this case. [Loud applause.] I presume the tmth is that Douglas put it in, and afterward took it out. [Laughter and cheers.] That, I take it, is the tmth about it. Judge Tmmbull says one thing, Douglas says another thing, and the two don't contradict one another at aU, The question is. What did he put it in for ? In the first place, what did he take the other provision out of the bUl for, — ^the provision which TmmbuU argued was necessary for submitting the constitution to a vote of the people ? What did he take that out for; and, having taken it out, what did he put this in for ? I say that in the run of things, it is not unlikely forces conspired to render it vastly expe dient for Judge Douglas to take that latter clause out again. The ques tion that Tmmbull has made is that Judge Douglas put it in; and he don't meet TmmbuU at all unless he denies that. In the clause of Judge Douglas's speech upon this subject he uses this language toward Judge Trumbull.. He says: "He forges his evidence from beginning to end; and by falsifying the record, he en deavors to bolster up his false charge." • Well, that is a pretty serious statement. Trumbull "forges his evidence from beginning to end," Now, upon my own authority I say that it is not true, [Great cheers and laughter.] What is a forgery ? Consider the evidence that Trum bull has brought forward. When you come to read the speech, as you will be able to, examine whether the evidence is a forgery from beginning to end. He had the billx^r document in his hand like that [holding up a paper]. He says that is a copy of the Toombs biU, — ^the amendment offered by Toombs, He says that is a copy of the bUl as it was intro duced and went into Judge Douglas's hands. Now, does Judge Douglas say that is forgery?' That is one thing Trumbull brought forward. Judge Douglas says he forged it from beginning to end ! That is the "beginning" we wiU say. Does Douglas say that is a forgery ? Let him say it to-day, and we wiU have a subsequent examination upon this subject. [Loud applause.] TmmbuU then holds up another docu ment like this, and says that is an exact copy of the bill as it came back in the amended form out of Judge Douglas's hands. Does Judge Doug las say that^ that is a forgery ? Does he say it in his general sweeping charge ? Does he say so now ? If he does not, then take this Toombs biU and the biU in the amended form, and it only needs to compare them > Inserts "a" before "forgery.'' ' Omits "that." LINCOLN AT CHARLESTON 277 to see' the provision is in the one and not^ in the other; it leaves the inference inevitable that it was taken out. [Applause,] But while I am deaUng with this question, let us see what TmmbuU's other evidence is. One other piece of evidence I will read. Tmmbull says there are in this original Toombs bill these words: "That the following propositions be, and, the same are hereby offered to the said Convention of the people of Kansas, when formed, for their free accept ance or rejection; which, if accepted by the Convention and ratified by the people at the election' for the adoption of the constitution, shall be obligatory upon the United States and the said State of Kansas.'' Now, if it is said that this is a forgery, we will open the paper here and see whether it is or not. Again, Tmmbull sa)^, as he goes along, that Mr. Bigler made the following statement in his place in the Senate, Dec, 9, 1857:— "I was present when that subject was discussed by senators before the bill was introduced, and the question was raised and discussed, whether the constitution when formed, should be submitted to a vote of the people. It was held by those most intelligent on the subject that in view of all the difficulties surrounding that Territory, the danger of any experiment at that time of a popular vote, it would be better there should be no such provision in the Toombs bill; and is was my under standing, in all the intercourse I had, that the Convention would make a consti tution, and send it here, without submitting it to the popular vote." Then Tmmbull foUows on: — "In speaking of this meeting again on the 21st of December, 1857 [Con gressional Globe; same vol., page 113], Senator Bigler said: — " 'Nothing was further from my mind than to allude to any social or confidential interview. The meeting was not of that character. Indeed, it was semi-official, and called to promote the public good. My recollection was clear that I left the conference under the impression that it had been deemed best to adopt measures to admit Kansas as a State through the agency of one popular election, and that for delegates to this Convention. This impression was stronger because I thought the spirit of the bill infringed upon the doctrine of non-intervention, to which I had great aversion; but with the hope of accomplishing a great good, and as no movement had been made in that direction in the Territory, I waived this objection, and concluded to support the measure. I have a few items of testimony as to the correctness of these impressions, and with their submission I shall be content. I have before me the bill reported by the senator from Illinois on the 7th of March, 1856, providing for the admission of Kansas as a State, the third section of which reads as follows: — " ' "That the following propositions be, and the same are hereby offered ¦ Inserts "that" after "see." • Inserts "it is" before "not." 278 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS to the said Convention of the people of Kansas, when formed, for their free accept ance or rejection; which, if accepted by the Convention and ratified by the people at the election for the adoption of the Constitution, shall be obligatory upon the United States and the said State of Kansas,'' " 'The bill read in his' place by the senator from Georgia on the 25th of June, and referred to the Committee on Territories, contained the same section word for word. Both these bills were under consideration at the conference referred to; but, sir, when the senator from Illinois reported the Toombs bill to the Senate with amendments, the next morning, it did not contain that portion of the third section which indicated to the Convention that the Constitution should be approved by the people. The words, "and ratified by the people at the election, for the adoption of the constitution," had been stricken out,' " Now, these things TmmbuU says were stated by Bigler upon the floor of the Senate on certain days, and that they are recorded in the Congressional Globe on certain pages. Does Judge Douglas say this is a forgery? Does he say there is no such thing in the Congressional Globe? What does he mean when he says Judge TmmbuU forges his evidence from beginning to end ? So again he says in another place, that Judge Douglas, in his speech, Dec, 9, 1857 {Congressional Globe, part I, page 15), stated: — "That during the last session of Congress I [Mr, Douglas] reported a bill from the Committee on Territories, to authorize the people of Kansas to assemble and form a constitution for themselves, Subsequentiy the senator from Georgia [Mr. Toombs] brought forward a substitute for my bUl, which, after having been modified by him and myself in consultation, was passed by the Senate." Now, Trumbull says this^ is a quotation from a speech of Douglas, and is recorded in the Congressional Globe. Is it a forgery? Is it there or not ? It may not be there, but I want the Judge to take these pieces of evidence, and distinctly say they are forgeries if he dare do it. A Voice. — ^He will. Mr. Lincoln. — Well, sir, you had better not commit him. [Cheers and laughter.] He gives other quotations, — another from Judge Douglas, He says: — "I will ask the senator to show me an intimation, from any one member of the Senate, in the whole debate on the Toombs bill, and in the Union, from any quarter, that the constitution was not to be submitted to the people. I will venture to say that on all sides of the chamber it was so understood at the time. If the opponents of the bill had understood it was not, they would have made the point on it; and if they had made it, we should certainly have yielded to it, and put in ' Omits "his." ' Reads: "that" for "this." LINCOLN AT CHARLESTON 279 the clause. That is a discovery made since the President found out that it was not safe to take it for granted that that would be done, which ought in fairness to have been done.'' Judge TmmbuU says Douglas made that speech, and it is recorded. Does Judge Douglas say it is a forgery, and was not tme ? Tmmbull says somewhere, and I propose to skip it, but it wiU be found by any one who wUl read this debate, that he did distinctly bring it to the notice of those who were engineeering the bUl, that it lacked that provision; and then he goes on to give another quotation from Judge Douglas, where Judge Trumbull uses this language: — " Judge Douglas, however, on the same day and in the same debate, probably recollecting or being reminded of the fact that I had objected to the Toombs bill when pending, that it did not provide for a submission of the constitution to the people, made another statement which is to be found in the same volume of the Globe, page 22, in which he says: — " 'That the bill was silent on this subject was true, and my attention was called to that about the time it was passed; and I took the fair construction to be, that powers not delegated, were reserved, and that of course the constitution would be submitted to the people.' " Whether this statement is consistent with the statement just before made, that had the point been made it would have been yielded to, or that it was a new discovery, you will determine." So I say. I do not know whether Judge Douglas wiU dispute this, and yet maintain his position that Trumbull's evidence "was forged from beginning to end." I wiU remark that I have not got these Con^ gressional Globes with me. They are large books, and difficult to carry about, and if Judge Douglas shall say that on these points where Trum bull has quoted from them there are no such passages there, I shall not be able to prove they are there upon this occasion, but I will have another chance. Whenever he points out the forgery and says, ' ' I declare that this particular thing which TrumbuU has uttered is not to be found where he says it is," then my attention wUl be drawn to that, and I wiU arm myself for the contest,— stating now that I have not the shghtest doubt on earth that I will find every quotation just where TrumbuU says it is. Then the question is, How can Douglas caU that a forgery ? How can he make out that it is a forgery ? What is a forgery ? It is the bringing forward something in writing or in print purporting to be of certain effect when it is altogether untrue. If you come forward with my note for one hundred doUars when I have never given such a note, there is a forgery. If you come forward with a letter purporting to 28o ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS be written by' me which I never wrote, there is another forgery. If you produce anything in writing or in^ print saying it is so and so, the document not being genuine, a forgery has been committed. How do you make this a forgery when every piece of the evidence is genuine ? If Judge Douglas does say these documents and quotations are false and forged, he has a fuU right to do so; but untU he does it specifically, we don't know how to get at him. If he does say they axe false and forged, I will then look further into it, and I presume I can procure the certifi cates of the proper officers that they are genuine copies, I have no doubt each of these extracts wUl be found exactly where TmmbuU says it is. Then I leave it to you if Judge Douglas, in making his sweeping charge that Judge TmmbuU's evidence is forged from beginning to end, at aU meets the case, — ^if that is the way to get at the facts. I repeat again, if he wiU point out which one is a forgery, I wiU carefuUy examine it, and if it proves that any one of them is reaUy a forgery, it wiU not be me who will hold to it any longer. I have always wanted to deal with every one I meet, candidly and honestly. If I have made any assertion ' not warranted by facts, and it is pointed out to me, I wiU withdraw it cheerfuUy, But I do not choose to see Judge TmmbuU calumniated, and the evidence he has brought forward branded in general terms, "a forgery from beginning to end," This'' is not the legal way of meeting a charge, and I submit to aU intelligent persons, both friends of Judge Douglas and of mjfself, whether it is. Lincoln. — Now, coming back — ^how much time have I left ? f The Moderator. — Three minutes. ¦ The point upon Judge Douglas is this. The biU that went into his hands had the provision in it for a submission of the constitution to the people; and I say its language amounts to an express provision for a submission, and that he took the provision out. He says it was known that the biU was silent in this particular; but I say. Judge Douglas, it was not silent when you got it. [Great applause.] It was vocal with the declaration, when you got it, for a submission of the constitution to the people. And now, my direct question to Judge Douglas is, to answer why, if he deemed the biU silent on this point, he found it necessary to strike out those particular harmless words. If he had found the biU * Reads; "from" for "by." ' Omits "in." 3 Reads: "That",for "This." DOUGLAS AT CHARLESTON 281 silent and without this provision, he might say what he does now. If he supposes' it was implied that the constitution would be submitted to a vote of the people, how could these two lines so incumber the statute as to make it necessary to strike them out ? How could he infer that a submission was still implied, after its express provision had been stricken from the biU ? I find the bill vocal with the provision, while he silenced it. He took it out, and although he took out the other provision pre venting a submission to a vote of the people, I ask. Why did you first put it in? I ask him whether he took the original provision out, which Trumbull aUeges was in the biU? If he admits that he did take it, / ask him what he did it for? It looks to us as if he had altered the bill. If it looks differently to him, — if he has a different reason for his action than^ the one we assign him — ^he can teU it. I insist upon knowing why he made the biU silent upon that point when it was vocal before he put his hands upon it. I was told, before my last paragraph, that my time was within three minutes of being out. I presume it is expired now; I therefore close. [Three tremendous cheers were given as Mr. Lincoln retired.] Senator Doug'las's Reply Ladies and Gentlemen: I had supposed that we assembled here to-day for the purpose of a joint discussion between Mr, Lincoln and myself upon the political questions that now agitate the whole country. The rule of such discussions is, that the opening speaker shaU touch upon all the points he intends to discuss, in order that his opponent, in reply, shall have the opportunity of answering them. Let me ask you what questions of public policy, relating to the welfare of this State oir the Union, has Mr. Lincoln discussed before you? Mr. Lincoln simply contented himself at the outset by saying that he was not in favor of social and political equality between the white man and the negro, and did not desure the law so changed as to make the latter voters or eligible to office, I am glad that I have at last succeeded in getting an answer out of him upon this question of negro citizenship and eUgi- bUity to office, for I have been trying to bring him to the point on it ever since this canvass commenced, I wiU now caU your attention to the question which Mr. Lincoln has ¦ Reads: "supposed" for "supposes." " Reads: "from" for "than." 282 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS occupied his entire time in discussing. He spent his whole hour in retaUing a charge made by Senator TmmbuU against me. The cir cumstances out of which that charge was manufactured occurred prior to the last Presidential election, over two years ago. If the charge was true, why did not TmmbuU make it in 1856, when I was discussing the questions of that day aU over this State with Lincoln and him, and when it was pertinent to the then issue ? He was then as silent as the grave on the subject. If that charge was tme, the time to have brought it forward was the canvass of 1856 the year when the Toombs biU passed the Senate, When the facts were fresh in the public mind, when the Kansas question was the paramount question of the day, and when such a charge would have had a material bearing on the election, why did he and Lincoln remain silent then, knowing that such a charge could be made and proven if true ? Were they not false to you and false to the country in going through that entire campaign, concealing their knowledge of this enormous conspiracy which, Mr. TrumbuU says, he then knew and would not teU ? [Laughter.] Mr. Lincoln intimates, in his speech, a good reason why Mr. Trum buU would not teU, for he says that it might be true, as I proved that it was at JacksonviUe, that Tmmbull was also in the plot, yet that the fact of TmmbuU's being in the plot would not in any way relieve me. He iUustrates this argument by supposing himself on trial for murder, and says that it would be no extenuating circumstance if, on his trial, another man was found to be a party to his crime. WeU, if TmmbuU was in the plot, and concealed it in order to escape the odium which would have fallen upon himself, I ask you whether you can believe him now, when he turns State's evidence, and avows his own infamy in order to implicate me. ["He is a liar and a traitor. We couldn't believe Lyman Tmmbull under oath," etc.] I am amazed that Mr. Lincoln should now come forward and indorse that charge, occup)dng his whole hour in reading Mr, TmmbuU's speech in support of it. Why, I ask, does not Mr. Lincoln make a speech of his own instead of taking up his time "reading TmmbuU's speech at Alton? [Cheers.] I supposed that Mr. Lincoln was capable of making a public speech on his own account, or I should not have accepted the banter from him for a joint discussion. [Cheers and voices: "How about the charges?"] Do not trouble yourselves, I am going to make my speech in my own way, and I tmst, as the Democrats listened patiently and respectfuUy to Mr. DOUGLAS AT CHARLESTON 283 Lincoln, that his friends wUl not interrupt me when I am answering him. When Mr. Trumbull returned from the East, the first thing he did when he landed at Chicago was to make a speech wholly devoted to assaults upon my public character and public action. Up to that time I had never alluded to his course in Congress, or to him directly or indirectly, and hence his assaults upon me were entirely without provo cation and without excuse. Since then he has been traveling from one end of the State to the other, repeating his vile charge. I propose now to read it in his own language: — "Now, fellow-citizens, I make the distinct charge that there was a precon certed arrangement and plot entered into by the very men who now claim credit for opposing a constitution formed and put in force without giving the people any opportunity to pass upon it. This, my friends, is a serious charge, but I charge it to-night that the very men who traverse the country under banners proclaiming popular sovereignty, by design concocted a bill on purpose to force a constitution upon that people," In answer to some one in the crowd who asked him a question, Tmm bull said: — "And you want to satisfy yourself that he was in the plot to force a consti tution upon that people ? I will satisfy you. I wiU cram the truth down any honest man's throat until he cannot deny it. And to the man -yvho does deny it, I wiU cram the lie down his throat until he shall cry enough, [Voices, "shameful" "that's decency for you,"] "It is preposterous; it is the most damnable effrontery that man ever put on, to conceal a scheme to defraud and cheat the people out of their rights, and then claim credit for it," That is the polite language Senator Trumbull appUed to me, his coUeague, when I was two hundred miles off. ["That's like him."] Why did he not speak out as boldly in the Senate of the United States, and cram the lie down my throat when I denied the charge, iurst made by Bigler, and made him take it back ? You all recollect how Bigler assaulted me when I was engaged in a hand-to-hand fight, resisting a scheme to force a constitution on the people of Kansas against their wUl, He then attacked me with this charge; but I proved its utter falsity, nailed the slander to the counter, and made him take the back track. There is not an honest man in America who read that debate who will pretend that the charge is tme. ["Hurrah for Douglas."] Trumbull was then present in the Senate, face to face to me ; and why did he not then rise and repeat the charge, and say he would cram the 284 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS lie down my throat ? ["He was afraid."] I tell you that TmmbuU then knew it was a He. He knew that Toombs denied that there ever was a clause in the biU he brought forward, caUing for and requiring a submission of the Kansas Constitution to the people. 'v I will tell you what the facts of the case were. I introduced a bUl to authorize the people of Kansas to form a constitution, and come into the Union as a State, whenever they should have the requisite population for a member of Congress, and Mr. Toombs proposed a substitute, author izing the people of Kansas, with their then population of only 25,000, to form a Constitution, and come in at once. The question at issue was, whether we would admit Kansas with a population of 25,000, or make her wait until she had the ratio entitling her to a representative in Con gress, which was 93,420. That was the point of dispute in the Com mittee of Territories, to which both my biU and Mr. Toombs's substi tute had been referred. I was overruled by a majority of the committee, my proposition rejected, and Mr. Toombs's proposition to admit Kansas then, with her population of 25,000, adopted. Accordingly, a bill to carry out his idea of immediate admission was reported as a substitute for mine; the only points at issue being, as I have already said, the question of population, and the adoption of safeguards against frauds at the election. \ TrumbuU knew this, — the whole Senate knew it, — and hence he was silent at that time. He waited until I became engaged in this canvass, and finding that I was showing up Lincoln's Abolitionism and negro equality doctrines, [cheers] that I was driving Lincoln to the waU, and white men would not support his rank AboUtionism, he came back from the East and trumped up a system of charges against me, hoping that I would be compelled to occupy my entire time in defending myself, so that I would not be able to show up the enormity of the principles of the Abolitionists. Now, the only reason, and the tme reason, why Mr. Lincohi has occupied the whole of his first hour in *his issue between TmmbuU and myself, is, to conceal from this vast audience the real questions which divide the two great parties. ["That's it;" and cheers.] I am not going to allow them to waste much of my time with these personal matters. I have lived in this State twenty-five years, most of that time have been in public life, and my record is open to you all. If that record is not enough to vindicate me from these petty, malicious assaults, I despise ever to be elected to office by slandering my opponents DOUGLAS AT CHARLESTON 285 and traducing other men. [Cheers.] Mr, Lincoln asks you to elect him to the United States Senate to-day solely because he and TmmbuU can slander me. Has he given any other reason ? ["No, no."] Has he avowed what he was desirous to do in Congress on any one question ? He desires to ride into office, not upon his own merits, not upon the merits and soundness of his principles ; but upon his success in fastening a stale old slander upon me. ["That's the truth. Hear, hear."] I wish you to bear in mind that up to the time of the introduction of the Toombs bill, and after its introduction, there had never been an Act of Congress for the admission of a new State which contained a clause requiring its constitution to be submitted to the people. The general mle made the law silent on the subject, taking it for granted that the people would demand and compel a popular vote on the ratification of their constitution. Such was the general mle under Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Jackson, and Polk, under the Whig Presidents and the Democratic Presidents, from the beginning of the Government down, and nobody dreamed that an effort would ever be made to abuse the power thus confided to the people of a Territory. For this reason our attention was not called to the fact of whether there was or was not a clause in the Toombs bill compeUing submission, but it was taken for granted that the constitution would be submitted to the people whether the law compelled it or not. Now, I wiU read from the report' by me as Chairman of the Com mittee on Territories at the time I reported back the Toombs substitute to the Senate. It contained several things which I had voted against in committee, but had been overruled by a majority of the members, and it was my duty as Chairman of the Committee to report the bUl back as it was agreed upon by them. The main point upon which I had been overruled was the question of population. In my report accom panying the Toombs biU, I said: — "In the opinion of your Committee, whenever a colistitution shall be formed in any Territory, preparatory to its admission into the Union as a State justice, the genius of our institutions, the whole theory of our republican system, imperatively demand that the voice of the people shall be fairly expressed, and their will embodied in that fundamental law, without fraud, or violence, or intimidation, or any other improper or unlawful influence, and subject to no other restrictions than those imposed by the Constitution of the United States." [Cheers.] There you find that we took it for granted that the constitution was to « Inserts "made" after ''report." 286 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS be submitted to the people, whether the biU was sUent on the subject or not. Suppose I had reported it so, foUowing the example of Wash ington, Adams, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Adams, Jackson, Van Buren, Harrison, Tyler, Polk, Taylor, FiUmore, and Pierce, would that fact have been evidence of a conspiracy to force a constitution upon the people of Kansas against their will? [A unanimous "No."] If the charge which Mr. Lincoln makes be true against me, it is true against Zachary Taylor, MOlard Fillmore, and every Whig President, as well as every Democratic President, and against Henry Clay, who, in the Senate or House, for forty years advocated bills similar to the one I reported, no one of them containing a clause compelling the submission of the constitution to the people. Are Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Tmmbull prepared to charge upon aU those eminent men from the beginning of the Government down to the present day, that the absence of a provision compeUing submission, in the various bills passed by them, authorizing the people of Territories to form State constitutions, is evidence of a corrupt design on their part to force a constitution upon an unwiUing people ? [" We'U skin them if they dare to."] I ask you to reflect on these things, for I tell you that there is a conspuracy to carry this election for the Black Republicans by slander, and not by fair means. Mr. Lincoln's speech this day is conclusive evidence of the fact. He has devoted his entire time to an issue between Mr. TrumbuU and myself, and has not uttered a word about the politics of the day. Are you going to elect Mr. TmmbuU's coUeague upon an issue between Mr, TmmbuU and me? [Laughter, and "No, no!"] I thought I was mnning against Abraham Lincoln, that he claimed to be my opponent, had challenged me to a discussion of the public ques tions of the day with him, and was discussing these questions with me; but it turns out that his only hope is to ride into office on TmmbuU's back, who will carry him by falsehood, [Cheers,] Permit me to pursue this subject a little further. An examination of the record proves that TmmbuU's charge— that the Toombs biU originaUy contained a clause requiring the constitution to be submitted to the people— is false. The printed copy of the biU which Mr. Lincoln held up before you, and which he pretends contains such a clause, merely contains a clause requuring a submission of the land grant, and there is no clause in it requiring a submission of the constitution. Mr. Lincoln cannot find such a clause in it: My report shows that we took it for DOUGLAS AT CHARLESTON 287 granted that the people would require a submission of the constitution, and secure it for themselves. There never was a clause in the Toombs biU requiring the constitution to be submitted; TmmbuU knew it at the time, and his speech made on the night of its passage discloses the fact that he knew it was silent on the subject. Lincoln pretends, and tells you, that Trumbull has not changed his evidence in support of his charge since he made his speech in Chicago, Let us see. The Chicago Times took up TmmbuU's Chicago speech, compared it with the official records of Congress, and proved that speech to be false in its charge that the original Toombs bill required a submission of the constitution to the people. Tmmbull then saw that he was caught, and his falsehood exposed, and he went to Alton, and, under the very walls of the penitentiary, [laughter] made a new speech, in which he predicated his assault upon me in the aUegation that I had caused to be voted into the Toombs bill a clause which prohibited the Convention from submitting the constitution to the people, and quoted what he pretended was the clause. Now, has not Mr. TmmbuU entirely changed the evidence on which he bases his charge? ["Yes, yes!" "Lincoln's as big a liar as Trumbull, " etc.] The clause which he quoted in his Alton speech (which he has published and circulated broadcast over the State) as having been put into the Toombs bill by me, is in the ¦ following words: "And until the complete execution of this Act, no other election shall be held in said Territory." TrumbuU says that the object of that amendment was to prevent the Convention from submitting the constitution to a vote of the people. Now, I will show you that when Tmmbull made that statement at Alton he knew it to be untrue. I read from Trumbull's speech in the Senate on the Toombs bill on the night of its passage. He then said : — "There is nothing said in this bill, so far as I have discovered, about sub mitting the constitution, which is to be formed, to the people for their sanction or rejection. Perhaps the Convention wiU have the right to submit it, if it should think proper, but it is certainly not compelled to do so, according to the provisions of the bill," Thus you see that TmmbuU, when the biU was on its passage in the Senate, said that it was silent on the subject of submission, and that there was nothing in the bill one way or the other on it. In his Alton speech he says' there was a clause in the bill preventing its submission to the people, and that I had it voted in as an amendment. Thus I convict ¦ Inserts "that" after "says." 288 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS him of falsehood and slander by quoting from him, on the passage of the Toombs biU in the Senate of the United States, his own speech, made on the night of July 2, 1856, and reported in the Congressional Globe for the first session of the thirty-fourth Congress, vol, 33, What will you think of a man who makes a false charge, and falsifies the records to prove it ? I wiU now show you that the clause which Tmmbull says was put in the bill on my motion was never put in at aU by me, but was stricken out on my motion, and another substituted in its place, I caU your attention to the same volume of the Congressional Globe to which I have already referred, page 795, where you will find the following' report of the proceedings of the Senate : — "Mr. Douglas. — ^I have an amendment to offer from the Committee on Terri tories, On page 8, section 11, strike out the words 'until the complete execution of this Act, no other election shall be held in said Territory', and insert the amend ment which I hold in my hand," You see from this that I moved to strike out the very words that TmmbuU says I put in. The Committee on Territories overmledme in committee, and put the clause in; but as soon as I got the biU back into the Senate, I moved to strike it out, and put another clause in its place. On the same page you wiU find that my amendment was agreed to unanimously. I then offered another amendment, recognizing the right of the people of Kansas, under the Toombs biU, to order just such elections as they saw proper. You can find it on page 796 of the same volume. I wiU read it : — "Mr. Douglas. — I have another amendment to offer from the Committee, to follow the amendment which has been adopted. The bill reads now: 'And until the complete execution of this Act, no other election shall be held in said Terri tory,' It has been suggested that it should be modified in this way : ' And to avoid conflict in the complete execution of this Act, all other elections in said Territory are hereby postponed until such time as said Convention shall appoint,' so that they can appoint the day in the event that there should be a failure to come into the Union," The amendment was unanimously agreed to, — clearly and distinctly recognizing the right of the Convention to order just as many elections as they saw proper in the execution of the Act, TmmbuU concealed in his Alton speech the fact that the clause he quoted had been stricken out in my motion, and the other fact that this other clause was put in the bUl on my motion, and made the false charge that I incorporated ¦ Inserts "in the" after "following," DOUGLAS AT CHARLESTON 289 into the bUl a clause preventing submission, in the face of the fact, that, on my motion, the biU was so amended before it passed as to recognize in express words the right and duty of submission. On this repord that I have produced before you, I repeat my charge that TrumbuU did falsify the public records of the country, in order to make his charge against me; ["it's plain," and tremendous applause] and I tell Mr, Abraham Lincoln that if he wUl examine these records, he wiU then know that what I state is tme. Mr. Lincoln has this day indorsed Mr, TmmbuU's veracity after he had my word for it that that veracity was proved to be violated and forfeited by the public records. It will not do for Mr, Lincoln, in parading his calumnies against me, to put Mr. Tmmbull between him and the odium and responsibility which justly attaches to such calumnies. I tell him that I am as ready to prosecute the indorser as the maker of a forged note, [Cheers.] I regret the necessity of occupjdng my time with these petty personal matters. It is unbecoming the dignity of a canvass for an office of the character for which we are candidates. When I commenced the can vass at Chicago, I spoke of Mr, Lincoln in terms of kindness as an old friend; I said that he was a good citizen, of unblemished character, against whom I had nothing to say, I repeated these complimentary remarks about him in my successive speeches, until he became the indorser for these and other slanders against me. If there is anything personally disagreeable, uncourteous, or disreputable in these personali ties, the sole responsibility rests on Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Trumbull, and their backers. I wiU show you another charge made by Mr. Lincoln against me, as an off-set to his determination of willingness to take back anything that is incorrect, and to correct any false statement he may have made. He has several times charged that the Supreme Court, President Pierce, President Buchanan, and myself, at the time I introduced the Nebraska bill in January, 1854, at Washington, entered into a conspiracy to estab lish slavery all over this country. I branded this charge as a falsehood, and then he repeated it; asked me to analyze its tmth; and answer it. I told him; "Mr. Lincoln, I know what you are after, — ^you want to occupy my time in personal matters, to prevent me from showing up the revolutionary principles which the Abolition party — ^whose candidate you are — ^have proclaimed to the world." But he asked me to analyze his proof, and I did so. I called his 290 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS attention to the fact that at the time the Nebraska biU was introduced, there was no such case as the Dred Scott case pending in the Supreme Court, nor was it brought there for years afterwards, and hence that it was impossible that there could have been any such conspiracy between the Judges of the Supreme Court and the other parties involved. I proved by the record that the charge was false, and what did he answer ? Did he take it back Uke an honest man, and say that he had been mis taken? No; he repeated the charge, and said, that although there was no such case pending that year, there' was an understanding between the Democratic owners of Dred Scott and the Judges of the Supreme Court and other parties involved, that the case should be brought up. I then demanded to know who these Democratic owners of Dred Scott were. He could not or would not tell; he did not know. In tmth, there was no Democratic owners of Dred Scott on the face of the land. [Laughter,] Dred Scott was owned at that time by the Rev. Dr. Chaffee, an Abolition member of Congress from Springfield, Massachusetts, and his wife; [immense laughter and applause] and Mr, Lincoln ought to have known that Dred Scott was so owned, for the reason that as soon as the decision was announced by the Court Dr. Chaffee and his wife executed a deed emancipating him, and put that deed on record, [Cheers.] It was a matter of public record, therefore, that at the time the case was taken to the Supreme Court, Dred Scott was owned by an Abolition member of Congress, a friend of Lincoln's and a leading man of his party, whUe the defense was conducted by Abolition lawyers, — and thus the Abolitionists man aged both sides of the case. I have exposed these facts to Mr. Lincoln, and yet he will not withdraw his charge of conspiracy. I now submit to you whether you can place any confidence in a man who continues to make a charge when its utter falsity is proven by the public records. I wiU state another fact to show how utterly reckless and unscmpu- lous this charge against the Supreme Court, President Pierce, President Buchanan, and myself is. Lincoln says that President Buchanan was in the conspiracy at Washington in the winter of 1854, when the Nebraska biU was introduced. The history of this country shows that James Buchanan was at that time representing this country at the Court of St. James, Great Britain, with distinguished ability and usefulness, that he had not been in the United States for nearly a year pre'nous, and * Inserts "that" before "there," DOUGLAS AT CHARLESTON 291 that he did not return untU about three years after. [Cheers,] Yet Mr. Lincoln keeps repeating this charge of conspiracy against Mr. Buchanan when the public records prove it to be untme. Having proved it to be false as far as the Supreme Court and Presi dent Buchanan are concerned, I drop it, leaving the public to say whether I, by myself, without their concurrence, could have gone into a conspir acy with them. [Laughter and cheers.] My friends, you see that the object clearly is to conduct the canvass on personal matters, and hunt me down with charges that are proven to be false by the public records of the country. I am willing to throw open my whole public and private hfe to the inspection of any man, or aU men who desire to investigate it. Having resided among you t^venty-five years, during nearly the whole of which time a public man, exposed to more assaults, perhaps more abuse, than any man living of my age, or who ever did live; and having survived it all and still commanded your confidence; I am wiUing to trust to your knowledge of me and my public conduct without making any more defense against these assaults. [Great cheering.] FeUow-citizens, I came here for the purpose of discussing the leading political topics which now agitate the country. I have no charges to make against Mr. Lincoln, none against Mr. Trumbull, and none against any man who is a candidate, except in repelling their assaults upon me. If Mr. Lincoln is a man of bad character, I leave you to find it out; if his votes in the past are not satisfactory, I leave others to ascertain the fact; if his course on the Mexican war was not in accord ance with your notions of patriotism and fidelity to our own country as against a public enemy, I leave you to ascertain the fact. I have no assaults to make upon him, except to trace his course on the questions that now divide the country and engross so much of the people's attention. You know that prior to 1854 this country was divided into two great political parties, one the Whig, the other the Democratic. I, as a Demo crat for twenty years prior to that time, had been in public discussions in this State as an advocate of Democratic principles, and I can appeal with confidence to eveiy Old Line Whig within the hearing of my voice to bear testimony that during all that period I fought you Whigs Uke a man on every question that separated the two parties, I had the highest respect for Henry Clay as a gallant party leader, as an eminent states man, and as one of the bright ornaments of this country; but I con scientiously beUeved that the Democratic party was right on the ques- 292 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS tions which separated the Democrats from the Whigs. The man does not live who can say that I ever personaUy assailed Henry Clay or Daniel Webster, or any one of the leaders of that great party, whilst I combated with all my energy the measures they advocated. What did we we differ about in those days ? Did Whigs and Demo crats differ about this slavery question ? On the contrary, did we not, in 1850, unite to a man in favor of that system of Compromise measures which Mr. Clay introduced, Webster defended, Cass supported, and FiUmore approved and made the law of the land by his signature? While we agreed on those Compromise measures, we differed about a bank, the tariff, distribution, the specie circular, the sub-treasury, and other questions of that description. Now, let me ask you which one of those questions on which Whigs and Democrats then differed now remains to divide the two great parties ? Every one of those questions which divided Whigs and Democrats has passed away, the country has outgrown them, they have passed into history. Hence it is immaterial whether you were right or I was right on the bank, the sub-treasury, and other questions, because they no longer continue living issues. What, then, has taken the place of those questions about which we once differed ? The slavery question has now become the leading and controlling issue; that question on which you and I agreed, on which the Whigs and Demo crats united, has now become the leading issue between the National Democracy on the one side, and the Republican, or Abolition^ party on the other. Just recoUect for a moment the memorable contest of 1850, when this country was agitated from its center to its circumference by the slavery agitation. All eyes in this nation were then turned to the three great lights that survived the days of the Revolution. They looked to Clay, then in retirement at Ashland, and to Webster and Cass, in the United States Senate. Clay had retired to Ashland, having, as he supposed, performed his mission on earth, and was prepar ing himself for a better sphere of existence in another world. In that retirement he heard the discordant, harsh and grating sounds of sectional strife and disunion, and he aroused and came forth and resumed his seat in the Senate, that great theater of his great deeds. From the moment that Clay arrived among us he became the leader of aU the Union men, whether Whigs or Democrats. For nine months we each assembled, each day, in the council-chamber. Clay in the chair, with DOUGLAS AT CHARLESTON 293 Cass upon his right hand, and Webster upon his left, and the Democrats and Whigs gathered around, forgetting differences, and only animated by one common, patriotic sentiment, to devise means and measures by which we could defeat the mad and revolutionary scheme of the Northern Abolitionists and Southem Disunionists. [Cheers.] We did devise those means. Clay brought them forward, Cass advocated them; the Union Democrats and Union Whigs voted for them; FiUmore signed them; and they gave peace and quiet to the country. Those Compromise measures of 1850 were founded upon the great fundamental principle that the people of each State and each Terri tory ought to be left free to form and regulate their own domestic insti tutions in their own way, subject only to the Federal Constitution. [Cheers. "Hear, hear."] I will ask every Old Line Democrat and every Old Line Whig within the hearing of my voice if I have not tmly stated the issues as they then pi'esented themselves to the country. You recollect that the Abolitionists raised a howl of indignation, and cried for ven geance and the destruction of Democrats and Whigs both, who sup ported those Compromise measures of 1850. When I returned home to Chicago, I found the citizens inflamed and infuriated against the authors of those great measures. Being the only man in that city who was held responsible for affirmative votes on aU those measures, I came forward and addressed the assembled inhabitants, defended each and every one of Clay's Compromise measures as they passed the Senate and the House, and were approved by President FUlmore. Previous to that time, the city council had passed resolutions nuUifying the Act of Con gress, and instmcting the police to withhold aU assistance from its exe cution; but the people of Chicago listened to my defense, and, like candid, frank, conscientious men, when they became convinced that they had done an injustice to Clay, Webster, Cass, and all of us who had supported those measures, they repealed their nuUifying resolutions, and declared that the laws should be executed and the supremacy of Reads: "Mc Ficklin" for "Ficklm." ¦ Inserts "that is" before "it." ' Reads: "unnecessarily" for "uimecessary." 3o8 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS before I said a word about Trumbull's. He brought this forward at Ottawa, the first time we met face to face; and in tiie opening speech that Judge Douglas made, he attacked me in regard to a matter ten years old. Isn't he a pretty man to be whining about people making charges against him only two years old ! [Cheers.] The Judge thinks it is altogether wrong that I should have dwelt upon this charge of TmmbuU's at aU. I gave the apology for doing so in my opening speech. Perhaps it didn't fix your attention, I said that when Judge Douglas was speaking at places where I spoke on the succeeding day, he used very harsh language about this charge. Two or three times afterward I said I had confidence in Judge TmmbuU's veracity and intelligence; and my own opinion was, from what I knew of the character of Judge TrumbuU, that he would vindicate his position, and prove whatever he had stated to be tme. This I repeated two or three times; and then I dropped it, without saying anything more on the subject for weeks, — perhaps a month, I passed it by without noticing it at aU tiU I found, at JacksonviUe, Judge Douglas, in the plentitude of his power, is not wiUing to answer TmmbuU and let me alone, but he comes out there and uses this language: "He should not hereafter occupy his time in refuting such charges made by TmmbuU, but that • Lincoln, having indorsed the character of TrumbuU for veracity, he should hold him- [Lincoln] responsible for the slanders," What was Lincoln to do ? [Laughter.] Did he not do right, when he had the fit opportunity of meeting Judge Douglas here, to tell him he was ready for the responsibility? [Enthusiastic cheering; "Good, good;" "Hurrah for Lincoln."] I ask a candid audience whether in doing thus Judge Douglas was not the assaUant rather than I? ["Yes, yes. Hit him again,"] Here I meet him face to face, and say I am ready to take the responsibility, so far as it rests on' me. Having done so, I ask the attention of this audience to the question whether I have succeeded in sustaining the charge, ["Yes, yes."] and whether Judge Douglas has at all succeeded in rebutting it? [Loud cries of "No, no."] You aU heard me call upon him to say which of these pieces of evidence was a forgery ? Does he say that what I present here as a copy of the original Toombs bill is a forgery ? ["No, no."] Does he say that what I present as a copy of the biU reported by himseU is a forgery? ["No, no, no,"] Or what is presented as a transcript from » Reads: "upon" for "on," LINCOLN AT CHARLESTON 309 the Globe of the quotations from Bigler 's speech, is a forgery? ["No, no, no,"] Does he say the quotations from his own speech are forgeries ? ["No, no, no,"] Does he say this transcript from TrumbuU's speech is a forgery? [Loud cries of "No, no; he didn't deny one of them,"] / would then like to know how it comes about that when each piece of a story is true, the whole story turns out false ? [Great cheers and laughter,] I take it these people have some sense; they see plainly that Judge Douglas is playing cuttie-fish, [laughter] — a smaU species of fish that has no mode of defending itself when pursued except by throwing out a black fluid, which makes the water so dark the enemy cannot see it, and thus it escapes, [Roars of laughter,] Is not' the Judge playing the cuttle-fish ? ["Yes, yes," and cheers,] Now, I would ask very special attention to the consideration of Judge Douglas's speech at Jacksonville; and when you shall read his speech of to-day, I ask you to watch closely and see which of these pieces of testi mony, every one of which he says is a forgery, he has shown to be such. Not one of them lias he shown to be a forgery. Then I ask the original question, If each of the pieces of testimony is true, how is it possible that the whole is a falsehood ? [Loud and continued cheers.] • In regard to TrumbuU's charge that he [Douglas] inserted a provision into the biU to prevent the constitution being submitted to the people, what was^ his answer ? He comes here and reads from the Congressional Globe to show that on his motion that provision was struck out of the bill. Why, Trumbull has not said it was not stricken out, but Trumbull says he [Douglas] put it in; and it is no answer to the charge to say he afterward took it out. Both are perhaps true. It was in regard to that thing precisely that I told him he had dropped the cub, [Roars of laughter,] Tmmbull shows you that by his introducing the biU it was his cub, [Laughter,] It is no answer to that assertion to call Trumbull a Uar merely because he did not especially say that Douglas struck it out. Suppose that were the case, does it answer Trumbull? ["No, no,"] I assert that you [pointing to an individual] are here to-day, and you undertake to prove me a liar by showing me that you were in Mat toon yesterday. [Laughter,] I say that you took your hat off your head, and you prove me a liar by putting it on your head, [Roars of laughter,] That is the whole force of Douglas's argument. 'Reads: "Ain't" for "Is not." * Reads: "is" for "was." 3IO ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Now, I want to come back to my original question. TmmbuU says that Judge Douglas had a biU with a provision in it for submitting a Constitution to be made, to a vote of the people of Kansas. Does Judge Douglas deny that fact? [Cries of "No, no."] Does he deny that the provision which Trumbull reads was put in that biU ? ["No, no."] Then Tmmbull says he struck it out. Does he dare to deny that? ["No, no, no."] He does not, and I have the right to repeat the ques tion, — Why Judge Douglas took it out? [Immense applause.] Bigler has said there was a combination of certain senators, among whom he did not include Judge Douglas, by which it was agreed that the Kansas biU should have a clause in it not to have the constitution formed under it submitted to a vote of the people. He did not say that Douglas was among them, but we prove by another source that about the same time Douglas comes into the Senate with tltat provision stricken out of the bill. Although Bigler cannot say they were all working in concert, yet it looks very much as if the thing was agreed upon and done with a mutual understanding after the conference; and while we do not know that it was absolutely so, yet it looks so probable that we have a right to caU upon the man who knows the true reason why it was done, to tell what the true reason was. [Great cheers.] When he will not teU what the tme reason was, he stands in the attitude of an accused thief who has stolen goods in his possession, and when called to account, refuses to tell where he got them, [Iinmense applause,] Not only is this the evidence, but when he comes in with the bill having the provision stricken out, he teUs us in a speech, not then, but since, that these alterations and modifi cations in the biU had been made by him, in consultation with Toombs, the originator of the bill. He tells us the same to-day. He says there were certain modifications made m the biU in committee that he did not vote for. I ask you to remember while certain amendments were made which he disapproved of, but which a majority of the Committee voted in, he has himself told us that in this particular the alterations and modifications were made by him, upon consultation with Toombf. [En thusiastic cheering.] We have his own word that these alterations were made by him, and not by the Committee. ["That's so ;" "Good, good."] Now, I ask, what is the reason Judge Douglas is so chary about coming to the exact question ? What is the reason he wUl not teU you anything about how it was made, by whom it was made, or that he LINCOLN AT CHARLESTON 311 remembers it being made at all ? Why does he stand playing upon the meaning of words, and quibbling around the edges of the evidence? If he can explain aU this, but leaves it unexplained, I have a right to infer that Judge Douglas understood it was the purpose of his party, in engineering that biU through, to make a constitution, and have Kansas come into the Union with that constitution, without its being submitted to a vote of the people. ["That's it."] If he will explain his action on this question, by giving a better reason for the facts that happened, than he has done, it wiU be satisfactory. But untU he does that, — ^until he gives a better or more plausible reason than he has offered against the evidence in the case, — I suggest to him it will not avail him at all that -he swells himself up, takes on dignity, and calls people liars. [Great applause and laughter.] Why, sir, there is not a word in TmmbuU's speech that depends on TmmbuU's veracity at aU. He has only arrayed the evidence, and told you what foUows as a matter of reasoning. There is not a statement in the whole speech that depends on TmmbuU's word. If you have ever studied geometry, you remember that by a course of reasoning, Euclid proves that aU the angles in a triangular are equal to two right angles. Euclid has shown you how to work it out. Now, if you undertake to disprove that proposition, and to show that it is erroneous, would you prove it to be false by caUing Euclid a liar? [Roars of laughter and enthusiastic cheers.] They teU me that my time is out and therefore I dose. When Mr. Lincoln concluded, three cheers were given spontaneously by the vast crowd; after which the people poured out the gates, the carriages and bands of music formed in procession, and the whole marched back to town. [Chicago Times, September 2r, 1858] THE CAMPAIGN.-JOINT DISCUSSION AT CHARLESTON 15,000 People on the Grround.— A Field-Day lor the Democracy.— Lin coln Full of Trumbull; Delivers TrumbuU's Alton Speech; Has Nothing' to Say lor Himsell.— Lincoln Retreats from Bg'ypt.— Trumbull Covers His Flight.— ftreat Speech by Senator Doug'las. TrumbuU's Slanders Relutedi— Lincoln's Weakness Exposed! The fourth joint discussion between Senator Douglas and Abraham Lincoln took place at Charleston, Coles County, on Saturday last. The occasion drew together one of the largest gatherings of the people 312 ILLESrOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS that has taken place this year. From twelve to fifteen thousand were present. The democracy were out in their strength and struck terror into the hearts of their enemies. Things were so arranged that Senator Douglas should be received at Mattoon on his arrival from Lower Egypt, by the delegations from the eastern part of Coles and escorted down to Charleston, ten miles distant. Accordingly, on Saturday morning at 3 o'clock, when he reached Mattoon, his friends were waiting for him; and he was welcomed with a salute and escorted to the house of a friend, which was briUiantly Uluminated. At eight o'clock the various delega tions formed in procession and waited upon him to attend him down to Charleston. Before starting. Col, Cunningham, in behalf of his feUow citizens, welcomed Senator Douglas to Coles county in a beautiful address, in the course of which he called his attention to a part of the procession, consisting of thirty two young ladies on horseback, representing the Federal Union, sixteen of whom carried the national colors waving from ash sticks, and the other sixteen carrying the same colors on hickory sticks, thus furnishing a beautiful iUustration of the union between the whigs and democrats when our country was endangered by the agitation of sectional men in 1850, and emblematic of the union which now exists between the national men of these two parties to defeat and crush out abolitionism. Senator Douglas made a happy and appropriate response, and the line of march was then taken up for Charleston, It was a glorious sight to see the long line of teams filled with men, women, and chUdren, extending across the prairie as far as the eye could reach, the flags gaily dying in the morning breeze, and the brass instmments of the numerous bands gleaming in the sun. At every house and every cross road the procession received accessions, untU when entering Charleston, it was nearly two miles long. On the out skirts of the town it was met by the citizens of Charleston and the delegations from the western part of Coles and the adjoining counties, who carried several large and splendid banners, upon one of which appeared "Edgar county good for five hundred majority for the Little Giant," and on another, "This government was made for white men — Douglas for hfe," Passing through the streets of Charleston, the pro cession halted in front of the Union hotel, which was almost hid by banners and flags, and here Senator Douglas was welcomed to Charleston by Hon, O, B, Ficklin in a most eloquent and telling speech, to which he responded. The Black Republicans had stationed a band at the THE CHARLESTON DEBATE 313 opposite corner, and when Mr, Ficklin commenced his address the musi cians were ordered to play, which they did, preventing the people from hearing what was going on; but this little piece of malicious fun was soon stopped, and it was with the greatest difficulty that the enraged crowd could be prevented from visiting upon the offenders a severe mark of their anger. The Black Republicans are utterly lost to aU sense of shame. At Freeport they insulted Senator Douglas, pelting him with watermelon rind and qtherwise ill-using him, but their indig nities were overlooked, and when Lincoln went down into "Egypt he found himself among gentiemen. Notwithstanding his party presumed on theur weakness to indulge their malice, he was not insulted, but listened to quietly [Chicago Press and Tribune, September 2r, 1858] THE (JREAT TRIUMPH OF THE CAMPAIGN: DEBATE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS AT CHARLESTON Twelve to Fifteen Thousand Persons Present.— Lincoln Tomahawks His Antag-onist with the Toombs Bill.— Great Rout of the Dougrlas- ites in the Seventh District.— Killed, Wounded and Missing'.- Great Demonstration ol the Republican Girls ol Charleston, etc., etc., etc. Saturday last was a day to be remembered in the counties of Coles, Edgar, Cumberland, Clark, Champaign, Vermillion, etc., — Eastern lUinois, According to announcement, the fourth great debate between Lincoln and Douglas was "pitched" in the city of Charleston at the date before-mentioned, and we risk nothing in saying the joint demon stration eclipsed aU previous political turn-outs, in the central portion of the State, Ottawa and Freeport must try again, for while the latter perhaps brought a few more Usteners to the debate, both together would not have made so imposing a display of the etceteras of a great campaign. On Friday evening the hotels of the town were already crowded to excess, and the streets. were hung with national flags, banners, and aU manner of artistic devices which could be pressed into pohtical service. Early on Saturday morning the town began to fiU up with delegations of teams from the adjoining precincts and the surrounding counties, A special train from Indiana brought eleven car-loads of interested lookers-on from that State. People came on horsekack and mule-back, in wagons, in freight tirains and on foot — some with badges and some 314 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS with banners, some with theur dinners and some without. At ten o'clock the streets and the sidewalks around the pubUc square were almost impassable, and those who essayed out-doors anywhere in the vicinity were well-nigh stifled with dust for their pains. The chief decoration of the day was a gigantic banner, eighty feet long, himg across the street, from the Court House to a high building on the west side of the street. On one side was inscribed: COLES COUNTY FOUR HUNDRED MAJORITY FOR LINCOLN On the reverse was a painting of "Old Abe Thurty Years Ago," driving three yoke of oxen attached to a yawl-like Kentucky wagon. This was flanked by two magnificent specimens of the stars and stripes. Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Douglas both passed the previous night in Mattoon. Two processions were started from that thriving town on Saturday morning to escort the speakers to Charleston. About half past ten another long and imposing procession of carriages,- horsemen, bands of music, and conspicuous above all, a mammoth car covered with white muslin and sflk and decorated with wild flowers, bearing a huge inscription,. "Lincoln, Oglesby, Marshall and Craddock" and carrying thirty-two young ladies with banners inscribed with names of the States of the Confederacy moved out of Charleston to meet Mr. Lincoln. About an hour afterwards the two Republican proces sions returned together. They constituted without question the most formidable array of the campaign. Innumerable banners fluttered in the wind farther than the eye could reach through the cloud of dust that accompanied them. As they entered the town the procession was a mUe in length. As compared with it, the Douglas escort was a very puny affau". The car provided for thirty-two ladies on that side of the house, somehow contained only fifteen, and the majority of these were under eight years of age — suggesting the idea of their being Territories rather than States. The carriage in which Mr. Lincoln was conveyed was driven to the entrance of the Capitol House where Mr. Bromwell, of Charleston, made the following reception speech: [Here follows speech of Mr, Bromwell] Three loud cheers were then given, and a general dispersion took place for dinner. Those who partook of the fare of our friend Johnson at the Capitol House, were abundantly fortified for the exercises of the afternoon. THE CHARLESTON DEBATE 315 It would be impossible to give in our columns a tithe of the interesting adjuncts and incidents of the day. We will merely add that the Repub licans of Coles County are a host, and no mistake. Mr. Lincoln's Speech Mr. Lincoln took the stand at a quarter before three and was greeted with vociferous and protracted applause; after which, he said: [Mr, Lincoln's opening speech is printed here, followed by Mr, Douglas's reply, and finally by Mr, Lincoln's concluding remarks.] When Mr. Lincoln had concluded, three cheers were given spontane ously by the vast crowd; after which the people poured out of the gates, the carriages and bands of music formed in procession, and the whole marched back to the town. The evening services at the Court House were commenced by Hon. Hugh F. Linder, in a speech of half an hour. He was followed by a dramiatic young gentieman of "Spread-Eagle" notoriety from Chicago, named Merrick. We heard Mr. Merrick only a few moments. He was then talking of "Stars shooting madly from their spheres," with tragic allusions to a "holocaust" and a rapt view of the "empyrean." We fled with some trepidation to the southwest comer of the square, where the Republicans had organized a meeting about four times larger than the Douglas performance, and were being addressed by Hon. R. J. Oglesby, amid a storm of hurrahs. Mr. Oglesby continued speaking in a powerful strain for about two hours, when the meeting adjourned, and the "bojrs" went and serenaded Mr. Lincoln. The music was then heard under the windows of "Kansas," "California," "Iowa," etc. far into the dangerous hours, and finaUy vibrated and throbbed itself to rest. And so ended the great day at Charleston. [Missouri Republican, St. Louis, September 22, 1858] THE CAMPAIGN IN ILLINOIS Joint Debate at Charleston.— Something' about Sidney Breese.— Lin coln Reads TrumbuU's Alton Speech Charleston, Coles Co., Ills. September 19, 1858 The regular meeting for joint discussion between the taU Sucker and the Little Giant came off according to programme yesterday, and indeed it turned out to be a glorious occasion for the Democracy, 3i6 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Sun up yesterday morning found both of the candidates at Mattoon, whence to this town has to be made by horse, when a parade is anything of a consideration. In this instance the members of both parties think ing to do honor to their champion chose such conveyance, they doing the honors by getting up for each a procession, "Old Abe" started at the head of his crowd early in the morning, he had a fair show, but one which might hide its diminished head when that which escorted Douglas took the lead. This consisted of a band, thirty-two couples, male and female, on horseback, then came the Judge, the rear being brought up by seventy-three wagons containing in each from two to twelve persons, the rear being supported by a large number of horsemen. In this way, receiving constant accessions to their numbers, they marched over the ten miles of road, untU on the outskirts of this city they were met by the immense delegation sent out by the citizens. These mounted in various ways, being headed by a van containing thirty-two young ladies dressed in white, with wreathes of prairie flowers on their brows, and each bearing a flag inscribed with the name of the State represented by her. In this magnificent order Senator Douglas was conveyed to the hotel, in the front of which Mr. O, B, Ficklin addressed him in terms of welcome. Owing to the fact that the.se "free speech" Republicans set their brazen band players to playing their brass instmments within a few yards of the speaker, and kept at that delectable game during the continuance of the whole of his speaking, I am unable to convey to you the sentiments which he expressed. Feeling, and with propriety, that this was rather too much of a good thing, these blow-hards were stopped in time to allow that the Senator should reply before the vast multitude that had congregated around him, without interruption. After dinner had been disposed of, the several parties made their way to the rostrum. As the Judge ascended the stand, I was a listener to a conversation which, being of no private character, I may repeat the substance of, as it goes to show the close aUiance of the bolters with the Black Republican force, and as it corroborates and endorses Gov, Reynolds in his pubUshed resolution (vide Star of Egypt) to vote for Lincoln in preference to Douglas, The Black Republican marshal of the day exhibited a letter from Carpenter, of Chicago, asking him to make arrangements for a meeting for him to speak to, for Tuesday next, and begging of him to announce it from the stand. The conversation THE CHARLESTON DEBATE 317 was relative to any objections which Douglas might have to such announcement. The Judge signified his willingness, and it was done. The marshal reading the notice from the stand that "Carpenter would reply to Douglas," At this time th^e were certainly no less than ten thousand people upon the fair ground, some calculated that there were fifteen thousand present, and I think there were as likely twelve thousand as ten thousand. They were ranged around in semicircular form, the stand forming the central Une, Mr, Lincoln had the opening. B, B. [Chicago Democrat, September 22, 1858] FOURTH GREAT DEBATE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS AT CHARLESTON Ten Thousand Persons on the Ground.— The Toombs Bill.— Lincoln Strips the Giant Dry Charleston, Sept. 18, 1858 This morning the procession formed at Mattoon for the purpose of escorting Lincoln to the county seat. It was led by a band of music from Indiana. Following the carriage of Mr. Lincoln was a wagon filled with young ladies, thirty-two in number, each representing a State. The wagon bearing this precious burden of beauty bore this significant motto : — "Westward thy Star of Empire takes its way. Thy Girls Link-on to Lincoln, — Their Mothers were for Clay." Immediately following was a young lady on horse back, representing Kansas, bearing the motto, — "Kansas wiU be free!" In front of the procession was a banner inscribed " Support Abram Lincoln, the defender of Henry Clay." Arriving at Charleston, a vast throng was found waiting the pro cession, and welcomed it with cheers and huzzas. From the Capitol House to the Court House, on the opposite side of the street, a banner was stretched, on which was sketched an emigrant wagon, drawn by two yoke of oxen, driven by a young stripling, and over the caricature the words, "Abe's entrance into Charleston thirty years ago." When it is remembered that thirty years ago Mr. Lincoln emigrated to this place from Kentucky, driving his father's team a la the design on the 3i8 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS banner, this had pecuhar significance. It attracted much attention during the day. In front of the Capitol House the ceremony of the reception took place in the finest and most imposing style. The reception speech was made by Hon. H. P. H. BromweU, and is conceded by all to have been a very appropriate and neat speech. It was well received by the crowd, and elicited excessive cheering. Mr. Lincoln responded in a few remarks well timed and to the point, which inflamed the audience with the greatest amount of enthusiasm. After dinner the crowd moved to the ground of the Agricultural Society to witness the great attraction of the day — the inteUectual contest between the two great front leaders in Illinois. It proved an occasion long to be remembered by both speakers and audience; — the former, becaiise it was the turning point which was to decide important points in the campaign, and the latter, because they were to witness a great inteUectual encounter. Mr, Lincoln was introduced to the audi ence by Dr. Chamberlain. In the course of his remarks, Mr. Douglas insinuated the oft-exploded charge that Lincoln voted against supplies to our soldiers in- the Mexican war. This Mr. Lincoln treated in an entirely original, but, it must be conceded, very effective manner. Referring to the charge, he explained in a concise manner his position upon the war question as being the same as that of the Whig party of that day. .To prove his statements true, he turned to Hon. O. B, Ficklin, who was sitting upon the stand, and seizing him by the coUar, dragged him by main force before the audience, saying "now, Mr. Ficklin, you sat by my side the whole time I was in Congress, and know weU every speech and vote given by me. Now, sir, I want you to teU to this audience, the whole tmth of the matter." Mr. Ficklin was an unwiUing witness indeed, but was in a tight place and could no better than go forward and do as he was bidden. He said he was a friend to both contending gentiemen,' and esteemed them both. He further said that Mr. Lincoln gave no material vote different from his own on the war question, except to declare it unconstitutional. The effect of this performance, as wiU readily be seen by the reader, was electrical upon the audience. Douglas met the charge, and instead of getting out of temper and giving the lie, Lincoln seized Douglas' right hand man, made him a witness, and at once naUed the libeUous THE CHARLESTON DEBATE 319 charge to the counter. The effect was most powerful; cheer after cheer rent the air, testifying the complete triumph of Lincoln over this calumny. "Fick" was not a little discomforted, but could do no better than meet the issue with fortitude. He had been the unwiUing instru ment in the hands of Lincoln of robbing the Douglasites of their chief weapon. [Special Correspondence New York Evening Post, September 21, 1858] SENATORIAL CANVASS IN ILLINOIS Charleston, Coles Co., Ills. ' Sept. 18, 1858 The fourth joint debate between Douglas and Lincoln has just closed. Charleston is located on the line of the Terre Haute, Alton, and St. Louis Railroad, some ten miles East of the lUinois Central. It is a pleasant town of some antiquity for lUinois, and at the center of a region which is rather prolific in Republicans. The meeting today was larger than the first debate at Ottawa, and almost equal to the second debate at Freeport. — ^This one fact shows the interest which this campaign is taking on. Here, in a "mral district" with only one railroad and one special train, the turnout of the populace has ranked with the great meetings in the thickly settled northern portions of the State, intersected by railroads and steamboats routes, aU pouring their special trains upon a common center. "The prairies are on fire" and aU parties partake of the general enthusiasm. These demonstrations are in the main ahke, but this at Charleston has been in some particulars in advance of others,- The display of banners aiid mottoes was unusuaUy large. Across the main street were suspended three flags bearing Lincoln's name and a huge white banner bearing on one side the words, "Coles County for Lincoln" and on the other an immense painting representing a man driving a team of six horses. This was "Abe" as he appeared thirty years ago, when he drove a wagon across the county; then a poor teamster, unnoticed and unknown; now the object of almost idolatrous devotion from the people of the same county. Innumerable other banners and devices, expressive of like feeUng were carried. Mr. Lincoln spent the night at Mattoon, ten mUes distant, and was escorted thence by the entire town in wagons. From Charleston there 320 LLLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS w^nt forth a large delegation and with it the pleasantest feature of the occasion; a large wagon covered with a canopy, was decorated with blue and white cloth, 'festoons of leaves and wreaths of flowers. Inside were thirty-one young ladies, dressed in white; on their blue velvet caps were wreaths of green and a sUver star. Each young lady waved a white banner with the name of a state upon it. Behind was a young lady on horseback, bearing the banner "Kansas — I will be free." (I may here remark, in passing, an unfortunate decoration for a young lady.) Following her were thirty-one young men on horseback. The wagon containing the young ladies had upon one side, " Lincoln, Oglesby, Marshall, Craddock," and on the other "Westward, the star of Empire takes its way. The girls link-on to Lincoln, as their mothers did to Clay." As the procession arrived and made its way through the dense crowd the young ladies were greeted ¦with immense cheers, to which they responded by waving their banners. Mr, Lincoln in his reception speech, gracefully alluded to this spectacle as "a basket of flowers." Mr. Douglas, too, spent the night at Mattoon, and came over with his friends, A wagon with thirteen young ladies met him in procession and these were followed by thirty-one young ladies on horseback, attended by as many gentiemen. Oh ! how fearfuUy dusty candidates and cavalcades were when they arrived in front of the hotels. The two wagons I have mentioned were drawn upon the grounds, where the most intense enthusiasm was manifested at their appearance. [Illinois State Register, September 23, 1858] DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN AT CHARLESTON Abraham Tossed Ag-ain Charleston, September 18 Editors State Register: — The Democracy have had a day here that wiU rejoice their hearts as long as their memory shall last, while the black republicans will not cease to deplore it as long as they stick to their present organization. The conflict between Douglas and Lincoln has turned out most disastrously for the cause of the latter. There is but one opinion here, and that is that Lincoln has become satisfied that he cannot cope with Douglas, Lincoln had nothing to say for him self in this speech, but he repeated the charge made by TmmbuU and THE CHARLESTON DEBATE 321 reproduced the falsehoods of that renegade from democracy, Lincoln has evidently found it up hiU business to maintain his negro equahty doctrines in the neighborhood of the Wabash, and in Egypt generally, so he rehearses TmmbuU's speeches. The gathering of the people have exceeded aU expectation. There could not have been less than fifteen thousand present. He left Mattoon at 8 o'clock in the morning under a numerous escort made up of delegates from different counties. In the procession were thirty-two young ladies on horseback, each bearing the colors of our country — the eagle, stars and stripes. The journey from Mattoon to Charleston was thirty miles, and throughout its course the procession received fresh instalments of ardent citizens from almost every house, and at the intersection of the highways and byways. Banners appropriate to the principles of the party and emblematic of the services of the distinguished senator, were numerously displayed along the immense line of patriotic citizens who rushed together to do honor to the man who stands before the world as the ablest champion of popular sovereignty. On reaching Charles ton the procession was two miles and a half long. It would perhaps gratify you to give the inscriptions upon the banners, but they were too numerous for me to copy them or even remember them at all. The Hon, O, B, Ficklin welcomed the senator in an eloquent and pertinent speech, though but few had the pleasure of hearing it as the black republicans had stationed a band near for the purpose of drowning his remarks. The people soon stopped the instmments and Judge Douglas made his reception reply without intermption. Mr, Lincoln led off the debate, . The people listened but they did not cheer him. Four fifths of those present were democrats. Scarcely a cheer greeted him, (though three cheers were accorded for courtesy). He contented himself with repeating the falsehoods of Tmmbull — false hoods which Douglas had refuted over and over again. On closing there was no applause for him — scarcely a murmur of approbation from his -few friends who had the courage to appear there to witness his overthrow. Douglas followed, and completely riddled every position taken by the black republican candidate for the senate. He again refuted TmmbuU's falsehoods and exposed the shuffling indirection of Lincoln, I should be glad to give a synopsis of the debate, but must close. You may rely on Coles county being aU right, B, J. 322 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS [Chicago Times, September 21, 1858] THE AUDIENCE AT CHARLESTON Doug'las Has the People with Him Of the vast multitude of people in attendance upon the discussion, at Charleston, between Douglas and Lincoln, it is entirely safe to say that more than three-fourths were Democrats — ^making the number of Douglas's friends on the ground not less, according to the most reason able calculation, than ELEVEN THOUSAND. This proportion of Democrats to Republicans was manifest at the first, and throughout the debate. While Lincoln was speaking no responses greeted him from the crowd; he-spoke as weU, but no better, than usual, but to intelligent citizens of the Democratic persuasion, who exhibited no sympathy with or no respect for him. However, as it is the habit of Democrats to tolerate in the most respectful manner free speech, he was not intermpted or disturbed. But when Douglas commenced his reply, the whole assemblage sent up a prolonged and almost unanimous shout of applause. The effect on each individual auditor was electrical, and the speaker entered into the discussion with great energy of manner, and in a style of manly and convincing eloquence. In spite of his expressed wish to be aUowed to proceed without interruption by applauses, at every teUing point — and his speech abounded with them— the most vociferous and hearty cheers were given. When Douglas had finished the people appeared satisfied; many went immediately away; and before Lincoln was half through with his rejoinder not a quarter of the crowd remained to hear him. He had not more than four thousand hearers; it is not believed that he had three thousand. We fancy he has had enough of Egypt; and certainly Egypt has had enough of him. [Chicago Journal, Septeipber 20, 1858] LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS AT CHARLESTON [Special Correspondence of the Chicago Journal\ Charleston, Coles County, Sept. 18 This is one of the pleasantest villages that we have ever visited in the West. It is the county seat of Coles county, one of the wealthiest and most progressive agricultural counties in the State, notwithstanding its proximity to Egypt which begins at its Southem limits. It is located on The Terre Haute, Alton and St. Louis raUroad, and only seven miles THE CHARLESTON DEBATE 323 from Mattoon, the junction of that road with the Illinois Central railroad. We came up to attend the fourth joint debate between Lincoln and Douglas, which takes place here this afternoon, and an account of which we should herewith send you, but for the fact that, no train leaving Mattoon for Chicago between noon today and the forenoon of Monday, it will be impossible to get the letter to you for your Monday's issue. We arrived here yesterday, and have been getting acquainted with the people and feeling the popular pulse, to ascertain their political feelings. This town and the country around it, have been settled principally from Kentucky. Most of the leading men here are Kentuckians, of the old Henry Clay Whig stamp. Before the organization of the Republican party, Coles County gave a strong Whig majority, and is now a good Republican county. We find on inquiry that almost without exception, the old Kentucky Whigs here are the strongest kind of Lincoln men. Mr. Craddock, the Lincoln candidate for the Legislature in this Republican district, embracing the counties of Coles and Moultrie, will be elected by a majority of not less than six hundred. The organi zation of the Republican party in this county and district is perfect, and their plan of operation is worthy of all imitation by every other district in the State. They have the name and partizan proclivities of every voter "recorded in a book," and know just how many Republicans, how many Democrats, and how many "doubtfuls," there are, and where to find them. The work of the canvass is progressing with much spirit, and the excitement is quite general, for it is nearly all for Lincoln. At the present writing the town is rapidly fiUing up with people from the adjoining towns. There wiU be a great multitude here, to listen to the debate. Processions and delegations are now entering the town from every direction, with flags, banners and loud hurrahs for "Abe Lincoln," who used to live in this county when a boy. The Lincoln men of Charleston have suspended a mammoth banner across the street, on which is painted a life sized picture, representing a farmer boy driving an ox team, as Lincoln used to do here when a lad. Under this is the inscription, "Lincoln as He Was in 1828." On the other side of the banner is the inscription in large letters, "Coles County Goes FOR Lincoln." This enormous banner, reaching almost across the square, is graced at each end with a large American flag. The Douglas ites have also suspended a flag across the square, but it is a smaU affair. 324 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS with the words "welcome douglas" upon it. The town is full of Lincoln flags and banners, carried by men and boys, and fastened to doors, stores and housetops: but the Douglas banners are "few and far between." By the way, speaking of those flags that are suspended across the square; we must not neglect to mention an ominous incident that oc curred last evening. The Douglas men saw some Lincoln men on the roof of a building on which one of the ends of their flag,-rope was fastened, and supposing that they were about to throw out the big Lincoln banner to the breeze, they immediately scampered up to the Court House cupola and attempted to get the start of the Lincoln men by getting their flag out first. They stmng it out on the flag rope, and let it fly to the breeze, when a violent gust of wind struck the flag and tangled it over the rope into several knots. This the Republicans regarded as emblem atical of the tangled-up position into which Lincoln has placed Douglas, and they very naturaUy gave vent to their feelings in shouts, to the great discomfiture of the poor feUows on the cupola, who were tugging to 'get the "kinks" out of their unfortunate flag, which they finaUy, after an hour or two of hard work, succeeded in doing, not however without tearing an ugly rent into the cloth. This is ominous of the Douglas cause. Charleston has a large number of pretty and inteUigent ladies, and they are aU for Lincoln, They have decorated a long wagon with flags and inscriptions in which 32 of them (representing the 32 States of the Union) wiU ride in the procession this afternoon. Among the appropriate inscriptions on this wagon is the following: "THE GIRLS ALL LINK TO LINCOLN, AS THEIR MOTHERS LINKED TO CLAY," The Douglasites tried to get up a simUar display, but, to do their best, couldn't find more than four women in the town who thought enough of Douglas to honor him in this manner. So, despairing of this way to honor their champion, the Douglasites went to work and got a cari cature painted — eminently characteristic of these low-lived politicians — representing a white man standing with a negro woman, and followed by a negro boy, with the inscription of "Negro Equality," over it. We take it from this, that the Douglas-worshipers of Charleston, like the Douglas editor of the DeKalb Sentinel, are in favor of Negro Equality, This is what their banner indicates surely. THE CHARLESTON DEBATE . 325 Mr, Lincoln was escorted from Mattoon by a Republican procession numbering several hundred men and women, in wagons and on horse back, with flags and banners, this morning. It was a triumphal march of eleven long miles, Mr, Lincoln stops at the Capitol House, the best hotel in the town; and Senator Douglas is the guest of the Union House. There are several thousand people in the streets, and "still they come," The debate takes place at 2 o'clock at the County Fair Grounds, about a quarter of a mUe West of the viUage, You shall hear from us again on Monday, [Peoria Transcript, October i, 1858] Dignity Outraged, — ^The Charleston (Coles County) Courier relates the following incident connected with the debate between Lincoln and Douglas in that town: As the procession was starting from the public square for the place appointed for Lincoln and Douglas to speak — the latter who was riding in a carriage, having been requested by one of the marshals to fall in ranks, in the proper place as specified, sticks his big gray hat out of the carriage, and with a face swollen with rage, or something worse, declared that "he would not be treated with such indignity," "if I can't be treated with respect, I will get out of the procession," The innocent marshal was perfectly thunderstruck — and could not divine the cause of such " celestial wrath," until it was pointed out to him that there was in the dim and dusty distance before them a small banner representing "Old Abe'' with uplifted war club felling the Little Giant to the ground, "Now, in the name of all the gods at once, upon what meat hath this our Caesar fed, that he has grown so great ?" Mr, Lincoln was caused to pass under a Douglas banner a thousand times more disgraceful, and he did not turn round with affected virtuous indignation and stop the whole procession with his "dignity," for he knew it had been gotten up by some artful Ballard or rickety Rickets, and he passed under it with but a smile of indiffer ence or contempt. But for the man who could countenance in his own "Register, " or Louisville Democrat, the old slanderous effigies of Henry Clay, for such a man to be shocked at the sight of "Abe" the Giant Killer, is most wondrous strange, indeed. [Illinois State Register, September 24, 1858] LINCOLN WOULD BE A PATRIOT.-HE RUBS AT THE SPOT Lincoln put upon a new tack at Charleston. He undertook to play the persecuted, and made a defence of what was not charged upon him by Douglas — that he voted against suppUes to the army in Mexico. Our correspondent yesterday gave us an account of Douglas' answer to this'toiatter at Sullivan, ¦' 326 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS It is too late in the day for Mr, Abraham Lincoln to set himself up as a supporter of the Mexican war. It is not important whether he voted for supplies or not. He stood up in his place in the house, during the pendency of the negotiations of the treaty with Mexico, and, in a mountebank harangue, argued, to the best of his ability, that his own country was wrong and that his country's enemies were right, thereby holding out inducements to the enemy to insist upon more rigorous terms in the pending negotiations. At Charleston he caUed upon Mr, Ficklin to help him out of the drag. That gentieman came upon the stand, and, instead of making Mr, Lincoln's "spot" more comfortable, testified that Mr. L, voted for the Ashum resolution, declaring the war to be unjust and unconstitu tional. He stood alone in the Blinois delegation in giving that vote. The resolution was introduced and voted for no other purpose than to cripple the country in negotiating a peace. If it was not this what was it for? The war had begun, batties had been fought, American blood had flowed like water, and for what good or patriotic purpose could Mr. Lincoln have joined the abolitionists in making a record for the enemy's benefit ? , He did give that monstrous vote, and many others like it, however, but now attempts to pettifog out of it by denying something that Douglas had not charged upon him. Lincoln, and the Massachusetts abolitionists who led him, were determined that in the treaty of peace our country should come off without advantage — that we should not acquire Mexican territory as indemnity for the outrages put upon us, in order that the crew of sectionalists with whom he acted might make party capital. They would have robbed their country of its just rights, blotted its escutcheon, and branded with infamy aU who maintained the justice of the war, to secure that great end of politicians of his class — ^power and spoils, Mr, A. Lincoln was the humble cats- paw of these sectionalists, and most faithfuUy has he foUowed up his service in the same line of policy for the benefit of the same political interest. It was in support of this policy that he joined with the enemies of Clay in the whig ranks, and contributed to the ruling out of the great whig chieftain by substituting the leader in that "proslavery raid," the Mexican war, as the Chicago Tribune has termed it, in place of Mr, Clay, who could not be made the supple instrument of the abolition wing of the whig party, to which Mr, Lincoln attached hunself, and THE CHARLESTON DEBATE 327 which affiliation he showed in his famous, or rather infamous "spotty" speech. Mr, Lincoln cannot quibble out of the odium of his .unpatriotic course in regard to the Mexican war, by begging the question upon votes of supplies. He showed by his congressional course that he was as serviceable an ally of Mexico as if he had met his countr3rmen — his constituents — ^upon Mexican soil, with a Mexican musket, to welcome them with "bloody hands to hospitable graves," as Corwin hoped they would be. We have heretofore given our readers his record, at length, on this question. His course is famiUar to the people of the whole state, espe cially to our older residents, and it is only surprising that Mr, Lincoln should have ventured to dig it up in a county where there are so many who participated in that "unjust war," as he and the abolitionists pro claimed it ! We can only account for it in the fact that he had to play a delicate part in Coles, to hide himself on the slavery question and in his ^ trepidation and his desire to find other subjects of comment blundered from Scylla upon Charybdis. He run upon his most odious "spot," which brought upon him the expos^ of his Mexican record by Douglas at Sullivan, In his course in relation to the Mexican war Mr. Lincoln only vented that abolition feeling, which has culminated in his avowal that he favors the doctrine of the equality of the negroes with the whites. Abolitionism then, as now, was the basis of his political creed. [Chicago Journal, Septeniber 2r, 1858] THE FOURTH JOINT DEBATE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS (Special correspondence of the Journal) Charleston, Coles Co., Sept. 20 Saturday was a great day in Charleston. There were not less than twelve thousand people present, from the adjacent towns and counties, to hear the fourth joint debate between Lincoln and Douglas. The streets of the village were filled with a perfect tide of humanity, surging to and fro, and immediately after dinner the tide flowed out to the County Fair Grounds, where the debate took place. The reception that was given to Mr. Lincohi on his arrival, by the Republicans of Charleston, was most cordial and enthusiastic. Mr. 328 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS BromweU, on behalf of the' Republicans of Charleston, made an eloquent speech of welcome, to which Mr. Lincoln responded briefly, but in befit ting terms; after which our noble leader was perfectiy overwhelmed with the warm greetings of the thousands of good friends who had come to see and hear him. The debate, in the afternoon, was opened by Mr. Lincoln, who, on taking the stand, was vociferously cheered. CHAPTER IX THE GALESBURG DEBATE [Chicago Press and Tribune, October 2, 1858] THE GALESBURG DEBATE Galesburg, Iowa, Sept. 29, 1858 Editors Press and Tribune: Please inform the readers of your paper the time of the debate between Lincoln and Douglas at Galesburg on the 7th of October. Will it be in the day time or evening, and at what hour. Many Republicans from Muscatine wiU be there. Insert notice in paper, and oblige. Yours truly, G. W. V. (The previous debates have all commenced at 2 p. M. and we believe that is the hour fixed on by the Galesburg committees. — ^Eds. P. df T.) [Burlington, Iowa, State Gazette, September 30, 1858] DOUGLAS AT GALESBURG Douglas and Lincoln will address the people at Galesburg on Thurs day the 7th of October. Persons desiring to be present on the occasion can do so at a smaU expense via the Burlington & M. RR. and Chicago & Quincy Raihroad. Tickets to Galesburg and back — half fare — ^good for the 7th and 8th on regular trains. We hope to see a large delegation from Iowa on that occasion. Those coming from towns west of us had better avaU themselves of the afternoon train on the 6th in order to make sure of connection. Tickets can be had at any of the Railroad ticket offices. [Peoria, III., Transcript, October r, 1858] THE NEXT GREAT DEBATE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS The next great debate between Lincoln and Douglas comes off at Galesburg, on Thtirsday next, the 7th of October, and wiU attract the largest crowd that has yet assembled to listen to the joint discussions 329 33° ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS between the two great political champions. It is estimated that not less. tiian 25,000 persons wiU be in attendance, and the citizens of Galesburg are making extensive preparations for the event. The Peoria, Oquawka and Burlington Railroad are prepared to accommodate aU who may desire to pass over their road to attend this this great debate. An extra train wiU leave this city at 8 J in the morning, and returning, leave Galesburg at 6 o'clock in the afternoon, Peoria ought to furnish at least 3,000 persons for this train. Let there be a general pouring out of our citizens. We urge our RepubUcan friends, in particidar, to be on hand. An extraordinary effort wiU be made by the Douglas-worshippers to get out the largest crowd for the occasion. The decided advantage which Mr. Lincoln has heretofore gained over his^ antagonist in these joint debates, has exasperated them to such an extent that no pains will be spared at Galesburg to regain their lost grounds by givifig Douglas as large a number of sympathizers in the audience as possible, who will be desperate in their enthusiasm to the last degree. But the Republican party throughout this section is con fident and spirited, and Old Abe will meet with a reception next Thurs day, which, in point of zeal and magnificence wiU far excel anything of the kind ever before witnessed in the West. [Chicago Press and Tribune, October 5, 1858] THE GALESBURG DEBATE.-A WORD TO THE COM MITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS The fifth public debate between Lincoln and Douglas comes off at Galesburg on Thursday next. We observe from our exchanges in that quarter that preparations are being made for an immense crowd. A special train will leave this city from the Central Depot on Thursday moming at six o'clock, reaching Galesburg at 1:25 p. m. Fare for the round trip six dollars. In this connection we desire to say a word to the Committee of Arrangements for the debate. At none of the previous discussions have there been any adequate accommodations for reporters. It is Tiot a fact that two chairs and a wash-stand eighteen inches square are sufficient furniture for half a dozen men to work on, nor is it always convenient to make a battle against a mob of excited politicians, when the fighting editor is at home. In behalf of ourselves and such other representatives of the press as may be represented, may we request that THE GALESBURG DEBATE 331 arrangements be made for at least six reporters — that the chairs and tables be placed where they will not be jarred or overthrown by the people on the platform and where there will be no room for persons to crowd between the reporters and the speakers — and that somebody with authority and physical strength enough to secure obedience, be appointed to keep loafers out of the reporting corner. These things are absolutely essential to the accuracy of the reports. [Galesburg Democrat, October 6, 1858] We learn that the Republican delegations will arrive tomorrow, as near as possible, in the following order: Knoxville delegation will come with Lincoln, at half -past 11 A. m., down Main street. Galesburg escort wUl meet them about a mile from the square. Mercer county delegation will come in from the west, on Main street. Cameron and adjoining towns will come in from the southwest at 12 o'clock. Monmouth delegation on 12 o'clock train, Abingdon delegation on 10 o'clock train, and some in carriages, Henderson, Oneida, Victoria, Rio and Wataga delegations will enter the city from the east on Main street, at about 12 m. Train from Chicago and intermediate stations arrives at 1:25, Train from Peoria at 12 M. [Galesburg, III., Democrat, October 4, 1858] [J^or the Galesburg Democrat^ Messrs. Editors: — Yesterday as I was passing along Main street I overheard two Douglas men engaged in what I supposed to be earnest conversation, I heard this remark — "Let us take him to the Bonney House, for we can get a Horn there if we want it," From what ap peared afterward the said gentlemen were going to meet the little giant at the cars, he being on his way to Oquawka and was to stop over in the city tiU Monday. It 'seems Mr. Douglas and his friends like almost any sort of a horn except one spoken of by Prentice in the Louisville Journal, to wit; one offered to them by a certain Tru7n-Bullwho turns up occasionally in different parts of this State. One word in regard to the reception of Mr, Douglas. It was whis pered around among a certain few that the Little Giant would arrive on the Peoria train at two o'clock. A self-appointed committee, number- 332 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS ing three persons, having hoisted their colors, straightened their hair and mustaches and wiped the last horn off their lips with their coat sleeves, made tracks for the depot. As soon as the cars stopped the committee mshed into the hind car; Judge Douglas was visible and G. W, Ford said, "How d'ye do Mr. D,," as natural as possible. Mr, D. replied, "I am tolerable!" The rest of the Committee then went through the same performance, each one closing up, sajdng, "this is fine weather," then squirting a little tobacco juice and looking sidewise at Mr, D. A sort of procession was now formed consisting of one carriage and i8 or 20 persons on foot; among the pedestrians I observed 3 colored boys who seemed to be perfectly at home, Mr, Douglas had on a white hat and coat. This imposing spectacle then moved on, led by the committee to Anthony's lumber yard, thence down to Main street, thence to the Bonney House, Here was an imposing spectacle. Little Mr. Douglas and his large white hat went into the Bonney House parlor, foUowed by several of the committee and the aforesaid colored boys. All the faithful in the city had by this time collected and one of them went so far as to propose a cheer, but Mr. D. saying at about this time that he would like some water to wash himself with, put a sudden stopper on this, and as he rose up to go to the wash room he turned round and smiled very benignly upon the crowd, to reciprocate which, the negro boys gave several stamps upon the floor and sidewalk. After Mr. D. had washed he retired to a private room foUowed by Mr. Ford and Jim Davidson, and further deponent saith not, but it is reported around town this morning that Mr. D. asked Mr. Ford if it was tme that; he (Ford) did make an amalgamation speech at the Cable celebration in this city ? In this connection it may be well to say that the Railroad company sent up an extra to bring Mr. D., and charged only half fare for the 6 or 8 persons who came with him. on the train. The most of said persons when last seen were in the neighborhood of a Bologna sausage shop on Boone Avenue where they probably stuffed themselves until they became perfectly torpid, in which state they will probably be shipped to Peoria as freight today. Buccanneer Monday, October 4, 1858 DOUGLAS AT GALESBURG 333 FIFTH JOINT DEBATE Galesburg, October 7, 18^8 Mr. Doug'las's Speech When the Senator appeared on the stand he was greeted with three tremendous cheers. He said: Ladies and Gentlemen: Four years ago I appeared before the people of Knox County for tiie purpose of defending my political action upon the Compromise Measures of 1850 and the passage of the Kansas- Nebraska biU. Those of you before me who were present then wiU re member that I vindicated myself for supporting those two measures by the fact that they rested upon the great fundamental principle that the people of each State and each Territory of this Union have the right, and ought to be permitted to exercise the right, of regulating their own domestic concerns in their own way, subject to no other limitation or restriction tiian that which the Constitution of the United States imposes upon them. I then called upon the people of Illinois to decide whether that principle of self-government was right or wrong. If it was and is right, then the Compromise Measures of 1850 were right, and conse quently, the Kansas and Nebraska bill, based upon the same principle, must necessarily have been right. ["That's so," and cheers.] The Kansas and Nebraska bill declared, in so many words, that it was the tme intent and meaning of the Act not to legislate slavery into any State or Territory, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic insti tutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States. For the last four years I have devoted all my energies, in private and public, to commend that principle to the American people. Whatever else may be said in condemnation or support of my political course, I apprehend that no honest man will doubt the fidelity with which, under all circumstances, I have stood by it. During the last year a question arose in the Congress of the United .States whether or not that principle would be violated by the admission of Kansas into the Union under the Lecompton Constitution, In my opinion, the attempt to force Kansas in under that constitution was a gross violation of the principle enunciated in the Compromise Measures of 1850, and Kansas and Nebraska bill of 1854, and therefore I led off in the fight against the Lecompton Constitution, and conducted it 334 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS until the effort to carry that constitution through Congress was aban doned. And I can appeal to aU men, friends and foes. Democrats and Republicans, Northern men and^ Southern men, that during the whole of that fight I carried the banner of Popular Sovereignty aloft, and never aUowed it to traU- in the dust, or lowered my flag until victory perched upon our arms. [Cheers,] When the Lecompton Constitution was defeated, the question arose in the minds of those who had advocated it what they should next resort to in order to carry out their views. They devised a measure known as the English bUl, and granted a general amnesty and political pardon to aU men who had fought against the Lecompton Constitution, pro vided they would support that biU, I for one did not choose to accept the pardon, or to avaU myself of the amnesty granted on that condition. The fact that the supporters of Lecompton were wiUing to forgive all differences of opinion at that time in the event those who opposed it favored the English biU, was an admission^ they did not think that opposition to Lecompton impaired a man's standing in the Democratic party. Now, the question arises. What was that English biU which certain men are now attempting to make a test of political orthodoxy in this country ? It provided, in substance, 'that the Lecompton Constitution should be sent back to the people of Kansas for their adoption or rejec tion, at an election which was held in August last, and in case they refused admission under it, that Kansas should be kept out of the Union until she had 93,420 inhabitants. I was in favor of sending the consti tution back in order to enable the people to say whether or not it was their act and deed, and embodied their will; but the other proposition, that if they refused to come into the Union under it, they should be kept out uhtU they had double or treble the population they then had, I never would sanction by my vote. The reason why I could not sanction it is to be found in the fact that by the English bill, if the people of Kansas had only agreed to become a slaveholding State under the Lecompton Constitution, they could have done so with 35,000 people, but if they insisted on being a Free State, as they had a right to do, then they were to be punished by being kept out of the union until they had nearly three times that population. I then said in my place in the Senate, as ¦ Omitted, " Inserts "that" after "admission." DOUGLAS AT GALESBURG 335 I now say to you, that whenever Kansas has population enough for a Slave State, she has population enough for a Free State. ["That's it," and cheers.] I have never yet given a vote, and I never intend to record one, making an odious and unjust distinction between the differ ent States of this Union. [Applause.] I hold it to be a fundamental principle in our Republican form of government that all the States of this Union, old and new, free and slave, stand on an exact equality. Equahty among the different States is a cardinal principle on which aU our institutions rest. Wherever, therefore, you make a discrimination saying to a Slave State that it shall be admitted with 35,000 inhabitants, and to a Free State that it shaU not be admitted untU it has 93,000 or 100,000 inhabitants, you are throwing the whole weight of the Federal Government into the scale in favor of one class of States against the other. Nor would I, on the other hand, any sooner sanction the doctrine that a Free State could be admitted into the Union with 35,000 people, while a Slave State was kept out until it had 93,000. I have always declared in the Senate my willingness, and I am willing now to adopt the mle, that no Territory shall ever become a State until it has the requisite population for a member of Congress, according to the then existing ratio. But while I have always been, and am now, wUling to adopt that general mle, I was not willing and would not consent to make an exception of Kansas, as a punishment for her obstinacy in demanding the right to do as she pleased in the formation of her con stitution. It is proper that I should remark here, that my opposition to the Lecompton Constitution did not rest upon the peculiar position taken by Kansas on the subject of slavery, I held then, and hold now, that if the people of Kansas want a Slave State, it is their right to make one, and be received into the Union under it; if, on the contrary, they want a Free State, it is their right to have it, and no man should ever oppose their admission because they ask it under the one or the other. I hold to that great principle of self-government which asserts the right of every people to decide for themselves the nature and character of the domestic institutions and fundamental law under which they are to live. The effort has been and is now being made in this State by certain postmasters and other Federal office-holders to -make a test of faith on the support of the EngUsh biU. These men are now making speeches aU over the State against me and in favor of Lincoln, either directly or 33^ ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS indirectly, because I would not sanction a discrimination between Slave and Free States by voting for the EngUsh biU! But while that biU is made a test in Illinois for the purpose of breaking up the Democratic organization in this State, how is it in the other States ? Go to Indiana, and there you find English himself, the author of the EngUsh biU, who is a candidate for re-election to Congress, has been forced by public opinion to abandon his own darUng project, and to give a promise that he will vote for the admission of Kansas at once, whenever she forms a constitution in pursuance of law, and ratifies it by a majority vote of her people. Not only is this the case with English himself, but I am informed that every Democratic candidate for Congress in Indiana takes the same ground. Pass to Ohio, and there you find that Groes- beck, and Pendleton, and Cox, and aU the other anti-Lecompton men who stood shoulder to shoulder with me against the Lecompton Con stitution, but voted for the English biU, now repudiate it and take the same ground that I do on that question. So it is with the Joneses and others of Pennsylvania, and so it is with every other Lecompton Demo crat in the Free States. They now abandon even the English bill, and come back to the tme platform which I proclaimed at the time in the Senate, and upon which the Democracy of lUinois now stands. And yet, notwithstanding the fact that every Lecompton and anti- Lecompton Democrat in the Free States has abandoned the English biU, you are told that it is to be made a test upon me, whUe the power and patronage of the Government are all exerted to elect men to Con gress in the other States who occupy the same position with reference to it that I do. It seems that my political offense consists in the fact that I first did not vote for the EngUsh biU, and thus pledge myself to keep Kansas out of the Union until she has a population of 93,420, and then return home, violate that pledge, repudiate the bill, and take the opposite ground. If I had done this, perhaps the Administration would now be advocating my re-election, as it is that of the others who have pursued this course. I did not choose to give that pledge, for the reason that I did not intend to carry out that principle. I never will consent, for the sake of concUiating the frowns of power, to pledge myself to do that which I do not intend to perform. I now submit the question to you, as my constituency, whether I was not right, first, in resisting the adop tion of the Lecompton constitution, and secondly, in resisting the^ English bUl. [An universal "Yes" from the crowd.] I repeat that I opposed DOUGLAS AT GALESBURG 337 the Lecompton Constitution because it was not the act and deed of the people of Kansas, and did not embody their wiU. I denied the right of any "power on earth, under our system of government, to force a consti tution on an unwilling people. ["Hear, hear; that's the doctrine;" and cheers,] There was a time when some men could pretend to believe that the Lecompton Constitution embodied the will of the people of Kansas; but that time has passed. The question was referred to the people of Kansas under the EngUsh biU last August, and then, at a fair election, they rejected the Lecompton Constitution by a vote of from eight to ten against it to one in its favor. Since it has been voted down by so overwhelming a majority no man can pretend that it was the act and deed of that people. ["That's so," and cheers.] I submit the question to you whether or not, if it had not been for me, that constitution would have been crammed down the throats of the people of Kansas against their consent. [" It would, it would;" "Hurrah for Douglas;" "Three cheers for Douglas", etc] While at least ninety- nine out of every hundred people here present agree that I was right in defeating that project, yet my enemies use the fact that I did defeat it by doing right, to break me down and put another man in the United States Senate in my place. ["No, no, you'U be returned;" three cheers, etc.] The very men who acknowledge that I was right in defeating Lecompton, now form an alliance with Federal office-holders, professed Lecompton men, to defeat me, because I did right. ["It can't be done,"] My political opponent, Mr, Lincoln, has no hope on earth, and has never dreamed that he had a chance of success, were it not for the aid that" he is receiving from Federal office-holders, who are using their influence and the patronage of the Government against me in revenge for my having defeated the Lecompton Constitution. ["Hear him," and applause,] What do you Republicans think of a political organization that will try to make an unholy and unnatural combination with its professed foes to beat a man merely because he has done right ? ["Shame on it."] You know that" such is the fact with regard to your own party. You know that the axe of decapitation is suspended over every man in office in IlUnois, and the terror' of proscription is threatened every Democrat > Omits "that," ¦ Omits "that," 3 Reads: "terrors" for "terror," 338 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS by the present Administration, unless he supports the Republican ticket in preference to my Democratic associates and myself. ["The people are with you, let them threaten," etc] I could find an instance in the postmaster of the city of Galesburg, and in every other postmaster in this vicinity, aU of whom have been stricken down simply because they discharged the duties of their offices honestly, and supported the regular Democratic ticket in this State in the right. The Republican party is availing itself of every unworthy means in the present contest to carry tiie election, because its leaders know that if they let this chance slip they will never have another, and their hopes of making this a Republican State will be blasted forever. Now, let me ask you whether the country has any interest in sustain ing this organization known as the Republican party. That party is unUke all other political organizations in this country, AU other parties have been national in their character, — ^have avowed their principles alike in the Slave and Free' States, in Kentucky, as well as Illinois, in Louisiana as well as in Massachusetts, Such was the case with the old Whig party, and such was and is the case with the Democratic party, Whigs and Democrats could proclaim their principles boldly and fear lessly in the North and in the South, in the East and in the West, where- ever the Constitution ruled, and the American flag waved over American soil. But now you have a sectional organization, a party which appeals to the Northem section of the Union against the Southern, a party which appeals to Northem passion, Northern pride. Northern ambition," Northem prejudices, against Southern people, the Southem States, and Southem institutions. The leaders of that party hope that they wUl be able to unite the Northern States in one great sectional party; and inasmuch as the North is the strongest section, that they will thus be enabled to out-vote, conquer, govern and control the South. Hence you find that they now make speeches advocating principles and meas ures which cannot be defended in any slaveholding State of this Union. Is there a Republican residing in Galesburg who can travel into Ken tucky and carry his principles with him across the Ohio ? ["No."] What Republican from Massachusetts can visit the Old Dominion with out leaving his principles behind him when he crosses Mason and Dixon's ¦ Inserts "the" before "Free." ' Inserts ''and" after ''ambition." DOUGLAS AT GALESBURG 339 line ? Permit me to say to you in perfect good humor, but in all sincer ity, that no political creed is sound which cannot be proclaimed fearlessly in every State of this Union where the Federal Constitution is' the su preme law of the land. [' 'That's so," and cheers.] Not only is this Republican party unable to proclaim its principles aUke in the North and in the South, in the Free States and in tke Slave States, but it cannot even proclaim them in the same forms and give them the same strength and meaning in alLparts of the same State. My friend Lincoln finds it extremely difficult to manage a debate in the center part of the State, where there is a mixture of men from the North and the South. In the extreme northern part of Illinois he can pro claim as bold and radical AboUtionism as ever Giddings, Lovejoy, or Garrison enunciated ; but when he gets down a little farther south he claims that he is an Old Line Whig, [great laughter] a disciple of Henry Clay ["Singleton says he defeated Clay's nomination for the presidency," and cries of "That's so,"] and declares that he still, adheres to the Old Line Whig creed, and has nothing whatever to do with Abolitionism, or negro equality, or negro citizenship. ["Hurrah for Douglas."] I once before hinted this of Mr. Lincoln" in a pubUc speech, and at Charleston he defied me to show that there was any difference between his speeches in the North and in the South, and that they were not in strict harmony. I wiU now call your attention to two of them, and you can then say whether you would be apt to believe that the same man ever uttered both. [Laughter and cheers,] In a speech in reply to me at Chicago in July last, Mr, Lincoln in speaking of the equality of the negro with the white man used tiie following language: — "I should like to know, if, taking this old Declaration of Independence, which declares that all men are equal upon principle, and making exceptions to it, where will it stop ? If one man says it does not mean a negro, why may not another man say it does not mean another man ? [Laughter.] If the Declajation is not the truth, let us get the statute book in which we find it, and tear it out. Who is so bold as to do it ? If it is not true, let us tear it out." You find that Mr, Lincoln there proposed that if the doctrine of the Declaration of Independence, declaring all men to be born equal, did not include the negro and put him on an equality with the white man, that we should take the statute book and tear it out, [Laughter and cheers,] He there took the ground that the negro race is included in * Inserts "not" after "is." * Reads: "Lincoln's" for "Lincohi." 340 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS .the Declaration of Independence as the equal of the white race, and that there could be no such thing as a distinction in the races, making one superior and the other inferior. I read now from the same speech : — "My friends [he says], I have detained you about as long as I desire to do, and I have only tg say, let us discard all this quibbling about this man and the other man, this race and that race and the other race being inferior, and therefore they must be placed in an inferior position, discarding our standard that we have left us. Let us discard all these things, and unite as one people throughout this land, until we shall once more stand up declaring that all men are created equal." ["That's right," etc.] . Yes, I have no doubt that you think it is right; but the Lincoln men down in Coles, Tazewell, and Sangamon counties do not think it is right. [Immense applause and laughter. "Hit, hit again," etc.] In the conclusion of the same speech, talking to the Chicago Abolitionists, he said: "I leave you, hoping that the lamp of liberty will bum in your bosoms until there shall no longer be a doubt that aU men are created free and equal." ["Good, good," "Shame," etc.] Well, you say good to that, and you are going to vote for Lincoln because he holds that doctrine. ["That's so."] I will not blame you for supporting him on that ground; but I will show you, in immediate contrast with that doc trine, what Mr. Lincoln said down in Egypt in order to get votes in that locality, where they do not hold to such a doctrine. In a joint discussion between Mr. Lincoln and myself, at Charleston, I 'think, on the i8th of last month, Mr. Lincoln, referring to this subject, used the foUowing language : — "I will say, then, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races; that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters of the free negroes, or jurors, or qualifjfing them to hold office, or having them to marry with white people. I vrill say, in addition,- that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which, I suppose, wrU forever forbid the two races living together upon terms of social and political equality; and inasmuch as they cannot so live, that while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, that I, as much as any other man, am in favor of the superior position being assigned to the white man.'' [" Good for Mr. Lincoln."] FeUow-citizens, here you find men hurrahing for Lincoln, and saying that he did right, when in one part of the State he stood up for negro equality; and in another part, for political effect, discarded the doctrine, and declared that there always must be a superior and inferior race. DOUGLAS AT GALESBURG 341 ["They are not men. Put them out," etc.] Abolitionists up North are expected and required to vote for Lincoln because he goes for the equality of tiie races, holding that by the Declaration of Independence the white man and the negro were created equal, and endowed by the divine law' witii that equality; and down South he tells the old Whigs, the Kentuc kians, Virginians, and Tennesseeans, that there is a physical difference in the races, making one superior and the other inferior, and that he is in favor of maintaining the superiority of the white race over the negro. Now, how can you reconcile those two positions of Mr. Lincoln? He is to be voted for in the South as a pro-slavery man, and he is to be voted for in the North as an Abolitionist. ["Give it to him," "Hit him again."] Up here he thinks it is all nonsense to talk about a dif ference between the races, and says, that we must "discard all quibbUng about this race and that race and the other race being inferior, and therefore they must be placed in an inferior position." Down South he makes this "quibble" about this race and that race and the other race being inferior as the creed of his party, and declares that the negro can never be elevated to the position of the white man. You find that his political meetings are called by different names in different counties in the State, Here they are called Republican meetings; but in old Tazewell, where Lincoln made a speech last Tuesday, he did not address a Republican meeting, but "a grand rally of the Lincoln men." [Great laughter.] There are very few Republicans there, because Tazewell County is filled with old Virginians and Kentuckians, all of whom are Whigs or Democrats; and if Mr, Lincoln had caUed an Abolition or Republican meeting there, he would not get many votes, [Laughter.] Go down into Egypt, and you find that he and his party are oper ating under an alias there, which his friend Tmmbull has given them in order that they may cheat the people. When I was down in Monroe County a few weeks ago, addressing the people, I saw handbUls posted announcing that Mr. Trumbull was going to speak in behalf of Lincoln , and what do you think the name of his party was there? Why the "Free Democracy." [Great laughter.] Mr. Tmmbull and Mr. Jehu Baker were announced to address the Free Democracy of Monroe County, and the bill was signed, "Many Free Democrats." The reason that Lincoln and his party adopted the name of "Free Democracy" down there was because Monroe County has always been an old-fashioned Democratic county, and hence it was necessary to make the people 342 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS believe that they were Democrats, sympathized with them, and were fighting for Lincoln as Democrats. ["That's it," etc.] Come up to Springfield, where Lincoln now lives and always has lived, and you find that the Convention of his party which assembled to nominate candidates for Legislature, who are expected to vote for him if elected, dare not adopt the name of Republican, but assembled under the title of "all opposed to the Democracy." [Laughter and cheers.] Thus you find that Mr. Lincoln's creed cannot travel through even one half of the counties of this state, but that it .changes its hues and becordes Ughter and lighter as it travels from the extreme north, untU it is nearly white when it reaches the extreme south end of the State. [" That's so," " It's time," etc.] I ask you, my friends, why cannot Republicans avow their principle? ahke everywhere? I would despise myself if I thought that I was procuring your votes by concealing my opinions, and by avowing one set of principles in one part of the State, and a different set in another part. If I do not tmly and honorably represent your feelings and principles, then I ought not to be your senator; and I will never conceal my opinions, or modify or change them a hair's breadth, in order to get votes. I will' tell you that this Chicago doctrine of Lincoln's — declaring that the negro and the white man are made equal by the Declaration of Independence and by Divine Providence — is a monstrous heresy. ["That's so," and terrible applause.] The signers of the Declaration of Independence never dreamed of the negro when they were writing that document. They referred to white men, to men of European birth and European descent, when they declared the equality of aU men, I see a gentleman there in the crowd shaking his head. Let me remind him that when Thomas Jefferson wrote that document, he was the owner, and so continued until his death, of a large number of slaves. Did he intend to say in that Declaration that his negro slaves, which he held and treated as property, were created his equals by divine law, and that he was violating the law of God every day of his life by holding them as slaves? ["No, no."] It must be borne in mind that when that Declaration was put forth, every one of the thirteen Colonies, were slaveholding Colonies, and every man who signed that instmment represented a slaveholding constituency. Recollect, also, that no one of them emancipated his slaves, much less put them on an equality » Omits "will." DOUGLAS AT GALESBURG 343 with himself, after he signed the Declaration. On the contrary, they aU continued to hold their negroes as slaves during the Revolutionary War. Now, do you believe — are you willing to have it said — that every man who signed the Declaration of Independence declared the negro his equal, and then was hypocrite enough to continue to hold him as a slave, in violation of what he beUeved to be the divine law ? ["No, no,"] And yet when you say that the Declaration of Independence includes the negro you charge the signers of it with hypocrisy. I say to you, frankly, that in my opinion this Government was made by our fathers on the white basis. It was made by white men for the benefit of white men and their posterity forever, and was intended to be administered by white men in all time to come. ["That's so," and cheers.] But while I hold that under our Constitution and political system the negro is not a citizen, cannot be a citizen, and ought not to be a citizen, it does not follow by any means that he should be a slave. On the contrary, it does foUow that the negro, as an inferior race, ought to possess every right, every privilege, every immunity, which he can safely exercise, consistent with the safety of the society in which he lives, ["That's so," and cheers,] Humanity requires, and Christianity commands, that you shaU extend to every inferior being, and every de pendent being, aU the privileges, immunities, and advantages which can be granted to them, consistent with the safety of society. If you ask me the nature and extent of these privUeges, I answer that that is a question which the people of each State must decide for themselves, ["That's it."] IlUnois has decided that question for herself. We have said that in this State the negro shall not be a slave, nor shall he be a citizen; Kentucky holds a different doctrine. New York holds one dif ferent from either, and Maine one different from aU. Virginia, in her policy on this question, differs in many respects from the others, and so on, until there are hardly two States whose policy is exactly alike in regard to the relation of the white man and the negro. Nor can you reconcile them and make them alike. Each State must do as it pleases, Illinois had as much right to adopt the policy which we have on that subject as Kentucky had to adopt a different policy. The great principle of this Government is, that each State has the right to do as it pleases on all these questions, and no other State or power on earth has the right to interfere with us, or complain of us merely because oursystem differs from theirs. In the Compromise Measures of 1850, Mr. Clay declared that 344 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS this great principle ought to exist in the Territories as weU as in the States, and I reasserted his doctrine in the Kansas and Nebraska bill in 1854. But Mr. Lincoln cannot be made to understand, and those who are determined to vote for him, no matter whether he is a pro-slavery man in the South and a negro equality advocate in the North, cannot be made to understand how it is that in a Territory the people can do as they please on the slavery question under the Dred Scott decision. Let us see whether I cannot explain it to the satisfaction of aU impartial men. Chief Justice Taney has said, in his opinion in the Dred Scott case, that a negro slave, being property, stands on an equal footing with other property, and that the owner may carry them into United States terri tory the same as he does other property. ["That's so."] Suppose any two of you, neighbors, should conclude to go to Kansas, one carrying $100,000 worth of negro slaves, and the other $100,000 worth of mixed merchandise, including quantities of liquors. You both agree that under that decision you may carry your property to Kansas; but when you get it there, the merchant who is possessed of the liquors is met by the Maine liquor law, which prohibits the sale or use of his property, and the owner of the slaves is met by equaUy unfriendly legislation, which makes his property worthless after he gets it there. What is the right to carry your property into the Teritory worth to either, when unfriendly legislation in the Territory renders it worthless after you get it there ? The slaveholder when he gets his slaves there finds that there is no local law to protect him in holding them, no slave code, no police regulation maintaining and supporting him in his right, and he discovers at once that the absence of such friendly legislation excludes his property from the Territory just as irresistibly as if there was a positive Constitutional prohibition excluding it. Thus you find it is with any kind of property in a Territory: It depends for its protection on the local and municipal law. If the people of a Territory want slavery, they make friendly legislation to introduce it; but if they do not want it, they withhold aU protection from it; and then it cannot exist there. Such was the view taken on the subject by different Southern men when the Nebraska biU passed. See the speech of Mr. Orr, of South Carolina, the present speaker of the House of Rep resentatives of Congress, made at that time; and there you wiU find this whole doctrine argued out at fuU length. Read the speeches of other Southem Congressmen, Senators and Representatives, made in 1854, and DOUGLAS AT GALESBURG 345 you will find that they took the same -vdew of the subject as Mr, Orr, — that slavery could never be forced on a people who did not want it, I hold that in this country there is no power on the face of the globe that can force any institution on an unwiUing people. The great fundamental principle of our Government is that the people of each State and each Territory shall be left perfectly free to decide for themselves what shall be the nature and character of their institutions. When this Govem- ment was made, it was based on that principle. At the time of its formation there were twelve slaveholding States and one Free State in this Union. Suppose this doctrine of Mr. Lincoln and the Republicans, of uni formity of' laws of all the States on the subject of slavery, had prevailed; suppose Mr. Lincoln himself had been a member of the Convention which framed the Constitution, and that he had risen in that august body, and, addressing the father of his country, had said as he did at Springfield: "A house divided against itself cannot stand, I believe this Government cannot endure permanently, half Slave and half Free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved I do not expect the house to faU; but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other." What do you think would have been the result ? ["Hurrah for Douglas."] Suppose he had made that Convention believe that doctrine, and they had acted upon it, what do you think would have been the result ? Do you believe that the one Free State would have outvoted the twelve slaveholding States, and thus abolished slavery? ["No, no," and great applause,] On the contrary, would not the twelve slaveholding States have outvoted the one Free State, and under his doctrine have fastened slavery by an irrevocable consti tutional provision upon every inch of the American Republic ? Thus you see that the doctrine he now advocates, if proclaimed at the beginning of the Government, would have established slavery every where throughout the American continent; and are you willing, now that we have the majority section, to exercise a power which we never would have submitted to when we were in the minority? ["No, no," and great applause.] If the Southem States had attempted to control our institutions, and make the States all Slave, when they had the power, I ask, Would you have submitted to it ? If you would not, are you willing, now that we have become the strongest under that great prin- ' Inserts "the" before "laws," 346 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS ciple of self-government that aUows each State to do as it pleases, to attempt to control the Southem institutions ? ["No, no."] Then, my friends, I say to you that there is but one path of peace in this Republic, and that is to administer this Government as our fathers made it, divided ' into Free and Slave States, allowing each State to decide for itself whether it wants slavery or not. If lUinois wiU settle the slavery question for herself, and mind her own business and let her neighbors alone, we wiU be at peace with Kentucky and every other Southem State. If every other State in the Union wiU do the same, there wiU be peace between the North and the South, and in the whole Union. I am told that my time has expired. [Nine cheers for Douglas.] Mr. Lincoln's Reply Mr. Lincoln was received as he came forward with three tremendous cheers, coming from every part of the vast assembly. After silence was restored, Mr. Lincoln said: My Fellow-Citizens: A very large portion of the speech which Judge Douglas has addressed to you has previously been delivered and put in print, [Laughter.] I do not mean that for a hit upon the Judge at aU. [Renewed laughter.] If I had not been intermpted, I was going to say that such an answer as I was able to make to a very large portion of it, had already been more than once made and published. There has been an opportunity afforded to the public to see our respective views upon the topics discussed in a large portion of the speech which he has just delivered. I make these remarks for the purpose of excusing my self for not passing over the entire ground that the Judge has traversed. I however desire to take up some of the points that he has attended to, and ask your attention to them, and I shall follow him backwards upon some notes which I have taken, reversing the order, by beginning where he concluded. The Judge has alluded to the Declaration of Independence, and insisted that negroes are not included in that Declaration; and that it is a slander upon the framers of that instmment to suppose that negroes were meant therein; and he asks you: Is it possible to believe that Mr. Jefferson, who penned the immortal paper, could have supposed himself applying the language of that instmment to the negro race, and yet held a portion of that race in slavery ? Would he not at once have freed them ? LINCOLN AT GALESBURG 347 I only have to remark upon this part of the Judge's speech (and that, too, very briefly, for I shall not detain myself, or you, upon that point for any great length of time,) that I beheve the entire records of the world, from the date of the Declaration of Independence up to within three years ago, may be searched in vain for one single affirmation, from one single man, that the negro was not included in the Declaration of Independence; I think I may defy Judge Douglas to show that he ever said so, that Washington ever said so, that any President ever said so, that any member of .Congress ever said so, or that any living man upon the whole earth ever said so, until the necessities of the present policy of the Democratic party, in regard to slavery, had to invent that affirmation. [Tremendous applause.] And I will remind Judge Do.ug- las and this audience that while Mr. Jefferson was the owner of slaves, as undoubtedly he was, in speaking upon this very subject he used the strong language that "he trembled for his country when he remembered that God was just;" and I will offer the highest premium in my power to Judge Douglas if he will show that -he, in all his life, ever uttered a sentiment at all akin to that of Jefferson. [Great applause and cries of "Hit him again;" "Good, good."] The next thing to which I will ask your attention is the Judge's comments upon the fact as he assumes it to be, that we cannot call our public meetings as Republican meetings; and he instances Tazewell County as one of the places where the friends of Lincoln have called a public meeting and have not dared to name it a Republican meeting. He instances Monroe County as another, where Judge TmmbuU and Jehu Baker addressed the persons whom the Judge assumes to be the friends of Lincoln, calling them the "Free Democracy." I have the honor to inform Judge Douglas that he spoke in that very County of Tazewell last Saturday, and I was there on Tuesday last; and when he spoke there, he spoke under a caU not venturing to use the word "Democrat." [Cheers and laughter,] [Turning to Judge Douglas:] What think' you of this? [Immense applause and roars of laughter,] So, again, there is another thing to which I would ask the Judge's attention upon this subject. In the contest of 1856 his party delighted to caU themselves together as the "National Democracy;" but now, if there should be a notice put up anywhere for a meeting of the "National Democracy," Judge Douglas and his friends would not come. [Laugh- » Inserts "do" before "think" and transposes next two words. 348 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS ter,] They would not suppose themselves invited. [Renewed laughter and cheers,] They would understand that it was a caU for those hateful postmasters whom he talks about. [Uproarious laughter.] Now a few words in regard to these extracts from speeches of mine which Judge Douglas has read to you, and which he supposes are in very great contrast to each other. Those speeches have been before the public for a considerable time, and if they have any inconsistency in them, if there is any conflict in them, the public have been able to detect it. When the Judge says, in speaking on this subject, that I make speeches of one sort for the people of the northern end of the State, and of a different sort for the southem people, he assumes that I do not understand that my speeches will be put in print and read north and south, I knew all the while that the speech that I made at Chicago, and the one I made at Jonesboro, and the one at Charleston, would aU be put in print, and aU the reading and intelligent men in the community would see them and know all about my opinions. And I have not supposed, and do not now suppose, that there is any conflict whatever between them. ["They are good speeches;" "Hurrah for Lincoln."] But the Judge will have it that if we do not cdnfess that there is a sort of inequality between the white and the black races which justifies us in making them slaves, we must then insist that there is a degree of equality that requires us to make them our wives. [Loud applause and cries of " Give it to him;" "Hit him again."] Now, I have all the while taken a broad distinction in regard to that matter; and that is all there is in these different speeches which he arrays here; and the entire reading of either of the speeches will show that that distinction was made. Perhaps by taking two parts of the same speech he could have got up as much of a conflict as the one he has found, I have all the while maintained that in so far as it should be insisted that there was an equality between the white and black races that should produce a perfect social and political equality, it was an impossibility. This you have seen in my printed speeches, and with it I have said that in their right to "Ufe, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," as proclaimed in that old Declaration, the inferior races are our equals. [Long-continued cheer ing.] And these declarations I have constantly made in reference to the abstract moral question, to contemplate and consider when we are legislating about any new country which is not already cursed with the actual presence of the evU, — slavery. LINCOLN AT GALESBURG 349 I have never manifested any impatience with the necessities that spring from the actual presence of black people amongst us, and the actual existence of slavery amongst us where it does already exist; but I have insisted that, in legislating for new countries where it does not exist, there is no just mle other than that of moral and abstract right ! With reference to those new countries, those maxims as to the right of people to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" were the just rules to be constantly referred to. There is no misunderstanding this, except by men interested to misunderstand it. [Applause,] I take it that I have to address an intelligent and reading community, who will pemse what I say, weigh it, and then judge whether I advance improper or unsound views, or whether I advance hypocritical, and deceptive, and contrary views in different portions of the country, I believe myself to be guilty of no such thing as the latter, though, of course, I cannot claim that I am entirely free from all error in the opinions I advance. The Judge has also detained us a while in regard to the distinction between his party and our party. His he assumes to be a national party, — ours a sectional one. He does this in asking the question whether this country has any interest in the maintenance of the Repub Ucan party ? He assumes that our party is altogether sectional, — that the party to which he adheres is national; and the argument is, that no party can be a rightful party — can be based upon rightful principles — unless it can announce its principles everywhere. I presume that Judge Douglas could not go into Russia and announce the doctrine of our national Democracy; he could not denounce the doctrine of kings and emperors and monarchies in Russia; and it may be true of this country that in some places we may not be able to proclaim a doc trine as clearly' as the truth of Democracy, because there is a section so directly opposed to it that they will not tolerate us in doing so. Is it the true test of the soundness of a doctrine that in some places people won't let you proclaim it? ["No, no, no."] Is that the way to test the truth of any doctrine ? ["No, no, no."] Why, I understood that at one time the people of Chicago would not let Judge Douglas preach a certain favorite doctrine of his. [Laughter and cheers,] I commend to his consideration the question, whether he takes that as a test of the unsoundness of what he wanted to preach ? [Loud cheers,] There is another thing to which I wish to ask attention for a little ' Inserts "true" after "clearly," 35° ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS while on this occasion. What has always been the evidence brought forward to prove that the Republican party is a sectional party ? The main one was that in the Southem portion of the Union the people did not let the RepubUcans proclaim their doctrines amongst them. That has been the main evidence brought forward, — that they had no sup porters, or substantially none, in the Slave States, The South ha,ve not taken hold of our principles as we announce them; nor does Judge Douglas now grapple with those principles. We have a Republican State Platform, laid down in Springfield in June last, stating our position aU the way through the questions before the country. We are now far advanced in this canvass. Judge Douglas and I have made perhaps forty speeches apiece, and we have now for the fifth time met face to face in debate, and up to this day I have not found either Judge Douglas or any friend of his taking hold of the Republican platform, or laying his finger upon anything in it that is wrong. [Cheers.] I ask you" to recoUect that Judge Douglas tums away from the platform of principles to the fact that he can find people somewhere who will not allow us to announce those principles. [Applause,] If he had great confidence that our principles were wrong, he would take hold of them and demonstrate them to be wrong. But he does not do so. The only evidence he has of their being wrong is in the fact that there are people who won't allow us to preach them. I ask again, is that the way to test the soundness of a doctrine ? [Cries of "No, no."] I ask his attention also to the fact that by the mle of nationality he is himself fast becoming sectional. [Great cheers and laughter.] I ask his attention to the fact that his speeches" would not go as current now south of the Ohio River as they have formerly gone there. [Loud cheers.] I ask his attention to the fact that he felicitates himself to-day that all the Democrats of the Free States are agreeing with him, [applause] while he omits to tell us that the Democrats of any Slave State agree with him. If he has not thought of this, I commend to his consideration the evidence in his own declaration, on this day, of his becoming sectional too. [Immense cheering.] I see it rapidly approaching. Whatever may be the result of this ephemeral contest between Judge Douglas and myself,- I see the day rapidly approaching when his pill of sectionalism, which he- has been thrusting down the throats of Republicans for years past, wiU be crowded down his own throat. [Tremendous applause.] " Inserts "all" after ''you." LINCOLN AT GALESBURG 351 Now, in regard to what Judge Douglas said (in the beginning of his speech) about the Compromise of 1850 containing the principle of the Nebraska bill, although I have often presented my views upon that subject, yet as I have not done so in this canvass, I wiU, if you please, detain you a httle with them. I have always maintained, so far as I was able, that there was nothing of the principle of the Nebraska biU in the Compromise of 1850 at all, — nothiiig whatever. Where can you find the principle of the Nebraska biU in that Compromise ? If anywhere, in the two pieces of the Compromise organizing the Territories of New Mexico and Utah. It was expressly provided in these two Acts that when they came to be admitted into the Union, they should be admitted with or without slavery, as they should choose, by their own constitutions. Nothing was said in either of these Acts as to what was to be done in relation to slavery during the Territorial existence of those Territories, while Henry Clay constantly made the declaration (Judge Douglas recognizing him as a leader) tiiat, in his opinion, the old Mexican laws would control that question during the Territorial existence, and that these old Mexican laws excluded slavery. .How can that be used as a principle for declaring that during the Territorial existence as well as at the 'time of framing the constitution, the people, if you please, might have slaves if they wanted them ? I am not discussing the question whether it is right or wrong; but how are the New Mexican and Utah laws patterns for the Nebraska bUl ? I maintain that the organization of Utah and New Mexico did not establish a general principle at aU, It had no feature of establishing a general principle. The Acts to which I have referred were a part of a general system of Compromises. They did not lay down what was proposed as a regular policy for the Territories, only an agreement in this par ticular case to do in that way, because other things were done that were to be a compensation for it. They were allowed to come in in that •^ shape, because in another way it was paid for, — considering that as a part of that system of measures caUed the Compromise of 1850, which finaUy included half-a-dozen Acts. It included the admission of Cali fornia as a Free State, which was kept out of the Union for half a year because it had formed a free constitution. It included the settlement of the boundary of Texas, which had been undefined before, which was in itself a slavery question ; for if you pushed the line farther west, you made Texas larger, and made more slave territory; while, if you 3S2 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS drew the line toward the east, you narrowed the boundary and diminisned the domain of slavery, and by so much increased free territory. It included the abohtion of the slave trade in the District of Columbia. It included the passage of a new Fugitive-Slave law. AU these things were put together, and though passed in separate Acts, were, nevertheless, in legislation (as the speeches of the time will show) made to depend upon each other. Each got votes, with the understand ing that the other measures were to pass, and by this system of Com promise, in that series of measures, those two biUs — the New Mexico and Utah bUls — ^were passed: and I say for that reason they could not be taken as models, framed upon their own intrinsic principle, for all future Territories. And I have the evidence of this in the fact that Judge Douglas, a year afterward, or more than a year afterward, per haps, when he first introduced biUs for the purpose of framing new Territories, did not attempt to follow these bUls of New Mexico and Utah; and even when he introduced this Nebraska biU I think you will discover that he did not exactly follow them. But I do not wish to dwell at great length upon this branch of the discussion. My own opinion is, that a thorough investigation will show most plainly that the New Mex ico and Utah biUs were part of a system of compromise, and not designed as patterns for future Territorial legislation; and that this Nebraska bill did not follow them as a pattern at aU. The Judge tells us,' in proceeding, that he is opposed to making any odious distinction between Free and Slave States. I am altogether unaware that the Republicans are in favor of making any odious dis tinctions between the Free and Slave States. But there is stiU a differ ence, I think, between Judge Douglas and the R,epublicans in this. I suppose that the real difference between Judge Douglas and his friends, and the Republicans on the contrary is, that the Judge is not in favor of making any difference between slavery and liberty, that he is in favor of eradicating, of pressing out of view, the questions of preference in this country for free or" slave institutions; and consequently every sentiment he utters discards the idea that there is any wrong in slavery. Everything that emanates from him or his coadjutors in their course of policy carefuUy excludes the thought that there is anything wrong in slavery. All their arguments, if you will consider them, will be seen to exclude the thought that there is anything whatever wrong in slavery. ¦ Omits "us." I Reads: "over" for "or." LINCOLN AT GALESBURG 353 If you wiU take the Judge's speeches, and select the short and pointed sentences expressed by him, — as his declaration that he "don't care whether slavery is voted up or down," you wUl see at once that this is perfectly logical, if you do not admit that slavery is wrong. If you do admit that it is wrong, Judge Douglas cannot logically say' he don't care whether a wrong is voted up or down." Judge Douglas declares that if any community want slavery, they have a right to have it. He can say that logically, if he says that there is no wrong in slavery; but if you admit that there is a -wrong in it, he cannot logically say that anybody has a right to do wrong. He insists that, upon the score of equality, the owners of slaves and owners of property — of horses and every other sort of property — should be alike, and hold them ahke in a new Territory. That is perfectly logical if the two species of property are alike and are equally founded in right. But if you admit that one of them is wrong, you cannot institute any equality between right and wrong. And from this difference of senti ment, — the belief on the part of &ne that the institution is wrong, and a policy springing from that belief which looks to the arrest of the enlarge ment of that wrong; and this other sentiment, that it is no wrong, and a policy spmng from that sentiment, which will tolerate no idea of preventing the wrong from growing larger, and looks to there never being an end of it through all the existence of things, — arises the real difference between Judge Douglas and his friends on the one hand, and the Republicans on the other. Now, I confess myself as belonging to that class in the country who contemplate slavery as a moral, social, and pohtical evU, having due regard for its actual existence amongst us and the difficulties of getting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to aU the constitutional obligations which have been thrown about it; but, nevertheless, desire a policy that looks to the prevention of it as a wrong, and looks hopefully to the time when as a wrong it may come to an end. [Great applause,] Judge Douglas has again, for, I believe, the fifth time, if not the seventh, in my presence, reiterated his charge of a conspiracy or com bination between the National Democrats and RepubUcans, What evidence Judge Douglas has upon this subject I know not, inasmuch as he never favors us with any. [Laughter and cheers,] I have said upon a former occasion, and I do not choose to suppress ' Inserts "that" after "say." ' Inserts "voted" before "down." 354 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS it now, that I have no objection to the division in the Judge's party. [Cheers.] He got it up himself. It was aU his and their work. He had, I think, a great deal more to do with the steps that led to the Lecompton Constitution than Mr. Buchanan had; [applause] though at last, when they reached it, they quarreled over it, and their friends divided upon it. [Applause.] I am very free to confess to Judge Douglas that I have no objection to the division; [loud applause and laughter] but I defy the Judge to show any evidence that I have in any way promoted that division, unless he insists on being a witness himself in merely saying so. [Laughter.] I can give aU fair friends of Judge Douglas here to understand exactly the view that Republicans take in regard to that division. Don't you remember how two years ago the opponents of the Democratic party were divided between Fremont and Fillmore ? I guess you do. ["Yes, Sir, we remember it mighty well."] Any Democrat who remembers that division wiU remember also that he was at the time very glad of it, [laughter] and then he will be able to see all there is between the National Democrats and the RepubUcans. What we now think of the two divisions of Democrats, you then thought of the Fremont and FiUmore divisions. [Great cheers.] That is all there is of it. But if the Judge continues to put forward the declaration that there is an unholy and unnatural alliance between the Republican' and the National Democrats, I now want to enter my protest against receiving him as an entirely competent witness upon that subject. [Loud cheers.] I want to caU to the Judge's attention an attack he made upon me in the first one of these debates, at Ottawa, on the 21st of August. In order to fix extreme Abolitionism upon me. Judge Douglas read a set of resolutions which he declared had been passed by a Republican State Convention, in October, 1854, at Springfield, IlUnois, and he declared I had taken part in that Convention. It tumed out that although a few men caUing themselves an anti-Nebraska State Convention had sat at Springfield about that time, yet neither did I take any part in it, nor did it pass the resolutions or any such resolutions as Judge Douglas read. [Great applause.] So apparent had it become that the resolu tions which he read had not been passed at Springfield at all, nor by a State Convention in which I had taken part, that seven days afterward, at Freeport, Judge Douglas declared that he had been misled by Charles • Reads: "Republicans" for "Republican." LINCOLN AT GALESBURG 355 H. Lanphier, editor of the State Register, and Thomas L. Harris, mem ber of Congress in that District, and he promised in that speech that when he went to Springfield he would investigate the matter. Since then Judge Douglas has been to Springfield, and I presume has made the investigation; but a month has passed since he has been there, and, so far as I know, he has made no report of the result of his investiga tion, [Great applause.] I have waited as I think a sufficient time for the report of that investigation, and I have some curiosity to see and hear it. [Applause.] A fraud, an absolute forgery was committed, and the perpetration of it was traced to the three, — Lanphier, Harris, and Douglas. [Applause and laughter.] Whether it can be narrowed in any way so as to exonerate any one of them, is what Judge Douglas's report would probably show. [Applause and laughter.] It is tme that the set of resolutions read by Judge Douglas were published in the Illinois State Register on the i6th of October, 1854, as being the resolutions of an anti-Nebraska Convention which had sat in that same month of October, at Springfield, But it is also tme that the publication in the Register was a forgery then, [cheers] and the question is still behind, which of the three, if not all of them, committed that forgery ? The idea that it was done by mistake, is absurd. The article in the Illinois State Register contains part of the real proceedings of that Springfield Convention, showing that the writer of the article had the real proceedings before him, and purposely threw out the genu ine resolutions passed by the Convention, and fraudulently substituted the others. Lanphier then, as now, was the editor of the Register, so that there seems to be but little room for his escape. But then it is to be home in mind that Lanphier had less interest in the object of that forgery than either of the other two. [Cheers.] The main object of that forgery at that time was to beat Yates and elect Harris to Congress, and that object was known to be exceedingly dear to Judge Douglas at that time. [Laughter,] Harris and Douglas were both in Springfield when the convention was in session, and although they both left before the fraud appeared in the Register, subsequent events show that they have both had their eyes fixed upon that Convention, The fraud having been apparentiy successful upon the occasion, both Harris and Douglas have more than once since then been attempt ing to put it to new uses. As the fisherman's wife, whose drowned 356 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS husband' was brought home with his body" full of eels, said when she was asked, "What was to be done with him?" "Take the eels out and set him again," [great laughter] so Harris and Douglas have shown a disposition to take the eels out of that stale fraud by which they gained Harris's election, and set the fraud again more than once. [Tremendous cheers and laughter,] On the 9th of July, 1856, Douglas attempted a repetition of it upon Tmmbull on the floor of the Senate of the United States, as will appear from the Appendix to the Congressional Globe of that date. On the 9th of August, Harris attempted it again upon Norton in the House of Representatives, as wiU appear by the same document, — the Appendix to the Congressional Globe of that date. On the 2 ist of August last,3 all three — Lanphier, Douglas, and Harris — reattempted it upon me at Ottawa. [Tremendous applause.] It has been clung to and played out again and again as an exceedingly high tmmp by this blessed trio. [Roars of laughter and tremendous applause. " Give it to him," etc] And now that it has been discovered publicly to be a fraud, we find that Judge Douglas manifests no surprise at it at all. [Laughter. "That's it, hit him again."] He makes no complaint of Lanphier, who must have known it to be a fraud from the beginning. He,"* Lanphier, and Harris are just as cozy now, and just as active in the concoction of new schemes as they were before the general discovery of this fraud, [Laughter and cheers.] ' Now, all this is very natural if they are all aUke guilty in that fraud, and it is very unnatural if any one of them is innocent, [Great laughter. "Hit him again," "Hurrah for Lin coln."] Lanphier perhaps insists that the mle of honor among thieves does not quite require him to take all upon himself, [laughter] and consequentiy my friend Judge Douglas finds it difficult to make a satis factory report upon his investigation. [Laughter and applause,] But meanwhile the three are agreed that each is "a most honorable man." [Cheers and explosions of laughter.] Judge Douglas requires an indorsement of his tmth and honor by a re-election to the United States Senate, and he makes and reports against me and against Judge Tmmbull, day after day, charges which we know to be utterly untme, without for a moment seeming to think that this one unexplained fraud, which he promised to investigate, will be the ¦ Reads: "husband's Irody" for "husband." ' Omits "last." " Reads: "the pockets" for "his body." « Reads: "Both" for "He." LINCOLN AT GALESBURG 357 least drawback to his claim to belief. Harris ditto. He asks a re-elec tion to the lower House of Congress without seeming to remember at all that he is involved in this dishonorable fraud. The Illinois Stale Register, edited by Lanphier, then, as now, the central organ of both Harris and Douglas, continues to din the public ear with these asser tions,' without seeming to suspect that they" are at all lacking in title to belief. After aU, the question still recurs upon us, How did that fraud originaUy get into the State Register "i Lanphier then, as now, was the editor of that paper. Lanphier knows. Lanpliier cannot be ignorant of how and by whom it was originally concocted. Can he be induced to tell, or, if he has told, can Judge Douglas be induced to tell how it originally was concocted? It may be tme that Lanphier insists that the two men for whose benefit it was originally devised, shall at least bear their share of it ! How that is, I do not know, and while it remains unexplained, I hope to be pardoned if I insist that the mere fact of Judge Douglas making charges against TmmbuU and myself is not quite sufficient evidence to establish them! [Great cheering, "Hit him again;" "Give it to him," etc] While we were at Freeport, in one of these joint discussions, I an swered certain interrogatories which Judge Douglas had propounded to me, and then in turn propounded some to him, which he in a sort of way answered. The third one of these interrogatories I have with me, and wish now to make some comments upon it. It was in these words : "If the Supreme Court -of the United States shall decide that States^ cannot exclude slavery from their Umits, are you in favor of acquiescing in, adopting,'' and following such decision as a mle of political action ? To this interrogatory Judge Douglas made no answer in any just sense of the word. He contented himself with sneering at the thoughf that it was possible for the Supreme Court ever to make such a decision. He sneered at me for propounding the interrogatory, I had not propounded it without some reflection, and I wish now to address to this audience some remarks upon it. In the second clause of the sixtii article, I believe it is, of the Consti tution of the United States, we find the following language: "This * Reads: "this assertion" for "these assertions." " Reads: "these assertions" for "they." 3 Inserts "the" before "States." 4 Reads: ''adhering to" for "adopting." 358 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Constitution and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shaU be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary, notwithstanding." The essence of the Dred Scott case is compressed' into the sentence which I wiU now read: "Now, as we have already said in an earlier part of this opinion, upon a different point, the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution." I repeat it, "The right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution." What is it to be" "affirmed" in the Constitution ? Made firm in the Constitution, — so made that it cannot be separated from the Consti tution without breakiiig the Constitution; durable as the Constitution, and part of the Constitution. Now, remembering the provision of the Constitution which I have read; affirming that that instrument is the supreme law of the land; that the Judges of every State shall be bound by it, any law or constitution of any State to the contrary notwithstanding; that the right of property in a slave is affirmed in that Constitution, is made, formed into, and cannot be separated from it without breaking it; durable as the instrument; part of the instmment; — ^what foUows as a short and even syUogistic argument from it ? I think it foUows, and I submit to the consideration of men capable of arguing, whether as I state it, in syUogistic form, the argument has any fault in it ? Nothing in the Constitution or laws of any State can destroy a right ^ distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution of the United States. The right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution of the United States, Therefore, nothing in the Constitution or laws of any State can destroy the right of property in a slave, I believe that no fault can be pointed out in that argunient; assuming the tmth of the premises, the conclusion, so far as I have capacity at all to understand it, follows inevitably. There is a fault in it as I think, but the fault is not in the reasoning: the^ falsehood in fact is a fault in'* the premises. I believe that the right of property in a slave is not distinctly and ¦Reads: "comprised" for "compressed." s Inserts "but" before "the." ¦ Omits "it to be." t Reads: "of" for "in." LINCOLN AT GALESBURG 359 expressly affirmed in the Constitution, and Judge. Douglas thinks it is. I believe that the Supreme Court and the advocates of that decision may search in vain for the place in the Constitution where the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed. I say, therefore, that I think one of the premises is not tme in fact. But it is tme with Judge Douglas. It is tme with the Supreme Court who pronounced it. They are estopped from denying it, and being estopped from denying it the conclusion follows that, the Constitution of the United States being the supreme law, no constitution or law can interfere with it. It being affirmed in the decision that the right of property in a slave is distinctiy and expressly affirmed in the Constitution, the conclusion inevitably follows that no State law or constitution can destroy that right. I then say to Judge Douglas and to all others, that I think it wiU take a better answer than a sneer to show that those who have said that the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution, are npt prepared to show that no constitution or law can destroy that right. I say I believe it will take a far better argument than a mere sneer to show to the minds of intelligent men that whoever has so said, is not prepared, whenever public sentiment is so far advanced as to justify it, to say the other. ["That's so."] This is but an opinion, and the opinion of one very humble man; but it is my opinion that the Dred Scott decision, as it is, never would have been made in its present form if the party that made it had not been sustained previously by the elections. My own opinion is, that the new Dred Scott decision, decid ing against the right of the people of the States to exclude slavery will never be made, if that party is not sustained by the elections. [Cries of "Yes," "Yes."] I believe, further, that it is just as sure to be made as to-morrow is to come, if that party shall be- sustained. ["We won't sustain it;" "Never;" "Never."] I have said, upon a former occasion, and I repeat it now, that the course of argument that Judge Douglas makes use of upon this subject (I charge not his motives in this), is preparing the public mind for that new Dred Scott decision. I have asked him again to point out to me the reasons for his first adherence to the Dred Scott decision as it is. I have tumed his attention to the fact that General Jackson differed with him in regard to the pohtical obUgation of a Supreme Court decision. I have asked his attention to the fact that Jefferson differed with him in regard to the political obUgation of a Supreme Court decision. Jef- 360 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS ferson said that "Judges are as honest as other men, and not more so." And he said, substantiaUy, that "whenever a free people should give up in absolute submission to any department of govemment, retaining for themselves no appeal from it, their Uberties were gone." I have asked his attention to the fact that the Cincinnati platform upon which he says he stands, disregards a time-honored decision of the Supreme Court, in denying the power of Congress to estabUsh a National Bank. I have asked his attention to the fact that he himself was one of the most active instmments at one time in breaking' down the Supreme Court of the State of Illinois, because it had made a decision distasteful to him, — a stmggle ending in the remarkable circumstance of his sitting down as one of the new Judges who were to overslaugh that decision ; [loud applause] getting his title of Judge in that very way. [Tre mendous applause and laughter.] So far in this controversy I can get no answer at aU from Judge Douglas upon these subjects. Not one can I get from him, except that he swells himself up and says, "All of us who stand by the decision of the Supreme Court are the friends of the Constitution; all you feUows that dare question it in any way, are the enemies of the Constitution." [Continued laughter and cheers.] Now, in this very devoted adherence to this decision, in opposition to all the great political leaders whom he has recognized as leaders, in opposition to his former self and history, there is something very marked. And the manner in which he adheres to it, — ^not as being right upon the merits, as he conceives (because he did not discuss that at all), but as being absolutely obUgatory upon every one, simply because of the source from whence it comes, — as that which no man can gainsay, whatever it may be; this is another marked feature of his adherence to that decision. It marks it in this respect that it commits him to the next decision whenever it comes, as being as obUga tory as this one, since he does not investigate it, and won't inquire whether this opinion is right or wrong. So he takes the next one without inquir ing whether it is right or wrong. [Applause,] He teaches men this doctrine, and in so douig prepares the public mind to take the next decision when it comes, without any inquiry. In this I think I argue faurly (without questioning motives at aU) that Judge Douglas is most ingeniously and powerfully preparing the pubUc mind to take that decision when it comes; and not only so, but • Reads; "backing" for "breaking," LINCOLN AT GALESBURG 361 he is doing it in various other ways. In these general maxims about liberty, in his assertions that he "don't care whether slavery is voted up or voted down;" that "whoever wants slavery has a right to have it;" that "upon principles of equality it should be aUowed to go every where;" that "there is no inconsistency between free and slave insti tutions." In this he is also preparing (whether purposely or not) the way for making the institution of slavery national! [Cries of "Yes, yes;" "That's so."] I repeat again, for I wish no misunderstanding, that I do not charge that he means it so; but I call upon your minds to inquire, if you were going to get the best instmment you could, and then set it to work in the most ingenious way, to prepare the public mind for this movement, operating in the Free States, where there is now an abhorrence of the institution of slavery, could you find an instmment so capable of doing it as Judge Douglas, or one employed in so apt a way to do it? [Great cheering. Cries of "Hit him again;" "That's the doctrine,"] I have said once before, and I wUl repeat it now, that Mr, Clay, when he was once answering an objection to the Colonization Society, that it had a tendency to the ultimate emancipation of the slaves, said that "those who would repress aU tendencies to Uberty and ultimate emanci pation must do more than put down the benevolent efforts of the Coloni zation Society, — they must go back to the era of our Uberty and inde pendence, and muzzle the cannon that thunders its annual joyous return; they must blot out the moral lights around us; they must pene trate the human soul, and eradicate the light of reason and the love of liberty!" And I do think — I repeat, though I said it on a former occa sion — ^that Judge Douglas and whoever, like him, teaches that the negro has no share, humble though it may be, in the Declaration of Independ ence, is going back to the era of our liberty and independence, and, so far as in him lies, muzzling the cannon that thunders its annual joyous retum; ["That's so."] that he is blowing', out the moral lights around us, when he contends that whoever wants slaves has a right to hold them; that he is penetrating, so far as Ues in his power, the human soul, and eradicating the light of reason and the love of liberty, when he is in every possible way preparing the public mind, by his vast influence, for making the institution of slavery perpetual and national, [Great ap plause and cries of "Hurrah for Lincoln;" "That's the true doctrine,"] ' Reads: "blotting" for "blowing," 362 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS There is, my friends, only one other point to which I wiU caU your attention for the remaining time that I have left me, and perhaps I shall not occupy the entire timtf that I have, as that one point may not take me clear through it. Among the interrogatories that Judge Douglas propounded to me at Freeport, there was one in about this language: "Are you opposed to the acquisition of any further territory to the United States, unless slavery shaU first be prohibited therein ?" I answered, as I thought, in this way, that I am not generaUy opposed to the acquisition of additional teriritory, and that I would support a proposition for the acquisition of additional territory according as my supporting it was or was not calculated to aggravate this slavery question amongst us. I then proposed to Judge Douglas another interrogatory, which was .correlative to that; "Are you in favor of acquiring additional territory, in disregard of how it may affect us upon the slavery question ?" Judge Douglas answered, — ^that is, m his own way he answered it. [Laughter.] I beUeve that, although he took a good many words to answer it, it was a little more fuUy answered than any other. The substance of his answer was, that this country would continue to expand; that it would need additional territory; that it was as absurd to suppose that we could continue upon our present territory, enlarguig in population as we are, as it would be to hoop a boy twelve years of age, and expect him to grow to man's size without bursting the hoops. [Laughter.] I believe it was something like that. Consequentiy, he was in favor of the acquisition of further territory as fast as we might need it, in disregard of how it might affect the slavery question. I do not say this as giving his exact language, but he said so sub stantially; and he would leave the question of slavery where the territory was acquired, to be settled by the people of the acquired territory. ["That's the doctrine."] May be it is; let us consider that for a while. This wiU probably, in the run of things, become one of the concrete manifestations of this slavery question. If Judge Doulgas's policy upon this question succeeds, and gets fairly settled down, untU aU opposition is cmshed out, the next thing wiU be a grab for the territory of poor Mexico, an invasion of the rich lands of South America, then the adjoin-. ing islands wUl follow, each one of which promises additional slave-fields. And this question is to be left to the people of those countries for settie- ment. When we shaU get Mexico, I don't know whether the Judge LINCOLN AT GALESBURG 363 will be in favor of the Mexican people that we get with it settling that question for themselves and aU others; because we know the Judge has a great horror for mongrels, [laughter] and I understand that the people of Mexico are most decidedly a race of mongrels. [Renewed laughter.] I understand that there is not more than one person there out of eight who is pure white, and I suppose from the Judge's previous declaration that when we get Mexico or any considerable portion of it,' he wUl be in favor of these mongrels settling the question, which would bring him somewhat into collision with his horror of an inferior race. It is to be remembered, though, that this power of acquiring addi tional territory is a power confided to the President and Senate of the United States. It is a power not under the control of the representatives of the people any further than they, the President and the Senate, can be considered the representatives of the people. Let me illustrate that by a case we have in our history. When we acquired the territory from Mexico in the Mexican war, the House of Representatives, composed of the immediate representatives of the people, all the time insisted that the territory thus to be acquired should be brought in upon condition that slavery should be forever prohibited therein, upon the terms and in the language that slavery had been prohibited from coming into this coun try. That was insisted upon constantly and never faded to call forth an assurance that any territory thus acquired should have that prohibi tion in it, so far as the House of Representatives was concerned. But at last the President and Senate acquired the territory without asking the House of Representatives anything about it, and took it without that prohibition. They have the power of acquiring territory without the immediate representatives of the people being caUed upon to say anything about it, and thus furnishing a very apt and powerful means of bringing new territory into the Union, and when it is once brought into the coun try, involving us anew in this slavery agitation. It is, therefore, as I think, a very important question for the considera tion of the American people, whether the policy of bringing in additional territory, without considering at aU how it wUl operate upon the safety of the Union in reference to this one great disturbing element in our national poUtics, shaU be adopted as the poUcy of the country. You wiU bear in mind tiiat it is to be acquired, according to the Judge's view, as fast as it is needed, and the indefinite part of this proposition is that ¦ Inserts "that" after "it." 364 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS we have only Judge Douglas and his class of men to decide how fast it is needed. We have no clear and certain way of determining or demon strating how fast territory is needed by the necessities of the country. Whoever wants to go out filibustering, then, thinks that more territory is needed. Whoever wants wider slave-fields, feels sure that some additional territory is needed as slave-territory. Then it is as easy to show the necessity of additional slave-territory as it is to assert anything that is incapable of absolute demonstration. Whatever motive a man or a set of men may have for making annexation of property or territory, it is very easy to assert, but much less easy to disprove, that it is neces sary for the wants of the country. And now it only remains for me to say that I think it is a very grave question for the people of this Union to consider, whether, in view of the fact that this slavery question has been the only one that has ever endangered our Republican institutions, the only one that has ever threatened or menaced a dissolution of the Union, that has ever dis turbed us in such a way as to make us fear for the perpetuity of our liberty, — ^ui view of these facts, I think it is an exceeduigly mteresting and important question for this people to consider whether we shall engage in the policy of acquiring additional territory, discarding alto gether from our consideration, while obtaining new territory, the ques tion how it may affect us in regard to this, the only endangering element to our liberties and national greatness. The Judge's view has been expressed, I, in my answer to his ques tion, have expressed mine, I think it wUl become an important and practical question. Our views are before the public. I am wiUing and anxious that they should consider them fuUy; that they should turn it about and consider the importance of the question, and arrive at a just conclusion as to whether it is or not' wise in the people of this Union, in the acquisition of new territory, to consider whether it wiU add to the disturbance that is existing amongst us, — whether it wUl add to the one only danger that has ever threatened the perpetuity of the Union or our own liberties. I think it is extremely important that they shaU decide, and rightly decide, that question before entering upon that policy. And now, my friends, having said the little I wish to say upon this head, whether I have occupied the whole of the remnant of my time or not, I believe I could not enter upon any new topic so as to treat it fully, ¦ Inserts "is" before "not." DOUGLAS AT GALESBURG 365 without transcending my time, which I would not for a moment think of doing, I give way to Judge Douglas, Three tremendous cheers for Lincoln from the whole vast audience were given with great enthusiasm, as then- favorite retired. Mr. Douglas's Rejoinder When Senator Douglas arose to reply to Mr, Lincoln, six cheers were called for in the crowd and given with great spirit. He said, quieting the applause: Gentlemen: The highest compliment you can pay me during the brief half-hour that I have to conclude is by observing a strict silence. I desure to be heard rather than to be applauded, [" Good."] The first criticism that Mr, Lincoln makes on my speech was that it was in substance what I have said everywhere else in the State where I have addressed the people. I wish I could only say the same of his speech. ["Good; you have him," and applause.] Why, the reason I complain of him is because he makes one speech north, and another south. ["That's so."] Because he has one set of sentiments for the Abolition counties, and another set for the counties opposed to Aboli tionism. [' ' Hit him over the knuckles. ' '] My point of complaint against him is that I cannot induce him to hold up the same standard, to carry the same flag, in all parts of the State. He does not pretend, and no other man will, that I have one set of principles for Galesburg, and another for Charleston. ["No, no."] He does not pretend that I hold to one doctrine in Chicago, and an opposite one in Jonesboro. I have proved that he has a different set of principles for each of these localities. All I asked of him was that he should deliver the speech that he has made here to-day in Coles County instead of in old Knox. It would have settled the question between us in that doubtful county. Here I understand him to reaffirm the doctrine of negro equality, and to assert that by the Declaration of Independence the negro is declared equal to the white man. He teUs you today that the negro was included in the Declaration of Independence when it is asserted that all men were created equal. ["We believe it."] Very weU. [Here an uproar arose ; persons in various parts of the crowd indulging in cat calls, groans, cheers, and other noises, preventing the speaker from proceeding.] Mr. Douglas. — Gentlemen, I ask you to remember that Mr. Lincoln 366 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS was listened to respectfuUy, and I have the right to insist that I shaU not be interrupted during my reply. Mr. Lincoln. — I hope that sUence wUl be preserved. Mr. Douglas. — ^Mr. Lincoln asserts to-day, as he did in Chicago, that the negro was included in that clause of the Declaration of Inde pendence which says that all men were created equal, and endowed by the Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. ["Ain't that so ?"] If the negro was made his equal and mine, if that equality was established by divine law, and was the negro's inalienable right, how came he to say at Charles ton to the Kentuckians residhig in that section of Qur State that the negro was physically inferior to the white man, belonged to an inferior race, and he was for keeping him always" in that inferior condition ? ["Good."] I wish you to bear these things in mind. At Charleston he said that the negro belonged to an inferior race, and that he was for keeping him in that inferior condition. There he gave the people to understand that there was no moral question involved, because, the inferiority, being established, it was only a question of degree, and not a question of right; here, to-day, instead of making it a question of degree, he makes it a moral question, says that it is a great crime to hold the negro in that inferior condition. ["He's right."] Is he right" now, or was he right in Charleston ? [" Both."] He is right, then, sir, in your estimation, not because he is consistent, but because he can trim his principles any way, in any section, so as to secure votes. AU I desire of him is that he wUl declare the same principles ia the south that he does in the north. But did you notice how he answered my position that a man should hold the same doctrines throughout the length and breadth of this Repub lic? He said, "Would Judge Douglas go to Russia and proclaim the same principles he does here ?" I would remind him that Russia is not under the American Constitution. ["Good," and laughter.] If Russia was a part of the American Republic, under our Federal Constitution, and I was swom to support the' Constitution, I would maintain the same doctrine in Russia that I do in lUinois. [Cheers.] The slave- holding States are govemed by the same Federal Constitution as our selves, and hence a man's principles, in order to be in harmony with the Constitution, must be the same in the South as they are in the North, ¦Reads: "that" for "the." DOUGLAS AT GALESBURG 367 the same in the Free States as they are in the Slave States. Whenever a man advocates one set of principles in one section, and another set in another section, his opinions are in violation of the spirit of the Consti tution which he has sworn to support. ["That's so."] When Mr. Lincoln went to Congress in 1847, ^.nd, laying his hand upon the Holy Evangelists, made a solemn vow, in the presence of high Heaven, that he would be faithful to the Constitution, what did he mean, — ^the Con stitution as he expounds it in Galesburg, or the Constitution as he expounds it in Charleston ? [Cheers.] Mr. Lincoln has devoted considerable time to the circumstance' that 'at Ottawa I read a series of resolutions as having been adopted at Springfield, in this State, on the 4th or 5th of October, 1854, which happened not to have been adopted there. He has used hard names; has dared to talk about fraud, [laughter] about forgery, and has insinu ated that there was a conspiracy between Mr, Lanphier, Mr, Harris, and myself to perpetrate a forgery. [Renewed laughter.] Now, bear in mind that he does not deny that these resolutions were adopted in a majority of aU the Republican counties of this State in that year; he does not deny that they were declared to be the platform of this RepubUcan party in the first Congressional District, in the second, in the third, and in many counties of the fourth, and that they thus became the platform of his party in a majority of the counties upon which he now relies for support; he does not deny the truthfulness of the reso lutions, but takes exception to the spot on which they were adopted. He takes to himself great merit because he thinks they were not adopted on the right spot for me to use them against him, jusf as he was very severe in Congress upon the Govemment of his country when he thought that he had discovered that the Mexican war was not begun in the right spot, and was therefore unjust. ["That's so."] He tries very hard to make out that there is something very extraordinary in the place where the thing was done, and not in the thing itself. I never believed before that Abraham Lincoln would be guilty of what has been done this day in regard to those resolutions. In the first place, the moment it was intimated to me that they had been adopted at Aurora and Rockford instead of Springfield, I did not wait for him to caU my attention to the fact, but led off, and explained in my first meeting after the Ottawa debate what the mistake was, and how it had been. ' Reads: "circumstances" for "circumstance." 368 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS ["That's so."] I supposed that for an honest man, conscious of his own rectitude, that explanation would be sufficient. I did not wait for hun, after the mistake was made, to caU my attention to it, but frankly ex plained it at once as an honest man would. [Cheers.] I also gave the authority on which I had stated that these resolutions were adopted by the Springfield Republican Convention; that I had seen them quoted by Major Harris in a debate in Congress, as having been adopted by the first Republican State Convention in Illinois, and that I had written to him and asked him for the authority as to the time and place of their adoption; that. Major Harris being extremely UI, Charles H. Lanphier had written to me, for him, that they were adopted at Springfield on the ' 5th of October, 1854, and had sent me a copy of the Springfield paper containing them. I read them from the newspaper just as Mr. Lincoln reads the proceedings of meetings held years ago from the newspapers. After giving that explanation, I did not think there was an honest man in the State of Illinois who doubted that I had been led into the error, if it was such, innocently, in the way I detaUed; and I wUl now say that I do not now believe that there is an honest man on the face of the globe who will not regard with abhorrence and disgust Mr. Lincoln's insinuations of my complicity in that forgery, if it was a forgery. [Cheers.] Does Mr, Lincoln wish to push these things to the point of personal difficulties here ? I commenced this contest by treating him courteously and kindly; I always spoke of him in words of respect; and in retum he has sought, and is now seeking to divert pubUc attention from the enormity of his revolutionary principles by impeaching men's sincerity and integrity, and inviting, personal quarrels, [" Give it to him," and cheers,] I desired to conduct this contest with him like a gentleman; but I spurn the insinuation of complicity and fraud made upon the simple circumstance of an editor of a newspaper having made a mistake as to the place where a thing was done, but not as to the thing itself. These resolutions were the platform of this Republican party of Mr, Lincoln's of that year. They were adopted in a majority of the RepubUcan counties in the State; and when I asked him at Ottawa whether they formed the platform upon which he stood he did not answer, and I could not get an answer out of him. He then thought, as I thought, that those resolutions were adopted at the Springfield Convention, but ex cused himself by saying that he was not there when they were adopted, DOUGLAS AT GALESBURG 369 but had gone to TazeweU court in order to avoid being present at the Convention. He saw them published as having been adopted at Spring field, and so did I, and he knew that if there was a mistake in regard to them, that I had nothing under heaven to do with it. Besides, you find that in all these northem counties where the Republican candidates are mnning pledged to him, that the Conventions which nominated them adopted that identical platform. One cardinal point in that platform which he shrinks from is this : that there shaU be no more Slave States admitted into the Union, even if the people want them. Lovejoy stands pledged against the admission of any more Slave States, ["Right, so do we,"] So do you, you say, Famsworth stands pledged against the admission of any more Slave States, Washburne stands pledged the same way. ["Most right." "Good, good,"] The candidate for the Legislature who is mnning on Lincoln's ticket in Henderson and Warren, stands committed by his vote in the Legislature to the same thing; and I am informed, but do not know of the fact, that your candidate here is also so pledged, ["Hurrah for him! good!"] Now, you Republicans all hurrah for him, and for the doctrine of "no more Slave States," and yet Lincoln tells you that his conscience will not permit him to sanction that doctrine, [immense applause] and com plains because the resolutions I read at Ottawa made him, as a member of the party, responsible for sanctioning the doctrine of no more Slave States, You are one way, you confess, and he is, or pretends to be, the otiier; and yet you are both govemed by principle in supporting one another. If it be tme, as I have shown it is, that the whole Repub lican party in the northem part of the State stands committed to the doctrine of no more Slave States, and that this same doctrine is repu diated by the Republicans in the other part of the State, I wonder whether Mr. Lincoln and his party do not present the case which he cited from the Scriptures, of a house divided against itself which cannot stand! [Tremendous shouts of applause,] I desire to know what are Mr, Lincoln's principles and the principles of his party ? I hold, and the party with which I am identified holds, that the people of each State, old and new, have the right to decide the slavery question for themselves; ["That's it," "Right," and immense applause,] and when I used the remark that I did not care whether slavery was voted up or down, I used it in the connection that I was for 37° ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS allowing Kansas to do just as she pleased on the slavery question. I said that I did not care whether they voted slavery up or down, because they had the right to do as they pleased on the question, and therefore my action would not be controUed by any such consideration. ["That's the doctrine,"] Why cannot Abraham Lincoln, and the party with which he acts, speak out their principles so that they may be understood? Why do they claim to be one thing in one part of the State, and another in the other part? Whenever I allude to the AboUtion doctrines, which he considers a slander to be charged with being in favor of, you all endorse them, and hurrah for them, not knowing that your candidate is ashamed to acknowledge them, ["You have them;" and cheers,] I have a few words to say upon the Dred Scott decision, which has troubled the brain of Mr, Lincoln so much. [Laughter.] He insists that that decision would carry slavery into the Free States, notwithstand ing that the decision says directly the opposite, and goes into a long argument to make you believe that I am in favor of, and would sanction, the doctrine that would allow slaves to be brought here and held as slaves contrary to our Constitution and laws. Mr. Lincoln knew better when he asserted this; he knew that one newspaper, and, so far as is within my knowledge, but one, ever asserted that doctrine, and that I was the first man in either House of Congress that read that article in debate, and denounced it on the floor of the Senate as Revolutionary. When the Washington Union, on the 17th of last November, published an article to that effect, I branded it at once, and denounced it; and hence the Union has been pursuing me ever since. Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, replied to me, and said that there was not a man in any of the Slave States south of the Potomac River that held any. such doctrine. Mr. Lincoln knows that there is not a member of the Supreme Court who holds that doctrine; he knows that every one of them, as shown by their opinions, holds the reverse. Why this attempt, then, to bring the Supreme Court into disrepute among the people? It looks as if there was an effort being made to destroy public confidence in the highest judicial tribunal on earth. Suppose he succeeds in destroying public confidence in the court, so that the people will not respect its decisions but wiU feel at liberty to disregard them and resist the laws of the land, what will he have gained ? He wiU have changed the Gov ernment from one of laws into that of a mob, in which the strong arm ' DOUGLAS AT GALESBURG 37i of ¦\dolence wUl be substituted for the decisions of the courts of justice. ["That's so."] He complains because I did not go into an argument reviewing Chief Justice Taney's opinion, and the other opinions of the different judges, to determine whether their reasoning is right or wrong on the questions of law. What use would that be ? He wants to take an appeal from the Supreme Court to this meeting, to determine whether the questions of law were decided properly. He is going to appeal from the Supreme Court of the United States to every town meeting, in the hope that he can excite a prejudice against that court, and on the wave of that prejudice ride into the Senate of the United States, when he could not get there on his own principles or his own merits. [Laughter and cheers; "Hit him again."] Suppose he should succeed in getting into the Senate of the United States, what then wiU he have to do with the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case ? Can he reverse that decision when he gets there ? Can he act upon it ? Has the Senate any right to reverse it or revise it ? He wUl not pretend that it has. Then why drag the matter into this contest, unless for the purpose of making a false issue, by which he can direct public attention from the real issue. He has cited General Jackson in justification of the war he is making on the decision of the court. Mr, Lincoln misunderstands the history of the country if he believes there is any parallel in the two cases. It is tme that the Supreme Court once decided that if a Bank of the United States was a necessary fiscal agent of the Govemment, it was consti tutional, and ff not, that it was unconstitutional, and also, that whether or not it was necessary for that purpose, was a political question for Con gress, and not a judicial one for the courts to determine. Hence the court would not determine the bank unconstitutional. Jackson respected the decision, obeyed the law, executed it, and carried it into effect during its existence; ["That's so. "] but after the charter of the bank expired and a proposition was made to create a new bank. General Jackson said, "It is unnecessary and improper, and therefore I am against it on constitutional grounds as well as those of expediency." Is Congress bound to pass every Act that is Constitutional? Why, there are a thousand things that are constitutional, but yet are inexpedient and unnecessary, and you surely would not vote for them merely because you had the right to ? And because General Jackson would not do af thing which he had a right to do, but did not deem expedient or proper, 372 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Mr. Lincoln is going to justify himself in doing that which he has no right to do. [Laughter.] I ask him whether he is not bound to respect and obey the decisions of the Supreme Court as well as I ?' The Constitution has created that court to decide all constitutional questions in the last resort; and when such decisions have been made, they become the law of the land, ["That's so. "] and you, and he, and myself, and every other good citizen, are bound by them. Yet he argues that I am bound by their decisions, and he is not. He says that their decisions are binding on Democrats, but not on Republicans, [Laughter and applause.] Are not Republicans bound by the laws of the land as well as Democrats ? And when the court has fixed the constmction of the Constitution on the vaUdity of a given law, is not their decision binding upon Republicans as weU as upon Democrats? ["It ought to be."] Is it possible that you Republicans have the right to raise your mobs and oppose the laws of the land and the constituted authorities, and yet hold us Democrats bound to obey them? My time is within half a minute of expiring, and all I have to say is, that I stand by the laws of the land. ["That's it; hurrah for Douglas,"] I stand by the Constitution as our fathers made it, by the laws as they are enacted, and by the decisions of the courts, upon aU points within their jurisdiction as they are pronounced by the highest tribunal on earth; and any man who resists these must resort to mob law and violence to overturn the government of laws. When Senator Douglas concluded the applause was perfectly furious and overwhelming, [Galesburg, III., Democrat, October g, 1858] GALESBURC^ DEBATE Grreat Outpouring- of the People!— 20,000 Persons Present The expectations of all parties were far surpassed in the results of Thursday. The crowd was immense .notwithstanding the remarkably heavy rains of the day previous, and the sudden change during the night to a fiercely blowing, cutting wind which lasted during the whole day, ripping and tearing banners and sending signs pell mell aU over town. At early dawn our gunners announced the opening day and at an ¦ Reads: "me" for "I," |fc B •! V^t^MPT-. ,?¦ II ,, *.r ^fc ^1 CKN 'i;s£WEEK ¦''^^"^"VT* «o"V 7-.v.w.C.'l|*l *» tJ" Oaiclnl (V. JuAsc Tniiiibiiil at Veotia. Ai (L.-I-' iil'- '"¦¦"• ¦¦ "1>A'J.' rt''''' C'jufuiiull 11.11.1 a,isuad«r,t...'r;r,i; i«< W lb'i 'm'.^.; Oiftl Juif-e; Tniui' t.ii w uld -^fMrivU ia this.eity) *» tftke this; ¦'¦ , ' fe"' ' 'Jp"' ¦"¦W 0(1 in- . I 111, tl.p «b of 0«to*©r. Thit J '¦i.ii!;:oiv:il will a.- (^! f '.'-ditr. > t. 9 « t; « I. ^ OS ! TLi---.f.\v n;-:\t. TUi' -111 r;sT. TRtMUl l.i. :ii"l 5If I.IM'lll..^' will tjolK b« ia i'.i.in QQ, tin 5th of U'l' Iki Juiigc TrumbuU will Jrf«dE:.ifl Uiio ^¦ii.v on Wcilitftsday, tlie ij.'li. io^S4irf Tu' 'liy. **« ^'''- "." !'<'"'"''""' J 4 GKEAT UKBATE Tbeuexl .^real (l«batc batwoen Lioo>l°: •nl tkiugl ^^ off 11 I. ' I ' - "' thafsdoj I i .1 oi 11 ' ' ' the peoplt) turn out ^J aki i ff " ^ aitoi'f «tiil,onthi'f.)>)it i..! ' l IfaT 4«city W.itMiu - Tb. >"«')**J23 '" '¦ * naBepiblwsmi!?' '' "'j"^' .¦\d\-erti.semi:nt,s in .\ peorl\ newsp.aper THE GALESBURG DEBATE 373 early hour the people began to pour in from every direction in wagons, on horseback and on foot. At about ten o'clock the Burlington train arrived with Mr. Douglas and a large delegation of both Douglas and Lincoln men from the West. Mr. Douglas was escorted to the Bancroft House, when a portion of the students of Lombard University presented him with a beautiful banner. A well prepared but somewhat fulsome address was made on its delivery by Geo. ElweU, who was foUowed by two young ladies, each with a sjmibolic address, the whole of which we could not catch. Mr. Douglas responded with great felicity and his friends were well satisfied with their part of the performance. The banner was a "tme circle" of sUk, with a beautifully embroidered wreath within which was inscribed "Presented to Stephen A. Douglas, by the students of Lom bard University." The speaker said the "circle" was emblematic of Mr. Douglas's course. So it was in a different sense from that meant by them, Mr. Douglas was then escorted to the Bonney House, where a large multitude of aU parties gathered to see and shake hands with him. At 12 o'clock the Republicans with the mUitary went to meet Mr. Lincoln, who was to come in with the KnoxvUle delegation. — ^Hard by two they reached the place of rendezvous; when the delegation came along "mammoth" would not describe it. It was like one of Cobb's tales, of monstrous length and to be continued. Lincoln was escorted to the house of Mr. Henry R, Sanderson, when a reception speech was made by T, G. Frost, Esq., and the most beautiful banner of the day prepared by the ladies of Galesburg was presented by Miss Ada Hurd, It was an American Shield handsomely embroidered. Upon one side was the inscription, "Presented to the Hon, a, Lincoln by the Republican Ladies of Galesburg, Oct, 7, 1858. On the reverse was the Declaration of Independence upon a scroll, executed with a pen by a Mr, Clark of Peoria, Miss Hurd, who is of a queenly appearance, rode up at the head of the troop of equestrians and receiving the banner from the attendant presented it in a very neat and weU spoken address, Mr. Lincoln's remarks in reply were very happy. It was the most beautiful ceremony of the day, A banner was also presented to Mr, Lincoln from the students of Lombard University. By this time the delegations of both parties began to come in strong. 374 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Mercer Co. tumed out a large delegation for Douglas as well as a large one for Lincoln; but Wataga, Henderson and the adjoining viUages bore off the palm for numbers, their delegation alone being over half a mile in length. Monmouth sent up a rousing delegation for Lincoln. Somebody down there is great on crayon sketches, as the banners of this delegation were of the most amusing kind. First — came one inscribed the "Monmouth Glee Club." Second — A crayon sketch of Douglas and Toombs "modifying," in which Douglas with pen in hand is erasing the clause referring the Kansas Constitution back to the people. Third — A representation of Jim Davidson with his head just stricken from his shoulders. In a scroll Jim leams that it is 184 mUes to Mon mouth. Fourth — "Dug at Freeport," "my platform," in which Douglas stands "reversed" upon the Dred Scott platform, one leg of which is giving way beneath. Fifth — "Coming from Egypt," in which Douglas roaring with rage, is being punched up with Lincoln's cane. Other banners in that delegation we have not time to notice. Of the notable banners in the procession, we observed the following: A representation of the Capitol, and over the Senate room door Douglas' complaint, "He's got my place." Douglas is turning away while Lincoln is coming in. A representation of a two donkey act, or Douglas attempting to ride Popular Sovereignty and Dred Scott. His straddle is remarkable but not equal to the task as both animals kicking up their heels send him sprawling. "Knox College Goes for Lincoln," stretched across the south front and north end of the CoUege building. "We Will Subdue You" Stephen A. Douglas. "Abe Lincoln the Champion of Freedom." Upon this banner was also a portrait of 'Long Abe.' Three figures, one taking a chair from beneath Mr. Douglas and dropping him plump upon the floor, at which he exclaims, "Oh my place!" Mr. Lincoln standing by blandly remarks, "The people say it." The "place" Mr, Douglas referred to was doubtiess the portion which came in contact with the floor. THE GALESBURG DEBATE 375 Upon a four sided banner the following; "Macomb Lincoln Club." "We honor the man who brands the Traitor and NulUfier." "Small- fisted Farmers, Mud SUls of Society, Greasy Mechanics, for A. Lincoln." "The dose of mUk Abe gave Dug down in Egypt made him very sick." A weU painted banner with a terrible Lion on one side and ditto Dog on the other, with the inscriptions ' ' Douglas the dead Lion," "Lincoln the living Dog," If we are not mistaken this came upon the cars from the west with Douglas. The best banner upon the ground was a painting of the locomotive "Freedom" with a long train of Free State cars mshing round a curve, with the warning, "Clear the track for Freedom," whUe sticking upon the track a' little in advance of the train was Douglas' ox cart laden with cotton. His negro driver had just taken the alarm and springing up in terror exclaims, "Fore God, Massa, I bleves we's in danger!" Another ludicrous banner had a representation upon one side of Douglas going down to Egypt, pail in hand, to bring Abe to his mUk. On the other, "How he succeeded." — Like Mr. Sniggs, in his first effort at milking a cow, he gave the customary command to "histe" the foot. Abe histed, and Douglas and his pail are seen "laying around loose." Star spangled banners were numberless. The principal banner on the Douglas side was a large blue one with an inscription in favor of Douglas and Popular Sovereignty. Litho graphs of Douglas abounded. Knox College, by the east end of which the stand was erected, was gaUy decorated with flags and streamers. Immediately over the stand was one bearing the inscription, "Knox College for Luicoln." At noon the people began to collect and for an hour before the appointed time more than ten thousand people stood waiting the arrival of the speakers, and in the meantime the crowd was addressed by Mr. Reed of the Aledo Record, ia a spicy and humorous speech, so the Lincoln friends thought. At 2 o'clock Lincoln and Douglas in two four horse carriages driven abreast, were escorted to tiie ground by the mUitary and a large body of citizens on horseback and on foot. Hon. Jarhes Knox, of" KnoxvUle, acted as chairman, and as soon as order could be obtained he introduced Mr. Douglas who by the arrange ment was to occupy one hour, then Mr. Lincoln an hour and a half and Mr. Douglas a half hour in conclusion. 376 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS [Galesburg, III., Democrat, October g, 1858] The Monmouth RepubUcan Glee Club enlivened the evening with some of the most laughable songs, ground out by one of their number, who gets them up to suit the times. One was written after the speeches of the day were over and portrayed the manner in which Lincoln shaved Douglas, in the most side splitting style. The Club is said to be mak ing more RepubUcans in Warren county than all the stumpers put together. [Missouri Republican, St. Louis, October 11, 1858] THE CAMPAIGN IN ILLINOIS Joint Discussion at Galesburg.— Douglas "Concludes" on Lincoln, and Takes Him between Wind and Water.— Twenty Thousand People Present Tremont House, Chicago October 8, 1857 Editor Missouri Republican: I have just returned from the chief city of the Abolitionists of this State, where I was attending the fifth debate between Douglas and Lincoln, I have come back with plenty of interesting notes, which I purpose to empty into your sheet for the edification of your many readers. The Abolitionists, by their committee of arrangements, had pub lished a secret circular to caU upon their followers to make a great show of numbers and banners for this occasion, which, I take it, indicates the fact tiiat they are badly weakened about the knees. They know that the battle has been already won by Douglas, and it is only by the most extraordinary exertions that they can whip in their crestfaUen men. Without any such claptrap, the Democrats tumed out "formidable as an army with banners." You could not only discover the proportion of each, as they entered the city in long processions, by the badges they wore, or by the shouts they gave, but you could more signally "spot" them by noting that the Abolitionists, obeying the behests of their leadmg men, paraded dirty designs and beastiy caricatures, indicating their vexation at the way things are working, while the Democrats, having some respect for the feelings of their neighbors, bore no banners but such as served to decorate the procession, and such as no living man , could take exception to, unless it be some very radical Abolitionist, who THE GALESBURG DEBATE 377 might object to the number of stars which flaunted on the American ensign. Senator Douglas had spent the day prior to the discussion at Mon mouth whence he came by moming train, which, though it had to it eleven cars, could not afford sitting room, and barely standing room for its passengers. At every station, large and small, between the two places fresh accessions were made, and this, too, although an hour or two later an excursion train ran over the same track. It was likewise idled to overflow, Lincoln came from some place, to this deponent unknown. During the entire morning the delegations were coming in from all quarters, and as the Senator's face was seen in the window of an upper room at the hotel, thousands stopped and cheered him, and wished him God speed. The old men were out with their growing and grown sons, and the old women were along — ^indeed it would be harder to describe who all were present than to say who of the adjoining counties were not. When Mr, Douglas arrived he was received by a weU ordered pro cession, led by a band, and headed by three mUitary companies, the Light Guards, the Scandinavians (a Swiss company), and the artUlery. Placed in a four horse barouche, he was conducted to the stand, where a short reception address was made to him by Mr, J, B. Boggs. When Mr. D. had, in a few words, replied, a young man named EUewood, a student ui Lombard University, stepped forward and presented the Senator with a satin banner, the gift of his co-laborers in study. Another banner was then paraded on which was the following inscription — "And Stephen, full of faith and power, did great wonders among the people. They set up false witnesses which said this man ceaseth not to speak blasphemous words against the law, but they were not able to resist the wisdom with which he spoke." Escorted then to his hotel he was constantly aroused by the arrival of delegations from out of town and by the noise of their enthusiastic cheering. Hickory poles were plenty in these several Democratic pro cessions, and among other things were two sets of ladies, each repre senting a State tiU the duplicate of States was complete. When aU was ready for the speaking a joint procession was made and Lincoln and his suite, and Douglas and his drove side by side as near to the stand as the presence of twenty thousand people, probably two 378 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS thirds being Democrats, around it would permit. Through this com pact mass of human bodies, these several parties had to force their way to the stand which, when attained, afforded a relief from the pushing and squeezing which can be appreciated but .not described. I observed in the crowd what Lincoln remarked would be a good likeness of him but it was too red in the face. I thought so too, but it was after a debate when Douglas gets at him in style, I guess, for the face was a little longer than a horse's collar and the eyes looked wofully like weeping. B. B. [Chicago Press and Tribune, October 9, 1858] GREAT DEBATE BETWEEN DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN AT GALESBURG Sixteen to Eighteen Thousand Persons Present.— Largest Procession ol the Campaig'n lor Old Abe. — New and Powerlul Argument by Mr. Lincoln.— Douglas Tells the Same Old Story.— Verbatim Re port ol the Speeches An Arctic frost, accompanied by a sour north-west wind, invaded the city of Galesburg and county of Knox, on Thursday, and sent Repub licans and Democrats shivering indoors. The preceding day and night had brought a semi-deluge of rain. The elements seemed to have conspired to dampen and congeal all political ardor, but the attendance upon the public debate between Lincoln and Douglas was some two or three thousand larger than the largest of its predecessors. Until ten o'clock the streets gave no evidence of anything unusual about to transpire. The weather, notwithstanding the sun shone bright and clear, was too tedious for anything but the most explosive enthusiasm. Shortiy after ten, Mr. Douglas tirrived on a train of cars from the west, and was escorted from the depot by a respectable pro cession. Mr. Lincoln's approach to the city was heralded by a long procession of citizens of Galesburg, the most noticeable feature of which was a cavalcade of one hundred ladies and gentiemen on horseback. This escort moved out of town on the KnoxvUle road about eleven o'clock in the direction Mr. Lincoln was expected to come. Half an hour afterwards The Great Procession of the Campaign entered the city from the East. It was about long enough, taken altogether, to reach around the town and tie in a bow knot. It marched through the principal streets of the city from east of the public square, thence south THE GALESBURG, DEBATE 379 two squares, thence north and east two squares, crossing its own track. At this point the rear end of the procession had not yet entered town. Banners and devices of every description fluttered in the wind. One of them, which elicited shouts of laughter, was a painting of the Capitol at Washington, over which were the words "March 4, 1859." The Littie giant was observed blubbering at the door "Lincoln has got my place." The ceremonies at the house of Mr. Sanderson, where Mr, Lincoln alighted, were of unusually pleasant character. In addition to the customary welcoming speech, the students of Lombard University pre sented Mr. Lincoln a fine banner; after which one of the ladies of the cavalcade. Miss Hurd, of Galesburg, rode forward, and presented a beautiful shield and coat of arms, worked in sUk of the "red, white and blue," On one side was the inscription: PRESENTED TO HON, ABRAHAM LINCOLN BY THE REPUBLICAN LADIES OF GALESBURG Oct, 7, 1858 , On the other was the whole of the Declaration of Independence in fine and beautiful handwriting, I cannot help adding that Miss Hurd's part in this ceremony was performed with peculiar grace and dignity. Several other processions came during the moming — a decided preponderance of which carried banners for "Lincoln and KeUogg," Several long special trains came also — ^that from Chicago and the inter mediate stations consisting of eleven cars, A special train from Peoria, consisting of twenty-two cars and over two thousand persons, did not arrive untU nearly five o'clock — the engine having given out with the unex pected enormous load, some miles east of the city. The speaking commenced at half past two in the college grounds — the platform having been erected on the east side of the fine college building. The crowd was unprecedented. The number on the ground during the afternoon must have exceeded the audience at the Freeport debate by 3000. The weather continued cold and raw aU day, but very few left the grounds until the speaking was concluded at half past five. 380 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS [Chicago Times, October 9, 1858] THE CAMPAIGN.-DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN AT GALES BURG Immense Concourse ol People Present.— Upwards ol 20,000 on the Ground.— Great Revolution in Popular Sentiment in Knox County.— Black Republicanism Beaten in Its Strong'hold and Out numbered by the Democracy.— Splendid- Reception ol Senator Doug'las.— Interesting' Debate.— Lincohi Again Deleated belore the People SPEECHES, INCIDENTS, ETC. ETC. The fifth joint debate between Senator Douglas and Mr. Lincoln took place at Galesburg on Thursday last. A larger number of people than have been present on any former occasion were in attendance, from fifteen to twenty thousand being on the ground. The Black Republicans had made every effort to bring out a large crowd, sparing neither money or pains to induce their friends to come out. As early as the 13th of September their committee addressed private letters to the leading RepubUcans in various sections of the surrounding country, begging them to bring their people to Galesburg in delegations with flags and banners; but notwithstanding all this dmmming, the Democrats outnum bered them always two to one, and made a much finer demonstration. Senator Douglas arrived in Galesburg at 10 o'clock, and was received by the Galesburg Light Guards, the Scandinavians, a corps composed of our foreign-bom citizens, the artUlery company of Galesburg, and the Democracy. J, Boggs, esq,, welcomed him in the following speech. Senator Douglas made an appropriate response, after which the ceremony of presentation to him of a magnificent banner, beautifully worked by the young women of the Lombard University, took place. The presentation was made on behalf of the young ladies by G. W. ElweU, esq., and, in the course of it, two of the young ladies united their voices with his in complimenting their illustrious visitor. We give their remarks entire. Senator Douglas responded with much feeling. The banner was composed of white satin, trimmed with blue, upon which was worked a splendid wreath of flowers. It bore the inscription, "From the Democracy of Lombard University to Stephen A. Douglas." After THE GALESBURG DEBATE 381 these interesting ceremonies. Senator Douglas was escorted to the Bonney House which from the time of his arrival, was thronged with an immense crowd of people, whilst the street in front was crowded with processions passing and repassing, filling the air with shouts for Douglas. Lincoln arrived about 12 o'clock, and was escorted into town by the Republican procession, which numbered about one-third the strength of ours, and was a poor one so far as the display of flags, and banners and decorations were concemed. If a cheer was proposed for Lincoln, the faint response it called forth was instantly drowned in the overwhelming shout that the Democracy would send up for Douglas, and the Republi cans were forced to admit that they were outnumbered, and beaten. In 1854 it was as much as a man's life was worth, in Galesburg, to advocate Democratic principles; but now owing to the wonderful change in popular sentiment within the past year or two. Democracy has hosts of friends and supporters in this abolition stronghold, and on Thursday last had possession of the town. The debate was a most interesting one, and we commend it to the careful attention of our readers, Mr, Lincoln experienced one of the most complete defeats which he has made during the campaign. His argument was lamentably weak, and as usual he confined himself to petty personal charges and insinuations against the Judges of the Supreme Court of the United States, refusing to meet Senator Douglas upon any of the great principles advocated by him. He attempted to pander to the passions and prejudices of his aboUtion friends by again declaring his predUection for negro equality, and in his rejoinder Senator Douglas took occasion to expose his inconsis tencies by comparing these declarations with Lincoln's denuncia tions of negro equahty, and negro citizenship at Jonesboro and Charleston. The day was a most unpleasanl one for speaking in the open air A strong northwest wind was blowing, which rendered talking difl&cult; and although the stand was built on the east side of Knox College (the meeting being held in the college grounds), the current of air which swept around the budding rendered it impossible for the speakers at times to make themselves heard at all. Besides this, the cold was intense. Mr. Lincoln, when he mounted the stand, was nervous and trembling; whether from cold, or through fear of what was in store for him, we are unable to say; but before the close of the debate, he was the most 382 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS abject picture of wretchedness we have ever witnessed. His knees knocked together, and the chattermg of his teeth could be heard aU over the stand. When Senator Douglas replied to his charge that he had forced a set of resolutions at Ottawa, he looked pitiful beyond expression, and curled himself up in a comer to avoid facing the bitter denunciation of the Senator and the scom and derision with which he was treated by the crowd. The speeches wiU repay pemsal, and we earnestly hope that they will be carefully read by both our friends and opponents. We now proceed to give a correct and faithful report of both parties: When Senator Douglas concluded, the applause was perfectly furious and overwhelming, he was surrounded by an immense mass of people who accompanied him to his hotel, which, during the whole evening, was tiironged with people going and coming to congratulate him upon his great success; whUst Lincoln entirely forgotten, was taken care of by a few friends, who wrapped him in flannels and tried to restore the circulation of blood in his almost inanimate body. Poor Lincoln ! He was not even visible to the friends who came to weep with him. [Chicago Times, October 12, 1858] Editor's Correspondence VIVID DESCRIPTION OF THE GALESBURG MEETING Galesburg, III,, October 7, 1858 Messrs. Editors: To-day is a great day for Galesburg — great for Illinois, The fifth discussion between the Hon. S. A Douglas and Abra ham Lincoln which was set for to-day, came off, and the events of the day signal one of the most thorough and complete triumphs that the great Democratic party has experienced. I say this, because it happened right here in what is notoriously known to be the very hot-bed of abolition- isni in Illinois. At the early dawn of day, our citizens were aroused from their slum bers by the continued booming of cannon which made the welkin ring with its echoing reports. The weather was chilly, cold, an autumn wind prevailed, and only for that, it would have been one of the most pleas ant of days; however, this was nothing, great events were in store for the people. At about 10 o'clock A. M. an immense crowd gathered at the depot where our several mUitary companies assembled anticipating THE GALESBURG DEBATE 383 the arrival of the BurUngton train in which was the Little Giant. Pres ently it arrived — there were 12 or 14 cars added to the train, and all crowded to overflowing with Democrats from the western part of this county, and a very few abolitionists — in the midst of the great crowd which immediately surrounded the Senator, I was standing, waiting the time when the welcoming speech should be delivered. The crowd moved to the steps of the Bancroft House,- where the Hon, J. B. Boggs welcomed the Senator to Knox county in a short speech, to which a most happy reply was given. Immediately a delegation from Lombard University approached where the Senator was standing, and through their chairman, Mr. G. W. ElweU, a young gentleman of promising attain ments, presented him with a beautiful banner which was made by the young ladies of that institution. The banner was emblematical of the Senator's public career — one continued round of consistencies — wreathed with flowers, and encircled by white and blue ribbons which spoke of the virtue of his life, and his unimpeachable fidelity to party and prin ciple. The banner had written on its folds the inscription: "The Democracy of Lombard University to Steplten A. Douglas." The Senator entered a carriage, drawn by six beautifully caparisoned horses, and the mass formed into procession, proceeding to the Bonney House. We need say nothing of the great length of the cortfege, nor of the many enthusiastic shouts which rent the air as the Senator passed by the thousands of individuals who thronged the sidewalks. Main street was fuU as it could possibly be; it seemed that everybody gathered — and brought all tiieir relationns, A "vast sea of human faces" met my vision which ever way I looked; before me, beside me and behind me, thousands of men looked eagerly toward the carriage which contained the Hon. Senator, and the eager aspects of the crowd proved the interest his presence excited. Delegations from all the surrounding country began making themselves visible. From the flourishing city of Abingdon, in this county, a delegation of some 500 men arrived, with many banners flying to the breeze, and filled the air with loud shouts of approbation for the course of the great expounder of the doctrine of our party. At the hour of one, the various delegations formed into one large common pro- ' cession which was several mUes in length, each vehicle containing from 10 to 20 persons, and holding aloft banners with appropriate inscrip tions. Large cars, containing each 35 young ladies, dressed in white, with banners representing the States of the Union and the territories. 384 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS these last havuig the words "Popular Sovereignty" written on their banners. It was an imposing spectacle. At half past i P. M., the hosts commenced gathering at the large and spacious park — ^which adds so much to the comeliness of our city — ^where a stand was erected — ^where the speakers were to hold forth, and where thousands had assembled. Mr. Douglas was foUowed in the debate by that scare-crow looking individual, "Old Abe," or, as the numerous ejaculations of the specta tors indicated — "Spot." If te had any dignity— if in the course of the previous discussions he entered into the polemic with dignity, he lost it all here to-day. He descended to the level of the street blackguard, and vUified Judge Douglas in a mosf ungentlemanly manner. Many a RepubUcan had his cheek to blanch with shame at the unmanly attacks that this man Lincoln made upon Judge Douglas. Republicans told me that Lincoln over-stepped the rules of gentlemaidy conduct when he plead his case, by wilfully, maliciously, and falsely charging Senator Douglas with fraud and forgery! In the course of his harangue he remembered that Judge Douglas' speech was identical with those he had deUvered in the previous debates. He repented that candid and tmthful acknowledgment when the Judge said: "Would to Heaven he could say the same for Lincoln," for he (Abe) deUvered himself of speeches suited to localities — ^as the reports would demonstrate, WhUst the Judge was fastening him to a very awkward position, with the most unequivocal truths — teUing of the loathing and scorn he felt for such charges, Abe gazed at him with a blank stare, as if fasci nated, and looked a humUiating askance of pity, which plainly told how simply he repented him of his false charges. Democrat [Daily Whig, Quincy, IU,, October 9, 1858] LINCOLN.AND DOUGLAS AT GALESBURG 12,000 to 15,000 People Present! Four-Filths Eepublicans!—"01d Abe " Skins the "Little Giant! " Thursday last was the day appointed for a joint discussion at Gales burg, between Hon. Abraham Lincoln and Judge Douglas. THE GALESBURG DEBATE 385 We arrived on the ground about half past 12 o'clock, and at that time a dense crowd surrounded the stand, whUe the streets of the city, and the roads leading to the city, were alive with people. About 3 o'clock, Judge Douglas was introduced to the audience by Hon, Jos, Knox, and was received with such a faint cheer by his few friends in attendance, that it caused universal laughter. He spoke for one hour; and in the spirit of a man who was suffering martyrdom. Douglas actually foamed at the mouth, during his speech. It may have been the milk that he imbibed while sojourning in Egypt ; but the general belief was that it was foam. It should be borne in mind that hydrophobia is not confined to the dog-days. We don't wish to lull the people here into any false security, by stating that it was milk that whitened the comers of Douglas' mouth, when it might actually be the saliva of incipient madness. Forewarned is to be forearmed. When Douglas concluded, "Old Abe" mounted to the stand, and was received with three such tremendous cheers as made the welkin ring again. His happy, good-humored countenance — in such marked contrast with that of Douglas, which is black and repulsive enough to turn all the milk in Egypt sour — at once cheered and animated the immense crowd. They pressed forward to the stand; bijt, when he commenced, the stmggle ceased, for so clear, ringing, and distinct was every word he uttered, that he could be heard by every man in the crowd. • He met, and successfully refuted, every argument made by Judge Douglas. [Chicago Democrat, October 9, 1858] LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS AT GALESBURG Eleven carloads of people came on the Chicago train, and from other directions large delegations arrived during the day with flags, banners and other devices, nearly all of which were for Lincoln. Unfortunately, a very large excursion train from Peoria, consisting of 22 cars, all fiUed with people who were coming to the debate, met with an accident on the Peoria and Oquawka RaUroad, and was delayed so that they did not arrive untU 4 o'clock, just as the debate was closing, which was a great disappointment. 386 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS [Peoria Transcript, October 8, 1858] THE GALESBURG DEBATE The fourth great debate between Lincoln and Douglas came off at Galesburg yesterday. Mr. Douglas having the opening and closing speech. It is estimated that between sixteen and eighteen thousand persons were present — ^much the largest crowd that has yet been caUed together during the campaign. Of the debate we are unable to give any account, the train from this city, consisting of twenty-four cars loaded with two thousand passengers, having, by an unfortunate combination of circumstances, been delayed on its way untU near the close of the discussion. We shaU print the report of the speeches in full as soon as they come to hand and shaU relate the sad experience of the Peoria delegation as soon as we have slept off our disappointment and fatigue — ^having arrived home at a late hour last night. [Chicago Times, October 13, 1858] A MOTTLED CANDIDATE The next appearance of Mr. Lincoln was at Galesburg, the center of abolitiondom in this State, He had damaged himself extensively in the estimation of the abolitionists by his Jonesboro and Charleston speeches, and they insisted that he should decamp, and put on the black garb of negro equality once more. He did so, and behold the white man of Jonesboro and the Dred Scottite of Charleston came forth at Galesburg clothed in the habiliments of Uncle Tom, praying the admission of his colored brethren to the rights and privUeges of white men. He speaks at Quincy today, and at Alton on Friday, and the regalia of the "negro's friend" wiU be thrown aside, and he will clamor again against the negro race, and the ridiculous idea of their ever becoming citizens. Such, men of Illinois, is the candidate before you asking for your suffrages. He belongs to the white men's party at one place, and anon ! he becomes the most piteous complainant for the poor race which Doug las would make "inferior." At Charleston he declares negroes to be inferior in the eyes of God and man, and should be treated as their Creator intended they should be treated — ^as "inferiors" — men outside of the political party — and at Galesburg he asserts that God created them the political equals of the white race, and that it is inhuman and anti-Chris tian to deny them that equality. Such is the mottled candidate. Such THE GALESBURG DEBATE 387 are the mottied principles, and such the mottied exhibition presented to the people of Illinois in the person of Abraham Lincoln. [Illinois State Register, October 12, 1858] THE GALESBURG DEBATE Nearly aU of our available space to-day is occupied with a report of the speeches of Douglas and Lincoln at Galesburg — The meeting was very large — much the largest of the campaign. The republicans had spared neither money nor pains to have a large crowd, and letters had been sent to aU parts of the country begging their people to be present. Notwithstanding all their efforts, the democrats outnumbered them two to one, and made a much finer and more imposing demonstra tion, A wonderful change seems to have been effected in that place for the democracy during the last year or two. Lincoln confined himself to his old hobby — that of making war upon the supreme court, and an attempt to pander to the prejudices of the abolitionists. He avowed himself in favor of negro equality, simply because he was in an abolition district. In his reply Senator Douglas showed him up in his tme colors, by referring to his denunciations of the negro at Jonesboro and Charleston. The arguments of Lincoln were miserably weak, and all candid persons must, after a careful perusal of the speeches, admit that he was badly worsted by Douglas. We tmst that the speeches wUl be carefuUy read by men of all parties, as they wiU amply repay for the time thus employed. The republicans are fast becoming disheartened, and are daily losing ground. Their "spotty" principles are not adapted to the tastes of any person claiming to be in favor of the Union, the constitution and the laws. The conclusion of the debate wUl appear tomorrow, [Chicago Journal, October 8, 1858] THE FIFTH JOINT DEBATE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS Galesburg, Oct. 7, 1858 The fifth joint debate betwe^ the champion of bogus "Popular Sovereignty" and Mr, Lincoln, his formidable Free Laborer opponent, took place here this afternoon in the presence of enthusiastic thousands. It is estimated that there were not less than 10,000 people present, and 388 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS after a dUigent circulation among the crowd, we came to the conclusion that at least two-thirds of the great multitude of voters were Lincoln men. Eleven car-loads of people came on the Chicago train, and from other durections large delegations arrived during the day, with flags, banners and other devices, nearly all of which were for Lincoln. Unfortunately a very large excursion train from Peoria, consisting of twenty-two cars, all fiUed with people who were coming to the debate, met with an accident on the Peoria and Oquawka raUroad, and was delayed so that it did not arrive until 4 o'clock, just as the debate was closing. It was a sore disappointment. Your correspondent was in this train, and it is therefore impossible for him, not having heard the debate, to give you an account of what was said by the speakers; but the opin ions of those who did hear the speeches, as far as I can ascertain, coip- cide pretty generaUy that Lincoln completely used up the Little Giant. — The Lincoln men here are full of enthusiasm, and feel that our noted champion of freedom, Free Soil and Free Labor has achieved one more great and teUing triumph over the shifting, time-serving and Slavery- worshipping Douglas. Yours in the good cause. W. CHAPTER X THE QUINCY DEBATE '¦^Herald, Quincy, IU,, September 29, 1858] MISSOURI COMING TO HEAR DOUGLAS LiNEUS, Linn Co., Mo., Sept, 25 Austin Brooks — Dear Sir: The people in northem Missouri are taking a lively interest in the canvass in Illinois between Judge Douglas and Mr, Lincoln, and the Democrats are wishing success to the "Little Giant," Although Lineus is 120 miles from Quincy, there are many here making preparations to go to Quincy, and be there on the 13th, of next month, at the -speaking. It is a long way to travel to hear a man speak, where we have to stage it nearly half the way, but such is the enthusiasm of the people, and their curiosity to hear the exponent of popular sover eignty, that from 5,000 to 10,000 wUl go from Missouri to be there on the occasion. Otselic [Gate City, Keokuk, Iowa, October 5, 1858] HO, FOR QUINCY The Republicans will meet at the Gate City Reading Room at 10 o'clock today, to consult as to going to Quincy on the 13th to hear the discussion between Lincoln and Douglas. [Whig, Quincy, 111., October 7, 1858] THE FRIENDS OF HON. ABRAHAM LINCOLN The city and country are invited to rally in their strength, at Quincy on Wednesday, Oct. 13th. Abraham Lincoln and Judge Douglas wUl address the masses then assembled. Mr, Lincoln is expected to arrive at Quincy on a special train, from the north, on the moming of the 13th, at half-past 9 o'clock, at which time the Republicans from the city and country, under the charge of the Marshal of the day, wUl proceed in procession, to receive our champion at the depot, and conduct him to the Court House, It is hoped ojir country friends wUl be in the city in time 389 39° ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS to co-operate with the Republicans of the city. The programme and order of procession wfll be published by the Marshal in a day or two. All who desure to hear the tme principles of the Republican party expounded, and the unsound doctrines of the Douglas Democracy exposed, are invited to attend. By order of the Republican Committee of Arrangements, A. Jonas, Ch'n. [Whig, Quincy, 111., October ii, 1858] DEBATE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS Great preparations are being made for the Grand debate to come off in this city on Wednesday next, the 13th. inst. It is expected that one of the largest crowds that ever assembled in Quincy, wUl be present. Our friends, in all parts of the country, promise to be on hand. Again we urge upon Republicans to come, and hear the great cham pion of Freedom. [Chicago Press and Tribune, October 11, 1858] A DOUGLAS CROWD ENGAGED (Correspondence of the Press and Tribune) Galesburg, Oct. 7, 1858 A great joint debate between Lincoln and Douglas comes off at Quincy on the 13th of October, and I have a word or two to say to you about it. I am living down in Pike County, Illinois, and day before yesterday, on my way up here, I had occasion to go over into Missouri, and there I found large handbiUs up calling on the Democrats of the State to turn out at Quincy. Several steamers have been engaged by the Missourians to convey them up the river. I was told by several of them that they intended to make Lincoln "dry up." What they meant by it I do not know. Douglas' friends in Quincy are looking to that State for their crowd on the 13th. Now I write you this for the pur pose of having you urge the Republicans to turn out theur strength, and sustain and cheer our noble champion by their presence. Old Pike [Gate City, Keokuk, Iowa, October 11, 1858] The Committee, appointed to make arrangements for the excursion to Quincy on the 13th to hear the Discussion between Lincoln and Douglas, recommend the Keokuk and St. Louis Packet and have MARKER EOR TIIE QUIXC'Y DEBATE The plalfi.irin fur the dehiLilers was erected in front of the (.ild Court House whiLh stood upixisite the square in the uppe right hand corner of the illustration THE QUINCY DEBATE 39 X made arrangements as follows: The Packet wUl leave here on the 13th at 6^ o'clock, carrying passengers to the discussion and back, leaving Quincy at 6 o'clock. Fare $1,50 for the round trip including supper. Republican Committee [Whig, Quincy, 111., October 11, 1858] THE LADIES, GOD BLESS THEM! We understand that a number of our Republican ladies intend to unite in the Lincoln demonstration on the 13th. inst., and that a large number of private carriages, loaded with the fair freight, will be in the procession. We are requested by the Marshal of the Day to state that the ladies generally are invited to attend, and a selected location in the procession will be reserved for carriages containing ladies. We hope our fair friends wUl grace the proceedings with their presence. Such has been the case at aU points at which Lincoln, the champion of Free Labor and Free Territory, has spoken. [Herald, Quincy, 111., October 11, 1858] WELCOME DOUGLAS! Order of Procession On Wednesday morning, 13th. inst,, at 9-^ o'clock, a procession will be formed at the court house, in this city, in which every person who prefers the election of S, A. Douglas, to Abe Lincoln, to the United States Seriate, is invited to participate. The procession wiU leave the court house at 9-^ o'clock, precisely, and proceed to Broadway, up Broadway to 12th street, throwing right of procession to 12th and front south, where the delegations from the northem part of the county wiU be attached; thence to Maine, throwing right of procession to Maine and attach aU the delegations from the east and south of the county; thence proceed down Mauie to 3rd, up 3rd to the Virginia House, where the river delegations will be attached, and will there take the right of the procession, which wiU then proceed to Vermont, up Vermont to 7thi down 7th to Hampshire, down Hampshire to 4th, and around the public square to the south-east comer, where the procession will enter and surround the stand, whereupon Judge Douglas will make his appearance, and in a few remarks, adjoum the crowd untU half-past 392 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS 2 o'clock p. M., when the discussion between himself and Mr. Lincoln wiU commence. Whig and Republican please copy. I. T. Wilson, Chief Marshal [Whig, Quincy, 111,, October 12, 1858] PROGRAMME Reception of Lincoln On Wednesday, the 13th. inst., at 9 A. m,, precisely, the RepubUcan procession wUl be formed, for the purpose of proceeding to the Rail Road Depot, to receive the Hon. A. Lincoln. The line of procession wUl be formed on Broadway, the right resting on Sixth street. The Republican Clubs and citizens on foot wiU assemble and form in order, in Jefferson Square, and form the head of the procession. Clubs, and citizens in carriages and wagons, wUl form immediately in the rear of those on foot. The order of procession wiU be as follows: Marshal and Aids. Steig's Brass Band. Quincy and other Republican Clubs, on foot. Carriages, with Mr. Lincoln and Committee of Reception, and distinguished strangers. Private carriages, with ladies. Delegations in carriages and wagons. Delegations and citizens on horseback. Route of the Procession The procession on foot wUl advance to Front street. The carriages, wagons, and citizens on horseback, wUl remam and rest at Third street. The carriages for Mr. Lincoln and strangers, wiU receive them at the Depot, and Delegations and others arriving by the train, wUl be formed on foot, under the directions of Assistant Marshals. The foot procession, and carriages with Mr. Lmcohi and strangers, wUl then countermarch up Broadway, and the entire procession ^wUl proceed down Third to Jersey street, up Jersey to Eightii, up Eighth to Hampshure, down Hampshire to Fourth, do-wn Fourth to Maine THE QUINCY DEBATE 393 up Maine to Fifth, up Fifth to the front of the Court House, where Mr. Lincohi will be received and welcomed by the Committee of Reception, The procession will then be dismissed, and Mr, Lincoln taken by the Committee of Reception to the residence of O, H. Browning, Esq. Speaking will commence at the stand in Washington Square, at 2 o'clock p. M. E, K. Stone, Marshal [Herald, Quincy, IU., October 12, 1858] JUDGE DOUGLAS COMING TONIGHT Grrand Torchlig'ht Procession The friends of Judge Douglas will meet at The Court House, THIS EVENING AT 8 O'CLOCK where a grand procession with transparencies, torchUghts, music, and live Democrats, wiU be formed under the direction of Dr, Wilson, Chief Marshal, and marched to the railroad depot, where Judge Douglas will arrive by the nine o'clock train. Let every Democrat in the city be on hand at the hour — the pro cession will move at precisely half past 8 o'clock — to extend to our distinguished Senator a hearty and enthusiastic welcome. [Whig, Quincy, 111., October 12, 1858] TORCH-LIGHT PROCESSION! On Wednesday night, the Republicans intend to have a grand torch light procession. The most extensive preparations are being made. Let there be a general turn out. PREPARATIONS Messrs. Bond and Holton have been appointed by the respective Committees of the Republican and Douglas parties, to attend to the erection of a stand and seats for tomorrow. Mr. N. Pinkham has very kindly and generously furnished the seats for the occasion, which are to be reserved entirely for the ladies — 800 of whom can thus be accom modated. At the request of Dr. I. T. WUson, Marshal for the Douglas pro cession, we publish the programme in to-day's paper. 394 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS LINCOLN BADGES Messrs. Laage Sz: Barnum are prepared to furnish persons with any number of Lincoln Badges. We hope our Republican friends wUl not faU to get one, and turn out with the procession tomorrow, [Whig, Oct. 1 6, i8j8] THE DOUGLAS PICTURES The agent who sells photographic likenesses of Judge Douglas was in the city on Wednesday, hawking them through the crowd during the speeches. WhUe Mr. Lincoln was closing the debate, a gentieman asked him if he was. not willing to seU. his pictures at a discount now ? He said that he was — that the price was 75 cents when Douglas was speaking — ^that they had been reduced to 60 cents, and that he tiiought he would be compelled to reduce them to 25 cents before Lincoln got through ! We don't believe there was a Douglasite in Quincy who had the remotest desire to buy a picture when Lincoln had concluded his half hour's speech. [Herald, Quincy, IU., October 16, 1858] JUDGE DOUGLAS RECEPTION The Torch-Light Procession The most magnificent display that has ever been made in this city, was made by the Democracy on Tuesday last, on the occasion of the reception of Judge Douglas. Our distinguished Senator was received at half past nine o'clock, at the railroad depot, amid the booming of cannon, and a most splendid display of torch lights and transparencies, accompanied' by the welcoming, enthusiastic shouts of not less than three thousand live Democrats.^-Four hundred blazing torches, and beautiful transparencies in proportion, with bands of music and a pro cession more than half a mUe in length, — and the streets of the city literally thronged with people, in honor of the great statesman of the day, was a sight tiiat did the hearts of the Democracy good to witness, whUe it stmck terror to the hearts of their black republican foes. Judge Douglas was escorted by the procession to the Quincy House, where, with three times three hearty and enthusiastic cheers, the Democracy left him for the night, repairing, however, to the public square, where LINCOLN AT QUINCY 395 they were addressed in a most able, entertaining and unanswerable manner by Dr, Bane, after which, the demonstrations of the evening were brought to a close. The black republicans themselves admit that nothing equal to this demonstration made by the friends of Judge Douglas, on Tuesday evening last, has ever been seen in Quincy. [Whig, Quincy, IU., October i6, 1858] THE TWO PROCESSIONS A gentleman informed us that he timed the two processions of Wed nesday, as they passed his place of business. The Republican pro cession was 19^ minutes in passing, without any stoppages, while the Douglas procession was 12^ minutes, including a brief stoppage. This would indicate that the Republican procession was the largest by from 500 to 600. SIXTH JOINT DEBATE Quincy, October 13, 1858 Mr. Lincoln's Speech At precisely half past two o'clock Mr. Lincoln was introduced to the audience and having been received by two cheers, he proceeded : Ladies and Gentlemen: I have had no immediate conference with Judge Douglas, but I will venture to say that' he and I will perfectly agree that your entire sUence, both when I speak and when he speaks, wiU be most agreeable to us. In the month of May, 1856, the elements in the State of Illinois, which have since been consolidated into the Republican party, assembled together in a State Convention at Bloomington. They adopted at that time what, in political language, is called a platform. In June of the same year the elements of the Republican party in the nation assembled together in a National Convention at PhUadelphia, They adopted what is called the (National Platform,") In June, 1858, — the present year,^— the Republicans of Illinois reassembled at Springfield, in State Convention, and adopted again their platform, as I suppose not differing in any essential particular from either of the former ones, but perhaps adding something in relation to the new developments of political progress in the country. The Convention that assembled in June last did me the honor, if it ¦ Omits "that," 396 ILLINOIS_HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS be one, and I esteem it such, to nominate me as their candidate for the United States Senate. I have supposed that, in entering upon this canvass, I stood generaUy upon these platforms. We are now met together on the 13th of October of the same year, only four months from the adoption of the last platform, and I am unaware that in this canvass, from the beginning untU to-day, any one of our adversaries has taken hold of our platforms, or laid his finger upon anything that he calls wrong in them. In the very first one of these joint discussions between Senator Doug las and myself. Senator Douglas, without alluding at all to these plat forms, or any one of them, of which I have spoken, attempted to hold me responsible for a set of resolutions passed long before the meeting of either one of these Conventions of which I have spoken. And as a ground for holding me responsible for these resolutions, he assumed that they had been passed at a State Convention of the Republican party, and that I took part in that Convention. It was discovered afterward that this was erroneous, that the resolutions which he endeav ored to hold me responsible for had not been passed by any State Con vention anywhere, — ^had not been passed at Springfield, where he sup posed they had, or assumed that they had; and that they had been passed in no Convention in which I had taken part, ( The Judge, nevertheless, was not wUling to give'up the point that he was endeavoring to make upon me, and he therefore thought to stUl hold me to the point that he was endeavoring to make, by showing that the resolutions that he read had been passed at a local Convention in the northem part of the State, although it was not a local Convention that embraced my residence at aU, nor one that reached) as I suppose, nearer than one hundred and fifty or two hundred mUes of where I was when it met, nor one in which I took any part at all. He also introduced other resolutions, passed at other meetings, and by com bining the whole, although they were all antecedent to the two State Conventions and the one National Convention I have mentioned, stUl he insisted, and now insists, as I understand, that I am in some way responsible for them, if At Jonesboro, on our third meeting, I insisted to the Judge that I was in no way rightfully held responsible for the proceedings of this local meeting or Convention, in which I had taken no part, and in which I was ui no way embraced; but I insisted to him that if he thought I LINCOLN AT QUINCY 397 was responsible for every man or every set of men everywhere, who happen to be my friends, the mle ought to work both ways, and he ought to be responsible for the acts and resolutions of all men or sets of men who were or are now his supporters and friends; ["Good, good,"] and gave him a pretty long string of resolutions, passed by men who are now his friends, and announcing doctrines for which he does not desire to be held responsible.^ (This stUl does not satisfy Judge Douglas. He stiU adheres to his proposition, that I am responsible for what some of my friends in different parts of the State have done, but that he is not responsible for what his have done. ) At least, so I understand him. But in addition to that, (the Judge, at our meeting in Galesburg, last week, undertakes to estab lish that I am guilty of a species of double dealing with the public ; i that I make speeches of a certain sort in the ncarth, among the Abolitionists, which I would not make in the south, and that I make speeches of a certain sort in the south which I would not make in the north, I appre hend, in the course I have marked out for myself, that I shall not have to dwell at very great length upon this subject. As this was done in the Judge's opening speech at Galesburg, I had an opportunity, as I had the middle speech then, of saying something in answer to it. (^ He brought forward a quotation or two from a speech of mine delivered at Chicago, and then, to contrast with it, he brought forward an extract from a speech of mine at Charleston, in which he insisted that I was greatly inconsistent, and insisted, that his conclusion followed, that I was playing a double part, and speaking in one region one way, and in another region another way, ) I have not time now to dwell on this as long as I would like, and wish' only now to requote that portion of my speech at Charleston which the Judge quoted, and then make some comments upon it. This he quotes from me as being delivered at Charleston, and I believe correctly: — "I will say, then, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races; that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of quali- fjang them to hold office, nor to intermarry = with white people; and I will say, in addition to this, that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which wUl ever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain ' Inserts "I" before "wish," » Keads: "mingling" for "marry," 398 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS together there must be the position of superior and inferior," and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race," ["Good, good," and loud cheers,] This, I believe, is the entire quotation from the Charleston speech, as Judge Douglas made it. His comments are as foUows: — "Yes, here you find men who hurrah for Lincoln, and say he is right when he discards aU distinction between races, or when he declares that he discards the doctrine that there is such a thing as a superior and inferior race; and Abolitionists are required and expected to vote for Mr, Lincoln because he goes for the equality of races, holding that in the Declaration of Independence the white man and negro were declared equal, and endowed by divine law with equality. And dovim South, the Old Line Whigs, with the Kentuckians, the Virginians, and the Tennesseans, he teUs you that there is a physical difference between the races, making the one the superior, the other inferior, and he is in favor of maintaining the superiority of the white race over the negro," Those are the Judge's comments. C Now, I wish to show you that a month, or only lacking three days of a month, before I made the speech at Charleston, which the Judge quotes from, he had himself heard me say substantially the same thing. ) It was in our first meeting at Ottawa") — and I wiU say a word about where it was, and the atmosphere it was in, after awhile — but at our first meeting, at Ottawa, I read an extract from an old speech of mine, made nearly four years ago, not merely to show my sentiments, but to show that my sentiments were long entertained and openly expressed; in which extract I expressly declared that my own feelings would not admit a social and political equality be tween the white and black races, and that even if my own feelings would admit of it, I stUl knew that the public sentiment of the country would not, and that such a thing was an utter impossibUity, or substantially that. That -extract from my old speech, the reporters, by some sort of accident passed over, and it was not reported. I lay no blame upon anybody. I suppose they thought that I would hand it over to them, and dropped reporting whUe I was reading it, but afterward went away without getting it from me,^ At the end of that quotation from my old speech, which I read at Ottawa, I made the comments which were reported at that time, and which I wUl now read, and ask you to notice how very nearly they are the same as Judge Douglas says were delivered by me, down in Egypt. After reading, I added these words: — * Omits "and inferior," " The extract has been printed in full in all subsequent editions of the debates. LINCOLN AT QUINCY 399 "Now, gentlemen, I don't want to read at any greater length; but this is the true complexion' of all I have ever said in regard to the institution of slavery or the black race^ and this is the whole of it: anything that argues me into his idea of perfect social and political equality with the negro, is but a specious anda fantas tical arrangement of words by which a man can prove a horse-chestnut to be a chestnut horse. I will say here, while upon this subject, that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere vrith the institution of slaverys in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawfuU right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between the white and black races. There is a physical difference between the two which, in my judg ment, wiU probably forever forbid their living together on the footing of perfect equality; and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong, having the superior position. [Cheers; "That's the doctrine."] I have never said anything to the contrary, but I hold that notwithstanding all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, — the right of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man.(^ I agree with Judge Douglas that he is not my pqiigl in ]p!<"jr rcgppptc! certainly not in color, perhaps not in intellectual and moral endowments; but in the right to eat the bread, without the leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal, and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every livings man." ~) I have chiefly introduced this for the purpose of meeting the Judge's charge that the quotation he took from my Charleston speech was what I would say down South among the Kentuckians, the Virginians, etc, but would not say in the regions in which was supposed to be more of the Abolition element, I now make this comment: That speech from which I have now read the quotation, and which is there given correctly — perhaps too much so for good taste — was made away up North in the Abolition District of this State par excellence, in the Lovejoy District, — in the personal presence of Lovejoy, for he was on the stand with us when I made* it. It had been made and put in print in that region only three days less than a month before the speech made at Charleston, the like of which Judge Douglas tiiinks I would not make where there was any abolition element, I only refer to this matter to say that I am altogether unconscious of having attempted any double-dealing anywhere, that upon one occasion I may say one thing, and leave other things unsaid, and vice versa; but that I have said anything on one occasion that is inconsistent with what I have said elsewhere, I deny, — ¦Reads: "application" for "complexion," 4 Omits "lawful," 'Reads: "species of" for "specious and," s Reads: "any other" for ''every living." 3 Omits, "of slavery." ^ Reads: "read" for "made." 400 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS at least I deny it so far as the intention is concemed. I find that I have devoted to this topic a larger portion of my time than I had intended. ( I wished to show, but I wUl pass it upon this occasion, that in the senti ment I have occasionally advanced upon the Declaration of Independ ence, I am entirely home out by the sentiments advanced by our old Whig leader, Henry Clay, and I have the book here to show it from; but because I have already occupied more time than I intended to do on that topic, I pass over it. ) (^ At Galesburg, I tried to show that by the Dred Scott decision, pushed to its legitimate consequences, slavery would be established in aU the States as well as in the Territories.Nl did this because, upon a former occa sion, I had asked Judge Douglas whether, if the Supreme Court should make a decision declaring that the States had not the power to exclude slavery from their Umits, he would adopt and foUow that decision as a rule of political action; and because he had not directiy answered that question, but had merely contented himself with sneering at it, I again introduced it, and tried to show that the conclusion that I stated foUowed inevitably and logically from the proposition already decided by the court, ; Judge Douglas had the privilege of replying to me at Galesburg, and again he gave me no direct answer as to whether he would or would not sustain such a decision if made) I give' him this third chance to , say yes or no. He is not obliged to do either, — ^probably he wiU not do either; [laughter] but I give him the third chance. I tried to show then that this result, this conclusion, inevitably followed from the point already decided by the court. The Judge, in his reply, again sneers at the thought of the court making any such decision, and in the course of his remarks upon this subject uses the language which I wUl now read. Speaking of me, the Judge says: "He goes on and insists that the Dred Scott decision would carry slavery into the Free States, not withstanding the decision itself says the contrary," And he adds: "Mr. Lincoln knows that there is no member of the Supreme Court that holds that doctrine. He knows that every one of them in their opinions held the reverse." I especially introduce this subject again, for the purpose of saying that I have the Dred Scott decision here, and I wiU thank Judge Douglas to lay his finger upon the place in the entire opinions of the court where any one of them "says the contrary." It is very hard to affirm a nega- ¦ Reads: "gave" for "give," LINCOLN AT QUINCY 401 tive with entire confidence. I say, however, that I have examined that decision with a good deal of care, as a lawyer examines a decision, and, so far as I have been able to do so(the court has nowhere in its opinions said that the States have the power to exclude slavery, nor have they used other language substantially that, j I also say, so far as I can find, not one of the concurring Judges has said that the States can exclude slavery, nor said anything that was substantiaUy that. The nearest approach that any one of them has made to it, so far as I can find, was by Judge Nelson, and the approach he made to it was exactly, in substance, the Nebraska bUl, — that the States had the exclusive power over the ques tion of slavery, so far as they are not Umited by the Constitution of the United States. I asked the question, therefore, if the non-concurring Judges, McLean or Curtis, had asked to get an express declaration that the States could absolutely exclude slavery from their limits, what reason have we to believe that it would not have been voted down by the majority of the Judges, just as Chase's amendment was voted down by Judge Douglas and his compeers when it was offered to the Nebraska bUl. [Chgers,] Also,(at Galesburg, I said something in regard to those Springfield resolutions that Judge Douglas had attempted to use upon me at Ottawa, and commented at some length upon the fact that they were, as presented, not genuine J Judge Douglas in his reply to me seemed to be somewhat exasperated. He said he never would have believed that Abraham Lincoln, as he kindly called me, would have attempted such a thing as I had attempted upon that occasion ; and among other expressions which he used toward me, was that I dared to say forgery, — that I had dared to say forgery [turning to Judge Douglas,] Yes, Judge, I did dare to say forgery, [Loud applause.] But in this political canvass, the Judge ought to remember that/l was not the first who dared to say forgery. J At Jackson-wUe, Judge Douglas made a speech in answer to something said by Judge TmmbuU, and at the close of what he said upon that subject/Jie dared to say that Tmmbull had forged his evidence) He said, too, that he should not concern himself with Tmmbull any more, but thereafter he should hold Lincoln responsible for the slanders upon him. [Laughter,] When I met him at Charleston after that, although I think that I should not have noticed the subject if he had not said he would hold me responsible for it, I spread out before him the statements of the evidence that Judge Tmmbull had used, and I asked Judge 402 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Douglas, piece by piece, to put his finger upon one piece of aU tha t evidence that he would say was a forgery! When I went through with each and every piece, Judge Doulgas did not dare then to say that any piece of it was a forgery. [Laughter and cries of "Good, good."] So it seems that there are some things that Judge Douglas dares to do, and some that he dares not to do. [Great applause and laughter.] A Voice. — It's the same thing with you. Mr. Lincoln.— Yes, sir, it's the same thing with me. I do dare to say forgery when it's tme, and don't' dare to say forgery when it's false. [Thunders of applause. Cries of "Hit him again. Give it to him, Lincoln."] Now I will say here to this audience and to Judge Douglas, I have not dared to say he committed a forgery, and I never shciU untU I know it; but/I did dare to say — just to suggest to the Judge — that a forgery had been committed, which by his own sho'wing had been traced to him and two of his friends, j [Roars of laughter and loud cheers.] I dared to suggest to hiin that he had expressly promised in one of his public speeches to investigate that matter, and I dared to suggest to him that there was an implied promise that when he investi gated it he would make known the result. / I dared to suggest to the Judge that he could not expect to be quite clear of suspicion of that fraud,^for since the time that promise was made he had been with those " friends, and had not kept his promise in regard to the investigation and the report upon it. [Loud laughter. Cries of "Hit him hard;" "Good, good."] I am not a very daring man, [laughter] but I dared that much, Judge, and I am not much scared about it yet. [Uproarious laughter and applause.] When the Judge says he wouldn't have believed of Abraham Lincoln that he would have made such an attempt as that, he reminds me of the fact that he entered upon this canvass with the purpose to treat me courteously. That touched me somewhat. [Great laughtei;.] It set me to thinking. I was aware, when it was first agreed that Judge Douglas and I were to have these seven joint discussions, that they were the successive acts of a drama, — ^perhaps I should say, to be enacted not merely in the face of audiences Uke this, but in the face of the nation, and to some extent, by my relation to him, and not from anything in myself, in the face of the world; and I am anxious that they should be • Inserts "I" before "don't." LINCOLN AT QUINCY 403 conducted with dignity and in the good temper which would be befitting the vast audience before which it was conducted. But when Judge Douglas got home from Washington and made his first speech in Chicago, the evening afterward I made some sort of a reply to it.( His second speech was made at Bloomington, in which he commented upon my speech at Chicago, and said that I had used language ingeniously contrived to conceal my intentions, — or words to that effect. Now, I understand that this is an imputation upon my veracity and my candor, j I do not know what the Judge understood by it, but in our first discus^on, at Ottawa, he led off by charging a bargain, somewhat cormpt in its character, upon Tmmbull and myself, — that we had entered into a bargain, one of the terms of which was that Tmm bull was to Abolitionize the old Democratic party, and I (Lincoln) was to Abolitionize the old Whig party; I pretending to be as good an Old Line Whig as ever, ( Judge Douglas may not understand that he impli cated my truthfulness and my honor when he said I was doing one thing and pretending another; Vnd I misunderstood him if he thought he was treating me in a dignified way, as a man of honor and tmth, as he now claims he was disposed to treat me. Even after that time, at Gales burg, when he brings forward an extract from a speech made, at Chicago, and an extract from a speech made at Charleston, to prove that I was trying to play a double part, — that I was trying to cheat the public, and get votes upon one set of principles at one place, and upon another set of principles at another place, — I do not understand but what he impeaches my honor, my veracity, and my candor; and because he does this, I do not understand that I am bound, if I see a tmthful ground for it, to keep my hands off of him. As soon as I learned that Judge Douglas was disposed to treat me in this way, I signified in one of jny speeches that I should be driven to draw upon whatever of humble resources I might have, — to adopt a new course with him. I was not entirely sure that I should be able to hold my own with him, but I at least had the purpose made to do as well as I could upon him; and now I say that I wiU not.be the first to cry "hold." I think it originated with the Judge, and when he quits, I probably wUl. [Roars of laughter.] But I shall not ask any favors at all. He asks me, or he asks the audience, if I wish to push this matter to the point of personal difficulty. I tell him, no. He did not make a mistake, in one of his early speeches, when he called me an "amiable" 404 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS man, though perhaps he did when he caUed me an "intelligent" man, [Laughter,] ( It really hurts me very much to suppose that I have wronged anybody on earth, j I again tell him, no ! I very much prefer, when this canvass shall be over, however it may result, that we at least part without any bitter recollections of personal difficulties, / The Judge, in his concluding speech at Galesburg, says that I was pushing this matter to a personal difficulty, to avoid the responsibiUty for the enormity of my principles, 1 I say to the Judge and this audience, now, that I will again state our principles as weU as I hastUy can, in aU their enormity, and if the Judge hereafter chooses' to confine himself to a war upon these principles, he wUl probably not find me departing from the same course,^ ( We have in this nation this element of domestic slavery,"^ It is a matter of absolute certainty that it is a disturbing element. It is the opinion of all the great men who have expressed an opinion upon it, that it is a dangerous element. We keep up a controversy in regard to it. That controversy necessarUy springs from difference of opinion; and if we can leam exactly, — can reduce to the lowest elements — ^what that difference of opinion is, we perhaps shaU be better prepared for discussing the different systems of policy that we would propose in regard to that disturbing element, / 1 suggest that the difference of opinion, reduced to its lowest terms, is no other than the difference between the men who think slavery a wrong, and those who do not think it wrong,) The Republican party think it wrong ;^ we think it is a moral, a social, and a political wrong, y We think it is a wrong not confining itself merely to the persons or the States where it exists, but that it is a wrong in its tendency, to say the least, that extends itself to the existence of the whole nation. Because we think it wrong, we propose a course of policy that shall deal with it as a wrong. We deal with it as with any other wrong, in so far as we can prevent its growing any larger, and so deal with it that in the run of time there may be some promise of an end to it. We have a due regard to the actual presence of it amongst us, and the difficulties of getting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and all the constitutional obligations thrown about it. I suppose that in reference both to its actual existence in the nation, and to our constitutional obli- ¦ Reads: "choose" for "chooses." » Reads: "it" for "the same course." LINCOLN AT QUINCY 40S gations/we have no right at all to disturb it in the States where it exists, and we profess that we have no more inclination to disturb it than we have the right to do it. We go further than that; ^e don't propose to disturb it,)where, in one instance, we think the Constitution would permit us, QNe think the Constitution would permit us to disturb it in the District of Columbia,) StUl, we do not propose to do that, unless it should be in terms which I don't suppose the nation is very likely soon to agree to, — the terms of making the emancipation gradual, and com pensating the unwUling owners. Where we suppose we have the consti tutional right, we restrain ourselves in reference to the actual existence of the institution and the difficulties thrown about it. We also oppose it as an evil so far as it seeks to spread itself. We insist on the policy that shall restrict it to its present limits. We don't suppose that in doing this we violate anything due to the actual presence of the insti tution, or anything due to the constitutional guarantees thrown around it. C We oppose the Dred Scott decision in a certain wayJupon which I ought perhaps to address you a few words. ( We do not propose that when Dred Scott has been decided to be a slave by that court, we, as a mob, will decide him to be free] We do not propose that, when any other one, or one thousand, shall be decided by the court to be slaves, we will in any violent way disturb the rights of property thus settled: but we nevertheless do oppose that decision as a political mle which shaU be binding on the voter to vote for nobody who thinks it wrong: which shaU be buiding on the members of Congress or the President to favor no measure that does not actually concur with the principles of that decision. We do not propose to be bound by it as a political rule in that way because we think it lays the foundation, not merely of enlarging and spreading out what we consider an evU, but it lays the foundation for spreading that evil into the States themselves, fWe propose so resisting it as to have it reversed if we can, and a new judicial rule established upon this subject, ) / 1 wUl add this, that, if there be any man who does not believe tiiat slavery is wrong in the three aspects which I have mentioned, or in any one of them, that man is mispla!ced, and ought to leave us,) WhUe, on the other hand, if there be any man in the Republican party who is impatient over the necessity springing from its actual presence, and is impatient of the constitutional guarantees thrown around it, and would act in disregard of these, he too is misplaced, standing with us. He wUl 4o6 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS find his place somewhere else; for we have a due regard, so far as we are capable of understanding them, for aU these things. This, gentiemen, as weU as I can give it, is a plain statement of our principles in all their enormity. ( I wiU say now that there is a sentiment in the country contrary to me, — a sentiment which holds that slavery is not wrong, and therefore ^it goes for the' policy that does not propose dealing with it as a wrong.^ ' That poUcy is the Democratic policy) and that sentiment is the Demo cratic sentiment. If there be a doubt in the mind of any one of this vast audience that this is really the central idea of the Democratic party, in relation to the^ subject, I ask him to bear with me whUe I state a few things tending, as I think, to prove that proposition, , In the first place, (the leading man^I think I may do my friend Judge Douglas \he honor of calUng him such — advocating the present Democratic policy,( never himself says it is wrong. ^He has the high distinction, so far as I know, of never having said slavery is either right or wrong. [Laughter.] [Almost everybody else says one or the other, but the Judge never does. ) If there be a man in the Democratic party who thinks it is wrong, and yet clings to that party, I suggest to him, in the first place, that his leader don't talk as he does, for he never says that it is wrong. In the second place, I suggest to him that if he wUl examine the poUcy proposed to be carried forward, he wUl find that he carefuUy excludes the idea that there is anything wrong in it. If you will examine the argu ments that are made on^ it, you wUl find that every one carefully excludes the idea that there is anything wrong in slavery. Perhaps that Democrat who says he is as much opposed to slavery as I am, wiU teU me that I am wrong about this. I wish him to examine his own course in regard to this matter a moment, and then see if his opinion wUl not be changed a little. vYou say it is wrong; but don't you constantiy object to anybody else saying so ? Do you not constantiy argue that this is not the right place to oppose it ? You say it must not be opposed in the Free States, because slavery is not here; it must not be opposed in the Slave States, because it is there; it must not be opposed in poUtics, because that wiU make a fuss; it must not be opposed in the pulpit, because it is not religion. ' [Loud cheers.] Then where is the place to oppose it?) There is no suitable place to oppose it. There is ¦ Omits "the," " Reads: "this" for "the," 3 Reads: "in" for "on." DOUGLAS AT QUINCY 407 no plan in the country to oppose this evil overspreading the continent, which you say yourself is coming. Frank Blair and Gratz Brown tried to get up a system of gradual emancipation in Missouri, had an election in August, and got beat, and you, Mr. Democrat, threw up your hat, and haUooed "Hurrah for Democracy." [Enthusiastic cheers.] So I say,, again, that in regard to the arguments that are made, when Judge Douglas says he "don't care whether slavery is voted up orvoted down,." whether he rrieansThat as an individual expression of sentiment, or only as a sort of statement of his views on national policy, it is alike tme to say that he can thus argue logically if he don't see anything wrong in it; but/Jie cannot say so logically if he admits that slavery is wrong]) He cannot say that he would as soon see a wrong voted up as voted down. f When Judge Douglas says that whoever or whatever community wants slaves, they have a right to have them, he is perfectiy logical, if there is nothing' wrong in the institution |> but if you admit that it is wrong, he cannot logically say that anybody has a right to do wrong. J (When he says that slave property and horse and hog property are alike to be aUowed to go into the Territories, upon the principles of equaUty, he is reasoning tmly, if there is no difference between them as property ;J but if the one is property held rightfully, and the other is wrong, then /there is no equality between the right and wrong; )so that, turn it in any way you can, in all the arguments sustaining the Democratic policy, and in that policy itself, there is a careful, studied exclusion of the idea that there is anything wrong in slavery. Let us understand this. I am not, just' here, trying'' to prove that we are right, and they are wrong. I have been stating where we and they stand, and trying to show what is the real difference between us; and I now say that whenever we can get the question distinctly stated, can get aU these men who believe that slavery is in some of these respects wrong, to stand and act with us in treating it as a wrong, — then, and not tUl then, I tiiink we will in some way come to an end of this slavery agitation. [Prolonged cheers,] Mr. Doug'las's Reply Senator Douglas, in taking the stand, was greeted with tremendous applause. He said: ' Omits "just" and "trying," 4o8 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Ladies and Gentlemen: Permit me to say that unless sUence is ob served it wUl be impossible for me to be heard by this immense crowd, and my friends can confer no higher favor upon me than by omitting all expressions of applause or approbation. ["We cannot help it, Douglas,'' etc] I desire to be heard rather than to be applauded, I wish to address myself to your reason, your judgment, your sense of justice, and not to your passions. ! I regret that Mr. Lincoln should have deemed it proper for him to again indulge in gross personalities and base insinuations in regard to the Springfield resolutions.! It has imposed upon me the necessity of using some portion of my time for the purpose of calling your attention to the facts of the case, and it wiU then be for you to say what you think of a man who can predicate such a charge upon the circumstances as' he has in this. I had seen the platform adopted by a RepubUcan Con gressional Convention held in Aurora, the Second Congressional District, in September, 1854, published as purporting to .be the platform of the Republican party. (That platform declared that the Republican party was pledged never to admit another Slave State into the Union, and also that it was^ pledged to prohibit slavery in aU the Territories of the United States, not only all that we then had, but all that we should thereafter acquire, and to repeal unconditionally the Fugitive-Slave law, aboUsh slavery in the District of Columbia, and prohibit the slave-trade between the different States. These and other articles against slavery were contained in this platform, and unanimously adopted by the Republican Congressional Convention in that District. I had also seen that the Republican Congressional Conventions at Rockford, in the First District, and at Bloomington, in the Third, had adopted the same platform that year, nearly word for word, and had declared it to be the platform of the Republican party. I had noticed that Major Thomas L. Harris, a member of Congress from the Spring field district, had referred to that platform in a speech in Congress as having been adopted by the first Republican State Convention which assembled in Illinois. When I had occasion to use the fact in this canvass, I wrote to •Major Harris to know on what day that Convention was held, and to ask him to send me its proceedings. He being sick, Charles H. Lanphier answered my letter by sending me the published proceedings of the " Omits "as." 3 Omits "was." DOUGLAS AT QUINCY 409 Con-yention held at Springfield on the 5th of October, 1854, as they appeared in the report of the State Register. I read those resolutions from that newspaper the same as any of you would refer back and quote any fact from the files of a newspaper which had published it. Mr, Lincoln pretends that after I had so quoted those resolutions he discovered that they had never been adopted at Springfield, He does not deny theur adoption by the Republican party at Aurora, at Bloom ington, and at Rockford, and by nearly aU the Republican County Conventions in Northem IlUnois where his party is in a majority, but merely because they were not adopted on the "spot" on which I said they were, he chooses to quibble about the place rather than meet and discuss the merits of the resolutions themselves, I stated when I quoted them that I did so from the State Register. I gave my authority. Lin coln beUeved at the time, as he has since admitted, thaf they had been adopted at Springfield, as published. Does he believe now that I did not teU the truth when I quoted those resolutions? He knows, in his heart, that I quoted them in good faith believing at the time that they had been adopted at Springfield. I would consider myself an infamous wretch, if, under such circumstances, I could charge any man with being a party to a trick or a fraud. [Great applause.] And I wUl tell him, too, that it wUl not do to charge a forgery on Charles H. Lanphier or Thomas L. Harris. No man on earth, who knows them, and knows Lincoln, would take his oath against their word. [Cheers.] There are not two men in the State of lUinois who have higher charac ters for tmth, for integrity, for moral character, and for elevation of tone, as gentiemen, than Mr. Lanphier and Mr. Harris. Any man who attempts to make such charges as Mr. Lincoln has indulged in against them, only proclaims himself a slanderer. [Vociferous applause.] ( I wUl now show you that I stated with entire fairness, as soon as it was made known to me, that there was a mistake about the spot where the resolutions had been adopted, although their tmthfulness, as a declaration of the principles of the RepubUcan party, had not been,' and could not be, questioned, j I did not wait for Lincoln to point out the mistake, but the moment^ I discovered it, I made a speech, and pubUshed it to the world, correcting the error, (I corrected it myself,") as a gentieman and an honest man, and as I always feel proud to do when I have made a mistake. I wish Mr. Lincoln could show that he ¦ Omits "been," 4IO ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS has acted with equal fairness and tmthfulness when I have convinced him that he has, been mistaken. ["Hit him again," and cheers.](^ I wUl give you an Ulustration to show you how he acts in a simUar case-Mn a speech at Springfield, he charged Chief Justice Taney and his associates. President Pierce, President Buchanan, and myself, with having entered into a conspiracy at the time the Nebraska bUl was introduced, by which the Dred Scott decision was to be made by the Supreme Court, in order to carry slavery everywhere under the Constitution. ) I called his attention to the fact that at the time aUuded to, to wit, the introduction of the Nebraska bUl, it was not possible that such a conspiracy could have been entered into, for the reason that the Dred Scott case had never been taken before the Supreme Court, and was not taken before it for a year after; and I asked him to take back that charge. Did he doit? ["No."] I showed him that it was impossible that the charge could be tme; I proved it by the record; andfl then called upon him to retract his false charge.) What was his answer ? Instead of coming out like an honest man and doing so, he reiterated the charge^ and said that if the case had not gone up to the Supreme Court from the courts of Missouri at the time he charged that the Judges of the Supreme Court entered into the conspiracy, yet, that there was an understanding with the Democratic owners of Dred Scott that they would take it up. I have since asked him who the Democratic owners of Dred Scott were, but he could not tell, arid why? Because there were no such Democratic owners in existence. Dred Scott at the time was owned by the Rev. Dr. Chaffee, an Abolition member of Congress, of Spring field, Massachusetts, in right of his wife. He was owned by one of Lincoln's friends, and not by Democrats at all. [Immense cheers; "Give it to him," etc.] His case was conducted in court by Abolition lawyers, so that both the prosecution and the defense were in the hands of the AboU tion political friends of Mr.Lincoln. [Renewed cheering.] Notwithstand ing I thus proved by the record that his charge against the Supreme Court was false, instead of taking it back, he resorted to another false charge to sustain the infamy of it. [Cheers.] (He also charged Presi dent Buchanan with having been a party to the conspiracy.^ I directed his attention to the fact that the charge could not possibly be tme, for the reason that at the time specified, Mr. Buchanan was not in America! but was three thousand mUes off, representing the United States at the Court of St, James, and had been there for a year previous, and did not DOUGLAS AT QUINCY 411 retum until three years afterward. Yet I never could get Mr. Lincoln to take back his false charge, although I have called upon him over and over again. He refuses to do it, and either remains sUent, or resorts to other tricks to try and palm his slander off on the country. [Cheers.] (Therein you wUl find the difference between Mr. Lincoln and myself. When I make' a mistake, as an honest man I correct it without being asked to do so; but when he makes a false charge, he sticks to it, and never corrects it.^ ["Don't spare him," and cheers.] One word more in regard to these resolutions; I quoted them at Ottawa merely to ask Mr. Lincoln whether he stood on that platform. That was the purpose for which I quoted them. I did not think that I had a right to put idle questions to him, and I first laid a foundation for my questions by showing that the principles which I wished him either to affirm or deny had been adopted by some portion of his friends, at least, as their creed. Hence I read the resolutions and put the questions to him; and he then refused to answer them. [Laughter;' "He was afraid," etc.] Subse quently, one week afterward, he did answer a part of them, but the others he has not answered up to this day. ["No, and never wUl," "Never can," and cheers.] My friends, if you are my friends, you will be sUent, instead of interrupting me by your applause. ["We can 't help it."] Now, let me call your attention for a moment to the answers which Mr. Lincoln made at Freeport to the questions which I propounded him at Ottawa, based upon the platform adopted by a majority of the Abolition counties of the State, which now, as then, supported him. ( In answer to my question whether he indorsed the Black Republican principle of "no more Slave States," he answered that he was not pledged against the admission of any more Slave States, but that he would be very sorry if he should ever be placed in a position where he would have to vote on the question; that he would rejoice to know that no more Slave States would be admitted into the Union. ;"But," he added, "if slavery shall be kept out of the Territories during the Territorial existence of any one given Territory, and then the people shaU, having a fair chance and a clear field when they come to adopt the constitution, do such an extraordinary thing as to adopt a slave constitution, uninfluenced by the actual presence of the institution among them, I see no alternative, if we own the country, but to admit them into the Union." ¦ Reads: "made" for "make. 412 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS The point I wish him to answer is tiiis^ Suppose Congress should not prohibit slavery in the Territory, and it applied for admission with a constitution recognizing slavery, then how would he vote }) His answer at Freeport does not apply to any Territory in America<^ I ask you, [turning to Lincoln] wiU you vote to admit Kansas into the Union, with just such a constitution as her people want, with slavery or without, as they shaU determine? )He wUl not answer, ["He's afraid," and cheers,] I have put that question to him time and tiirie again, and have not been able to get an answer out of him \ I ask you again, Lincoln, wUl you vote to admit New Mexico, when she has the requisite popula tion: with such a constitution as her people adopt, either recognizing slavery or not, as they shall determine ? He will not answer, I put the same question to him in reference to Oregon and the new States to be carved out of Texas in pursuance of the contract between Texas and the United States, and he wUl not answer. ) He wUl not answer these questions in reference to any Territory now in existence, but says that if Congress should prohibit slavery in a Territory, and when its people asked for admission as a State, they should'adopt slavery as one of their institutions, that he supposes he would have to let it come in, [Laughter,] I submit to you whether that answer of his to my question does not justify me in saying that he has a fertile genius in devising language to conceal his thoughts. ["Good for you;" "Hurrah for Douglas," etc.] I ask you whether there is an intelUgent man in America who does not believe that that answer was made for the purpose of concealing what he intended to do. ["No, no," and cheers.] He wished to make the Old Line Whigs believe that he would stand by the Compromise Measures of 1850, which declared that the States might come into the Union with slavery, or without, as they pleased, while Lovejoy and his Abolition allies up north explained to the Abohtionists that in taking this ground he preached good Abolition doctrine, because his proviso would not apply to any territory in America, and therefore there was no chance of his being govemed by it. It would have been quite easy for him to have said that he would let the people of a State do just as they pleased, if he desured to convey such an idea. Why did he not do it ? ["He was afraid to,"] He would not answer my question directly, because up north, the Abolition creed declares that there shaU be no more Slave States, whUe down south, in Adams County, in Coles, and DOUGLAS AT QUINCY 413 in Sangamon, he and his friends are afraid to advance that doctrine. Therefore, he gives an evasive and equivocal answer, to be constmed one way in the south and another way in the north, which, when analyzed, it is apparent is not an answer at all with reference to any Territory now in existence, ["Hit him on the woolly side;" "Hurrah for Douglas," etc.] , Mr. Lincoln complains that in my speech the other day at Galesburg I read an extract from a speech delivered by him at Chicago, aiid then another from his speech at Charleston, and compared them, thus show ing the people that he had one set of principles in one part of the State, and another in the other part. And how does he answer that charge ? Why, he quotes from his Charleston speech as I quoted from it, and then quotes another extract from a speech which he made at another place, which he says is the same as the extract from his speech at Charles ton; but he does not quote the extract from his Chicago speech, upon which I convicted him of double-dealing, [Cheers,] I quoted from his Chicago speech to prove that he held one set of principles up north among the Abolitionists, and from his Charleston speech to prove that he held another set down at Charleston and in southern Illinois, In his answer to this charge, he ignores entirely his Chicago speech, and merely argues that he said the same thing which he said at Charleston at another place. If he did, it follows that he has twice instead of once, held one creed in one part of the State, and a different creed in another part. ["He can't get out of it," and cheers,] Up at Chicago, in the opening of the campaign, he reviewed my reception speech, and under took to answer my argument attacking his favorite doctrine of negro equality, I had sho'wti that it was a falsification of the Declaration of Independence to pretend that that instmment applied to and included negroes in the clause declaring that aU men are' created equal, 'What was Lincoln's reply ? I wiU read from his Chicago speech and the one which he did not quote, and dare not quote, in this part of the State. ["Good," "Hear, hear," etc.] He said:— "I should like to know, if taking this old Declaration of Independence, which declares that a-U men are equal upon principle, and making exceptions to it, where will it stop ? If one man says it does not mean a negro, why may not another man say it does not mean another man ? If that declaration is not the truth, let us get the Statute book in which we find it, and tear it out." ' Reads: "were" for "are." 414 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS '¦¦¦ There you find that Mr. Lincoln told the Abohtionists of Chicago that if the Declaration of Independence did not declare that the negro was created by the Almighty the equal of the white man, that you ought to take that instmment and tear out the clause which says that all men were created equal. ["Hurrah for Douglas."] But let me caU your attention to another part of the same speech. You know that in his Charleston speech, an extract from which he has read, he declared that the negro belongs to an inferior race, is physically inferior to the white man, and should always be kept in an inferior position. I wUl now read to you what he said at Chicago on that point. In concluding his speech at that place he remarked: — " My friends, I have detained you about as long as I desire to do, and I have only to say, let us discard all this quibbling about this man and the other man, this race, and that race, and the other race being inferior, and therefore they must be placed in an inferior position, discarding our standard that we have left us. ¦ Let us discard all these things, and tmite as one people throughout this land until we shaU once more stand up declaring that all men are created equal." Thus you see that when addressing the Chicago AboUtionists he declared that aU distinctions of race must be discarded and blotted out, because the negro stood on an equal footing with the white man; that if one man said the Declaration of Independence did not mean a negro when it declared all men created equal, that another man would say that it did not mean another man; and hence we ought to discard aU difference between the negro race and all other races, and declare them aU created equal. Did old Giddings, when he came down among you four years ago, preach more radical Abolitionism than this? ["No, never,"] Did Lovejoy, or Lloyd Garrison, or WendeU PhUlips, or Fred Douglass ever take higher Abolition grounds than that ? Lincoln told you that I had charged him with getting up these personal attacks to conceal the enormity of his principles, and then commenced talking about something else, omitting to quote this part of his Chicago speech which contained the enormity of his principles to which I alluded. He knew that I alluded to his negro-equality doctrines when I spoke of the enormity of his principles, yet he did not find it convenient to answer on that point. Having shown you what he said in his Chicago speech in reference to negroes being created equal to white men, and about discarding aU distuictions between the two races, I -wUl again read to you what he said at Charleston: — DOUGLAS AT QUINCY 415 "I will say then, that I am not nor ever have been in favor of bringing about in any way, the social and political equality of the white and black races; that I am not nor ever have been in favor of making voters of the free negroes, or jurors, or qualifying them to hold office, or having them to marry with white people, I wUl say in addition, that there is a physical difference between the white and black races, which I suppose, will forever forbid the two races living together upon terms of social and political equality, and inasmuch as they cannot so live, that while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and' I as much as any other man am in favor of the superior position being assigned to the white man," ' A Voice. — That's the doctrine, Mr. Douglas. — Yes, sir, that is good doctrine; but Mr. Lincoln is afraid to advocate it in the latitude of Chicago, where he hopes to get his votes, [Cheers.] It is good doctrine in the anti-Abolition counties for him, and his Chicago speech is good doctrine in the Abolition coun ties. (^ I assert, on the authority of these two speeches of Mr. Lincoln, that he holds one set of principles in the Abolition counties, and a different and contradictory set in the other countieV ["That's so," and cheers.] I do not question that he said at Ottawa what he quoted; but that only convicts him further, by proving that he has twice contradicted himself, instead of once. ["Good," and applause.] Let me ask him why he cannot avow his principles the same in the north as in the south, — the same in every county, — if he has a conviction that they are just ? But I forgot, — he would not be a Republican, if his principles would apply alike to every part of the country. The party to which he belongs is bounded and limited by geographical lines. With their principles, they cannot even cross the Mississippi River on your ferry-boats. [Immense applause,] They cannot cross over the Ohio into Kentucky, Lincoln himself cannot visit the land of his fathers, the scenes of his chUdhood, the graves of his ancestors, and carry his Abolition principles, as he declared them at Chicago, with him, ["Hit him again," and cheers.] /This Republican organization appeals to the North against the South; it appeals to Northem passion, Northern prejudice, and North ern ambition, against Southern people, Southern States, and Southern institutions, and its only hope of success is by that appeal. jMr, Lincoln goes on to justify himself in making a- war upon slavery upon the ground that Frank Blair and Gratz Brown did not succeed in their warfare upon the institutions in Missouri, [Laughter,] Frank Blair was .' Reads: "tliat" for "and." 4i6 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS elected to Congress in 1856, from the State of Missouri, as a Buchanan Democrat, and he turned Fremonter after the people elected hun, thus belonging to one party before his election, and another afterward. ["Treachery never succeeds."] What right then had he to expect, after having thus cheated his constituency, that they would support him at another election ? ["None," "Hurrah for Douglas," etc.] (^Mr. Lincoln thinks that it is his duty to preach a cmsade in the Free States against slavery, because it is a crime, as he believes, and ought to be extinguished, and because the people of the Slave States wiU never abolish it.) How is he going to abolish it ? Down in the Southern part of the State he takes the ground openly that he wUl not interfere with slavery where it exists, and says that he is not now and never was in favor of interfering with slavery where it exists in the States, WeU, if he is not in favor of that,/how does he expect to bring slavery in a course of ultimate extinc tion r/ ["Hit him again,"] IHow can he extinguish it in Kentucky, in Virginia, in all the Slave States by his poUcy, if he will nQt pursue a policy which will interfere with it in the States where it exists ?) ["That's so."] In his speech at Springfield before the AboUtion, or Republican, Convention, he declared his hostility to any more Slave States in this language: — " Under the operation of that policy the agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it wiU not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this Government cannot endure permanently, half Slave and half Free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved, I do not expect the house to faU; but I do expect it wUl cease to be divided. It wiU become all one thing, or all the other. . Either the opponents of slavery wiU arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shaU rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates wiU push it forward untU it shall become alike lawful in aU the States, — old as weU as new. North as weU as South." Mr. Lincoln there told his Abolition friends that this Govemment could not endure permanently, divided into Free and Slave States as our fathers made it, and that it must become aU Free or all Slave; other wise, that the Government could not exist. How then does Lincoln propose to save the Union, unless by compeUing aU the States to become Free, so that the house shaU not be divided against itseU ? He intends making them all free; he wiU preserve the Union in that way; and yet he is not going to interfere with slavery where' it now exists. How is ' Reads: "anywhere" for "where," DOUGLAS AT QUINCY 417 he going to bring it about ? Why, he wiU agitate, he wUl induce the North to agitate, untU the South shall be worried out and forced to abol ish slavery. Let us examine the policy by which that is to be done. He first teUs you that he would prohibit slavery everywhere in the Terri-. tories. He would thus confine slavery within its present limits. When he thus gets it confined, and surrounded, so that it cannot spread, the natural laws of increase wUl go on untU the negroes wUl be so plenty that they cannot Uve on the soil. He wUl hem them in until starvation seizes them, and by starving them to death, he wUl put slavery in the course of ultimate extinction. If he is not going to' interfere with slavery in the States, but intends to interfere and prohibit it in the Territories, and thus smother slavery out, it naturally follows that he can extinguish it only by extinguishing the negro race; for his policy would drive them to starvation. This is the humane and Christian remedy that he proposes for the great crime of slavery ! He tells you that I wUl not argue the question whether slavery is right or wrong. I tell you why I wUl not do it. I hold that, under the Constitution of the United States, each State of this Union has a right to do as it pleases ort the subject of slavery. In Illinois we have exercised that sovereign right by prohibiting slavery within our own limits, I approve of that line of policy. We have performed our whole duty in Illinois. We have gone as far as we have a right to go under the Con stitution of our common country. It is none of our business whether slavery exists in Missouri or not, Missouri is a sovereign State cf this Union, and has the same right to decide the slavery question for herself that Illinois has to decide it for herself, ["Good."] Hence I do not choose to occupy the time aUotted to me in discussing a question that we have no right to act upon. ["Right."] I thought that you desired to hear us upon those questions coming within our constitutional power or' action. Lincoln wUl not discuss these. What one question has he discussed that comes within the power or calls for the action or interference of a United States Senator ? He is going to discuss the rightfulness of slavery when Congress cannot act upon it either way. He wishes to discuss the merits of the Dred Scott decision when, under the Constitution, a senator has no right to interfere with the decision of judicial tribunals. He wants your exclu sive attention to two questions that he has no power to act upon; to ¦ Reads: "of" for "or," 4i8 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS two questions that he could not vote upon if he was in Congress; to two questions that are not practical, — ^ui order to conceal from' your atten tion other'' questions which he might be required to vote upon should he ever become a member of Congress. He teUs you that he does not lUie the Dred Scott decision. - Suppose he does not, how is he going to help himself? He says that he will reverse it. How wUl he reverse it ? I know of but one mode of reversing judicial decisions, and that is by appealing from the mferior to the superior court. But I have never yet learned how or where an appeal could be taken from the Supreme Court of the United States ICThe Dred Scott decision was pronounced by the highest tribunal on earth. From that decision there is no appeal', this side of Heaven.) Yet, Mr. Lincoln says he is going to reverse that decision. By what tribunal wiU he reverse it ? WUl he appeal to a mob ? Does he intend to appeal to violence, to Lynch law ? WUl he stir up strife and rebeUion in the land, and overthrow the court by violence ? He does not deign to teU you how he wUl reverse the Dred Scott decision, but keeps appealing each day from the Supreme Court of the United States to political meetings in the country. [Laughter,] He wants me to argue with you the merits of each point of that decision before this political meeting. I say to you, with all due respect, that I choose to abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court as they are pronounced. It is not for me to inquire, after a decision is made, whether I like it in all the points or not. When I used to practice law with Lincoln, I never knew him to be beat in a case that he did not get mad at the judge, and talk about appealing, [laughter] and when I got beat, I generaUy thought the court was wrong, but I never dreamed of going out of the court-house and making a stump speech to the people against the judge, merely because I had found out that I did not know the law as well as he did. [Great laughter.] If the decision did not suit me, I appealed untU I got to the Supreme Court; and then if that court, the highest tribunal in the world, decided against me, I was satisfied, because it is the duty of every law-abiding man to obey the constitutions, the laws, and the constituted authorities. He who attempts to stir up odium and rebeUion in the country against the constituted authorities, is stimulating the passions of men to resort to violence and to mobs instead of to the law. Hence, * Omits "from."" ' Inserts "from" before ''other." DOUGLAS AT QUINCY 419 I tell you that I take the decisions of the Supreme Court as the law of the land, and I intend to obey them as such. But Mr. Lincoln says that I wUl not answer his question as to what I would do in the event of the court making so ridiculous a decision as he imagines they would by deciding that the Free State of lUinois could not prohibit slavery within her own limits. I told him at Free- port why I would not answer such a question. I told him that there was not a man possessing any brains in America, lawyer or not, who ever dreamed that such a thing could be done. ["Right."] I told him then, as I do now, that by all the principles set forth in the Dred Scott decision, it is impossible. I told him then, as I do now, that it is an insult to men's understanding, and a gross calumny on the court, to presume in advance that it was going to degrade itself so low as to make a decision known to be in direct violation of the Constitution. A Voice. — ^The same thing was said about the Dred Scott decision before it passed. Mr. Douglas. — Perhaps you think that the court did the same thing in reference to the Dred Scott decision: I have heard a man talk that way before. The principles contained in the Dred Scott decision had been affirmed previously in various other decisions. What court or judge ever held that a negro was a citizen ? [Laughter.] The State courts had decided that question over and over again, and the Dred Scott decision on that point only affirmed what every court in the land knew to be the law. But I wUl not be^awn off in±o„ an .argument. up.on_the merits of the Dred Scott decision. It is enough for me to know that the Consti tution of the United States created the Supreme Court for the purpose of deciding aU disputed questions touching the tme constmction of that instmment, and when such decisions are pronounced, they are the law of the land, binding on every good citizen, Mr. Lincoln has a very convenient mode of arguing upon the subject. He holds that because he is a Republican that he is not bound by the decisions of the court, but that I, being a Democrat, am so bound. [Laughter and cheers.] It may be that Republicans do not hold themselves bound by the laws of the land and the Constitution of the country as expounded by the courts; it may be an article in the RepubUcan creed that men who do not like a decision have a right to rebel against it: but when Mr. Lincoln preaches that doctrine, I think he wiU find some honest Republi- 420 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS can — some law-abiding man in that party — who wiU repudiate such a monstrous doctrine. The decision in the Dred Scott case is binding on every American citizen alike; and yet Mr. Lincoln argues that the Republicans are not bound by it, beca-use they are opposed to it, [laugh ter] whUst Democrats are bound by it, because we wiU not resist it. A Democrat cannot resist the constituted authorities of this country; ["Good."] a Democrat is a law-abiding man; a Demo crat stands by the Constitution and the laws, and relies upon liberty as protected by law, and not upon mob or political violence. I have never yet been able to make Mr. Lincoln understand, nor' can I make any man who is determined to support him, right or wrong, understand how it is that under the Dred Scott decision the people of a Territory, as weU as a State, can have slavery or not, just as they please. I believe that I can explain that proposition to aU constitution- loving, law-abiding men in a way that they cannot faU to understand it. Chief Justice Taney, in his opinion in the Dred Scott case, said that, slaves being property, the owner of them has a right to take them into a Territory the same as he would any other property; in other words, that slave property, so far as the right to enter a Territory is concerned, stands on the same footing with other property. Suppose we grant that proposition. Then any man has a right to go to Kansas and take his property with him; but when he gets there, he must rely upon the local law to protect his property, whatever it may be. - ["That's so."] In order to Ulustrate this, imagine that three of you conclude to go to Kansas. One takes $10,000 worth of slaves, another $10,000 worth of Uquors, and the thurd $10,000 worth of dry goods. When the man who owns the dry goods arrives out there and commences selling them, he finds that he is stopped and prohibited from seUing untU he gets a license, which wUl destroy aU the profits he can make on his goods to pay for. When the man with the liquors gets there and tries to seU, he finds a Maine Uquor law in force which prevents him. Now, of what use is his right to go there with his property unless he is protected in the enjoyment of that right after he gets there ? ["That's it."] The man who goes there with his slaves finds that there is no law to protect him when he arrives there. He has no remedy if his slaves mn away to another country; there is no slave code or poUce regulations; and the » Reads: "or" for "nor," DOUGLAS AT QUINCY 421 absence of them excludes his slaves from the Territory just as effectually and as positively as a constitutional prohibition could. Such was the understanding when the Kansas and Nebraska bill was pending in Congress. Read the speech of Speaker Orr, of South Carolina, in the House of Representatives, in 1856, on the Kansas question, and you will find that he takes the ground that while the owner of a slave has a right to go into a Territory and carry his slaves with him, that he cannot hold them one day or hour unless there is a slave code to protect him. He teUs you that slavery would not exist a day in South CaroUna, or in any other State, unless there was a friendly people and friendly legislation. Read the speeches of that giant in inteUect, Alexander H, Stephens, of Georgia, and you will find them to the same effect. Read the speeches of Sam Smith, of Tennessee, and of all Southem men and you wiU find that they aU understood this doctrine then as we understand it now. Mr, Lincoln cannot b^ made to understand it, however. Down at Jonesboro, he went on to argue that if it be the law that a man has a right to take his slaves into territory of the United States under the Con stitution, that then a member of Congress was perjured if he did not vote for a slave code. I ask him whether the decision of the Supreme Court is not binding upon him as weU as on me ? If so, and he holds that he would be perjured if he did not vote for a slave code under it, I ask him whether, if elected to Congress, he wUl so vote ? I have a right .to his answer, and I will tell you why. He put that question to me down in Egypt, and did it with an air of triumph. This was about the form of it: "In the event tha,t' a slave-holding citizen of one of the Territories should need and demand a slave code to protect his slaves, wUl you vote for it ?" I answered him that a fundamental article in the Democratic creed, as put forth in the Nebraska biU and the Cincinnati platform, was non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories, ["Good," "That's the doctrine," and cheers.] and hence that I would not vote in Congress for any code of laws, either for or against slavery, in any Territory. I wUl leave the people perfectiy free to decide that question for themselves. [Cheers.] Mr. Lincoln and the Washington Union both think this a monstrous bad doctrine. Neither Mr. Lincoln nor the Washington Union likes my Freeport speech on that subject. The Union in a late number, ¦ Reads: "of" for "that." 422 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS has been reading me out of the Democratic party because I hold that the people of a Territory, like those of a State, have the right to have slavery or not, as they please. It has devoted three and a haU columns to prove certain propositions, one of which I wUl read. It says: — "We propose to show that Judge Douglas's action in 1850 and 1854 was taken with, especial reference to the announcement of doctrine and programme which was made at Freeport. The declaration at Freeport was, that 'in his opinion the people can, by lawful means, exclude slavery from a Territory before it comes in as a State;' and he declared that his competitor had 'heard him argue the Nebraska biU on that principle all over Illinois in 1854, 1855, and 1856, and had no excuse to pretend to have any doubt upon that subject.' " ( The Washington Union there charges me with the monstrous crime of now proclaiming on the stump the same doctrine that I carried out in 1850, by supporting Clay's Compromise Measures.) The Union also charges that I am now proclaiming the same doctrine that I did in 1854 in support of the Kansas and Nebraska bUl. It is shocked that I should now stand where I stood in 1850, when I was supported by Clay, Webster, Cass, and the great men of that day, and where I stood in 1854 and 1856, when Mr, Buchanan was elected president. It goes on to prove, and succeeds in proving, from my speeches in Congress on Clay's Compromise Measures, that I held the same doctrines at that time that I do now, and then proves that by the Kansas and Nebraska bUl I advanced the same doctrine that I now advance. It remarks : — "So much for the course taken by Judge Douglas on the Compromises of 1850, The record shows, beyond the possibility of cavil or dispute, that he expressly intended in those biUs to give the Territorial Legislatures power to exclude slavery. How stands his record in the memorable session of 1854, with reference to the Kansas-Nebraska bill itself? 'We shall not overhaul the votes that were given on that notable measure, our space wUl not afford it. We have his own words, however, delivered in his speech closing the great debate on that biU on the night of March 3, 1854, to show that he meant to do in 1854 precisely what he had meant to do in 1858. The Kansas-Nebraska bill being upon its passage, he said:" — It then quotes my remarks upon the passage of the bUl as foUows: — " 'The principle which we propose to carry into effect by this bill is this: That Congress shaU neither legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor out of the same; but the people shaU be left 'free to regulate their domestic concerns in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States. In order to carry this principle into practical operation, it becomes necessary to remove whatever legal obstacles might be found in the way of its free exercise. It is only for the purpose of carrying out this great fundamental principle of self-government that the biU renders the eighth section of the Missouri Act inoperative and void. DOUGLAS AT QUINCY 423 " 'Now, let me ask, will those senators who have arraigned me, or any one of them, have the assurance to rise in his place and declare that this great principle was never thought of or advocated as applicable to Territorial biUs, in 1850; that, from that session until the present, nobody ever thought of incorporating this principle in all new Territorial organizations, etc., etc, I will begin with the Compromises of 1850, Any senator who will take the trouble to examine our journals wUl find that on the 25th of March of that year I reported from the Com mittee on Territories two bills, including the foUowing measures: the admission of California, a Territorial government for Utah, a Territorial govemment for New Mexico, and the adjustment of the Texas boundary. These biUs proposed to leave the people of Utah and New Mexico free to decide the slavery question for themselves, in the precise language of the Nebraska bill now under discussion, A few weeks afterward the committee of thirteen took those biUs and put a wafer between them, and reported them back to the Senate as one bUl, with some slight amendments. One of these amendments was, that the Territorial Legislatures should not legislate upon the subject of African slavery. I objected to this provision, upon the ground that it subverted the great principle of self-government, upon which the bill had been originally framed by the Territorial Committee. On the first trial the Senate refused to strike it out, but subsequently did so, upon full debate, in order to establish that principle as the rule of action in Territorial organizations." The Union comments thus upon my speech on that occasion: — "Thus it is seen that, in framing the Nebraska-Kansas biU, Judge Douglas framed it in the terms and upon the model of those of Utah and New Mexico, and that in the debate he took pains expressly to revive the recollection of the voting which had taken place upon amendments affecting the powers of the Territorial Legislatures over the subject of slavery in the bUls of 1850, in order to give the same meaning, force, and effect to the Nebraska-Kansas bUl on this subject as had been given to those of Utah and New Mexico." The Union proves the following propositions: First, that I sus tained Clay's Compromise Measures on the ground that they estabUshed the principle of self-government in the Territories. Secondly, that I brought in the Kansas and Nebraska bUl, founded upon the same principles as Clay's Compromise Measures of 1850; and, thurdly, that my Freeport speech is in exact accordance with those principles. And what do you think is the imputation that the Union ca.sts upon me for aU this ? It says that my Freeport speech is not Democratic, and that I was not a Democrat in 1854 or in 1850! Now is not that funny? [Great laughter and cheers.] Think that the author of the Kansas and Nebraska bUl was not a Democrat when he introduced it ! The Union says I was not a sound Democrat in 1850, nor in 1854, nor in 1856, nor am I in 1858, because I have always taken and now occupy the ground that the people of a Territory, like those of a State, have the right to 424 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shaU not exist in a Terri tory ! I wish to cite,, for the benefit of the Washington Union and the foUowers of that sheet, one authority on that point, and I hope the authority wiU be deemed satisfactory to that class of politicians. I wUl read from Mr. Buchanan's letter accepting the nomination of the Demo cratic Convention, for the Presidency. You know that Mr. Buchanan, after he was nominated, declared to the Keystone Club, in a public speech, that he was no longer James Buchanan, but the embodunent of the Democratic platform. In his letter to the committee which informed him of his nomination accepting it, he defined the meaning of the Kansas and Nebraska bUl and the Cincinnati platform in these words: — "The recent legislation of Congress respecting domestic slavery, derived as it has been from the original and pure foimtain of legitimate political power, the will of the majority, promises ere long to aUay the dangerous excitement. This legislation is founded upon principles as ancient as free government itself, and, in accordance with them, has simply declared that the people of. a Territory, like those of a State, shall decide for themselves whether slavery shaU or shall not exist within their limits." Thus you see that James Buchanan accepted the nomination at Cincinnati, on the conditions that the people of a Territory, like those of a State, should be left to decide for themselves whether slavery should or should not exist within their limits. I sustained James Buchanan for the Presidency on that platform as adopted at Cincinnati, and expounded by himself. He was elected President on that platform, and now we are told by the Washington Union that no man is a tme Demo crat who stands on the platform on which Mr. Buchanan was nominated, and which he has explained and expounded himself, [Laughter:] We are told that a man is not a Democrat who stands by Clay, Webster,. and Cass, and the Compromise Measures of 1850, and the Kansas and Nebraska bUl of 1854. Whether a man be a Democrat or not on that platform, I intend to stand there as long as I have life, ["Stick to it,"] I intend to cling firmly to that great principle which declares the right of each State and each Territory to settle the question of slavery, and every other domestic question, for themselves, I hold that if they want a Slave State, they have a right under the Constitution of the United States to make it so, and if they want a Free State, it is their right to have it. But the Union, m advocatmg the claims of Lmcoln over me to the DOUGLAS AT QUINCY 425 Senate, lays down two unpardonable heresies which it says I advocate. The first is the right of the people of a Territory, the same as a State, to decide for themselves the question whether slavery shall exist within their limits, in the language of Mr. Buchanan; and the second is, that a Constitution shall be submitted to the people of a Territory for its adoption or rejection before their admission as a State under it. It so happens that Mr. Buchanan is pledged to both these heresies, for supporting which the Washington Union has read me out of the Demo cratic church. In his annual message he said he tmsted that the example of the Minnesota case would be followed in all future cases, requiring a submission of the Constitution; and in his letter of acceptance, he said that the people of a Territory, the same as a State, had the right to decide for themselves whether slavery should exist within their limits. Thus you find that this little cormpt gang who control the Union and wish to elect Lincoln hi preference to me, — because, as they say, of these two heresies which I support, — denounce Presdent Buchanan when they denounce me, if he stands now by the principles upon which he was elected. WUl they pretend that he does not now stand by the principles on which he was elected ? Do they hold that he has abandoned the Kansas-Nebraska bUl, the Cincinnati platform, and his own letter accepting his nomination, all of which declare the right of the people of a Territory, the same as a State, to decide the slavery question for themselves? I wUl not believe that he has betrayed or intends to betray the platform which elected him; ["good"] but if he does, I wUl not follow him. ["Good,"] I will stand by that great principle, no matter who may desert it, I intend to stand by it, for the purpose of preserving peace between the North and the South, the Free and the Slave States. ["Hurrah for Douglas."]C If each State wUl only agree to mind its own business and let its neighbors alone, there wUl be peace forever between us. } We in lUinois tried slavery when a Territory, and found it was not good for us in this climate, and with our surroundings, and hence we abolished it. We then adopted a Free State constitution, as we had a right to do. In this State we have declared that a negro shall not be a citizen, ["AU right. "] and we have also declared that he shall not be a slave. We had a right to adopt that policy, Missouri has just as good a right to adopt the other policy. ["That's it."] I am now speaking of rights under the Constitution, and not of moral or reUgious rights, I do 426 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS not discuss the morals of the people of Missouri, but let them settle that matter for themselves. I hold that the people of the slaveholding State are ci'vilized men as well as ourselves, that they bear consciences as well as we, and that they are accountable to God and their posterity, and not to us. It is for them to decide, therefore, the moral and reUgious right of the slavery question for themselves, within their own limits. I assert that they had as much right under the Constitution to adopt the system of policy which they have as we had to adopt ours. So it is with every other State in this Union. Let each State stand firmly by that great constitutional right, let each State mind-its own business and let its neighbors alone, and there wUl be no trouble on this question. If we wiU stand by that principle, then Mr. Lincoln wiU find that this Republic can exist forever, divided into Free and Slave States, as our fathers made it and the people of each State have decided. Stand by that great principle, and we can go on as we have done, uicreasing in wealth, in population, in power, and in aU the elements of greatness, until we shall be the admiration and terror of the world. We can go on and enlarge as our population increase,' require more room, untU we make this continent one ocean-bound republic. Under that principle the United States can perform that great mission, that destiny, which' Providence has marked out for us. Under that principle we can receive with entire safety that stream of intelligence which is constantly flowing from the Old World to the New, filling up our prairies, clearing our wildemesses, and buUding cities, towns, raUroads, and other internal improvements, and thus make this the asylum of the oppressed of the whole earth. We have this great mission to perform, and it can only be performed by adhering faithfully to that principle of self-government on which our institutions were aU estabUshed. I repeat that the principle is the right of each State, each Territory, to decide this slavery question for itself, to have slavery or not, as it chooses; and it does not become Mr. Lincoln, or anybody else, to tell the people of Kentucky that they have no consciences, that th'ey are Uving in a state of iniquity, and that they are cherishing an institution to their bosoms in violation of the law of God. Better for him to adopt the doctrine of "Judgejiot,Jest_.ye_ahalLhe._judged." ["Good," and ap plause.] Let him perform his o-vra duty at home, and he wUl have a better fate m the future. I think there are objects of charity enough m ' Reads: "increases and" for "increase." LINCOLN AT QUINCY 427 the Free States to excite the sympathies and open the pockets of aU the benevolence we have amongst us, without going abroad in search of negroes, of whose condition we know nothing. We have enough objects of charity at home, and it is our duty to take care of our own poor and of our own suffering, before we go abroad to intermeddle with other peoples' business. -; My friends, I am told that my time is within two minutes of expiring. I have omitted many topics that I would like' to have discussed before you at length. There were many pomts touched by Mr, Lincoln that I have not been able to take up for the want of time. I have hurried over each subject that I have discussed as rapidly as possible, so as to omit but few; but one hour and a half is not time sufficient for a man to discuss at length one half of the great questions which are now dividing the pub lic mind. In conclusion, I desire to return to you my grateful acknowledg ments for the kindness and the courtesy with which you have hstened to me. It is something remarkable that in an audience as vast as this, composed of men of opposite politics and views, with their passions highly excited, there should be so much courtesy, kindness, and respect exhibited, not only toward one another, but toward the speakers; and I feel that it is due to you that I should thus express my gratitude for the kindness with which you have treated me, [Nine cheers were here given for Douglas,] Mr. Lincoln's Rejoinder On taking the stand Mr. Lincoln was received with a tremendous cheer. He said: My Friends: Since Judge Douglas has said to you in his conclusion that he had not time in an hour and a half to answer all I had said in an hour, it follows of course that I wUl not be able to answer in- half an hour all that he said in an hour and a half, [Cheers and laughter,] [ I wish to retum to Judge Douglas my profound thanks for his public annunciation here to-day, to be put on record, that his system of policy in regard to the institution of slavery contemplates that it sfiall last for- ever.^ [Great cheers, and cries of "Hit him again."] We are getting a little nearer the tme issue of this controversy, and I am profoundly grateful for this one sentence. Judge Douglas asks you, "Why cannot " Reads: "liked" for "like," 428 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS the institution of slavery, or rather, why cannot the nation, part Slave and part Free, [Applause, and "That's so,"] continue as our fathers made it, -forever?" Cin the first place, I insist that our fathers did not make this nation haU Slave and half Free, or part Slave and part Free. [Ap plause, and "That's so."] I insist that they found the institution of slavery existing here. They did not make it so, but they left it so because they knew of no way to get rid of it at that time, )["Good," "Good;" "That's time."] When Judge Douglas undertakes to say that, as a matter of choice, the fathers of the Govemment made this nation part Slave and part Free, he assumes what is historically a falsehood. [Long continued applause.] More than that: when the fathers of the Government cut off the source of slavery by the abolition of the slave trade, and adopted a system of restricting it from the new Territories where it had not existed, I main tain that they placed it where they understood, and aU sensible men understood, it was in the course of ultimate extinction; ["That's so."] and when Judge Douglas asks me why it cannot contuiue as our fathers made it, I ask him why he and his friends could not let it remain as our father made it ? [" Tremendous cheering. ' '] It is precisely all I ask of him in relation to the institution of slavery, that it shaU be placed upon the basis that our fathers placed it upon. Mr, Brooks, of South Carolina, once said, and tmly said, that when this Govemment was established, no one expected the institution of slavery to last untU this day, and that the men who formed this Government were wiser and better' than the men of these days; but the men of these days had experience which the fathers had not, and that experience had taught them the invention of the cotton-gin, and this had made the per petuation of the institution of slavery a necessity in this country. Judge Douglas could not let it stand upon the basis where^ our fathers placed it, but removed it, and put it upon the cotton-gin basis. [Roars of laughter and enthusiastic applause.] It is a question, therefore, for him and his friends to answer, why they could not let it remain where the fathers of the Government originally placed it. [Cheers and cries of "Hurrah for Lincoln;" "Good;" "Good."] W I hope nobody has understood me as trying to sustain the doctrine that we have a right to quarrel with Kentucky, or Virginia, or any of ¦ Inserts "men" after "better." " Reads: "upon which" for "where '' ' LINCOLN AT QUINCY 429 the Slave States, about the institution of slavery, — thus giving the Judge an opportunity to make himself eloquent and valiant against us in fight ing for their rights, I expressly declared in my opening speech that I had neither the inclination to exercise, nor the belief in the existence of, the right to interfere with the States of Kentucky or Virginia in doing as they pleased with slavery or any other existing institution, [Loud applause,] Then what becomes of aU his eloquence in behalf of the rights of the States, which are assailed by no living man? [Applause; "He knows it's all humbuggery,"] >- But I have to hurry on, for I have but a half hour, vThe Judge has informed me, or informed this audience, that the Washington Union is laboring for my election to the United States Senate, [Cheers^and^ laughter.] This is news to me,— not very ungrateful news either.J [Turning to Mr, W, H, Carlin, who was on the stand] — I hope that Cariin wUl be elected to the State Senate, and wiU vote for me, [Mr, Carlin shook his head.] Carlin don't faU in, I perceive, and I suppose he wUl not do much for me; [laughter] but I am glad of all the support I can get anywhere, if I can get it without practising any deception to obtain it. In respect to, this large portion of Judge Douglas's speech in which he tries to show that in the controversy between himself and the Adminis tration party he is in the right, I do not feel myself at all competent or incUned to answer him. I say to him, "Give it to them, [laughter] — give it to them just all you can;" [renewed laughter and cheers] and, on the other hand, I say to Carlin, and Jake Davis, and to this man Wogley up here in -Hancock, "Give it to Douglas, [roars of laughter] — just pour it into him," [Cheers and laughter; " Good for you ;"" Hur rah for Lincoln."] CNow, in regard to this matter of the Dred Scott decision, I wish to say a word or two. \ After all, the Judge will not say whether, if a decision is made, holding that the people of the States cannot exclude slavery he wUl support it or not. He obstinately refuses to say what he will do in that case. The Judges of the Supreme Court as obstinately refused to -say what they would do on this subject. Before this I reminded him that at Galesburg he said' the judges had expressly declared the contrary, and you remember that in my opening speech I told him I had the book containing that decision here, and I would thank him to lay his finger on the place where any such thing was said. He has occupied his hour • Inserts "had" before "said." 43° ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS and a half, and he has not ventured to try to sustain his assertion. [Loud cheers.] He never will. [Renewed cheers.] But he is desirous of knowing how we are going to reverse the Dred Scott decision. Judge Douglas ought to know how. Did not he and his political friends find a way to reverse the decision of that same court in favor of the constitutionality of the National Bank? [Cheers and laughter.] Didn't they find a way to do it so effectually that they have reversed it as completely as any decision ever was reversed, so far as its practical operation is concemed? [Cheers, and cries of "Good;" "Good."] And let me ask you didn't Judge Douglas find a way to reverse the decision of our Supreme Court when it decided that Carlin's father — old Govemor Carlin — ^had not the constitutional power to remove a Secretary of State? [Great cheers and laughter,] Did he not appeal to the "mobs," as he calls them ? Did he not make speeches in the lobby to show how vUlainous that decision was, and how it ought to be overthrown ? Did he not succeed, too, in getting an Act passed by the Legislature to have it overthrown ? And didn't he himself sit down on that bench as one of the five added judges, who were to over slaugh the four old ones, — getting his name of "Judge" in that way, and no other? [Thundering cheers and laughter,] If there is a villainy in using disrespect or making opposition to Supreme Court decisions, I commend it to Judge Douglas's earnest consideration. [Cheers and laughter.] I know of no man in the State of Illinois who ought to know so well about how much villainy it takes to oppose a decision of the Supreme Court as our honorable friend Stephen A, Douglas. [Long continued applause.] ( Judge Douglas also makes the declaration that I say the Democrats are bound by the Dred Scott decision, while the Republicans are not, ) In the sense in which he argues, I never said it; but I wiU tell you what I have said and what I do not hesitate to repeat to-daj^ I have said that as the Democrats believe that decision to be correct, and that the exten sion of slavery is affirmed in the National Constitution, they are bound to support it as such;^nd I wiU teU you here that General Jackson once said each man was bound to support the Constitution "as he understood it," Now, Judge Douglas understands the Constitution according to the Dred Scott decision, and he is bound to support it as he understands it, [Cheers.] I understand it another way, and therefore I am bound to support it in the way in which I understand it. [Prolonged applause.] LINCOLN AT QUINCY 43 ^ And as Judge Douglas believes that decision to be correct, I wiU re-make that argument if I have time to do so. Let me talk to some gentleman down there among you who looks me in the face. We wUl say you are a member of the Territorial Legis lature, and, like Judge Douglas, you believe that the right to take and hold slaves there is a constitutional right. The first thing you do is to swear you will support the Constitution and aU rights guaranteed therein; that you -wiU, whenever your neighbor needs your legislation to support his constitutional rights, not withhold that legislation. If you withhold that necessary legislation for the support of the Constitution and constitutional rights, do you not commit perjury? [Cries of "Yes."] I ask every sensible man if that is not so? ["Yes;" "Yes;" "That's a fact."] That is undoubtedly just so, say what you please. Now, that is precisely what Judge Douglas says,, that this is a constitutional right. Does the Judge mean to say that the Territorial Legislature in legislating may, by withholding necessary laws, or by passing unfriendly laws, nullify that constitutional right? Does he mean to say that? Does he mean to ignore the proposition so long' and weU established in law,^ that what you cannot do directly, you cannot do indirectly? Does he mean that ? The tmth about the matter is this: Judge Douglas has sung paeans to his "Popular Sovereignty'.' doctrine untU his Supreme Court, co operating with him, has squatted his Squatter Sovereignty out. [Uproari ous laughter and applause.] But he will keep up this species of hum- buggery about Squatter Sovereignty. He has at last invented this sort of do-nothing Sovereignty, [renewed laughter] — that the people may exclude slavery by a sort of "Sovereignty" that is exercised by doing nothing at aU. [Continued laughter.] Is not that mnning his Popular Sovereignty down awfully ? [Laughter.] Has it not got down as thin as the homoepathic soup that was made by boiling the shadow of a pigeon that had starved to death ? [Roars of laughter and cheering,] But at last when it is brought to the test of close reasoning, there is not even that thin decoction of it left. It is a presumption impossible in the domain of thought. It is precisely no other than the putting of that most unphUosophical proposition, that two bodies cans occupy the same space at the same time. The Dred Scott decision covers the « Inserts "known" after "long," » Inserts "the" before "law." ' Reads: "may" for "can." 432 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS whole ground, and while it occupies it, there is no room even for the shadow of a starved pigeon to occupy the same ground. [Loud cheers and laughter, A voice on the platform — "Your time is almost out," Loud cries of "Go on, go on;" "We'U listen aU day,"] Judge Douglas, in reply to what I have said about having upon a previous occasion made the speech at Ottawa as the one he took an extract from, at Charleston, says it only shows that I practiced the deception twice. Now, my friends, are any of you obtuse enough to swallow that? ["No, no, we're not such fools,"] Judge Douglas had said I had made a speech at Charleston that I would not make up north, and I turned around and answered him by showing I had made that same speech up north, — had made it at Ottawa; made it in his hearing; made it in the Abolition district, — in Lovejoy's District, — in the personal presence of Lovejoy himself, — in the same atmosphere exactly in which I had made my Chicago speech, of which he complains so much. Now, in relation to my not having said anything about the quotation from the Chicago speech : he thinks that is a terrible subject for me to handle. Why, gentlemen, I can show you that the substance of the Chicago speech I delivered two years ago in "Egypt," as he calls it. It was down at Springfield, That speech is here in this book, and I could tum to it and read it to you but for the lack of time, I have not now the time to read it. ["Read it, read it,"] No, gentlemen, I am obliged to use discretion in disposing most advantageously of my brief time. The Judge has taken great exception to my adopting the heretical statement in the Declaration of Independence, that "aU men are created equal," and he has a great deal to say about negro equaUty, I want to say that in sometimes alluding to the Declaration of Independence, I have only uttered the sentiments that Henry Clay used to hold. Allow me to occupy your time a moment with what he said. Mr. Clay was at one time called upon in Indiana, and in a way that I suppose was very insulting, to liberate his slaves; and he made a written reply to that application, and one portion of it is in these words — "'What is the foundation of this appeal to me in Indiana to liberate the slaves under my care in Kentucky ? It is a general declaration in the act annotmcing to the world the independence of the thirteen American colonies, that 'men are created equal.' Now, as an abstract principle, there is no doubt of the truth of that declaration, and it is desirable in the original construction of society, and in organized societies, to keep it in view as a great fundamental principle." LINCOLN AT QUINCY 433 When I sometimes, in relation to the organization of new societies in new countries, where the soU is clean and clear, insist' that we should keep that principle in view. Judge Douglas wUl have it that I want a negro wife, [Great laughter,] He never can be brought to understand that there is any middle ground 'on this subject, I have lived untU my fiftieth year, and have never had a negro woman either for a slave or a wife, and I think I can live fifty centuries, for that matter, without having had one for either, [Cheers and laughter,] I maintain that you may take Judge Douglas's quotations from my Chicago speech, and from my Charleston speech, and the Galesburg speech, — in his speech of to-day, — and compare them over, and I am wUling to tmst them with you upon his proposition that they show rascality or double-dealing, I deny that they do, [Great applause.] (^ The Judge does not seem at all disposed to have peace, but I find he is disposed to have a personal warfare with me. ) He says that my oath would not be taken against the bare word of Charles H, Lanphier or Thomas L, Harris, Well, that is altogether a matter of opinion, [Laughter,] It is certainly not for me to vaunt my word against oaths of these gentlemen, but I will teU Judge Douglas again the facts upon which I "dared" to say they proved a forgery. I pointed out at Gales burg that the publication of these resolutions in the Illinois State Register could not have been the result of accident, as the proceedings of that meeting bore unmistakable evidence of being done by a man who knew it was a forgery; that it was a publication partly taken from the real proceedings of the Convention, and partly from the proceedings of a Convention at another place, — which showed that he had the real pro ceedings before him, and taking one part of the resolutions, he threw out another part, and substituted false and fraudulent ones in their stead. I pointed that out to him, and also that his friend Lanphier, who was editor of the Register at that time and now is, must have known how it was done. Now, whether he did it, or got some friend to do it for him, I could not teU, but he certainly knew all about it. I pointed out to Judge Douglas that in his Freeport speech he had promised to investi gate that matter. Does he now say he did not make that promise? ["No;" "No,"] I ha.ve a. light to ask, why he did not keep it ? [Tre mendous applause,] I caU upon him to tell here to-day why he did not keep that promise. That fraud has been traced up so that it lies between ¦ Reads: "insisted" for "insist." 434 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS him, Harris, and Lanphier. There is little room for escape for Lanphier. [Laughter.] Lanphier is doing the Judge good service, and Douglas de- su-es his word to be taken for the tmth. He desures Lanphier to be taken as authority in what he states in his newspaper. He desires Harris to be taken as a man of vast credibUity; and when this thing lies among them, they wUl not press it to show where the guUt reaUy belongs. Now, as he has said that he would investigate it, and implied that he would teU us the result of his investigation, I demand of him to teU why he did not investigate it, if he did not; and if he did, why he won't tell the result. [Great cheers.] I caU upon him for that. This is the third time that Judge Douglas has assumed that he' learned about these resolutions by Harris's attempting to use them against Nor ton on the floor of Congress. I teU Judge Douglas the public records of the country show that, he himself attempted it upon TmmbuU a month before Harris tried them on Norton; [great applause] that Harris had the opportunity of learning it from him, rather than he from Harris. I now ask his attention to that part of the record on the case. My friends, I am not disposed to detain you longer in regard to that matter. I am told that I still have five minutes left. There is another matter I wish to call attention to. \He says, when he discovered there was a mistake in that case, he came forward magnanimously, without my caUing his attention to it, and explained it. I wUl tell you how he became so magnanimous. When the newspapers of our side had dis covered and published it, and put it beyond his power to deny it, then he came forward and made a virtue of necessity by acknowledging it.j [Great applause.] Now he argues that all the point there was in those resolutions, although never passed at Springfield, is retained by their being passed at other localities. Is that tme ? He said I had a hand in passing them, in his opening speech, — that I was in the Convention and helped to pass them. Do the resolutions touch me at aU? It strikes me there is some difference between holding a man responsible for an act which he has not done and holding him responsible for an act that he has done. You wiU judge whether there is any difference in the "spots." [Laughter and cheers,] And he has taken credit for great magnanimity in coming forward and acknowledging what is proved on him beyond even the capacity of Judge Douglas to deny; and he has more capacity in that way than any other living man, [Laughter and cheers,] THE QUINCY DEBATE 435 Then he wants to know why I won't witiidraw the charge in regard to a conspiracy to make slavery national, as he has withdrawn the one he made. May it please his worship, I wUl withdraw it when it is proven false on me as that was proven false on him.'' [Shouts of applause and laughter,] I wUl add a little more than that, I wUl withdraw it when ever a reasonable nian shaU be brought to believe that the charge is not tme. [Renewed applause,] I have asked Judge Douglas's attention to certain matters of fact tending to prove the charge of a conspiracy to nationalize slavery, and he says he con-vdnces me that this is aU untme because Buchanan was not in the country at that time, and because the Dred Scott case had not then got into the Supreme Court; and"he says that I say the Demo cratic owners of Dred Scott got up the case. I never did say that. [Applause.] I defy Judge Douglas to show that I ever said so, for I never uttered it. [One of Mr. Douglas's reporters gesticulated affirma tively at Mr, Lincoln.] I don't care if your hureling does say I did, I tell you myself that / never said the "Democratic" owners of Dred Scott got up the case. [Tremendous enthusiasm.] I have never pretended to know whether Dred Scott's owners were Democrats, or Abolitionists, or Free-soUers or Border Ruffians. I have said that there is evidence about the case tending to show that it was a made up case, for the purpose of getting that decision. I have said that that evidence was very strong in the fact that when Dred Scott was declared to be a slave, the owner of him made him free, showing that he had had the case tried and the question settled for such use as could be made of that decision; he cared nothing about the property thus declared to be his by that decision. [Enthusiastic applause,] But my time is out and I can say no more. [Chicago Press and Tribune, October 15, 1858] (^REAT DEBATE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS AT QTJINCY Twelve Thousand Persons Present!— Grreat Triumph ol the Republi cans ol the Filth District.— Lincoln "Concludes" on the "Artful Dodger" with a "V^engeance.— Verbatim Report ol Speeches A clear sky and altogether an admirable day, after a series of cold, dismal storms, was accorded to the sixth public debate between Lincoln ' Reads: "when it is proven on me as that was proved on him." 436 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLJ.ECTIONS and Douglas at Quincy, on Wednesday last. The crowd was very large, and though less in number than that at the Galesburg debate, the excitement and enthusiasm on both sides were more marked and vociferous. The hubbub commenced about nine o'clock, shortiy before the arrival of a long special train from Macomb and the intermediate stations on which Mr. Lincoln was expected. An immense procession was formed, commencing in Jefferson square and marching down Broadway to Front Street 'to receive the RepubUcan champion. At half past nine the booming of cannon announced the arrival of the train, and a tumul- tuou s msh was made for the depot. Six rousing cheers were given as Mr, Lincoln stepped from the cars; after which the procession marchedup Broadway to Third street, down Thurd to Jersey, up Jersey to Eighth, up Eighth to Hampshire, and then through several streets to the front of the Court Hpuse. The entire line was fully an hour in passing the corner of Third and Jersey streets. The principal device in the train was a model ship on wheels, drawn by four horses, and labelled "CON STITUTION," It was filled with sailors and the helm was managed by a live coon. A suitable contrast to this was one of the contrivances of the Douglas procession. As though not sufficiently insulting to the Old Line Whigs in the general run of their banners and mottoes, a dead coon was borne aloft, suspended by the taU, from the principal Dred Scott wagon. Mr, Lincoln was finally escorted to the residence of O, H, Browning, Esq,, and after giving him three cheers which were heard aU over the city, the multitude dispersed for dinner, Mr, Douglas arrived on Tuesday evening, and was received at the depot by a smaU sized Irish mob, A torch-light procession had been ad vertised for the occasion, but it feU through so lamentably that the Dred Scottites themselves denied their responsibility for it the next moming. Among the listeners to the debate were a boat load of passengers from Keokuk, Iowa, and another from Hannibal, Missouri. The speaking commenced at half past two o'clock, in Washington Square. A serious accident occurred shortly before the arrival of the speakers, caused by the giving away of a part of the raUing around the platform. Twelve or fifteen persons were precipitated backwards to the ground, accompanied in their fall by a heavy wooden bench. Three persons were severely bmised, though not dangerously injured. THE QUINCY DEBATE 437 Mr. Lincoln's Speech At precisely half past two o'clock, Mr. Lincoln was introduced to the audience, and having been received with three cheers, he proceeded. [Here follow the speeches of Lincoln and Douglas, together with Lincoln's rejoinder.] As Mr. Lincoln retired, a deafening cheer went up and was continued with unabated enthusiasm for some minutes. The crowd then gradually dispersed, hurrahing for Lincoln and Douglas, each man to his taste, and generaUy at the top of his lungs. In the evening a delightful speech was made at the Court House in the German language by Hon. Carl Schurz. The building was crowded to its utmost capacity. A splendid torch-light procession concluded the day on the part of the RepubUcans. The streets finaUy became quiet about ii o'clock, and the good people of Quincy rested from their patriotic zeal. [Chicago Times, October 15, 1858] SIXTH GREAT DEBATE.-IMMENSE MEETING AT QUINCY! Speeches ol Douglas and Lincoln.— The People lor Douglas! The sixth great debate between Senator Douglas and Mr. Lincoln came off on Wednesday, October 13, at Quincy: and though the weather was unfavorable, the people attended in immense numbers, fiUing all the public houses in Quincy, and literally crowding the city. • Senator Douglas had been stopping for a brief time at Augusta, whence he left on Tuesday evening, for Quincy, in the cars of the Chi cago and Quincy raUroad. At Camp Point, on the route — a small town of about one thousand inhabitants — the senator was met by a great cavalcade of military, bands of music, and citizens gathered from that and the adjacent towns. In front of the station house a splendid bonfire was flaming, and hundreds of torches were carried in the streets. Every house in the town was iUuminated, — ^presenting, altogether, one of the finest spectacles witnessed during this splendid campaign. The train having a few minutes to spare, short speeches were made by Senator Douglas, J. N. Morris, and Major Roosevelt. The last named gentleman is candidate for the legislature in Hancock County. The Senator arrived in Quincy at 9 o'clock and 50 minutes, where he 438 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS was received by one of the most extensive and brUUant torch light processions ever witnessed. On either side of the immense procession by which Senator Douglas was escorted to his hotel — the Quincy House — stood in line hundreds of men holding up to view appropriate and gorgeous transparencies. The evening reception was complete in all respects, and brUUant beyond description. AU the mornmg of the foUowing day — Wednesday — ^was taken up in receiving delegations of the Democracy, from aU the surrounding country, and from Iowa and Missouri. The people came in displaying hickory poles and flags tiU Quincy looked like a forest of hickories. There were present at the meeting upwards of Fifteen Thousand people — of which number full three-fourths were Democrats. A grand, a glorious day and occasion indeed. The enthusiasm was with the Democracy; and the victory was theirs. Lincoln's Opening' Mr. Lincoln took the stand, and received the, welcome of three cheers from his friends; considerable of a mixture occurred in cheering. He proceeded with his remarks as follows: [Here follows the opening speech of Lincoln and the reply of Mr, Douglas,] Lincoln's Reply Mr, Lincoln, on taking the stand, was again greeted with three cheers. During the course of his reply, the reporter would here add, that his party kept up a perfect bedlam let loose. There was such a confusion even on the side of the platform occupied by the Republican marshaUs, that great difficulty was experienced in hearing him. He said: [Here follows the rejoinder of Mr. Lincoln,] [Whig, Quincy, 111,, October 15, 1858] THE GREAT DISCUSSION OF THE CANVASS! Lincoln and Douglas!— Tremendous Outpouring ol the People ! ! !— 10,000 to 12,000 Present.— Lincoln Gets Douglas Down ! ! !— Great Enthusiasm among the Republicans ! !— The Douglasites Flaxed Out! Wednesday was a day that wiU long be remembered by the citizens of Quincy, and by the great crowd of people who were in attendance THE QUINCY DEBATE 439 to listen to the joint discussion between Lincoln and Douglas. They came from all quarters — from all parts of the District, and from Iowa and Missouri. Douglas arrived on Tuesday night, and the Douglasites got up a kind of a torch light procession to receive him. The thing was a most miserable fizzle. About fifty boys carried the torches, and the crowd itself did not number more than two hundred, many of whom were Republicans, They went to the depot, got Douglas, and brought him up to the Quincy House. They then assembled at the public square. Douglas was called for, but didn't make his appearance. Dr. Bayne addressed the people in attendance; but it is generally conceded by Democrats that he didn't do much for himself or the cause in which he is engaged. So ended the Douglas demonstration. On Wednesday moming, at an early hour, our streets were thronged with people. The Republican procession formed on Broadway for the .purpose of receiving Mr. Lincoln. It was one of the finest demonstra tions that ever occurred in this city, It is impossible to arrive at any thing Uke a reUable estimate of the number in the procession. Mr, Lincoln was received at the depot and greeted with enthusiastic cheers by the crowd. The procession then proceeded through the principal streets of the city to the residence of Hon, O, H. Browning, where a beautiful and elegant bouquet was presented by the Republican ladies of Quincy, through the hands of John Tillson, Esq., our candi date for Senator, in a neat and appropriate speech, which elicited much applause. Mr. Lincoln replied in a few brief remarks, sa3ring that it was a source of much gratification to him to find that the ladies, every where, took such a deep interest in this contest. Before and at the close of the presentation, a choir of young ladies and gentlemen present sang to the air of "Columbia, the gem of the ocean," a very appropriate campaign song. The procession was then dismissed for dinner. Long before the speaking commenced, the public square literaUy swarmed with people. The number present is variously estimated at from eight to fourteen thousand, Mr, Lincoln opened the debate. The only incident of a disagreeable character was the falling of the seats which had been put up for the ladies. They were crowded at the time, and the faU created great consternation. Two or three ladies were injured — but no one seriously or severely. 44° ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS There were perhaps more than two hundred flags, mottoes and transparencies in the Republican procession. [Herald, Quincy, 111,, October i6, 1858] THE DISCUSSION OF WEDNESDAY Douglas and Lincoln.— Twenty Thousand Persons in Quincy! The Democracy of Illinois have reason to be proud of the demon stration in this city on Wednesday last — the day that had been appointed for a joint discussion between Senator Douglas and Mr. Lincoln. At an early hour in the moming, the crowds that everywhere thronged the streets of our city, gave indication that a great day was before us. At nine o'clock in the morning, the black republicans went into proces sion to the raUroad depot to receive Mr. Lincoln. Their procession was probably half a mUe in length, and numbered four or five hundred persons, on foot, on horseback, and in carriages and wagons. — They spent the greater part of the forenoon marching and countermarching through the city, displapng their banners and whatever enthusiasm they managed to manufacture for the occasion. At about the hour of 10 o'clock, a procession of the Democracy, composed exclusively of delegations from the country townships, under the direction of Dr, WUson, the Chief Marshal, made its appearance upon the public square. This procession was over an hour passing the Quincy house, and is thought to have been not less than two mUes in length. In the lead were thirty-two young ladies on horseback, bearing that number of flags with the name of each State upon them. In the black republican pro cession, we are told there were but seventeen young ladies with banners representing only the seventeen free States. In the Democratic pro cession, there were twenty large American flags, and an almost countiess array of smaller ones. A likeness of Judge Douglas, handsomely orna mented with a beautiful wreath, was carried at the head of the pro cession, and along the line were a great number of simUar likenesses, and several bands of music. As the procession passed the Quincy House, Judge Douglas made his appearance at a second story window, where he was greeted with cheer after cheer along the whole line. The procession was afterwards joined by large delegations from Brown county and from various points in Missouri, It was the largest pro cession that was ever seen in Quincy, and probably larger than any that THE OLD QUINCY HOUSE, QUINCY, ILLINOIS, 1858 Douglas stopped at this hotel at the time of the debate THE QUINCY DEBATE 441 has ever before been seen in the State, At about twelve o'clock, the procession was disbanded, in order to give those who participated in it an opportunity to make themselves ready for hearing the speeches. At two o'clock, some twelve or fifteen thousand persons assembled around the stand upon the public square, when they were addressed for an hour- by Mr, Lincoln, who was foUowed in a speech of an hour and a half by Judge Douglas, and the debate closed with a response of half an hour by Mr. Lincoln. [Missouri Republican, St. Louis, October i6, 1858] FROM CARTHAGE TO AUGUSTA A Rainy Day No Bar to Democratic Enthusiasm.— Meeting at Augusta. —Ride to Quincy.— Passage through Camp Point.— Arrival at Quincy.— Reception, etc., etc.Qumcy, Adams Co. October 13, 1858 Shortly after this speech was concluded, the Senator left Augusta by the cars, for this place. It was by the accommodation train, which usually carries but one passenger coach; on this occasion, others had to be added, for, although some three or four trains would pass the same points in time to carry people to the great debate here, there were very many who desired to be in the Judge's company, and many others who desired to see his reception. At every station upon the road fresh accessions were made to the number of the crowd. At Camp Point, a wayside station that was, a year or so since, but now quite a little town, with the life, stir and bustle of a miniature city, where, not long since, a Democratic voter could not have been found, without the aid of a search warrant, the Judge was most cordially received. The train was stopped to accommodate the Camp Towners in the wish to have a little talk from Douglas. Two fliirds of the houses were Uluminated from ground to garret. Torch Ughts flamed in the hands of many men, but, however, were few in comparison to the large number of persons who were out cheering for Douglas, and crowing over the growth of strength which to-day nominates this Kttle town as a Democratic town. The flag pole, ever bearing the stars and stripes in the accustomed height, or overflying everything within the extreme 442 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS distance of vision, was lighted up by torches and to the top bore lights which hung from the halyards. A mUitary company was out, with its fife and dmm, playing merry tunes. Bonfires were blazing, and rockets and fire baUs were flying about mid air. To such a crowd, when they appealed to see the Judge, no refusal was possible, so he stepped out upon the platform of the car, and addressed them a few words of appro priate acknowledgment, after which Ike Morris and Gen. Rosevelt made a few remarks, when the train moved on mid the hearty and heart stirring sounds of good Democratic cheering. Some few dirty dogs of Abolitionists tried to break up the meeting by bellowing for Lincoln. One of their cheers was for "Negro Equal ity," after which, evidently under the supposition that they had capped the climax, they ceased their brawUng, nor did not longer intermpt. At about ten o'clock, the Judge and those who were of his escort arrived at Quincy. On the near approach of the train, the loud snapping tones of a six pounder was to be heard. A moment or two later, and a few torchlights could be seen by the side of the roads, in the hands of persons who were either signalizing to the people in the mass or were directing some arrangements by the roadside. When the depot itself was reached a splendid sight gratified the vision of the delighted crowd which was aboard. The air was burdened by the smoke from many torches, which, in its turn, was pierced by the shouts of men, by the stirring sounds of music, and by the thunder tones of the cannon. The lights of the torches caused a general blaze, and the colored lights of hundreds of transparencies, bearing as many devices and mottoes, cast a subdued but pleasant and steady glare upon the many thousands who followed them, in honor of the man of the occasion. It is impossible to estimate the strength of the crowd, as it is unlikely that I could number the torches or lights which were now here then hither, waved over heads, now held aloft midst such shouting and such a general manifestation of joy as was exhibited. The procession, large as it was, fell not off in any particular untU it had conducted Mr. D. to the hotel; it then adjourned to the public square where speeches were made by sundry and divers gentlemen who are Democrats. B. B. THE QUINCY DEBATE 443 [Missouri Democrat, October 15, 1858] MEETING OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS AT QUINCY The Little Giant Out ol Humor and the People Enthusiastic lor Lincoln (Correspondence of the Missouri Democrat.) Quincy, III., October 13, 1858 The appointed meeting of lUinois' two great antagonists took place here to-day. The arrival of each, Lincoln and Douglas, had previously been heralded by crowds of their respective friends, and everything done that could be done in order to attract as many of the adherents of each to the public square — the a,ppointed place of meeting — as was possible. Crowds of people were present from all accessible points — Missouri turning out her full proportion. There was a striking difference in the personal appearance of the two men — Mr. Lincoln seemingly bearing up under the fatigue and labor of a four months' canvass, as tiiough it were nothing more than the regular daUy routine of his business and apparently inspired to new and greater efforts by the success and encouragement he meets before the people of Illinois, I was of the opinion (but I don't like to accuse Mr, Lincoln of glorying in human misery), that he even felt encouraged by the disconsolate appearance of his antagonist. Douglas, on the contrary, looked very much the worse for wear. Bad whisky and the wear and tear of conscience have had their effect. So much Jias he changed since the commencement of the campaign that even his political enemies begin to have charitable proclivities towards him. Even in his manner of address a great difference is perceptible between Douglas four months ago and Douglas now. He speaks very slowly — making a distinct pause at the end of each word, but giving as much force and accent as possible. Mr, Lincoln opened the discussion with an able speech, although somewhat personal. He literally tortured the Little Giant by sticking at him, by piecemeal, the record of his past pubUc life, and showing him up as one of the most accomplished political dodgers of the age,- Mr. Douglas repUed to Mr. Lincoln in his usual style — being well •spiced with vituperation and abuse. He wrought himself up to an immense pitch, and although he did not call anybody liar, had con siderable to say about veracity. This was in answer to the charge of Lin coln that the forged Republican resolutions had been traced back to 444 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Stephen A. Douglas and two of his friends. Altogether the speeches were not dissimUar to those already published and as you wUl shortly have a full report of them I shall not at present trouble you with ex tracts. Mr. Lincoln was particularly happy in his hits at the Little Giant in his rejoinder, and altogether, had decidedly the advantage of his competitor. Judging from appearances here Mr. Lincoln had a goodly majority of the crowd in his favor. The number present were estimated at from ten to fifteen thousand persons. The meeting passed with Uttle or no intermption, and was decidedly favorable to the success of the Republican party. It is certainly to be regretted that the canvass in lUinois has tumed so much on personal issues, but as Mr. Douglas and his friends commenced the onslaught upon Mr. Lincoln and the Repub Ucan party, there was probably no way of avoiding this result — and certainly the instigators of this course suffer most severely from it. Yours, etc. [no signature.] [The Gate City, Keokuk, Iowa, October 26, 1858] The people poured into Quincy on Wednesday last from aU quarters. The Quincy, the Col. Morgan and the ferry boat, HamUton Belle, starting from this point, took down several hundred. The City of Louisiana arrived there from below at an early hour crowded to the guards. Each party had processions, with music, each headed by young ladies on horseback representing the States. The speaking commenced at two o'clock p, m,, by which time the pubUc square was pretty weU filled with a living, moving multitude. — Before the speaking commenced, the seats which had been erected in front of the speaker's stand gave way and several ladies were taken out more or less injured. [Chicago Journal, October 15, 1858] THE SIXTH JOINT DEBATE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS At Quincy, on Wednesday last, the sixth joint debate took place between Messrs. Lincoln and Douglas. The multitude present is estimated at from eight to ten thousand. There were delegations present from Iowa and Missouri. There was much enthusiasm mani fested for both speakers though that for Lincoln, we are assured, was much the heartiest and most general. THE QUINCY DEBATE 445 Mr, Lincoln arrived in Quincy on Wednesday morning, and was received and escorted to his quarter^ by an immense procession — liter ally "an army with banners," who made the streets resound with that inspiring watchword which is now heard all over the State — "Hurrah for Lincoln!" The speaking took place at Washington Square, commencing at haU past two o'clock, Mr, Lincoln opened the debate, Mr, Douglas followed, and Mr. Lincoln closed the debate. [Missouri Republican, St. Louis, October 17, 1858] THE JOINT DEBATE AT QUINCY.-GREAT TURNOUT Quincy, Adams County, Ills. Oct. 14 The joint debate of yesterday was a grand affair for the Democratic party.' The people turned out nobly to the number of perhaps from twelve to fifteen thousand, the Democrats being greatly in the majority, although circulars had been §ent to the different precincts begging that the Repub licans should turn out. The enthusiasm which greeted Douglas while he was speaking and when he had concluded, was so uidike the shouts of the Lincoln trained band that our hearts rejoiced at the discomfiture of the enemy. These latter, instructed to shout, did so at all times, with and without reason, so that during the closing half hour there was such a din and confusion that I think it very doubtful if even the tall Sucker was able to hear himself think. Had he not studied his lesson so as to be perfect therein, and that his grammatical constmction might be more perfect than in his ordinary speeches, we should again have to note that he ran down before the expiration of his time — an event which has served to show his weakness on more than one occasion during this campaign. B, B. [Galesburg, III., Democrat, October 16, 1858] LINCOLN AT QUINCY The editor of the Macomb Enterprise says that "Lincoln gave Doug. the completest drubbing he has got yet. In the rejoinder Abe got 'warmed up' and threw a perfect storm of hot shot into the Douglas ranks and when he closed they cheered him till they were too hoarse to hallo any more. The crowd was quite large. The enjoyment was 446 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS somewhat marred by the raised seats faUing, when they were fiUed with people, a short time previous to tjie commencement of the speaking. A few persons were injured, but not dangerously. One or two had limbs, broken." [Whig, Quincy, 111., October 25, 1858] The last joint debate between Lincoln and Douglas demonstrated that the latter, Uke the comet, is getting farther and farther from the earth, [Hon. Cakl Schurz in McClure's Magazine, January, 1907, by permission of the S. S. McClure Co.] "When we arrived at Quincy, we found a large number of friends waiting for him [Lincoln]; there was much hand-shaking, and many familiar salutations were exchanged. Then they got him into a carriage, much against his wish, for he said that he would prefer to 'foot it to Browning's,' an old friend at whose house he was to have supper and a quiet night. But the night was by no means quiet outside. The blare of brass bands and the shouts of enthusiastic and not in all cases quite sober Democrats and Republicans, cheering and hurrahing for their respective champions, did not cease until the small hours. The next moming the country people began to stream into town for the great meeting, some singly, on foot or on horseback, some in small parties of men and women and even chUdren, in buggies or farm wagons; whUe others were marshaled in solemn procession from out lying towns or districts, with banners and drums, tricolored scarfs, who represented the Goddess of Liberty and the different states of the Union, and whose beauty was duly admired by everyone, including themselves. On the whole, the Democratic displays were much more elaborate and gorgeous than those of the RepubUcans, and it was said that Douglas had plenty of money to spend for such things. He himself traveled in what was called in those days great style, with a secretary and servants and a numerous escort of somewhat loud companions, moving from place to place by special train, with cars especiaUy decorated for the occasion, aU of which contrasted strongly with Lincoln's extremely modest simplicity. There was no end of cheering and shoutmg and jostimg on the streets of Quincy that day. But in spite of the excitement created by the pohtical contest, the crowds remained very good natured. THE QUINCY DEBATE 447 and the occasional jibes flung from one side to the other were uniformly received with a mere laugh. The great debate took place in the afternoon in the open square, where a large, pine-board platform had been buUt for the committee of arrangements, the speakers, and the persons they wished to have with them. I thus was favored with a seat on that platform. In front of it many thousands of people were assembled. Republicans and Demo crats standing peacefully together, only chaffing one another now and then in a good-tempered way. As the champions arrived, they were demonstratively cheered by their adherents. The presiding officer agreed upon by the two parties caUed the meeting to order and announced the program of proceedings. Mr. Lincoln was to open with a speech of one hour. Senator Douglas was to follow -with a speech of one hour and a half, and Mr. Lincoln was to close with a speech of a half hour. The first part of Mr. Lin coln's opening address was devoted to a refutation of some things Douglas had said at previous meetings. This refutation may, indeed, have been required for the settlement of disputed points, but it did not strike me as anything extraordinary, either in substance or in form. Neither had Mr, Lincoln any of those physical advantages which usually are thought to be very desirable, if not necessary, to the orator. His voice was not musical, being rather high-keyed and apt to turn into a shriU treble in moments of excitement; but it was not positively disa greeable. It had an exceedingly penetrating, far-reaching quality. The looks of the audience convinced me that every word he spoke was understood at the remotest edges of the vast assemblage. His gestures were awkward. He s'wnng his long arms sometimes in a very ungrace ful manner. Now and then, to give particular emphasis to a point, he would bend his knees and body with a sudden downward jerk and then shoot up again with a vehemence that raised him to his tiptoes and made him look much taller than he really was — a manner of enlivening a speech which at that time was, and perhaps stUl is, not unusual in the West, but which he succeeded in avoiding at a later period. There was, however, in all he said, a tone of earnest tmthfulness, of elevated, noble sentiment, and of kindly sympathy, which added greatly to the strength of his argument, and became, as in the course of his ' speech he touched upon the moral side of the question in debate, power- fuUy impressive. Even when he was attacking his opponent with keen 448 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS satire or invective, which, coming from any other speaker, would have sounded bitter and cmel, there was stUl a certain something in his utterance which made his hearers feel that those thmsts came from a reluctant heart, and that he would much rather have treated his foe as a friend. When Lincoln had sat down amid the enthusiastic plaudits of his adherents, I asked myself with some trepidation in my heart,' What wUl Douglas say now ?' Lincoln's speech had stmck me as something very clear, logical, persuasive, convincing even, and very sympathetic; but not as something overwhelming. Douglas, I thought, might not be able to confute it, but by the cunning sophistry at his command, and by one of his forceful appeals to prejudice, he might succeed in neutral izing its effects. No more striking contrast could have been imagined than that between those two men as they appeared upon the platform. By the side of Lincoln's tall, lank and' ungainly form, Douglas stood almost like a dwarf, very short of stature, but square-shouldered and broad- chested, a massive head upon a strong neck — the very embodiment of force, combativeness, and staying power. On the stage at Quincy he looked rather natty and well-groomed, being clothed in excellently fitting broadcloth and shining linen. But his face seemed a little puffy, and it was said that he had been drinking hard with some boon com panions either on his journey or since his arrival. The deep horizontal wrinkle between his keen eyes was unusually dark and scowling. While he was listening to Lincoln's speech, a contemptuous smUe now and then flitted across his lips, and when he arose, the tough parliamentary gladia- ator, he tossed his mane with an air of overbearing superiority, of threat ening defiance, as if to say: 'How dare any one dare stand up against me?' When the debate at Quincy was over, the champions were heartUy cheered by their partisans, the assemblage dissolved peaceably, the brass bands began to play again — several Of them witiiin hearing of one another, so as to fill the air with discordant sounds — and the country people, with their wagons and their maidens in white, got in motion to retum to their homes," CHAPTER XI THE ALTON DEBATE [St. Louis Evening News, October 14, 1858] DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN AT ALTON Douglas and Lincoln will speak at Alton to-morrow at ten o'clock. To enable persons in St, Louis to attend, the Baltimore wUl leave the levee at 7 o'clock, a, m,, and retum in the evening. Also, the White Cloud wiU start from the Union Line wharf-boat at half past 8 A. m. for Alton, and retum in the evening. These are excellent chances offered our citizens to attend the great speaking match. [Missouri Republican, St. Louis, October 15, 1858] DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN At Alton To-day, Friday, 15TH The Fine Passenger Steamer "WHITE CLOUD" 'Will leave the Union Railroad Line wharf-boat, foot of Olive street, at half pa=t 9 o'clock, returning in the evening, after the speaking. Fare for round trip $1. Come one, come all. [Illinois State Register, October 14, 1858] THE ALTON DEBATE All democrats intending to go to Alton tomorrow to attend the discussion, wUl please report themselves at the rooms of Gen. Curran by 10 o'clock this morning, for the purpose of entering into cejrtain arrangements for the excursion. The mUitary and music will be on hand. The raUroad company wUl carry passengers at half fare. The train wUl leave at 6,30 to-morrow moming. [Illinois State Journal, October 14, 1858] Excursion to Alton, — In accordance with our suggestion, the Chicago and Alton Railroad Company has consented to issue excursion tickets at half fare for all who desire to visit Alton tomorrow to witness the last great debate of the season between Lincoln and Douglas 449 450 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS This is a fine opportunity for such as desire to be present, and we hope there will be a large turn-out. AU persons who design going on this excursion are requested to leave word at the Journal Office, or Gen. Curran, in order that sufficient cars may be provided. It is expected that a band of music and one of the mUitary companies wUl go vsdth the party from this city. [Missouri Republican, St. Louis, October 15, 1858] THE DEBATE AT ALTON To-day comes off the debate between Douglas and Lincoln, at Alton, which is the last of the joint discussions between the two. It is expected that there wUl be a great attendance. The applications for special trains on the raUroads, by persons desirous of being present on the occasion, show the general interest which is felt in this meeting. [Illinois State Journal, October 16, 1858] For Alton. — A delegation of our citizens including the "Spring field Cadets," and "Merritt's Cadet Band" visited Alton on yesterday to hear the last debate between Lincoln and Douglas. The "Little Dodger" thanks his stars that these joint debates are ended at last. [Chicago Press and Tribune, October 15, 1858] THE LAST OF THE SERIES The last of the seven discussions between Lincoln and Douglas, into which the latter was forced by his friends much against his own inclina tion and judgment, takes place today at Alton. It is entirely safe to predict, whatever may be the future political relations of the two men, that Douglas wUl never again dare to break the lance with Lincoln. He has had enough of that to satisfy him the remainder of his natural life. THE ALTON DEBATE Alton, October 15, 1858 Senator Douglas's Speech Long and loud bursts of applause greeted Senator Douglas, when he appeared on the stand. As he was about to commence speaking, he was intermpted by Dr. Hope, one of the Danite faction. CORNER OK CITY H.\LT., .\LTON, ILLINOIS The platform froni which Lincoln imd Douglas spoke was erected in front of the first tloor window DOUGLAS AT ALTON 45 1 Dr. Hope. — Judge, before you commence speaking, allow me to ask you a question. Senator Douglas.— ^li you will not occupy too much of my time. Dr. Hope. — Only an instant. Senator Douglas. — What is your question ? Dr. Hope. — Do you believe that the Territorial legislatures ought to l)ass laws to protect slavery in the territories ? Senator Douglas. — You will get an answer in the course of my re marks. [Applause.] Ladies and Gentlemen: It is now nearly four months since the canvass between Mr. Lincoln and myself commenced. On the i6th of June the Republican Convention assembled at Springfield and nominated Mr. Lincoln as their candidate for the United States Senate, and he, on that occasion, delivered a speech in which he laid down what he understood to be the Republican creed, and the platform on which he proposed to stand during the contest. The principal points in that speech of Mr. Lincoln's were: First, that this Govemment could not endure permanently divided into Free and Slave States, as our fathers made it; that they must aU become Free or all become Slave; all become one thing, or aU become the other, — otherwise this Union coiUd not continue to exist, I give you his opinions almost in the identical language he used. His second propo sition was a cmsade against the Supreme Court of the United States because of the Dred Scott decision, urging as an especial reason for his opposition to that decision that it deprived the negroes of the rights and benefits of that clause in the Constitution of the United States which guarantees to the citizens of each State all the rights, privUeges, and immunities of the citizens of the several States, On the loth of July I returned home, and delivered a speech to the people of Chicago, in which I announced it to be my purpose to appeal to the people of Illinois to sustain the course I had pursued in Congress. In that speech I joined issue with Mr. Lincoln on the points which he had presented. Thus there was an issue clear and distinct made up between us on these two propositions laid down in the speech of Mr. Lincoln at Springfield, and controverted by me in my reply to him at Chicago. On the next day, the nth of July, Mr. Lincoln replied to me at Chicago, explainuig at some length and reaffirming the positions which 4S2 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS he had taken in his Springfield speech. In that Chicago speech he even went further than he had before, and uttered sentiments in regard to the negro being on an equality with the white man. ["That's so."] He adopted in support of this position the argument which Lovejoy and Codding and other Abolition lecturers had made f amUiar in the northem and central portions of the State; to wit, that the Declaration of Inde- pendencehaving declared aU men free and equal, by di'vine law, also that negro equality was an inalienable right, of which they could not be deprived. He insisted, in that speech, that the Declaration of Inde pendence included the negro in the clause asserting that aU men were created equal, and went so far as to say that if one man was aUowed to take the position that it did not include the negro, others might take the position that it did not include other men. He said that aU these dis tinctions between this man and that man, this race and the other race must be discarded, and we must aU stand by the Declaration of Inde pendence, declaring that aU men were created equal. ( The issue thus being made up between Mr. Lincoln and myseU on three points, we went before the people of the State, j During the fol lowing seven weeks, between the Chicago speeches and our first meeting at Ottawa, he and I addressed large assemblages of the people in many of the central counties. In my speeches I confined myself closely to those three positions which he had taken, controverting his proposition that this Union could not exist as our fathers made it, di'vdded into Free and Slave States; controverting his proposition of a cmsade against the Supreme Court because of the Dred Scott decision; and controverting his proposition that the Declaration of Independence included and meant the negroes as weU as the white men, when it declared aU men to be created equal. [Cheers for Douglas.] I supposed a!t that time that these propositions constituted a distinct issue between us, and that the opposite positions we had taken upon them we would be wiUing to be held to in every part of the State, I never intended to waver one hair's breadth from that issue, either in the north or the south, or wherever I should address the people of Illinois. I hold that when the time arrives that I cannot proclaim my political creed in the same terms, not only in the northem, but the southem part of Illinois, not only m the Nortiiem, but the Soiithem States, and wherever tiie American flag waves over American soU, that then there must be something wrong m that creed; [" Good, good," and cheers.] so long as we live under a com- DOUGLAS AT ALTON 453 mon Constitution, so long as we live in a confederacy of sovereign and equal States, joined together as one for certain purposes, that any political creed is radically wrong which cannot be proclaimed in every State and every section of that Union, alike. I took up Mr. Lincoln's three propositions in my several speeches, analyzed them, and pointed out what I believed to be the radical errors contained in them. First, in regard to his doctrine that this Govemment was in violation of the law of God, which says that a house divided against itself cannot stand, I repudiated it as a slander upon the immortal framers of our Constitution. I then said, I have often repeated, and now again assert, that in my opinion our' Govemment can endure forever, ["Good."] divided into Free and Slave States as our fathers made it, — each State ha'ving the right to prohibit, abolish, or sustain slavery, just as it pleases. ["Good;" "right;" and cheers.] This Govemment was made upon the great basis of the sovereignty of the States, the right of each State to regulate its own domestic institu tions to suit itself; and that right was conferred with the understanding and expectation that inasmuch as each locality had separate interests, each locality must have different and distinct local and domestic insti tutions, corresponding to its wants and interests. Our fathers knew when they made the Government that the laws and institutions which were well adapted to the Green Mountains of Vermont were unsuited to the rice plantations of South Carolina. They knew then, as well as we know now, that the laws and institutions which would be well adapted to the beautiful prairies of Illinois would not be suited to the mining regions of California. They knew that in a Republic as broad as this, having such a variety of soU, climate, and interest, there must neces sarily be a corresponding variety of local laws, — the policy and institu tions of each State adapted to its condition and wantS/' For this reason this Union was established on the right of each State to do as it pleased on the question of slavery, and every other question; and the various States were not allowed to complain of, much less interfere with, the policy of their neighbors. ["That's good doctrine;" "that's the doc trine," and cheers.] Suppose the doctrine advocated by Mr. Lincoln and the Abolitionists of this day had prevaUed when the Constitution was made, what would have been the result? Imagine for a moment that Mr. Lincoln had ¦ Reads: "this" for "our." 454 H^LINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS been a member of the Convention that framed the Constituton of the United States, and that when its members were about to sign that won derful documeiit, he had arisen in that Convention as he did at Spring field this summer, and, addressing himself to the President, had said, "A house divided against itself cannot stand; [laughter] this Govem ment, divided into Free and Slave States cannot endure, they must aU be Free or aU be Slave; they must aU be one thing, or all' the other, — other wise, it is a violation of the law of God,, and cannot continue to exist;" — suppose Mr. Lincoln had convinced that body of sages that that doctrine was sound, what would have been the result ? Remember that the Union was then composed of thirteen States, twelve of which were slaveholding, and one free. Do you think that the one Free State would have outvoted the twelve slaveholding States, and thus have secured the abolition of slavery? ["No, no."] On the other hand, would not the twelve slaveholding States have outvoted the one Free State, and thus have fastened slavery, by a constitutional provision, on every foot of the American Republic forever ? You see that if this Abolition doctrine of Mr. Lincoln had prevailed when the Govemment was made, it would have established slavery as a permanent institution in all the States, whether -they wanted it or not; and the question for us to determine in Blinois now, as one of the Free States, is whether or not we are wUling, having become the majority section, to enforce a doctrine on the minority which we would have resisted with our hearts' blood had it been attempted on us when we were in a minority. ["We never wUl;" "good, good;" and cheers.] How has the South lost her power as the majority section in this Union, and how have the Free States gained it, except under the operation of that principle which declares the right of the people of each State and each Territory to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way? It was under that principle that slavery was abolished in New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania; it was under that principle that one half of the slaveholding States became free; it was under that principle that the number of Free States increased untU, from being one out of twelve States, we have grown to be the majority of States of the whole Union, with the power to control the House of Representatives and Senate, and the power, consequently, to elect a President by Northem votes, without * Inserts "be"' after "all." DOUGLAS AT ALTON 455 the aid of a Southem State, Having obtained this power under the operation of that great principle, are you now prepared to abandon the principle and declare that merely because we have the power you will wage a war against the Southem States and their institutions untU you force them to abolish slavery ever3rwhere? ["No, never;" and great applause,] After- having pressed these arguments home on Mr, Lincoln for seven weeks, publishing a number of my speeches, we met at Ottawa in a joint discussion, and he then began to crawfish a little, and let himself down, [Immense applause,] I there propounded certain questions to him. Amongst others, I asked him whether he would vote for the admission of any more Slave States, in the event the people wanted them. He would not answer, [Applause and laughter,] I then told him that if he did not answer the question there, I would renew it at Freeport, and would then trot him down into Eygpt and again put it to him, [Cheers,] Well, at Freeport, knowing that the next joint discussion took place in Egypt, and being in dread of it, he did answer my question in regard to no more Slave States, in a mode which he hoped would be satisfactory to me, and accomplish the object he had in view, I wUl show you what his answer was,, After saying that he was not pledged to the Republican doctruie of "no more Slave States," he declared: — " I state to you very' frankly, that I should be exceedingly sorry ever to be put in the position of having to pass upon that question. I should be exceedingly glad to know that there would never be another Slave State admitted into this Union." Here permit me to remark, that I do not think the people will ever force him into a position against his wUl. [Great laughter and applause,] He went on to say: — " But I must add, in regard to this, that if slavery shall be kept out of the Terri tory during the Territorial existence of any one given Territory, and then the people should, having a fair chance and clear field, when they come to adopt a constitution, , if they should do the- extraordinary thing of adopting a slave constitution uninflu enced by the actual presence of the institution among them, I see no alternative, if we own the country, but we must admit it into the Union." , That answer Mr. Lincoln supposed would satisfy the Old Line Whigs, composed of Kentuckians and Virginians, down in the southern part of the State. Now, what does it amount to? I desired to know whether he would vote to allow Kansas to come into the Union with slavery or not, as ber people desired. He would not answer, but In a ' Reads "freely" for "very." 456 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS roundabout way said that if slavery should be kept out of a Territory^ during the whole of its Territorial existence, and then the people, when they adopted a State Constitution, asked admission as a Slave State, he supposed he would have to let the State come in. The case I put to him was an entirely different one. I desired to know whether he would vote to admit a State if Congress had not prohibited^ slavery in it during its Territorial existence, as Congress never pretended to do under Clay's Compromise measures of 1850. He would not answer and I have not yet been able to get an answer from him. [Laughter; "he'll answer this time," "he is afraid to answer," etc.] I have asked him whether he would vote to admit Nebraska if her people asked to come in as a State with a constitution recognizing slavery, and he refused to answer. ["Put him through;" "give it to him," and cheers.] I have put the question to him with reference to New Mexico, and he has not uttered a word in answer. I have enumerated the Territories, one after another, putting the same question to him with reference to each, and he has not said, and wUl not say, whether, if elected to Congress, he will vote to admit any Territory now in existence with such a constitu tion as her people may adopt. He invents a case which does not exist, and cannot exist under this Govemment, and answers it; but he wiU not answer the question I put to him in connection with any of the Territories now in existence. ["Hurrah for Douglas;" "Three cheers for Douglas."] The contract we entered into with Texas when she entered the Union obliges us to aUow four States to be formed out of the old State, and admitted with or without slavery, as the respective uihabitants of each may determine. I have asked Mr. Lincoln three times ui our joint discussions whether he would vote to redeem that pledge, and he has never yet answered. He is as sUent as the grave on the subject. [Laughter; "Lincoln must answer," "he wUl," etc.] He would rather answer as to a state of the case which wUl never arise than commit himself by teUing what he would do in a case which would come up for his action soon after his election to Congress. ["He'U never have' to act on any question," and laughter.] Why can he not say whether he is -wiUing to allow the people of each State to have slavery or not as they please, and to come into the Union, when they have the requisite population, as a Slave or a Free State as they decide ? I have no trouble in answering' the question. I have said everywhere, and now repeat it to you, that if DOUGLAS AT ALTON 457 the people of Kansas want a Slave State they have a right, under the Constitution of the United States, to form such a State, and I wUl let them come into the Union with slavery or without, as they determine. ["That's right;" "good;" "hurrah for Douglas aU the time," and cheers,] If the people of any other Territory desire slavery, let them have it. If they do not want it, let them prohibit it. It is their business, not mine, ["That's it exactiy;" "That's so;" "Hurrah," etc] It is none of our business in lUinois whether Kansas is a Free St,ate or a Slave State, ["That's the doctrine."] It is none of your business in Missouri whether Kansas shall adopt slavery or reject it. It is the busi ness of her people, and none of yours. The people of Kansas have' as much right to decide that question for themselves as you have in Missouri to decide it for yourselves, or we in Illinois to decide it for ourselves, ["That's what we believe;" "We stand by that," and cheers,] And here I may repeat what I have said in every speech I have made in Illinois, that I fought the Lecompton Constitution to its death, not because of the slavery clause in it, but because it was not the act and deed of the people of Kansas. I said then in Congress and I say now, that if the people of Kansas want a Slave State, they have a right to have it. If they wanted the Lecompton Constitution, they had a right to have it. I was opposed to that constitution because I did not believe that it was the act and deed of the people, but, on the contrary, the act of a smaU, pitiful minority acting in the name of the majority. When at last it was determined to send that constitution back to the people, and accordingly, in August last, the question of admission under it was submitted to a popular vote, the citizens rejected it by nearly ten to one, thus showing conclusively that I was right when I said that the Lecomp ton Constitution was not the act and deed of the people of Kansas, and did not embody their wiU. [Cheers.] I hold that there is no power on earth, under our system of govem ment, which has the right to force a constitution upon an unwUling people. ["That's so."] Suppose that there had been a majority of ten to one in favor of slavery in Kansas, and suppose there had" been an Abolition President and an Abolition Administration, and by some means the Abolitionists succeeded in forcing an Abolition Constitution on those slaveholding people, would the people of the South have sub- > Reads: "has" for "have." 458 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS mitted to that act for one instant ? ["No, no."] WeU, if you of the South would not have submitted to it a day, how can you, as fair, honor able, and honest men, insist on putting a ?lave constitution on a people who desire a Free State ? ["That's so," and cheers.] Your safety and ours depends upon both of us acting in good faith, and living up to that great principle which asserts the right of every people to form and regu late their domestic institutions to suit themselves, subject only to the Constitution of the United States. ["That's the doctrine," and immense applause.] Most of the men who denounced my course on the Lecompton question objected to it, not because I was not right, but because they thought it expedient at that time, for the sake of keeping the party together, to do wrong, [Cheers,] I never knew the Democratic party to violate any one of its principles, out of policy or expediency, that it did not pay the debt with sorrow. There is no safety or success for our party unless we always do right, and tmst the consequences to God and the people. I chose not to depart from principle for the sake of expediency on' the Lecompton question, and I never intend to do it on that or any other question. ["Good."] But I am told that I would have been aU right if I had only voted for the English biU after Lecompton was kUled. [Laughter and cheers.] You know a general pardon was granted to all political offenders on the Lecompton question, provided they would only vote for the English biU, I did not accept the benefits of that pardon, for the reason that I had been right in the course I had pursued, and hence did not requure any forgiveness. Let us see how the result has been worked out, English brought in his bUl referring the Lecompton Constitution back to the people, with the pi'ovision that if it was rejected, Kansas should be kept out of the Union untU she had the full ratio of population required for a member of Congress, — thus in effect declaring that if the people of Kansas would only consent to come into the Union under the Lecompton Constitution, and have a slave State when they did not want it, they should be admitted with a population of 35,000; but that if they were so obstinate as to insist upon having just such a constitution as they thought best, and to desire admission as a Free State then they should be kept out untU they had 93,420 inhabitants. I then said and I now repeat to you, that whenever Kansas has people enough for a Slave State she ¦Reads', "in" for "on." DOUGLAS AT ALTON 459 has people enough for a Free State. ["That's the doctrine aU over;" "Hurrah for Douglas."] I was and am wiUing to adopt the mle that no State shall ever come into the Union untU she has the fuU ratio of population for a member of Congress, provided that mle is made uni form. I made that proposition in the Senate last winter, but a majority of the senators would not agree to it ; and I then said to them. If you wUl not adopt the general mle, I wiU not consent to make an exception of Kansas, I hold it is a violation of the fundamental principles of this Govem ment to throw the weight of Federal power into the scale, either in favor of the Free or the Slave States. Equality among all the States of this Union is a fundamental principle in our political system. We have no more right to throw the weight of the Federal Government into the scale in favor of the slaveholding than the Free States, and least' of all should our friends in the South consent for a moment that Congress should withhold its powers either way when they know that there is a majority against them in both Houses of Congress. FeUow-citizens, how have the supporters of the English bUl stood up to their pledges not to admit Kansas until she obtained a population of 93,420 in the event she rejected the Lecompton Constitution ? How ? The newspapers inform us that English himself, whilst conducting his canvass for re-election, and in order to secure it, pledged himself to his constituents that if returned he would disregard his own bUl and vote to admit Kansas into the Union with such population as she might have when she made application. [Laughter and applause.] We are informed that every Democratic candidate for CcJngress in all the States where elections have recently been held was pledged against the English bUl, with perhaps one or two exceptions. Now, if I had only done as these anti-Lecompton men who voted for the English bUl in Congress, pledging themselves to refuse to admit Kansas if she refused to become a Slave State until she had a population of 93,420, and then returned to their people, forfeited their pledge, and made a new pledge to admit Kansas at any time she applied, without regard to population, I would have had no trouble. You saw the whole power and patronage of the Federal Govemment wielded in Indiana, Ohio, and Pennsylvania to re-elect anti-Lecompton men to Congress who voted against Lecomp ton, then voted for the English bUl, and then denounced the English bUl, and pledged themselves to their people to disregard it. ["Good."] " Reads: "last" for "least," 46o ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS My sin consists in not ha-ving given a pledge, and then in not ha^vdng afterward forfeited it. For that reason, in this State, every postmaster, every route agent, every collector of the ports, and every Federal office holder forfeits his head the moment he expresses a preference for the Democratic candidates against Lincoln and his Abolition associates. ["That's so," and cheers.] A Democratic Administration which we helped to bring into power deems it consistent with its fideUty to principle ^nd its regard to duty to wield its power in this State in behalf of the Republican Abolition candidates in every county and every Congres sional District against the Democratic party. All I have to say in reference to the matter is, that if that Administration have not regard enough for principle, if they are not sufficiently attached to the creed of the Democratic party, to bury forever their personal hostilities in order to succeed in carrying out our glorious principles, I have, [" Good, good," and cheers,] I have no personal difficulty with Mr, Buchanan or his Cabinet, He chose to make certain recommendations to Con gress, as he had a right to do, on the Lecompton question, I could not vote in favor of them, I had as much right to judge for myself how I should vote as he had how he should recommend. He undertook to say to me, "If you do not vote as I tell you, I wUl take off the heads of your friends," [Laughter.] I replied to him, "You did not elect me, I represent Illinois, and I am accountable to Illinois, as my constituency, and to God; but not to the President or to any other power on earth," ["Good, good," and vociferous applause,] And now this warfare is made on me because I would not surrender my convictions' of duty, because I would not abandon my constituency, and receive the orders of the executive authorities how I should vote in the Senate of the United States. ["Never do it;" "three cheers," etc.] I hold that an attempt to control the Senate on the part of the Executive is subversive of the principles of our Constitution. ["That's right."] The Executive department is independent of the Senate, and the Senate is independent of the President. In matters of legislation the President has a veto on the action of the Senate, and in appointments and treaties the Senate has a veto on the President. He has no more right to teU me how I shall vote on his appointments than I have to teU him whether he shall veto or approve a bUl that the Senate has passed. Whenever you recognize the right of the Executive to say to a senator, "Do this, * Reads: 'connections for "convictions." DOUGLAS AT ALTON 461 or I wiU take off the heads of your friends," you convert this Govemment from a republic to a despotism. ["Hear, hear," and cheers,] When ever you recognize the right of a President to say to a member of Congress, "Vote as I tell you, or I wiU bring a power to bear again.st you at home which wiU cmsh you," you destroy the independence of the representative, and convert him into a tool of Executive power. [' ' That's so," and applause.] I resisted this invasion of the constitutional rights of a senator, and I intend to resist it as long as I have a voice to speak or a vote to give. Yet Mr. Buchanan cannot provoke me to abandon one iota of Democratic principles out of revenge or hostility to his course, [" Good, good," "three cheers for Douglas,"] I stand by the platform of the Democratic party, and by its organization, and support its nominees. If there are any who choose to bolt, the fact only shows that they are not as good Democrats as I am. ["That's so;" "good," and applause.] My friends, there never was a time when it was as important for the Democratic party, for all national men, to rally and stand together, as it is to-day. We find aU sectional men giving up past differences and uniting' on the one question of slavery; and when we find sectional men thus uniting, we should unite to resist them and their treasonable designs. Such was the case in 1850, when Clay left the quiet and peace of his home, and again entered upon public life to quell agitation and restore peace to a distracted Union, Then we Democrats, with Cass at, our head, welcomed Henry Clay, whom the whole nation regarded as ha-ving been preserved by God for the times. He became our leader in that great fight, and we rallied around him the same as the Whigs rallied around Old Hickory in 1832 to put down nullification, [Cheers.] Thus you see that whUst Whigs and Democrats fought fearlessly in old times about banks, the tariff, distribution, the specie circular, and the sub-treasury, all united as a band of brothers when the peace, har mony, or integrity of the Union was imperUed. [Tremendous applause,] It was so in 1850, when Abolitionism had even so far divided this coun try. North and South, as to endanger the peace of the Union; Whigs and Democrats united in establishing the Compromise Measures of that year, and restoring tranquUlity and good feeling. These measures passed on the joint action of the two parties. They rested on the great principle that the people of each State and each Territory should be left perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions to suit ¦ Reads: "continuing" for "uniting." 462 ILLUSrOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS themselves. You Whigs and we Democrats justified them in that principle. In 1854, when it became necessary to organize the Terri tories of Kansas and Nebraska, I brought forward the biU on the same principle. In the Kansas-Nebraska biU you find it declared to be the tme intent and meaning of the Act not to legislate slavery into any State or Territory, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way. ["That's so," and cheers.] I stand on that same platform in 1858 that I did in 1850, 1854, and 1856. The Washington Union, pretending to be the organ of the Admin istration, in the number of the fifth of this month devotes three columns and a half to estabUsh these propositions : first, that Douglas, in his Free- port speech, held the same doctrine that he did in his Nebraska biU in 1854; second, that in 1854 Douglas justified the Nebraska bUl upon the ground that it was based upon the same principle as Clay's Compromise Measures of 1850. The Union thus proved that Douglas was the same in 1858 that he was in 1856, 1854, and 1850, and consequentiy argued that he was never a Democrat. [Great laughter.] Is it not funny that I was never a Democrat? [Renewed laughter.] There is no pretense that I have changed a hair's breadth. The Union proves by my speeches that I explained the Compromise Measures of 1850 just as I do now, and that I explained the Kansas and Nebraska biU in 1854 just as I did in my Freeport speech, and yet says that I am not a Democrat, and cannot be tmsted, because I have not changed during the whole of that time. It has occurred to me that in 1854 the author of the Kansas and Nebraska bill was considered a pretty good Democrat. [Cheers.] It has occurred to me that in 1856, when I was exerting every nerve and every energy for James Buchanan, standing on the same platform then that I do now, that I was a pretty good Democrat. [Renewed applause.] They now tell me that I am not a Democrat, because I assert that the people of a Territory, as weU as" those of a State, have the right to decide for themselves whether slavery can or cannot exist in such Territory. Let me read what James Buchanan said on that point when he accepted the Democratic nomination for the Presidency in 1856. In his letter of acceptance, he used the following language: — "The recent legislation of Congress respecting domestic slavery, derived as it has been from the original and pure fountain of legitimate political power, the will of the majority, promises ere long to allay the dangerous excitement. This DOUGLAS AT ALTON 463 legislation is fotmded upon principles as ancient as free govemment itself, and, in accordance with them, has simply declared that the people of a Territory, like those of a State, shall decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits," Dr, Hope will there find my answer to the question he propounded to me before I commenced speaking. [Vociferous shouts of applause.] Of course, no man wiU consider it an answer who is outside of the Demo cratic organization, bolts Democratic nominations, and indirectly aids to put Abolitionists into power over Democrats, But whether Dr, Hope considers it an answer or not, every fair-minded man wUl see that James Buchanan has answered the question, and has asserted that the people of a territory, like those of a State, shaU decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shaU not exist within their limits, I answer specifically if you want a further answer, and say that whUe under the decision of the Supreme Court, as recorded in the opinion of Chief Justice Taney, slaves are property like all other property, and can be carried into any' Territory of the United States the same as any other description of property, yet when you get them there they are subject to the local law of the Territory just like aU other property. You wiU find in a recent speech delivered by that able and eloquent statesman, Hon. Jefferson Davis, at Bangor, Maine, that he took the same view of this subject that I did in my Freeport speech. He there said: — "If the inhabitants of any Territory should refuse to enact such laws and police regulations as would give security to their property or to his, it would be rendered more or less valueless in proportion to the diflSculties of holding it without such protection. In the case of property in the labor of man, or what is usually called slave property, the insecurity would be so great that the owner could not ordinarily retain it. Therefore, though the right would remain, the remedy being withheld, it would follow that the owner would be practically debarred, by the circumstances of the case, from taking slave property into a Territory where the sense of the inhabitants was opposed to its introduction. So much for the oft-repeated fallacy of forcing slavery upon any community," You wiU also find that the distUiguished Speaker of the present House of Representatives, Hon. Jas. L. Orr, construed the Kansas and Ne braska bUl in this same way in 1856, and also that great inteUect of the Soutii, Alex. H. Stephens, put the same constmction upon it in Congress that I did in my Freeport .speech. The whole South is^ rallying to the support of tiie doctrine that if the people of a Territory want slavery ¦ Omits "any." ¦Reads: "are" for "is." 464 HLLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS they have a right to have it, and if tiiey do not want it, that no power on earth can force it upon tiiem. I hold tiiat there is no prmciple on eartii more sacred to aU tiie friends of freedom tiian that which says that no institution, no law, no constitution, should be forced on an unwUling people contrary to their wishes; and I assert that tiie Kansas and Nebraska bUl contains that principle. It is the great principle contained in that biU. It is the principle on which James Buchanan was made President, Without that principle, he never would have been made President of the United States. I wUl never violate or abandon that doctrine, if I have to stand alone, ["Hurrah for Douglas."] I have resisted the blandishments and threats of power on the one side, and seduction on the other, and have stood immovably for that prmciple, fighting for it when assaUed by Northem mobs, or threatened by South em hostUity, ["That's tiie tmtii," and cheers,] I have defended it against the North and the South, and I wiU defend it against who ever assaUs it, and I wiU foUow it wherever its logical conclusions lead me, ["So wUl we aU;" "Hurrah for Douglas,"] I say to you that there is but one hope, one safety for this country, and that is to stand immovably by that principle which declares the right of each State and each Territory to decide these questions for themselves, ["Hear him, hear him."] This Govemment was founded on tiiat principle, and must be administered in the same sense in which it was founded. But the Abolition party really think that under the Declaration of Independence the negro is equal to the white man, and that negro equality is an inalienable right conferred by the Almighty, and hence that aU human laws in violation of it are nuU and void. With such men it is no use for me to argue. I hold that the signers of the Declaration of Independence had no reference to negroes at all when they declared aU men to be created equal. They did not mean negroes, nor the savage Indians, nor the Fiji Islanders, nor any other barbarous race. They were speaking of white men. ["It's so;" "it's so," and cheers,] They aUuded to men of European birth and European descent, — to white men, and to none others, — when they declared that doctrine. ["That's the tmth."] I hold that this Govemment was estabUshed on the white basis. It was established by white men for the benefit of white men and their posterity forever, and should be administered by white men, and none others. DOUGLAS AT ALTON 465 But it does not follow, by any means, that merely because the negro is not a citizen, and merely because he is not our equal, that, therefore, he should be a slave. On the contrary, it does foUow that we ought to extend to the negro race, and to all other dependent races, all the rights, all the privUeges, and all the immunities which they can exercise con sistently with the safety -of society. Humanity requires that we should give them all these privileges; Christianity commands that we should extend those privileges to them. The question then arises, Wliat are those privileges, and what is the nature and extent of them? My answer is, that that is a question which each State must answer for itself. We in Illinois have decided it for ourselves. We tried slavery, kept it up for twelve years, and finding that it was not profitable, we abolished it for that reason, and became a Free State. We adopted in its stead the policy that a negro in this State shall not be a slave and shall not be a citizen. We have a right to adopt that policy. For my part, I think it is a wise and sound policy for us. You in Missouri must judge for yourselves whether it is a wise policy for you. If you choose to follow our example, very good; if you reject it, still well, — it is your business, not ours. So with Kentucky, Let Kentucky adopt a policy to suit herself. If we do riot like it we will keep away from it; and if she does not like ours, let her stay at home, mind her own business, and let us alone. If the people of aU the States wiU act on that great prin ciple, and each State mind its own business, attend to its own affairs, take care of its own negroes, and not meddle with its neighbors, then ^there wUl be peace between the North and the South, the East and the West, throughout the whole Union. [Cheers.] 'Why can we not thus have peace? Why should we thus aUow a sectional party to agitate this country, to array the North against the South, and convert us into enemies instead of friends, merely .that a few ambitious men may ride into power on a sectional hobby? How long is it since these ambitious Northern men wished for a sectional organization ? Did any one of them dream of a sectional party as long as the North was the weaker section and the South the stronger ? Then all were opposed to sectional parties; but the moment the North ob tained the majority in the House and Senate by the admission of Cali fornia, and could elect a President without the aid of Southem votes, that moment ambitious Northern men formed a scheme to excite the North against the South, and make the people be govemed in their 466 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS votes by geographical Imes, thuiking that the Slorth, being the stronger section, would outvote the South, and consequently they, the leaders, would ride into office on a sectional hobby, I am told that my hour is out. It was very short. Mr. Lincoln's Reply On being introduced to the audience, after the cheering had sub sided, Mr. Lincohi said: Ladies and Gentlemen: I have been somewhat, in my own mind, complimented by a large portion of Judge Douglas's speech, — I mean that portion which he devotes to the controversy between himself and the present Administration. [Cheers and laughter.] This is the seventh time Judge Douglas and myself have met in these joint discussions, and he has been gradually improving in regard to his war with the Admin istration, [Laughter; "That's so,"] At Quincy, day before yesterday, he was a Uttle more severe upon the Administration tiian I had heard him upon any occasion,' and I took pains to compliment him for it, I then told him to "Give it to them with aU the power he had;" and as some of them were present, I told. them I would be very much obliged if they would give it to him in about the same way, [Uproarious laugh ter and cheers,] I take it he has now vastly improved upon the attack he made then upon the Administration, I flatter myself he has really taken my advice on this subject. All I can say now is to re-commend to him and to them what I then commended, — to prosecute the war against. one another in the most vigorous manner. I say to them again: "Go it, husband! — Go it, bear!" [Great laughter,] There is one other thing I wiU mention before I leave this branch of the discussion, — although I do not consider it much of my business, any way, I refer to that part of the Judge's remarks where he under takes to involve Mr, Buchanan in an inconsistency. He reads some thing from Mr. Buchanan, from which he undertakes to involve him in an inconsistency; and he gets something of a cheer for having done so. I would only remind the Judge that whUe he is very valiantiy fighting for the Nebraska biU and the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, it has been but a little while since he was the valiant advocate of the Mis souri Compromise. [Cheers.] I want to know if Buchanan has not as * Inserts: "former" before "occasion." LINCOLN AT ALTON 467 much right to be inconsistent as Douglas has? [Loud applause and laughter; "Good;" "Good;" "Hurrah for Lincoln."] Has Douglas the exclusive right, in this country, of being on all sides of all questions ? Is nobody allowed that high privUege but himself ? Is he to have an entire monopoly on that subject? [Great laughter.] So far as Judge Douglas addressed his speech to me, or so far as it was about me, it is my business to pay some attention to it. I have heard the Judge state two or three times what he has stated to-day, — 'that in a speech which I made at Springfield, Illinois, I had in a very especial manner complained that the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case had decided that a negro could never be a citizen of the United States. I have omitted by some accident heretofore to analyze this statement, and it is required of me to notice it now. In point of fact it is uritrue. I never have complained especially of the Dred Scott decision because it held that a negro could not be a citizen, and the Judge is always wrong when he says I ever did so complain of it. I have the speech here, and I wiU thank him or any of his friends to show where I said that a negro- should be a citizen, and complained especially of the Dred Scott decision because it declared he could not be one. I have done no such thing; and Judge Douglas, so persistently insisting that I have done so, has strongly impressed me with the belief of a prede termination on his part to misrepresent me. He could not get his founda tion for insisting that I was in favor of this negro equality anywhere else as weU as he could by assuming that untme proposition. Let me tell this audience what is tme in regard to that matter; and the means by which they may correct me if I do not tell them tmly is by a recurrence to the speech itself. I spoke of the Dred Scott decision in my Springfield speech, and I was then endeavoring to prove that the Dred Scott decision was a portion of a system or scheme to make slavery national in this country. I pointed out what things had been decided by the court. I mentioned as a fact that they had decided that a negro could not be a citizen; that they had done so, as I supposed, to deprive the negro, under all circumstances, of the remotest possibility of ever becoming a citizen and claiming the rights of a citizen of the United States-under a certain clause of the Constitution. I stated that, without making any complamt of it at aU. I then went on and stated the other points decided in the case; namely, that the bringing of a negro into the State of lUinois and holding him in slavery for two years here was a 468 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS matter in regard to which they would not decide whether it would make' him free or not; that they decided the further point that taking him into a United States Territory where slavery was prohibited by Act of Congress did not make him free, because that Act of Congress, as they held, was unconstitutional. I mentioned these three things as making up the points decided in that case. I mentioned them in a lump, taken in connection with the introduction of the Nebraska bUl, and the amend ment of Chase, offered at the time, declaratory of the right of the people of the Territories to exclude slavery, which was voted down by the friends of the bUl. I mentioned all these things together, as evidence tending to prove a combination and conspiracy to make the institution of slavery national. In that connection and in that way I mentioned the deci sion on the point that a negro could not be a citizen, and in no other connection. Out of this. Judge Douglas builds up his beautiful fabrication of my purpose to introduce a perfect social and poUtical equality between the white and black races. His assertion that'I made an "especial objec tion" (that is his exact language) to the decision on this account, is untme in point of fact. Now, while I am upon this subject, and as Henry Clay has been alluded to, I desire to place myself, in connection with Mr, Clay, as nearly right before this people as may be, I am quite aware what the Judge's object is here by aU these allusions. He knows that we are before an audience having strong sympathies southward, by relation ship, place of birth, and so on. He desires to place me in an extremely Abolition attitude. He read upon a former occasion, and alludes, without reading, to-day, to a portion of a speech which I delivered in Chicago. In his quotations from that speech, as he has made them upon former occasions, the extracts were taken in such a way as, I sup pose, brings them within the definition of what is called garbling, — taking portions of a speech which, when taken by themselves, do not present the entire sense of the speaker as expressed at the time. I propose, therefore, out of that same speech, to show how one portion of it which he skipped over (taking an extract before and an extract after) wUl give a different idea, and the tme idea I intended to convey. It wUl take me some little time to read it, but I believe I wUl occupy the time that way. ' Reads: "made" for "would make." LINCOLN AT ALTON 469 You have heard him frequently allude to my controversy with him in regard to the Declaration of Independence. I confess that I have had a stmggle with Judge Douglas on that matter, and I will try briefly to place myself right in regard to it on this occasion. I said — and it is between the extracts Judge Douglas has taken from this speech, and put in his published speeches : — "It may be argued that there are certain conditions that make necessities and impose them upon us, and to the extent that a necessity is imposed upon a man he must submit to it. I think that was the condition in which we found ourselves when we established this Government. 'We had slaves among us, we could not get our Constitution unless we permitted them to remain in slavery, we could not secure the good we did secure if we grasped for more; and having by necessity submitted to that much, it does not destroy the principle that is the charter of our liberties. Let the charter remain as our standard." Now, I have upon aU occasions declared as strongly as Judge Doug las against the disposition to interfere witii the existing institution of slavery. You hear me read it from the same speech from which he takes garbled extracts for the purpose of proving upon me a disposition to interfere with the institution of slavery, and establish a perfect social and poUtical equality between negroes and white people. Allow me while upon this subject briefly to present one other extract from a speech of mine, more than a year ago, at Springfield, in discussing this very same question, soon after Judge Douglas took his ground that negroes were not included in the Declaration of Independence: — "I think the authors of that notable instrument intended to include all men, but they did not intend^ to declare all men equal in all respects. They did not mean to say all men were equal in color, size, intellect, moral development, or social capacity. They defined with tolerable distinctness in what respects^ they did con sider all men created equal, — equal in certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. This they said, and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth that all were then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that the enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit. "They meant to set up a standard maxim for free society which should be familiar to all, and revered by all;3 constantly looked to, constantly labored for, and even though never perfectly attained, constantly approximated, and thereby con stantly spreading and deepening its influence, and augmenting the happiness and value of life to all people, of all colors, everjrwhere," "Reads: "mean" for "intend." ' Omits "respects." ' Omits "and revered by all." 47° ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS ' There again are the sentiments I have expressed in regard to the Declaration of Independence upon a former occasion, — sentiments which have been put in print and read wherever anybody cared to know what so humble an individual as myself chose to say in regard to it. At Galesburg, the other day, I said, in answer to Judge Douglas, that three years ago there never had been a man, so far as I knew or believed, in the whole world, who had said that the Declaration of Inde pendence did not include negroes in the term "aU men." I re-assert it to-day. I assert that Judge Douglas and all his friends may search the whole records of the country, and it will be a matter of great aston ishment to me if they shall be able to find that one human being three years ago had ever uttered the astounding sentiment that the term "all men" in the Declaration did not include the negro. [Cheers.] Do not let me be misunderstood. I know that more than three years ago there were men who, finding this assertion constantly in the way of their schemes to bring about the ascendency and perpetuation of slavery, denied the truth of it. I know that Mr. Calhoun and all the politicians of his school denied the tmth of the Declaration. I know that it ran along in the mouth' of- some Southern men for a period of years, ending at last in that shameful, though rather forcible, declaration of Pettit of Indiana, upon the floor of the United States Senate, that the Declaration of Independence was in that respect "a self-evident lie," rather than a self-evident tmth. But I say, with a perfect knowledge of aU this hawking at the Declaration without directly attacking it, that three years ago there never had lived a man who had ventured to assail it in the sneaking way of pretending to believe it, and then asserting it did not include the negro. [Cheers,] I believe the first man who ever said it was Chief Justice Taney in the Dred Scott case, and the next to him was our friend Stephen A. Douglas, [Cheers and laughter,] And now it has become the catchword of the entire party, I would Uke to call upon his friends everywhere to consider how they have come in so short a time to view this matter in a way so entirely different from their former belief; to ask whether they are not being borne along by an irresistible current, — ^whither, they know not, [Great applause.] In answer to my proposition at Galesburg last week, I see that some man in Chicago has got up a letter, addressed to the Chicago Times, to show, as he professes, that somebody had said so before; and he "Read: "mouths" for "mouth," LINCOLN AT ALTON 471 signs himself "An Old Line Whig," if I remember correctiy. In the first place, I would say he was not an Old Line Whig, I am somewhat acquainted with Old Line Whigs, I was with the Old Line Whigs from the origin to the end of that party; I became pretty weU acquainted with them, and I know they always had some sense, whatever else you could ascribe to tiiem, [Great laughter,] I know there never was one who had not more sense than to try to show by the evidence he produces' that some man had, prior to the time I named, said that negroes were not included in the term "all men" in the Declaration of Independence, What is the evidence he produces ? I wUl bring forward his evidence, and let you see what he offers by way of showing that somebody more than three years ago had said negroes were not included in the Declara tion, He brings forward part of a speech from Henry Clay, — the part of the speech of Henry Clay which I used to bring forward to prove precisely the contrary. [Laughter,] I guess we are surrounded to some extent to-day by the old friends of Mr, Clay, and they will be glad to hear anything from that authority. WhUe he was in Indiana a man presented a petition to liberate his negros, and he (Mr. Clay) made a speech in answer to it, which I suppose he carefully wrote out himself and caused to be published. I have before me an extract from that speech which constitutes the evidence this pretended "Old Line Whig" at Chicago brought forward to show that Mr. Clay didn't suppose the negro was included in the Declaration of Independence. Hear what Mr. Clay said : — "And what is the foundation of this appeal to me in Indiana to liberate the slaves under my care in Kentucky ? It is a general declaration in the act announ cing to the world the independence of the thirteen American colonies, that all men are created equal. Now, as an abstract principle, there is no doubt of the truth of that declaration; and it is desirable, in the original construction of society and in organized societies, to keep it in view as a great fundamental principle. But, then, I apprehend that in no society that ever did exist, or ever shall be formed, was or can the equality asserted among the members of the human race be practically enforced and carried out. There are portions, large portions, — women, minors, insane, culprits, transient sojourners, — that will always probably remain subject to the government of another portion of the community, "That declaration, whatever may be the extent of its import, was made by the delegation of the thirteen States, In most of them slavery existed, and had long existed, and was established by law. It was introduced and forced upon the colonies by the paramount law of England. Do you believe that in making that declaration ¦ Omits "by the evidence he produces," 472 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS the States that concurred in it intended that it should \fe tortured into a virtual eman cipation of all the slaves within their respective limits ? 'Would 'Virginia and other Southem States have ever united in a declaration which was to be interpreted into an abolition of slavery among them ? Did any one of the thirteen colonies enter tain such a design or expectation ? To impute such a secret and unavowed purpose, would be to charge a political fraud upon the noblest band of patriots that ever assembled in council, — a fraud upon the Confederacy of the Revolution; a fraud upon the union of those States whose Constitution not only recognized the lawfulness of slavery, but permitted the importation of slaves from Africa until the year 1808," This is the entire quotation brought forward to prove that somebody previous to three years ago had said the negro was not included in the term "aU men" in the Declaration. How does it do so? In what way has it a tendency to prove that ? Mr. Clay says it is true as an abstract principle that aU men are created equal, but that we cannot practically apply it in aU cases. He iUustrates this by bringing forward the cases of females, minors, and insane persons, with whom it cannot be enforced ; but he says it is tme as an abstract principle in the organi zation of society as weU as in organized society and it should be kept in view as a fundamental principle. Let me read a few words more before I add some comments of my own, Mr. Clay says, a little further on: — "I desire no concealment of my opinions in regard to the institution of slavery, I look upon it as a great evil, and deeply lament that we have derived it from the parent! Govemment and from our ancestors, I wish every slave in the United Slates was in the country of his ancestors.^ But here they are, and the question is, How can they be best dealt with ? If a state of nature existed, and we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man would be more strongly opposed than I should be to incorporating the institution of slavery among its elements." Now, here in this same book, in this same speech, in this same extract, brought forward to prove that Mr. Clay held that the negro was not included in the Declaration of Independence, we finds no such statement on his part, but instead'' the declaration that it is a great fundamental truth which should be constantiy kept in view in the organi zation of society and in societies already organized. But if I say a word about it; if I attempt, as Mr. Clay said all good men ought to do, to keep it in view; if, in this "organized society," I ask to have the ' Reads: "parental", for "parent." • Omits "I wish every slave in the United States was in the coimtry of his ancestors." 3 Omits "we find." 4 Omits "instead." LINCOLN AT ALTON 473 public eye tumed upon it; if I ask, in relation to the organization of new territories, that the public eye should be tumed upon it, — forth with I am viUified as you hear me to-day. 'What have I done that I have not the Ucense of Henry Clay's illustrious example here in doing ? Have I done aught that I have not his authority for, whUe maintaining that in organizing new Territories and societies this fundamental prin ciple should be regarded, and in organized society holding it up to the pubUc view and recognizing what he recognized as the great principle of free government? [Great applause and cries of "Hurrah for Lin coln."] And when this new principle — this new proposition that no human being ever thought of three years ago — is brought forward, I combat it as having an evU tendency, if not an evU design. I combat it as having a tendency to dehumanize the negro, to take away from him the right of ever striving to be a man, I combat it as being one of the thousand tilings constantly done in these days to prepare the public mind to make property, and nothing but property, of the negro in all the States of this Union. [Tremendous applause, "Hurrah for Lincoln, Hurrah for Trumbull."] But there is a point that I wish, before leaving this part of the dis cussion, to ask attention to. I have read and I repeat the words of Henry Clay: " I desire no concealment of my opinions in regard to the institution of slavery, I look upon it as a great evil, and deeply lament that we have derived it from the parent' Govemment and from our ancestors. I wish every slave in the United States was in the country of his ancestors. But here they are; the question is, How can they best be dealt with ? If a state of nature existed, and we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man would be more strongly opposed than I should be to incorporate the institution of slavery among its elements." The principle upon which I have insisted in this canvass is in rela tion to laying the foundations of new societies, I have never sought to apply these principles to the old States for the purpose of abolishing slavery in those States. It is nothing but a miserable perversion of what I have said, to assume that I have declared Missouri, or any other Slave State, shaU emancipate her slaves; I have proposed no such thing. But when Mr. Clay says that in laying the foundations of societies in our Territories where it does not exist, he Would be opposed to the introduction of slavery as an element, I insist that we have his "Reads: "parental" for "parent," 474 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS warrant — ^his Ucense — ^for insisting upon the exclusion of that element which he declared in such strong and emphatic language was most hateful to him. [Loud applause.] Judge Douglas has again referred to a Springfield speech in which I said "a house divided against itself cannot stand." The Judge has so often made the entire quotation from that speech that I can make it from memory. I used this language : — "¦We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to the slavery agitation. Under the operation of this policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease imtil a crisis shall have been reached and passed, 'A house divided against itself cannot stand,' I believe this Govem ment cannot endure permanently, half Slave and half Free, I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, — old as well as new. North as well as South." That extract and the sentiments expressed in it have been extremely offensive to Judge Douglsis He has warred upon them as Satan wars' upon the Bible. [Laughter,] His perversions upon it are endless. Here now are my ¦vdews upon it in brief. I said we were now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to the slavery agitation. Is it not so ? When that Nebraska bUl was brought forward four years ago last January, was it not for the "avowed object" of putting an end. to the slavery agitation ? We were to have no more agitation in Congress; it was all to be banished to the Territories. By the way, I wiU remark here that as Judge Douglas is very fond of complimenting Mr. Crittenden in these days, Mr. Crittenden has said there was a falsehood in that whole business, for there was no slavery agitation at that time to allay. We were for a little whUe quiet on the troublesome thing, and that very allaying plaster of Judge Douglas's stirred it up again. [Applause and laughter,] But was it not understood or intimated with the "confident promise" of putting an end to the slavery agitation ? Surely it was. In every speech you heard Judge Douglas make, untU he got mto this "imbroglio," as they caU it, with the Administration about the Lecompton Constitution, every speech on that Nebraska bUl was full of feUcitations that we " Reads; "does" for "wars." LINCOLN AT ALTON 475 were just at the end of the slavery agitation. The last tip of the last joint of the old serpent's tail was just drawing out of view. [Cheers and laughter.] But has it proved so? I have asserted that under that policy that agitation "has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented." When was there ever a greater agitation in Congress than last winter ? When was it as great in the country as to-day ? There was a collateral object in the introduction of that Nebraska policy, which was to clothe the people of the Territories with a superior degree of self-government beyond what they had ever had before. The first object and the main one of conferring upon the people a higher degree of "self-government" is a question of fact to be determined by you in answer to a single question. Have you ever heard or known of a people anywhere on earth who had as little to do as, in the first instance of its use, the people of Kansas had with this same right of "self-government"? [Loud applause.] In its main policy and in its collateral object, it has been nothing but a living, creeping lie from the time of its introduction tUl to-day. [Loud cheers.] I have intimated that I thought the agitation would not cease until a crisis should have been reached and passed. I have stated in what way I thought it would be reached and passed, I have said that it might go one way or the other. We might, by arresting the further spread of it, and placing it where the fathers originally placed it, put it where the public mind should rest in the belief that it was in the course ultimate extinction. [Great applause.] Thus the agitation may cease. It may be pushed forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as weU as new. North as well as South. I have said, and I repeat, my wish is that the further spread of it may be arrested, and that it may be placed where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction. I have expressed that as my wish. I entertain the opinion upon e'vidence sufficient to my mind, that the fathers of this Government placed that institution where the public mind did rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. Let me ask why they made provision that the source of slavery — the African slave-trade — should be cut off at the end of twenty years ? Why did they make provision that in all the new territory we owned at that time slavery should be forever inhibited ? Why stop its spread in one direction, and cut off its source in another, if they did not look to its being placed in the course of ultimate extinction ? 476 ILLmOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Again: the institution of slavery is only mentioned in the Consti tution of the United States two or three times, and in neither of these cases does the word "slavery" or "negro race" occur; but covert language is used each time, and for a purpose fuU of significance. What is the language in regard to the prohibition of the African slave-trade ? It runs in about this way: "The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shaU think proper to admit, shaU not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight." TTie next allusion in the Constitution to the question of slavery and the black race is on the subject of the basis of representation, and there the language used is: "Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, — three-fifths of all other persons." It says "persons," not slaves, not negroes; but this "three-fifths" can be appUed to no other class among us than the negroes. Lastiy, in the provision for the reclamation of fugitive slaves, it is said: "No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shaU in consequence of any law or regu lation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shaU be deUvered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." There again, there is no mention of the word "negro" or of slavery. In aU three of these places, being the only aUusions to slavery in the instmment, covert language is used. Language is used not sug- gestmg that slavery existed or that the black race were among us. And I understand the contemporaneous history of those times to be thajt covert language was used with a purpose, and that purpose was that in our Constitution, which it was hoped and is still hoped wiU endure forever, — when it should be read by intelUgent and patriotic men, after the institution of slavery had passed from among us, — there should be nothing on tiie face of the great charter of Uberty suggesting that such a thmg as negro slavery had ever existed among us. [Enthusiastic ap plause.] ' This is part of the evidence that the fathers of the govem ment expected and intended the institution of slavery to come to an end. They expected and intended that it should be in the course of ultimate LINCOLN AT ALTON 477 extinction. And when I say that I desire to see the further spread of it arrested, I only say I desire to see that done which the fathers have first done. When I say I desire to see it placed where the public mind wiU rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, I only say I desire to see it placed where they placed it. It is not tme that our fathers, as Judge Douglas assumes, made thi« Govemment part Slave and part Free, Understand the sense in which he puts it. He assumes that slavery is a rightful thing within itself, — was introduced by the framers of the Constitution, The exact truth is, that they found the institution existing among us, and they left it as they found it. But in making the Government they left this institu tion with many clear marks of disapprobation upon it. They found slavery among them, and they left it among them because of the diffi culty — the absolute impossibUity — of its immediate removal. And when Judge Douglas asks me why we cannot let it remain part Slave and part Free, as the fathers of the Govemment made it, he asks a question based upon an assumption which is itself a falsehood; and I turn upon him and ask him the question, when the policy that the fathers of the Government had adopted in relation to this element among us was the best policy in the world, the only wise policy, the only policy that we can ever safely continue upon, that wUl ever give us peace, unless this dangerous element masters us all and becomes a national institution, — I turn upon him and ask him why he could not leave it alone. [Great and prolonged cheers,] I tum and ask him why he was driven to the necessity of introducing a new policy in regard to it. He has himself said he introduced a new policy. He said so in his speech on the 22nd of March of the present year, 1858, I ask him why he could not let it remain where our fathers placed it. I ask, too, of Judge Douglas and his friends why we shall not again place this institution upon the basis on which the fathers left it. I ask you, when he infeirs that I am in favor of setting the Free and Slave States at war, when the institution was placed in that attitude by those who made the constitution, did they make any war? ["No; No," and cheers.] If we had no war out of it when thus placed, wherein is the ground of belief that we shaU have war out of it if we retum to that poUcy ? Have we had any peace upon this matter springing from any other basis? ["No; No,"] I maintain that we have not. I have proposed nothing more than a retum to the policy of the fathers. 478 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS I confess, when I propose a certain measure of poUcy, it is not enough for me that I do not intend' anything evU in the result; but it is incum bent on me to show that it has not a tendency to that result. I have met Judge Douglas in that point of view. I have not only made the declara tion that I do not mean to produce a conflict between the States; but I have tried to show by fair reasoning, and I think I have shown to the minds of fair men, that I propose nothing but what has a most peaceful tendency. The quotation that I happened to make in that Springfield speech, that "a house divided agamst itself cannot stand," and which has proved so offensive to the Judge, was part and parcel of the same thing. He tries to show that variety in the domestic institutions of the different States is necessary and indispensable. I do not dispute it. I have no controversy with Judge Douglas about that. I shaU very readUy agree with him that it would be fooUsh for us to insist upon having a cranberry law here in HUnois, where we have no cranberries, because they have a cranberry law in Indiana, where they have cranberries. [Laughter; "Good;" "Good."] I should insist that it would be exceedingly wrong in us to deny to Virginia the right to enact oyster laws, where they have oysters, because we want no such laws here, [Renewed laughter.] I understand, I hope, quite as weU as Judge Douglas or anybody else, that the variety in the soil and cUmate and face of the country, and consequent variety in the industrial pur suits and productions of a country, require systems of law conforming to this variety in the natural features of the country. I understand quite as weU as Judge Douglas that if we here raise a barrel of flour more than we want, and the Louisianians raise a barrel of sugar more than they want, it is of mutual advantage to exchange. That produces commerce, brings us together, and makes us better friends. We like one another the more for it. And I understand as weU as Judge Douglas, or anybody else, that these mutual accommodations are the cements which bind together the different parts of this Union; that instead of being a thing to "di-wde the house," — ^figuratively expressing the Union, — they tend to sustain it; they are the props of the house, tend ing always to hold it up. But when I have admitted aU this, I ask if there is any paraUel between these things and this institution of slavery ? I do not see that there is any paraUel at aU between them. Consider it. When have " Reads: "perceive" for "intend." LINCOLN AT ALTON 479 we had any difficulty or quarrel amongst ourselves about the cran berry laws of Indiana, or the oyster laws of Virginia, or the pine-lumber laws of Maine, or the fact that Louisiana produces sugar, and IlUnois flour? When have we had any quarrels over these things? When have we had perfect peace in regard to this thing which I say is an ele ment of discord in this Union? We have sometimes had peace; but when was it? It was when the institution of slavery remained quiet where it was. We have had difficulty and turmoil whenever it has made a stmggle to spread itself where it was not, I ask, then, if experi ence does not speak in thunder-tones, telling us that the policy which has given peace to the country heretofore, being returned to, gives the greatest promise of peace again, [Yes;" "Yes;" "Yes,"] You may say, and Judge Douglas has intimated the same thing, that all this difficulty in regard to the institution of slavery is the mere agitation of office-seekers and ambitious Northern politicians. He thinks we want to get "his place," I suppose, [Cheers and laughter,] I agree that there are office-seekers amongst, us. The Bible says some where that we are desperately selfish. I think we would have dis covered that fact without the Bible. I do not claim that I am any less so than the average of men; but I do claim that I am not more selfish than Judge Douglas. [Roars of laughter and applause,] But is it tme that all the difficulty and agitation we have in regard to this institution of slavery springs from office-seeking, from the mere ambition of politicians? Is that the tmth? How many times have we had danger from this question ? Go back to the day of the Missouri Compromise. Go back to the Nullification question, at the bottom of which lay this same slavery question. Go back to the time of the Annexation of Texas, Go back to the troubles that led to the Com promise of 1850. You wiU find that every time, with the single excep tion of the Nullification question, they sprung from an endeavor to spread this institution. There never was a party in the history of this country, and there prob ably never will be, of sufficient strength to disturb the general peace of the country. Parties themselves may be divided and quarrel on minor questions, yet it extends not beyond the parties themselves. But does not this question make a disturbance outside of political cucles ? Does it not enter mto the churches and rend them asunder ? What divided the great Methodist Church into two parts. North and South ? What has 48o ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS raised this constant disturbance in every Presbyterian General Assembly that meets? What disturbed the Unitarian Church in this very city two years ago ? What has jarred and shaken the great American Tract Society recently, not yet spUtting if, but sure to divide it in the end ? Is it not this same mighty, deep-seated power that somehow operates on the minds of men, exciting and stirring them up in every avenue of society, — ^in poUtics, in reUgion, in literature, in morals, in aU the mani fold relations of life ? Is this the work of poUticians ? Is that irresistible power, which for fifty years has shaken the Govemment and agitated the people, to be stUled and subdued by pretending that it is an exceedingly simple thing, and we ought not to talk about it ? [Great cheers and laughter.] Tf you wUl get everybody else to stop talking about it, I assure you' I wfll quit before they have haU done so. [Renewed laughter.] But where is the phUosophy or statesmanship which assumes that you can quiet that disturbing element in our society which has disturbed us for more than half a century, which has been the only serious danger that has threatened our institutions, — I say, where is the philosophy or the statesmanship based on the assumption that we are to quit talking about it, and that the public mind is aU at once to cease being agitated by it ? Yet this is the policy here in the North that Douglas is advocating, — that we are to care nothing about it 1 I ask you if it is not a false phUosophy. Is it not a false statesmanship that undertakes to buUd up a system of policy upon the basis of caring nothing about the very thing that everybody does care the most about? ["Yes;" "Yes;" and applause.] — a thing which all experience has shown we care a very great deal about ? [Laughter and applause.] The Judge aUudes very often in the course of his remarks to the exclusive right which the States have to decide the whole thing for them selves. I agree with him very readUy that the different States have that right. He is but fighting a man of straw when he assumes that I am contending against the right of the States to do as they please about it. Our controversy with him is in regard to the new Territories. We agree that when the States come in as States they have the right and the power to do as they please. We have no power as citizens of the Free States, or in our Federal capacity as members of the Federal Union through the General Govemment, to disturb slavery in the States where it exists. " Omits " you." LINCOLN AT ALTON 481 We profess constantly that we have no more inclination than belief in the power of the Government to disturb it; yet we are driven constantly to defend ourselves from the assumption that we are warring upon the rights of the States. What I insist upon is, that the new Territories shall be kept free from it while in the Territorial condition. Judge Douglas assumes that we have no interest in them, — that we have no right whatever to interfere. I think we have some interest. I think that as white men we have. Do we not wish for an outlet for our surplus population, if I may so express myself ? Do we not feel an interest in getting to that outlet with such institutions as we would Uke to have prevail there ? If you go to the Territory opposed to slavery, and another man comes upon the same ground with his slave, upon the assumption that the things are equal, it tums out that he has the equal right all his way, and you have no part of it your way. If he goes in and makes it a Slave Territory, and by consequence' a Slave State, is it not time that those who desire to have it a Free State were on equal ground? Let me suggest it in a different way. How many Democrats are there about here ["A thousand."] who have left Slave States and come into the Free State df IlUnois to get rid of the institution of slavery ? [Another voice : "A thousand and one."] I reckon tiiere are a thousand and one. [Laughter.] I will ask you, if the poUcy you are now advocating had prevailed when this country was in a Territorial condition, where would you have gone to get rid of it? [Applause.] Where would you have found your Free State or Territory to go to ? And when hereafter, for any cause, the people in this place shall desire to find new homes, if they wish to be rid of the institution, where wUl they find the place to go to ? [Loud cheers.] Now, irrespective of the moral aspect of this question as to whether there is a right or wrong in enslaving a negro, I am stiU in favor of our new Territories being in such a condition that white men may find a home, — may find some spot where they can better their condition; where they can settle upon new soU and better their condition in life. [Great and continued cheering.] I am in favor of this, not merely (I must say it here as I have elsewhere) for our own people who are born amongst us, but as an outlet for free white people everywhere, the world over, — in which Hans, and Baptiste, and Patrick, and aU other men from aU the world, may find new homes and better theur condition in life. [Loud and Iong_^continued\pplause.] 482 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS I have stated upon former occasions, and I may as well state again, what I understand to be the real issue in this controversy between Judge Douglas and myself. On the point of my wanting to make war between the Free and the Slave States, there has been no issue between us. So, too, when he assumes that I am in favor of introducing a perfect social and political equaUty between the white and black races. These are false issues, upon which Judge Douglas has tried to force the controversy. There is no foundation in tmth for the charge that I maintain either of these propositions. (The real issue in this controversy — the one pressing upon every mind — is the sentiment on the part of one class that looks upon the institution of slavery as a wrong, and of another class that does not look upon it as a wrong. ) The sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery in this country as a wrong is the sentiment of the Republican party. It is the sentiment around which all their actions, all their arguments, circle, from which all their propositions radiate. They look upon it as being a moral, social, and poUtical wrong; and while they contemplate it as such, they nevertheless have due regard for its actual existence among us, and the difficulties of getting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to aU the constitutional obligations thrown about it. Yet, having a due regard for these, they desire a policy in regard to it that looks to its not creating any more danger. / They insist that it should, as' far as may be, be treated as a wrong; and one of the methods of treating it as a wrong is to make provision that it shall grow no larger. [Loud ap plause,] They also desire a poUcy that looks to a peaceful end of slavery at some time, as being wrong. 1 These are the views they entertain in regard to it as I understand them; and all their sentiments, aU their arguments and propositions, are brought within this range. I have said, and I repeat it here, that if there be a man amongst us who does not think that the institution of slavery is wrong in any one of the aspects of which I have spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be with us. And if there be a man amongst us who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to disregard its actual presence among us and the difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a satisfactory way, and to disregard the constitutional obUgations thrown about it, that man is misplaced if he is on our platform. We disclaim sympathy with him in practical action. He is not placed properly with us. " Reads: "so" for "as." LINCOLN AT ALTON 483 On this subject of treating it as a wrong, and limiting its spread, let me say a word. Has anything ever threatened the existence of this Union save and except this very institution of slavery? What is it that we hold most dear amongst us ? Our own liberty and prosperity. What has ever threatened our liberty and prosperity, save and except this institution of slavery ? If this is tme, how do you propose to im prove the condition of things by enlarging slavery, — by spreading it out and making it bigger ? You can have a wen or cancer upon your person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you bleed to death; but surely it is no way to cure it, to engraft it and spread it over your whole body. That is no proper way of treating what you regard a wrong. You see this peaceful way of dealing with it as a wrong, — restricting the spread of it, and not allowing it to. go into new countries where it has not al ready existed. That is the peaceful way, the old-fashioned way, the way in which the fathers themselves set us the example. On the other hand, I have said there is a sentiment which treats it as not being wrong. That is the Democratic sentiment of this day. I do not mean to say that every man who stands within that range positively asserts that it is right. That class will include aU who positively assert that it is right, and all who, Uke Judge Douglas, treat it as indifferent and do not say it is either right or wrong. These two classes of men faU within the general class of those who do not look upon it as a wrong. And if there be among you anybody who supposes that he, as a Demo crat, can consider himself "as much opposed to slavery as anybody," I would like to reason with him. You never treat it as a wrong. What other thing that you consider as a wrong do you deal with as you deal with that ? Perhaps, you say it is a wrong, but your leader never does, and you quarrel with anybody who says it is wrong. Although you pre tend to say so yourself, you can find no fit place to deal with it as a wrong. You must not say anything about it in the Free States, because it is not here. You must not say anything about it in tiie Slave States, because it is there. You must not say anything about it in the pulpit, because that is religion, and has nothing to do with it. You must not say anything about it in politics, because that will disturb the security of "my place." [Shouts of laughter and cheers.] There is no place to talk about it as being a wrong, although you say yourself it is wrong. But, finally, you wUl screw yourseU up to the belief tiiat if the people of the Slave States should adopt a system of gradual emancipation on the 484 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS slavery question, you would be in favor of it. You would be in favor of it. You say that is getting it in the right place, and you would be glad to see it succeed. But you are deceiving yourself. You aU know that Frank Blair and Gratz Brown, down there in St. Louis, undertook to introduce that system in Missouri. They fought as valiantiy as they could for the system of gradual emancipation which you pretend you would be glad to see succeed. Now, I will bring you to the test. After a hard fight they were beaten, and when the news came over here, you threw up your hats and hurrahed for Democracy. [Great applause and laughter.] ' More than that, take aU the argument made in favor of the system you have proposed, and it carefully excludes the idea that there is anything wrong in the institution of slavery. The arguments to sus tain that policy carefully exclude it. Even here to-day you heard Judge Douglas quarrel with me because I uttered a wish that it might some time come to an end. Although Henry Clay could say he wished every slave in the United States was in the country of his ancestors, I am denounced by those pretending to respect Henry Clay for uttering a wish that it might sometime, in some peaceful way, come to an end. The Democratic poUcy in regard to that institution wiU not tolerate the merest breath, the slightest hint, of the least degree of wrong about it. Try it by some of Judge Douglas's arguments. He says he "don't care whether it is voted up or voted down" in the Territories. I do not care myself, in dealing with that expression, whether it is intended to be expressive of his individual sentiments on the subject, or only of the national policy he desires to have established. It is. alike valuable for my purpose. Any man can say that, who does not see anything wrong in slavery; but no man can logicaUy say it who does see a wrong in it, because no man can logically say he don't care whether a wrong is voted up or voted down. He may say he don't care whether an indifferent thing is voted up or down; but he must logicaUy have a choice between a right thing and a wrong thing. He contends that whatever community wants slaves has a right to have them. So they have, if it is not a wrong. But if it is a wrong, he cannot say people have a right to do wrong. He says that upon the score of equality^ slaves should be allowed to go into a new Territory, Uke other property. This is strictly logical if there is no difference between it and other property. If it and other property are equal, his argument is entirely LINCOLN AT ALTON 485 logical. But if you insist that one is wrong and the other right, there is no use to institute a comparison between right and wrong. You may tum over everything in the Democratic policy from beginning to end, whether in the shape it takes on the statute book, in the shape it takes in the Dred Scott decision, in the shape it takes in conversation, or the shape it takes in short maxim-like arguments, — it everywhere carefully excludes the idea that there is anything wrong in it. That is the real issue. That is the issue that will continue in this country when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. It'^is the eternal stmggle between these two principles — right and wrong — throughout the world. They are the two principles that have stood face to face from the beginning of time, and wUl ever con tinue to stmggle. The one is the common right of humanity, and the other the "divine right of kings." It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops itself. It is the same spirit that says, "You work and toU and earn bread, and I'U eat it." [Loud applause.] No matter in what shape it comes, whether from the mouth of a king who seeks to bestride the people of his own nation and live by the fmit of their labor, or from one race of men as an apology for enslaving another race, it is the same tyrannical principle. I was glad to express my gratitude at Quincy, and I re-express it here to Judge Douglas, — that he looks to no end of the institution of slavery. That wiU help the people to see where the stmggle really is. It wUl hereafter place with us all men who really do wish the wrong may have an end. And whenever we can get rid of the fog which obscures the real question, when we can get Judge Douglas and his friends to avow a policy looking to its perpetuation, — ^we can get them out from among that class of men and bring them to the side of those who treat it as a wrong. Then there wiU soon be an end of it, and that end wUl be its "ultimate extinction." Whenever the issue can be distinctly made, and all extraneous matter thrown out so that men can fairly see the real difference between the parties, this controversy wiU soon be settled, and it wUl be done peaceably too. There wUl be no war, no violence. It will be placed again where the wisest and best men of the world placed it. Brooks of South Carolina once declared that when this Constitution was framed, its framers did not look to the institution existing untU this day. When he said this, I think he stated a fact that is fully home out by the history of the times. But he also said they were 486 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS better and wiser men than the men of these days; yet the men of these days had experience which they had not, and by the invention of the cotton-gin it became a necessity in this country that slavery should be perpetual. I now say that, wilUngly or unwillingly, purposely or with out purpose. Judge Douglas has been the most prominent instmment in changing the position of the institution of slavery which the fathers of the Government expected to come to an end ere this, — and putting it upon Brooks's cotton-gin basis; [great applause] placing it where he openly confesses he has no desire there shall ever be an end of it. [Renewed applause.] I understand I have ten minutes yet. I wUl employ it in saying something about this argument Judge Douglas uses, while he sustains the Dred Scott decision, that the people of the Territories can stiU some how exclude slavery. The first thing I ask attention to is the fact that Judge Douglas constantly said, before the decision, that whether they could or not, was a question for the Supreme Court. [Cheers,] But after the court has made the decision he virtually says it is not a question for the Supreme Court, but for the people. [Renewed applause,] And how is it he tells us they can exclude it? He says it needs "police regulations," and that admits of "unfriendly legislation." Although it is a right established by the Constitution of the United States to take a slave into a Territory of the United States and hold him as property, yet unless the Territorial Legislature wiU give friendly legislation, and, more especially, if they adopt unfriendly legislation, they can practically exclude him. Now, without meeting this proposition as a matter of fact, I pass to consider the real constitutional obligation. Let me take the gentleman who looks me in the face before me, and let us suppose that he is a member of the Territorial Legislature. The first thing he will do wUl be to swear that he wUl support the Constitution of the United States. [Great applause.] His neighbor by his side in .the Territory has slaves and needs Territorial legislation to enable him to enjoy that constitu tional right. Can he withhold the legislation which his neighbor needs for the enjoyment of a right which is fixed in his favor in the Constitu tion of the United States which he has swom to support ? Can he with hold it without violating his oath ? And more especiaUy, can he pass unfriendly legislation to violate his oath ? Why, this is a monstrous sort of talk about the Constitution, of the LINCOLN AT ALTON 487 United States ! [Great applause,] There has never been as outlandish or lawless a doctrine from the mouth of any respectable man on earth. [Tremendous cheers,] I do not believe it is a constitutional right to hold slaves in a Territory of the United States, I believe the decision was unproperly made and I go for reversing it. Judge Douglas is furious agamst those who go for reversing a decision. But he is for legislating it out of aU force while the law itself stands, I repeat that there has never been so monstrous a doctrine uttered from the mouth of a respectable man, [Loud cheers.] I suppose most of us (I know it of myself) believe that the people of the Southern States are entitled to a Congressional Fugitive-Slave law, — that is a right fixed in the Constitution, But it cannot be made avaUable to them without Congressional legislation. In the Judge's language, it is a "barren right," which needs legislation before it can become efficient and valuable to the persons to whom it is guaranteed. And as tiie right is constitutional, I agree that the legislation shaU be granted to it, — and that, not that we like the institution of slavery. We profess to have no taste for running and catching niggers, — at least, I profess no taste for that job at all. Why then do I yield support to a Fugitive-Slave law? Because I do not understand that the Consti tution, which guarantees that right, can be supported without it. And if I believed that the right to hold a slave in a Territory was equaUy fixed in the Constitution with the right to reclaim fugitives, I should be bound to give it the legislation necessary to support it. I say that no man can deny his obligation to give the necessary legislation to support slavery in a Territory, who believes it is a constitutional right to have it there. No man can, who does not give the Abolitionists an argument to deny the obligation enjoined by the Constitution to enact a Fugitive Slave law. Try it now. It is the strongest Abolition argument ever made. I say if that Dred Scott decision is correct, then the right to hold slaves in a Territory is equally a constitutional right with the right of a slaveholder to have his runaway returned. No one can show the dis tinction between them. The one is express, so that we cannot deny it. The other is constmed to be in the Constitution, so that he who believes the decision to be correct believes in the right. And the man who argues that by unfriendly legislation, in spite of that constitutional right, slavery may be driven from the Territories, cannot avoid furnishing an argument by which Abolitionists may deny the obligation to return 488 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS fugitives, and claim the power to pass laws unfriendly to the right of the slaveholder to reclaim his fugitive. I do not know how such an argument may strike a popular assembly like this, but I defy anybody to go before a body of men whose minds are educated to estimating evidence and reasoning, and show that there is an iota of difference between the constitutional right to reclaim a fugitive, and the constitutional right to hold a slave, in a Territory, provided this Dred Scott decision is correct. [Cheers.] I defy any man to make an argument that wUl justify unfriendly legislation to deprive a slaveholder of his right to hold his slave in a Territory, that wiU not equally, in all its length, breadth, and thickness, fumish an argument for nullifying the Fugitive-Slave law. Why, there is not such an Aboli tionist in the nation as Douglas, after all. [Loud and enthusiastic applause.] Mr. Douglas's Rejoinder Senator Douglas' reappearance in front of the stand was the signal for a general yell of applause, which fairly shook the earth and startled the old Mississippi which was rolling gently along in all its majesty within a few hundred yards of the stand. Mr. Lincoln has concluded his remarks by saying there is not such an Abolitionist as I am in all America. [Laughter.] If he could make the Abolitionists of lUinois believe that, he would not have much show for the Senate. [Great laughter and applause.] Let him make the Abolitionists believe the tmth of that statement, and his political back is broken. [Renewed laughter.] His first criticism upon me is the expression of his hope that the war of the Administration will be prosecuted against me and the Democratic party of this State with vigor. He wants that war prosecuted with vigor; I have no doubt of it. His hopes of success and the hopes of his party depend solely upon it. They have no chance of destroying the Democracy of this State except by the aid of Federal patronage. ["That's a fact;" "Good," and cheers.] He has aU the Federal office-holders here as his allies, ["That's so."] mnning separate tickets against the Democracy to divide the party, although the leaders aU intend to vote directly the Abolition ticket and only leave the greenhoms to vote this separate ticket who refuse to go into the Abolition camp. [Laugh DOUGLAS AT ALTON 489 ter and cheers,] There is something really refreshing in the thought that Mr, Lincoln is in favor of prosecuting one war vigorously. [Roars of laughter,] It is the first war I ever knew him to be in favor of prosecuting. [Renewed laughter.] It is the first war that I ever knew him to beUeve to be just or constitutional. [Laughter and cheers.] When the Mexican war was being waged, and the American army was surrounded by the enemy in Mexico, he thought that war was unconsti tutional, unnecessary, and unjust. ["That's so;" "You've got him;" "He voted against it," etc.] He thought it was not commenced on the right spot. When I made an incidental allusion of that kind in the joint discussion over at Charleston some weeks ago, Lincoln, in replying, said that I, Douglas, had charged him with voting against supplies for the Mexican War, and then he reared up, full length, and swore that he never voted against the supplies; that it was a slander; and caught hold of Ficklin, who sat on the stand, and said, "Here, Ficklin, tell the people that it is a Ue." [Laughter and cheers.] WeU, FickUn, who had served in Congress with him, stood up and told them aU that he recoUected about it. It was that when George Ashmun, of Massachusetts, brought for ward a resolution declaring the war unconstitutional, unnecessary, and unjust, that Lincoln had voted for it. "Yes," said Lincoln, " I did." Thus he confessed that he voted that the war was wrong, that our country was in the wrong, and consequently that the Mexicans were in the right; but charged that I had slandered him by saying that he voted against the supplies. I never charged him with voting against the supplies in my life, because I knew that he -was not in Congress when they were voted. [Tremendous shouts of laughter.] The war was commenced on the 13th day of May, 1846, and on that day we appropriated in Congress ten milUons of dollars and fifty thousand men to prosecute it. During the same session we voted more men and more money, and at the next session we voted more men and more money, so that by the time Mr. Lincoln entered Congress we had enough men and enough money to carry on the war, and had no occasion to vote for' any more. [Laughter and cheers.] When he got into the House, being opposed to the war, and not being able to stop the supplies, because they had all gone for ward, aU he could do was to follow the lead of Corwin, and prove that the war was not begun on the right spot, and that it was unconstitutional, « Omits "for," 49° ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS unnecessary, and wrong. Remember, too, that this he did after the war had been begun. It is one thing to be opposed to the declaration of a war, another and very different thing to take sides with the enemy against your own coun try after the war has been commenced. ["Good," and cheers.] Our army was in Mexico at" the time, many battles had been fought; our citizens, who were defending the honor of their country's flag, were surrounded by the daggers, the guns, and the poison of the enemy. Then it was that Corwin made his speech in which he declared that the American soldiers ought to be welcomed by the Mexicans with bloody hands and hospitable graves; then it was that Ashmun and Lincoln voted in the House of Representatives that the war was unconstitutional and unjust; and Ashmun's resolution, Corwin's speech, and Lincoln's vote were sent to Mexico and read at the head of the Mexican army, to prove to them that there was a Mexican party in the Congress of the United States who were doing all ui their power to aid them. ["That's the tmth;" "Lincoln is a traitor," etc.] That a man who takes sides with the common enemy against his own country in time of war should rejoice in a war being made on me now, is very natural. [Immense applause,] And, in my opinion, no other kind of a man would rejoice in it, [' 'That's tme ;" "Hurrah for Douglas," and cheers.] Mr. Lincoln has told you a great deal to-day about his being an old line Clay Whig, ["He never was,"] Bear in mind that there are a great many old Clay Whigs down in this region. It is more agreeable, therefore, for him to taUi about the old Clay Whig party than it is for him to talk about AboUtionism, We did not hear much about the old Clay Whig party up in the Abolition districts. How much of an old Une Henry Clay Whig was he ? Have you read General Singleton's speech at Jacksonville ? ["Yes, yes,"] You know that General Singleton was for twenty-five years the confidential friend of Henry Clay in Illinois, and he testffied that in 1847, when the Constitutional Convention of this State was in session, the Whig members were invited to a Whig caucus at the house of Mr, Lincoln's brotiier-in-law, where Mr, Lincoln proposed to throw Henry Clay overboard and take up General Taylor in his place, giving as his reason that if the Whigs did not take up General Taylor, the Democrats would, [Cheers and laughter.] Singleton testi fies that Lincoln m that speech urged as another reason for tiirowing Henry Clay overboard, tiiat the Whigs had fought long enough for DOUGLAS AT ALTON 491 principle, and ought to begin to fight for success. Singleton also testi fies that Lincoln's speech did have the effect of cutting Clay's throat, and that he (Singleton) and others withdrew from the caucus in indig nation. He further states that when they got to PhUadelphia to attend the National Convention of the Whig party, that Lincoln was there, the bitter and deadly enemy of Clay, and that he tried to keep him (Singleton) out of the Convention because he insisted on voting for Clay, and Lincoln was determined to have Taylor. [Laughter and applause,] Singleton says that Lincoln rejoiced with very great joy when he found the mangled remains of the murdered Whig statesman lying cold before him. Now, Mr. Lincoln teUs you that he is an old line Clay Whig! [Laughter and cheers,] General Singleton testifies to the facts I have narrated, in a public speech which has been printed and circulated broadcast over the State for weeks, yet not a lisp have we heard from Mr. Lincoln on the subject, except that he is an old Clay Whig. What part of Henry Clay's policy did Lincoln ever advocate ? He was hi Congress in 1848-9, when the Wilmot Proviso warfare disturbed the peace and harmony of the country, untU it shook the foundation of the Republic from its center to its circumference. It was that agitation that brought Clay forth from his retirement at Ashland again to occupy his seat in the Senate of the United States, to see if he could not, by his great wisdom and experience, and the renown of his name, do something to restore peace and quiet to a disturbed country. Who got up that sec tional strife that Clay had to be called upon to quell ? I have heard Lmcoln boast that he voted forty-two times for the WUmot Proviso, and that he would have voted as many times more if he could, [Laugh ter.] Lincoln is the man, in connection with Seward, Chase, Giddings, and other Abolitionists, who got up that strife that I helped Clay to put down, [Tremendous applause,] Henry Clay came back to the Senate in 1849, ^^^ saw that he must do something to restore peace to the country. The Union Whigs and the Union Democrats welcomed him, the moment he arrived, as the man for the occasion. We believed that he, of all men on earth, had been preserved by Divine Providence to guide us out of our difficulties, and we Democrats rallied under Clay then, as you Whigs in NuUification time rallied under the banner of old Jackson, forgetting party when the country was in danger, in order that we might have a country first, and parties afterward, ["Three cheers for Douglas."] 492 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS And this reminds me that Mr. Lincoln told you that the slavery question was the only thmg that ever disturbed the peace and harmony of the Union. Did not NulUfication once raise its head and disturb the peace of this Union in 1832 ? Was that the slavery question Mr. Lin coln ? Did not disunion raise its monster head during the last war with Great Britain? Was that the slavery question, Mr. Lincoln? The peace of this country has been disturbed three times, once during the war with Great Britain, once on the tariff question, and once on the slavery question. ["Three cheers for Douglas."] His argument, there fore, that slavery is the only question that has ever created dissension in the Union faUs to the ground. It is tme that agitators are enabled now to use this slavery question for the purpose of sectional strife, ["That's so."] He admits that in regard to aU things else, the principle that I advocate, making each State and Territory free to decide for itself, ought to prevaU. He instances the cranberry laws and the oyster laws, and he might have gone through the whole list with the same effect. I say that aU these laws are local and domestic, and that local and domestic concerns should be left to each State and each Territory to manage for itself. If agitators would acquiesce in that principle, there never would be any danger to the peace and harmony of the Union. ["That's so," and cheers.] Mr. Lincoln tries to avoid the main issue by attacking the truth of my proposition, that our fathers made this government divided into Free and^Slave States, recognizing the right of each to decide aU its local questions for itself. Did they not thus make it ? It is true that they did not estabUsh slavery in any of the States, or aboUsh it in any of them; but finding thirteen States, twelve of which were Slave and one Free, they agreed to form a govemment uniting them together as they stood, divided into Free and Slave States, and to guarantee forever to each State the right to do as it pleased on the slavery question. [Cheers.] Having thus made the govemment and conferred this right upon each State forever, I assert that this Govemment can exist as they made it, divided into Free and Slave States, if any one State chooses to retain slavery. [Cheers.] He says that he looks forward to a time when slav ery shaU be abolished everywhere, I look forward to a time when each State shaU be allowed to do as it pleases. If it chooses to keep slavery forever, it is not my business, but its own ; if it chooses to aboUsh slavery, it is its own business, — not mine I care more for the great principle DOUGLAS AT ALTON 493 of self-government, the right of 'the people to rule, than I do for all the negroesin Christendom. [Cheers.] I would not endanger the perpe tuity of this Union, I would not blot out the great inalienable rights of the white men, for all the negroes that ever existed. [Renewed applause.] Hence, I say, let us maintain this Government on the principles that our fathers made it, recognizing the right of each State to keep slavery as long as its people determine, or to abolish it when they please. [Cheers.] But Mr. Lincoln says that when our fathers made this Government they did not look forward to the state of things now existing, and therefore he thinks the doctrine was wrong; and he quotes Brooks of South Carolina to prove that our fathers then thought that probably slavery would be abolished by each State acting for itself before this time. Suppose they did; suppose they did not foresee what has occurred, — does that change the principles of our Government? They did not probably foresee the telegraph that transmits inteUigence by lightning, nor did they foresee the railroads that now form the bonds of union between the different States, or the thousand mechanical inventions that have elevated mankind. But do these things change the principles of the Government? Our fathers, I say, made this Government on the principle of the right of each State to do as it pleases in its own domestic affairs, subject to the Constitution, and allowed the people of each to apply to every new change of circumstances such remedy as they may see fit to improve their condition. This right they have for all time to come, [Cheers,] Mr, Lincoln went on to tell you that he does not at all desire to interfere with slavery in the States where it exists, nor does his party, I expected him to say that down here. [Laughter,] Let me ask him, then, how he expects ' to put slavery in the course of ultimate extinction everywhere, if he does not intend to interfere with it in the States where it exists ? [Renewed laughter.] He says that he wiU prohibit it in aU Territories, and the inference is, then, that unless they make Free States out of them he wiU keep them out of the Union; for, mark you, he did not say whether or not he would vote to admit Kansas with slavery or not, as her people might apply (he forgot that, as usual, etc.); he did not say whether or not he was in favor of bringing the Territories now in existence ipto the Union on the principle of Clay's Compromise ¦ Reads; "is going" for "expects," 494 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Measures on the slavery question, I told ypu that he would not. ["Give it to him, he deserves it," etc.] His idea is that he wUl prohibit slavery in aU the Territories, and thus force them all to become Free States, surrounding the Slave States with a cordon of Free States', and hemming them in, keeping the slaves confined to their present Umits whUst they go on multiplying, untU the soU on which they live wiU no longer feed them, and he wUl thus be able to put slavery in a course of ultimate extinction by starvation. [Cheers.] He wUl extinguish slavery in the Southem States as the French general exterminated the Algerines when he smoked them out. He is going to extinguish slavery by surrounding the Slave States, hemming in the slaves, and starving them out of exist ence, as you smoke a fox out of his hole. He' intends to do that in the name of humanity and Christianity, in order that we may get rid of the terrible crime and sin entaUed upon our fathers of holding slaves. [Laughter and cheers.] Mr. Lincoln makes out that line of pohcy, and appeals to the moral sense of justice and to the Christian feeling of the community to sustain him. He says tiiat any man who holds to the contrary doctrine is in the position of the king who claimed to govern by divine right. Let us examine for a moment and see what principle it was that overthrew the divine right of George the Third to govern us. Did not these Colonies rebel because the British Parliament had no right to pass laws conceming our property and domestic and private institutions without our consent? We de manded that the British Govemment should not pass such laws unless they gave us representation in the body passing them; and this the British Government insisting on doing, we went to war, on the principle that the home Govemment should not control and govern distant colonies without giving them a representation. Now, Mr. Lincoln pro poses to govern the Territories without gi'ving them* a representation, and calls on Congress to pass laws controUing their property and domestic concerns without their consent and against their wiU. Thus, he asserts for his party the identical principle asserted by George III. and the Tories of the Revolution. [Cheers.] I ask you to look into these things, and then teU me whether the Democracy or the AboUtionists are right. I hold that the people of a Territory, Uke those of a State (I use the language of Mr. Buchanan in " Inserts, "And" before "He." ' Reads: "the people" for "them." DOUGLAS AT ALTON 495 his letter of acceptance), have the right to decide for themselves whether slavery shaU or shall not exist within theur limits. ["That's the idea;" "Hurrah for Douglas,"] The point upon which Chief Justice Taney expresses his opinion is simply this, that slaves, being property, stand on an equal footing with other property, and consequently that the owner has the same right to carry that property into a Territory that he has any other, subject to the same conditions. Suppose that one of your merchants was to take fifty or one hundred thousand dollars' worth of liquors to Kansas, He has a right to go there, under that decision; but when he gets there he finds the Maine liquor law in force, and what can he do with his property after he gets it there ? He cannot sell it, he cannot use it; it is subject to the local law, and that law is against him, and the best thing he can do with it is to bring it back into Missouri or IlUnois and sell it. If you take negroes to Kansas, as Colonel Jefi'erson Davis said in his Bangor speech, from which I have quoted to-day, you must take them there subject to the local law. If the people want the institution of slavery, they will protect and encourage it; but if they do not want it, they wiU withhold that protection, and the absence of local legislation protecting slavery excludes it as completely as a positive prohibition. ["That's so," and cheers.] You slaveholders of Missouri might as weU understand what you know practicaUy, that you cannot carry slavery where the people do not want it. ["That's so."] All you have a right to ask is that the people shall do as they please: if they want slavery, let them have it; if they do not want it, aUow them to refuse to encourage it. My friends, if, as I have said before, we wiU only live up to this great fundamental principle, there will be peace between the North and the South. Mr. Lmcoln admits that, under the Constitution, on all domestic questions, except slavery, we ought not to interfere with the people of each State. What right have we to interfere with slavery any more than we have to interfere with any other question ? He says that this slavery question is now the bone of contention. Why? Simply because agitators have combined in aU the Free States to make war upon it. Suppose the agitators in the States should combine in one half of the Union to make war upon the railroad system of the other haU ? They would thus be driven to the same sectional strife. Suppose one section makes war upon any other pecuUar institution of the opposite section, and the same strife is produced. The only remedy 496 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS and safety is that we shaU stand by the Constitution as our fathers made it, obey the laws as they are passed, whUe they stand the proper test, and sustain the decisions of the Supreme Court and the constituted author ities. Senator Douglas' half hour here expired. For some minutes after he concluded, the applause was perfectiy deafening and overwhelming. He seemed to have carried his vast auditory entirely with him in s)mi- pathy and feeUng, for their enthusiasm was boundless. [Missotiri Democrat, October i6, 1858] LAST OF THE JOIN T DISCrSSIONS BET^DEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS The Debate at Alton About s,ooo people gathered at Alton yesterday to hear these two gentlemen discuss the questions agitating the pubUc mind in the present contest. The "White Cloud" left St. Louis about ten o'clock yester day moming with over 300 people aboard, and arrived at Alton at twelve o'clock. We found the landing at Alton crowded with people, and the whole town aUve and stirring with large masses of human beings. The Douglas men had raised a banner across one of the principal streets, upon which was inscribed: "POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY!" Stephen A. Douglas, The People's Choice. In close proximity to this was a banner of the Republicans bearing the foUowing: Illinois Born a Free State Under the Ordinance of '87. SHE WILL MAINTAIN ITS PROVISIONS! And another having in large letters: LINCOLN NOT TROTTED OUT YET! alluding to Douglas' threat that he would trot Lincoln out down in Egypt. Parties of men and boys were traversing the streets, hurrahing for Douglas or Lincoln, as their preferences might dictate. The stand erected for the speakers was placed against the southern side of the new City Hall, and at i-^ o'clock Messrs. Lmcoln and Douglas THE ALTON DEBATE 497 were promptiy on hand, while the vast crowd filled up the space between the stand and the Congregational church on the South. By an understanding between the speakers, previously had, Mr. Douglas occupied an hour in opening. Mr, Lincoln foUowed, occu pying an hour and a half, and Mr, Douglas closed with a speech of half an hour. After the adjournment of the meeting. Dr. Hope, National Demo cratic candidate for Congress, appeared in front of the stand and asked to be heard, but his first words happening to be against Judge Douglas, that gentleman's friends in the crowd set up a storm of yeUs, which completely drowned his voice. The noisy parties could be easily detected as rowdies and dmnkards who kept up a continual shout for Douglas. One man had a quart whisky bottle which he held aloft, and screamed out an invitation for the "Douglas boys" to "come and drink." The whole quart of whisky soon disappeared. We learn from Dr. Hope, that he asked Douglas if he would permit F. P. Blair to make public what transpired between them (Douglas and Blair) last winter in Washington City and that he was answered curtiy and stemly in the negative. The Doctor interprets the answer as an admission on the part of Douglas, that he (Douglas) was in full fellowship with the Republican party at that time. [Chicago Times, October 17, 1858] THE CAMPAIGN.-THE LAST JOINT DEBATE Douglas and Lincoln at Alton.— 5,000 to 10,000 Persons Present!— Lincoln Again Refuses to Answer Whether He Will Vote to Admit Kansas II Her People Apply with a Constitution Recognizing Slavery.— Appears in His Old Character ol the "Artful Dodger." —Tries to Palm Himsell oil to the Whigs ol Madison County as a Friend ol Henry Clay and No Abolitionist, and Is Exposed.— Great Speeches ol Senator Douglas.— People ol Illinois, Read and Be Convinced The last of the series of joint debates between Senator Douglas and Honorable Abraham Lincoln took place at Alton on Friday. From five to ten thousand people were in attendance, the majority of whom were Democrats. A large delegation came up from St. Louis on the Steamer White Cloud, and quite a number of Missourians were present from the adjoining counties, on the opposite side of the Mississippi river, whUst not 498 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS a few Kentuckians had found their way up to Alton to hear the debate. Lincoln, as usual, tried to suit himself to the locality and to conceal his AboUtion sentiments, whilst pretending to be the friend of Henry Clay, and to have his sanction for aU the principles he has avowed during this campaign. He again refused to answer whether or not, if placed in a position where he would be required to vote on the subject, he would vote for the admission of a State into the Union if her people appUed with a constitution recognizing slavery. This question Senator Douglas has propounded to him at every joint debate, and he has studiously avoided an answer. Lincoln's conduct at this last debate was most improper and ungen tlemanly. After he concluded his hour and a half speech, and Senator Douglas arose to reply, he set himself where his motions could not be observed by the Senator, and, whenever a point was made against him, would shake his head at the crowd, intimating that it was not tme, and that they should place no reliance on what was said. This course was a direct 'violation of the rules of the debate, and was a mean trick, beneath the dignity of a man of honor. Besides, in his speech, he entirely misrepresented and misstated the positions taken by Senator Douglas, and based his arguments upon his falsehoods as aU who wUl take the trouble to read the debate cannot faU to see. We undertake to say that this last effort of Mr. Lincohi's is the lamest and most im potent attempt he has yet made to bolster up the false position he took at the outset of the fight. We have given a verbatim report of the debate, and invite for it the careful pemsal of our readers. AU we can ask is that our enemies, as well as our friends wUl read and study weU the positions taken by the two leaders of the respective parties, and we do not fear the judgment at which they wiU arrive. [Evening Post, New York, October 20, 1858] POLITICAL.-THE CANYASS IN ILLINOIS Close ol the Joint Debate.— Progress ol Douglas Colonization.— Corn Juice and Corn Stalks.— Douglas's Voice Failing Correspondence of the Evening Post Springfield, III., October 16, 1858 The seven joint debates between Lmcoln and Douglas have con cluded. The last was held at Alton yesterday. These debates have not Last Great Discussion. Let aU take notice, that on Fri day next, Hon. S, A. Douglas and Hon. a. Lincoln, wiU hold the seventh and closing joint debate of the canvass at this place. We hope the country will tum out, to a man, to hear these gentlemen. Ihe following programme for the discussion has been decided upon by the Joint Committee ap pointed by the People's Party Club and the Democratic Club for that purpose. ArrKKsemomM fwr ik« IStb mat. ' The tVTQ Oomiattteat— oae from each par- tj— heretofore appoiBtetl to make arrange- nieota for thepublio apeaking on tha 15cfa inst., met in joint Oommittee, and the fol lowing programme of prooeedinga wae adopted, riz : 1st, The pleoe tor aald gpeaking shall 1>e on the east aide of City HalL 2d. The time shall bs 1} o'jlook, P. M. on said day. 3d. That Moeeei. C. STroLSMjN and W, T. MiLLiB be a Oommittee to ereot a plat form; also, seats to aooommodate ladies. 4th, That Messrs. B. F. BAaar and Williih Po.^T superintend masio and salutes, 5th, Messrs. H. 6. McPiki aid W. C. Qdio- LKr be a oommittee having charge of the platform, and reoeption of ladies, and have power to appoint assistants. - 6th, That the reception of Messrs. Donacis and LiNCOLH shall be a quiet one, and no public display. > Tcb, That do banner or motto, ezoept na tional oolorti shall be aUowed on the speakers' stand. On motion, a ojoraniitteei consisting of Messrs, W. 0. Qciour and H. Q. McPiu. be appointed to pubUsh this programme of prooeediags. W. O..QUruLE7, H. G. MoPlKE. Altox, Oct. 18, less. To the above it should be added that ths 0. A. id St. Louis Railroad, will, on Friday, carry pBssengers to and from tbis oity at half its usual rates. Persons oan come in on the 10:40 a. a. train, and go out at G:20 in the eventDg. CLIPPING FROM THE ALTON DAILY WHIG THE ALTON DEBATE 499 only been published in nearly all the journal^ in this state, but they have attracted the attention of the whole country. They have been next in importance and interest to some of the great senatorial debates, when the whole nation has stood stUl to listen to the voice of its greatest men. For the rest of the canvass, Mr. Lincoln makes twelve speeches, and Mr. Douglas makes nine. Each is to speak in sections where they deem it most necessary to exert a personal influence. The Alton meeting, which was the seventh and last joint debate, was not very largely attended, but in many respects it was the greatest dis cussion yet held. Both speakers applied themselves to their work with new power and energy. The audience was mostly composed of voters, and the Lincoln men took heart from the conflict. Judge Douglas's voice has suffered badly by this out-door speaking. It is very indistinct. He has voice enough, but it cannot be heard any distance. He speaks slowly, and gives every syllable an emphasis, but it seems as if every tone went forth surrounded and enveloped by an echo, which blunts the sound and utterly destroys the word. You hear a voice, but catch no meaning. This peculiar effect has been more marked lately. At Quincy the Judge had to confine his attempts to make himself understood to a small crowd gathered closely about the stand. Yours, &c,, Bayou [Alton (III,) Daily Courier, October i6, 1858] LAST JOINTDEBATE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS 6,000 People Present. — Lincoln Triumphant.— Eepublicanism in the Ascendent.- Douglas Vanquished The seventh and closing debate between Messrs Douglas and Lin coln came off at this city yesterday afternoon. The day was not the best — the morning being somewhat cloudy with indications of rain. At an early hour the country began to arrive. It came on foot, on horseback, by carriage, by lumber wagon, and by all other conveyances possible. The steamer Baltimore, from St. Louis, brought up its load of those desirous of hearing the debate. At half past ten o'clock the train on the Chicago, Alton & St. Louis raUroad, freighted with its gather ings from Springfield, Auburn, Girard, CarlinviUe, Brighton, and we loo ILLDfOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS know not how many otter towns, steamed slowly into the city with its burden erf eig^fiillcar;. The ether passenger trains of the forenoon and early afternoon demonstrated, too, that the names of Lincohi and Dong^ have a hdd npon the country. About noon the extra steamer, ^\^lite Qoud, landed upon the levee its quota of denizens of St Louis. With the eariiest Mtivak, die rooms of Messrs Dou^s and Lincohi, who reached the city before daj^i^t— coming down the river from Quincy — became the centres of attraction. Mr. Lincoln received at the Franklin House, and ^Mr. Douglas at the Alton. The train of the CJiicagO, Alton & St. Louis railroad brought down the Springfield Cadets, a fiiK militaiy company, which paraded through our streets, accompanied by ilerritt's comet band — discoursing sweet music. At a later hour, the band of the EdwaidsviDe delegation also gave us a display of its power "to charm the sense and drive duU care away." By the hour of 12, the great American people had taken possession of the city. It went up and down the streets — ^it hurrahed for Lincoln and hurrahed for Douglas — ^it crowded the auction rooms — it thronged the stores of our merchants — it gathered on the street comers and discussed politics — ^it shook its fists and talked loudly— ^it mounted boxes and cried the virtues of Pain EjUer — ^it mustered to the eating saloons and did not forget the drinking saloons — ^it was here, there and everywhere, asserting its privUeges and maintaining its rights. Imme diately thereafter couples and triplets and singles of its 6000 component parts betook themselves to the neighborhood of the stand prepared for the speaking. Over this, which was located on the eastern side of the City HaU and Market buflding, the Stars and Stripes floated upon the breeze. Mr. Henry Lea displayed several banners and flags. One was inscribed ; "Illinois, bom under the Ordinance of '87 — she wiU maintain its pro visions." Another: "Lincoln not yet Trotted Out," and a third: "free territories and free men. free pulpits and free preachers, free press and free pen, free schools and free teachers." Mr. E. H. Goulding notified everybody in this style: "Squat Row for Old Abe and free Labor." A cord stretched from the store of I. Scarritt to that of DeBow & Barr sustained a large flag, bearing the THE ALTON DEBATE 501 mottoes: "Old Madison for Lincoln" and "Too late for the Milking." The national colors floated proudly from the flag staff of the Courier oflSce. The Douglas men concentrated their whole energies in one grand, magnificent, superb, right-royal banner, which was suspended between the store of Mr. Henry Lea and the Bank buUding. The words, "Popular Sovereignty — National Union — S. A. Douglas the People's Choice," were surmounted by a very buzzard-like bird, ready to swoop down upon its prey, and surrounded by five stars, intended, we presume, to represent the four states of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Iowa, which have already put their knives to the throat of Mr. Douglas, and lUinois wiU do so in November, after which he will be ready, politically, for the buzzards. The hour of two having nearly arrived, the great American people, having gathered all its parts, or so many of them as would consent to be gathered, to the first floor of the City Hall BuUding and the ground between that and the Presbyterian church, Messrs Lincoln and Douglas made their appearance upon the stand. As previously agreed Judge Douglas opened the debate in a speech of one hour. Although appear ing very well his voice was completely shattered, and his articulation so very much impeded that very few of the large crowd he addressed, could understand an entire sentence. Nearly all his speech was a repe tition of his previous charges of amalgamation, negro equality, etc, against the Republican party; and he labored and twisted them and roUed them as sweet morsels under his tongue, tUl his own friends were disgusted with his pertinacity and falsehood. Having nearly exhausted himself and his hour, also, on this terrible bugbear, the Judge then ventured upon one of the most imporant and, to him, the most fearful act of his life. He actuaUy attacked Buchanan and his administration, and berated them to his heart's content. His friends were not prepared for this bold step on the part of their leader, and opened wide their eyes in astonishment. "What! had their Little Giant, their terrible leader, stood so long calmly and meekly by when the heads of his friends, one after the other, in rapid succession, rolled before him in the dust, and not a word of rebuke or condemnation, and now, at the very heels of an election, more important to him than any other of his Ufe, he plucks up courage and denounces the President in terms admit ting of no mistake as to his feelings. With this exception his speech was in no respect different from- his previous efforts. It was flat and $02 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS unsatisfactory, unredeemed by a single sparkle of wit or patriotic elevation. The hour and a half reply of Mr. Lincoln was an effort of which his friends had every reason to be proud. One by one he took up the oft- exploded charges of Douglas against the Republican party and scattered them to the winds, and charged back upon him his own army of sins of omissions and commission with terrible effect. Not a single one of aU the charges Douglas made was left unanswered, and so convincing was the array of testimony he produced, so clear and logical every deduction made from them, and so honest and candid was he in aU his assertions, that the Douglasites themselves were forced to admit that they had not only underrated the native strength of the man, but that he was greatly misrepresented in theur papers. His reply was, in fact, a com plete vindication of himself and the Republican party, from the foul slanders sought to be heaped upon them, and as a vuidication could not be successfully answered. Douglas' half hour rejoinder was both in better spurit and better taste than his openuig. It was not, in fact, a rejomder at aU. ' It was principally a series of charges against Mr. Lincoln about his Mexican war votes, which he then introduced so that Mr. Lincoln could have no opportunity of replying. Brave Little Giant ! Cunning Little Giant ! magnanimous Little Giant ! As we intend to publish the speeches in full, in a. few days, we shaU not further speak of them now. The discussion has been longed for by the Republicans of this city and vicinity, and theur expectations have been more dian realized. As the Democracy of the States of Iowa, Ohio, Indiana and Pennsylvania has been thrashed out, so was Mr. Douglas thrashed out by Mr. Lincoln yesterday. [Illinois state Register, October i8, 1858] THE DISCUSSION AT ALTON Alton, October 16 Editors State Register:-Not having seen you at the public discussion which took place between Messrs. Douglas and Lmcoln, on yesterday, we presume you would like to have a brief account of what took place. The number present at the discussion numbered about five thou sand probably six thousand. It is said, by the friends of each party, that the number was not so great as at any former discussion. The THE ALTON DEBATE 503 audience was very attentive and treated both the speakers with courtesy. Quite a number of citizens of St. Louis were present, having chartered a steamer to bring them up and hear the debate. After Mr. Douglas had commenced his opening speech, Hope intermpted him with the first question that Sturgeon had given him. He fared as others have done on Uke occasions. He was over whelmed by the answer, and the cheers of the multitude conse quent thereto, and dropped back, without attempting to go through the series. After Messrs. Douglas and Lincoln had got through their debate and had left the stand. Dr. Hope made his appearance upon it, and attempted to address the crowd, but he had scarcely thrown back his oUy locks and opened his mouth, before he was greeted by a torrent of noise of every description, such as "Hurrah for Douglas," "Hurrah for Lincoln," "Dry up," "You're a hopeful case," etc. But the would be congressman was not to be put down in this way. He handed his hat to a friend, then used both his fists in defiance. We suppose he was talking all the time, but we could not hear one word. He danced over the platform in a frantic manner, shook his head and fists in defiance at divers persons in the crowd, and disappeared (after speaking half an hour and making a fool of himself) off the stage in a most theatrical manner; that is chasing an individual who was making a noise. During all the time the crowd was convulsed with laughter. All declared it to be the best circus that had been in town for many a day. Hope had no friends except Sturgeon, and one or two postmasters. Judge Douglas made his headquarters at the Alton House. Mr. Lincoln stopped at the Franklin. Douglas' room was crowded all the time. The old whigs and Americans came in crowds to see him. Madison [New York Semi-Weekly Tribune, October 26, 1858] THE LAST DEBATE BETWEEN DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN Their Meeting at Alton Correspondence of the New York Tribune Alton, III., Oct. 15, 1858 The last great debate between Douglas and Lincoln took place today in our city in the presence of a vast multitude, in the open air. The place of meeting was on the public square, adjoining the new S04 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS City Hall, where, it is estimated 10,000 persons were present, com prising delegations from the neighboring towns and cities, and our own citizens and country people. The speakers' stand was at the side of the buUding, the colors of the United States waving over their heads, and many ladies occupied the windows and adjoining rooms of the City HaU. No Political flags or mottoes were aUowed. The vast num bers present showed the interest that is felt in this part of the State in the pending contest; for Central lUinois is the battle ground of the parties, turning the scale this way or that. As we approached the ground, Douglas was speaking, having just commenced. His manner was excited and animating, his voice reached a great distance, but his articulation was thick and imperfect, so that the outside circle of the crowd could not hear ivhat he said. Certain emphatic words, such as "Democracy," "nigger equaUty," the Declaration of Independence not made for "niggers," made for "white men," "AboUtion," etc., were aU that could be heard, without pressing forward deep into the crowd. His voice on these emphatic words was always pitched on a high, loud note, which was never varied, and these loud monotones were uttered with aU the physical force and violence of gesticulation the speaker could demand, occurring with wonderful regularity; but the intervening words being lost, his meaning was seldom apprehended by any except those who were quite near. Nevertheless, there was in this outer circle, a considerable number of rowdies, drinkers of rum, accustomed to give vent to their feelings in yells, screams and ¦vulgar mirth, who responded regularly at the recurrence of certain words, and cried, "That's so," "Hit him again," the latter referring especiaUy to every personal allusion to Mr, Lincoln, of which there were many, and some of them uttered in the insolent manner that characterizes the overseer of the negro plantation, from which Mr, Douglas must at some period of his life, have taken lessons. These cries and "hurrah for Douglas" were a serious intermption, and the Little Giant is cunning enough, whenever a Uttle confusing and commingling of cries results, to charge the interruption upon the friends of Mr, Lincoln, aUeging that the latter gentleman is always Ustened to with attention by the Democrats, although today he was frequently interrupted by "hoorahs for Douglas" from certain of the baser sort, who mingled in the outside of the crowd. [Here follows the opening speech of Mr. Douglas.] THE ALTON DEBATE 505 At the close of Mr, Douglas' speech, which occupied an hour, Mr, Lincoln was introduced, and received with music from a band and cheers. Having never seen nor heard him before, the first impression was much more agreeable than we had anticipated. The Douglas papers had so belied him that we expected to see a man of most homely and awkward figure, of slow and hesitating speech, in no respect the equal of Mr. Douglas as a political orator. We had read the lying report of Douglas' paid letter writers and reporters, who go around with him, that at Freeport Mr. Lincoln was so utterly routed in the debate, and "cowed down" (that was the expression), that he had to be carried off the stand by his friends; we had read again and again in these partisan papers Douglas Triumphant, until we had come to fear that the Republican standard-bearer was reaUy much inferior to his opponent, and that he must be losing ground in these debates. Imagine, then, the agreeable surprise when we saw and heard the man. There stood before the multitude one of nature's' noblemen, with a head and countenanca expressive of the highest moral and mental qualities, a form tall and erect, an eye and expression of face beaming with kindly sentiments, and a voice and articulation so clear and dis tinct that every word was heard to the farthest extreme of the assembly — a voice natural, not strained, various in its modulations, and pleasant to listen to. [Here follows the reply of Mr. Lincoln.] If hurrahs, noise and rowdyism, can carry the day, Douglas wiU be reelected. If the intelligence and enlightened sentiment of the people shall prevaU, then Mr. Lincoln is as sure to be successor of Mr. Douglas in the Senate of the United States as there is a sun in the Heavens, and the probabilities" are now working very strongly in this way. [Peoria Transcript, October 18, 1858] THE SEVENTH AND LA'ST GREAT DEBATE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS, AT ALTON Correspondence of the Transcript Springfield, Oct. 16, 1858 The seventh debate between Lincoln and Douglas, came off today at Alton. The number present was not so great as it has been at most of these discussions. However, at an early hour the crowd began to 5o6 ILLmolS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS assemble at the City Hall, At 2 p. m. the speakers were announced by various demonstrations among the crowd. Mr, Lincoln, through his whole speech, was Ustened to with the greatest attention, and was only interrupted by men who, though they could scarcely stand, yet could hurrah for Douglas, men who when Douglas was speaking could belch forth various exclamations, as "Give himh— l,"&c. So much has been said about Mr. Lincoln's speech that we wUl not attempt to follow Judge Douglas in his wanderings to the end. The vote on the cars, on returning, stood Lincoln 167 ; Douglas, 137. In the vicinity of Alton the Democracy are so divided that we shall undoubtedly have a clear majority. J. D. [St. Louis Morning Herald, October 16, 1858] POLITICAL DISCUSSION AT ALTON A large and highly respectable crowd of our citizens visited the City of Alton yesterday, for the purpose of listening to the speeches of Douglas (Democrat) and Lincoln (AboUtionist). About five thousand people were present at the discussion, and throughout the speaking they preserved very good order. Douglas opened the baU, but just before commencing, a fat, burly- looking man, with frizzly-looking side-boards on his cheeks, propounded a question to Judge Douglas. The individual had just left the side of a prominent office-holder of this city, and it was generally supposed that the question came from that source. The question was something in regard to the power of the legislative assemblies of the territories legis lating on the subject of slavery. Mr. Douglas told him that his speech would be a reply to the question. In the course of Mr, Douglas' remarks, he made the fur fly off the abolitionists, the government office-holders, and Abe Lincoln. W« pitied the poor feUows, as we saw them squirm, and listened to the shouts of the assembled multitude, whUst Douglas was skinning them. He was foUowed by long Abe, with a kind of half and half moumers'- bench exhortation to the faithful to come to the rescue. He denied being an Abolitiom'st, and would not admit that the Republicans are in favor of fixing it as their policy to equalize the white and black races; but it was no go — the crowd did not believe him. Douglas concluded, and did skin poor Abe most unmercifuUy. THE ALTON DEBATE 5Q7 At the conclusion of the speaking the same individual we fitrst alluded to mshed upon the platform, and in a very insinuating manner com menced propounding interrogations to Douglas. The Judge answered the questions in an appropriate manner. We were told that the. ques tioner was a candidate of some few persons for Congress, and that his name is Hope, or something like that. Last night a meeting was held at Alton, and Messrs Merrick, of Chicago, and A. J. P. Garesche, of this City, made Douglas speeches. [St. Louis Evening News, October i6, 1858] THE TRIP TO ALTON.-THE DEBATE.-DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN The debate between Douglas and Lincoln, at Alton yesterday, afforded to our citizens an opportunity of hearing and seeing those eminent champions of Democracy and Republicanism in conflict; and, as the people of St, Louis are notoriously fond of speeches, several hundred of them went "up to Alton" to listen to the discussion. One crowd went up on the Terre Haute raUroad, another took the Baltimore at seven o'clock, and a third detachment followed on the AVhite Cloud, which left at ten o'clock. We cast our fortunes with this latter crowd. It was, politically a promiscuous gathering. There were fierce and furious friends of Douglas, whose admiration for the "Little Giant" knew no bounds; steady old Adamantine Administration Democrats, who support the President at aU hazards and to the last extremity; rampant Republicans, and neutral Americans, Of course, such an assemblage contained the elements of boundless and endless political disputes ; and the boat was no sooner afloat than the whole crowd got afloat, too, in the deep water of politics. The Douglas men were vo ciferous in praises of the " Little Giant.'' The Administration men were vehement in their denunciation of him. The Douglas men believe their champion to be the "greatest man now living." The Administration men suggested that he had Uved well nigh to the end of his political life. The Douglas men went into grandiloquent expositions of " the great prin ciple of the Kansas Nebraska Act," "popular sovereignty," "the rights of the people," and other "glittering generalities," to which the Admin istration men listened with "serene indifference," while the Americans and Republicans grappled each other in animated side fights, which made the cabin of the White Cloud as uproariously interesting and pro- So8 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS foundly instmctive as one of the midnight sessions of the last Congress, when the Kansas question was up. The disputation was vigorously kept up untU the boat arrived at Alton, at half past twelve. The streets of Alton were alive with independent looking "Suckers," who had come from all the country round about to hear the speeches; flags were streaming from the two hotels to denote the headquarters of the respective forces; and Senator Douglas' six-pound traveling swivel was blazing away in the most obstreperous manner, to impress the Altonians with a proper sense of the respect due the "big gun" who was its master. At half past one the people assembled to the number of five thousand, in front of the new City Hall, against which a platform had been erected, midst mingled cheers for "Douglas" and "Lincoln" the "Little Giant" came forward and opened the game. When Mr. Lincoln arose to speak he was loudly cheered by a portion of the crowd, while a magnificent bouquet of dahlias and roses, thrown at his feet, bespoke the admiration which the tall Republican had in spired in the bosom of one of the ladies in the crowd. Mr. Lincoln appeared to some disadvantage in the first part of his speech, which was a labored defense of himself against the charges of his antagonist, and a rescue of his position from the misrepresentations which Mr. Douglas had thrown around it; but the latter portion was an admirable example of close, compact and finished argument, and would have been creditable before any Court or CouncU in the land. It was a lucid exposition of the doctrines and philosophy of the Republican party, and, as a forensic effort, was certainly superior to the speech of Mr. Douglas. [Chicago Press and Tribune, October i8, 1858] . SEVENTH AND LAST DEBATE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS AT ALTON, FRIDAY, OCT. 15TH Douglas's Seventh Eehearsalol "That Speech."— Admirable Sum ming* Up ol the Issues of the Campaign by Mr. Lincoln.- Verbatim Report ol Mr. Douglas' Speech, Mr. Lincoln's Reply and Mr. Douglas's Rejomder The final passage-at-arms between Lincoln and Douglas came off at Alton on Friday last — two days subsequently to the Quincy debate. The speakers, accompanied by a few friends, took passage on the fine THE ALTON DEBATE 509 steamer City of Louisiana, at Quincy on Thursday— reaching Alton at five o'clock Friday moming. There was very little excitement manifest in the city during the forenoon, beyond the constant arriving of people from the country and the neighboring towns. A train of eight or ten cars came down from Springfield, Carlinville, and other stations on the Alton & Chicago RaUroad; and the steamer White Cloud brought up a fuU load from St. Louis. The whole number in attendance upon the discussion was probably between four and five thousand. By mutual agreement the friends of the respective candidates made no processions or other demon strations of enthusiasm. The debate passed off with rather less than the ordinary amount of applause, but with unusuaUy close attention on the part of the audience. The speaking commenced at 2 o'clock p. M. at the south front of the new City HaU, [Cincinnati Gazette, October 20, 1858] THE LAST JOINT DEBATE The number of people in attendance was considerably less than on the occasion of their former debates. Only four or five thousand were present. The novelty had worn off and the full reports of the previous debates had partially satisfied the public curiosity, and as little that was new could now be expected on either side Both these champions wUl appear before the people on several occasions previous to the election but not again in conjunction. It has evidently been a less advantageous arrangement to Douglas than to his competitor, [Illinois State Journal, October 20, 1858] [From the Alton Courier] Springfield Cadets. — This military company visited our city on the occasion of the joint debate between Lincoln and Douglas, and their beautiful appearance and excellent training merited notice from us. Their officers are as follows : Cap tain — ^D. S. Mather; ist. Lieut. — ^W. H. Latham; 2d. Lieut. — J. Loyd; 3d. Lieut. — E, Strickland, Immediately after the arrival of the loj o'clock train, on which they came down, they formed, and preceded, by Merritt's Cornet Band, which by the way, is one of the finest that has visited our city lately, they paraded through our streets, attracting general attention. In the afternoon, at the close of the discussion, they again formed, and after marching about the city a while, drew up in front of the Courier office, and displayed their knowledge of military tactics. Their evolutions were exceedingly well performed. We are sure they need not fear comparison with any company in the State. They drew a large crowd of observers, and well they might Sio ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS The beauty of their uniform, their general neatness of appearance, the certainty and rapidity with which they moved at the word of command, all combined to make them justly worthy of -admiration and praise, [Alton Courier, October 19, 1858] ENCOURAGING In our notice, the other day, of the flags and banners displayed, we are advised we did a "Young America Republican" injustice, as wiU be seen by the following: Editor Alton Courier: In your notice Saturday you give my father the credit of hanging out the banners at his store. I did it! They are mine. I have kept some of them ever since the election of the brave Col. Bissell, and will hang them out again when Lincoln is elected, I am only a "Young America" Republican, twelve years old, but if I had twelve votes I would give them all to Lincoln and Liberty, Habuy Lea Good for Harry, say we. He has aU the fire of a genuine RepubU can, and puts to shame many of his elders. Those banners wUl be wanted, Harry, so be sure and keep them safe, and think what a rejoi cing we wiU have on that occasion. How many of our young folks can say as much as Harry? [Chicago Press and Tribune, October 18, 1858] THE ALTON DEBATE The seventh and last public debate between Lincoln and Douglas, came off at Alton on Friday last. The audience, though large, was not equal in point of numbers to the average of those at the preceding dis cussions. This may be attributed partly to the staid character of the population of Madison County — a considerable plurality of whom are Old Line Whigs, and partly to the fact that both speakers had previously visited in the county during the campaign. Mr. Douglas' prudence in limiting this national discussion to seven meetings has prevented our candidate from driving him any farther into the ditch. We are grateful for what has been vouchsafed us. [Springfield, III., Republican, October 21, 1858] Douglas and Lincoln have concluded theur joint discussions. The last was at Alton, on Friday. Each has about a dozen more appoint ments for speeches by themselves before the election. CHAPTER XII PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN [Boston Daily Courier, July i6, 1858] The speech of Mr. Lincoln, of Illinois, foUowing upon that of Senator Douglas, delivered the preceding day, has come to hand, and we have now read them both with much attention. The contest for the Senator- ship between these two gentlemen is one of very great interest to the country at large, smce by its issue wiU be substantially determined the poUtical character of their State at the next Presidential election .... Mr. Douglas assumes his position, in conformity with the laws of his State, that a negro is not entitled to the privileges, immuni ties and rights of citizenship. He says, "I am utterly opposed to negro equality with white men," — and this corresponds with the existmg laws of Illinois, which, while they forbid slavery, also forbid a negro to vote or hold office, to serve on juries, or to enjoy political privileges; as is the practice of Massachusetts, except in regard to the voting, though our laws are silent on the subject. Mr. Lincoln, on the other hand, amongst many other things tending to the same point, which we cannot quote in detaU, declares — "I have always hated slavery, I think as much as any abolitionist," and when a man goes to the lengths of an abolitionist on this point, it is ob vious that he waits only for opportunity to unite with those impracti- cables in their not very reasonable or judicious measures for its extinc tion. We must think it is not of such stuff that Senators of the United States, holding slave States with their rights, as well as free States with their rights, ought to be made; nor is it easy to see how the people of Illinois, under their own Constitution and laws, can find it consistent to elect a gentleman holding such opinions. The issue, of course, is quite beyond conjecture; but the diverse views of the candidates, on the point thus indicated, show what is the real question and what wiU be the nature of the discussion as the canvass proceeds. Thus in a free State, excluding negroes from all rights of citizenship by law, curiously enough, negroism in one aspect pr another seems to 512 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS constitute the gist of the controversy. The contest has begun with every commendable exhibition of courtesy between the rivals. In point of oratorical abiUty there is no comparison between them. Judge Douglas's speech is graceful, compact, and easy. Mr. Lincoln's inele gant, discursive, and laborious. We can hardly conceive of the latter producing much popular impression, even with the truth,; whUe the former might render even sophistry agreeable to a not unwiUing crowd. [Cincinnati Gazette, August ii, 1858] DOUGLAS PLAYING DOUBLE The Chicago Tribune alleges that, in certain quarters, Douglas breaks down on so much of the Dred Scott decision as conflicts with Squatter Sovereignty; alleging further that all the points settled by the Supreme Court, beyond the fact of the non-citizenship of negroes, are of no authority, being obiter dicta. He cannot avoid the glaring incon sistency of maintaining the validity of the whole decision, and yet asserting his "popular sovereignty" dogma. One or the other must go to the wall he finds that he [Lincoln] is pressing home on him with terrible effect the plain tmth that Judge Taney, whom he has hith erto unqualifiedly endorsed, has completely strangled his own popular sovereignty bantling, [The Commonwealth, Frankfort, Kentucky, August 24, 1858] THE CANVASS IN ILLINOIS Whether viewed in reference to its political result upon the country at large, or in reference to the ability displayed by the respective candi dates, the canvass now going on in lUinois between Judge Douglas and Hon, Abram Lincoln for the U, S, Senate is the canvass of the year 1858, Lincoln is the Black Republican candidate, whUe Douglas is the candi date of the anti-Lecompton Democracy, The Buchanan Lecompton Democracy do not constitute more than a corporal's guard in Illinois, yet because the "Little Giant" dared, during the last session of Congress, to follow the dictates of his conscience — ^because he boldly and bitterly denounced the Kansas policy of Mr, Buchanan as a fraud upon the constitutional rights of the people of that Territory, and in violation of the fundamental principles of American freedom, the President, with his army of officeholders in Illinois, seemed determined to defeat him, if possible, even though that defeat wUl result in the election of a rampant PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN 513 Black Republican to the U. S. Senate, It is openly declared by some of Buchanan's minions in Illinois that they are wiUing to pursue any course and vote in any way which will enable Lincoln to beat Douglas. The Lecompton organs of Kentucky seem to be perfectly unconcerned about the result, and many of them continue to pour out their abuse upon Douglas, and are aiding and abetting the Black RepubUcan Lincoln. [Cincinnati Commercial, August 25, 1858] MEETING OF DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN AT OTTAWA The first regular debate between Douglas and Lincoln in the course of the Illinois canvass took place on Saturday last at Ottawa, — About twelve thousand persons were present. Of course each party claimed decided victory, Lincoln personally had the advantage of Douglas in preserving his temper. But the Lincoln organs are more radically out of good humor than Douglas himself. Douglas said that when he was a school teacher, Lincoln was a grocery keeper, Lincoln, however, said that he never kept a grocery, but did once give his attention to a still house up at the head of a hollow. To the surprise of the spectators the honorable gentlemen got along without calling each other liars and getting into a scratch fight on the stand, but Douglas did nod his head when Lincoln asked him if he made a question of veracity between them. The enemies of Senator Douglas are multipl)dng. Senator Trum bull has joined Lincoln in preaching a crusade against him. The Washington Union pursues him with extraordinary constancy of hate. Frank P. Blair and B. Gratz Brown, of St, Louis, have invaded Egypt to heap up the agony upon him, and to complete the circle of fire, the LouisvUle Journal, whose advice has been asked by the K. N,'s of IlUnois, tells them to go for Lincoln, because Douglas had a few pleasant words to say to the Germans at Chicago the other day. Such a com bination to cmsh out a single man has rarely been witnessed, [The Union, Washington, D. C, August 26, 1858] DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN AT OTTAWA The Chicago papers come to us filled with reports of the speeches of Senator Douglas and would-be-senator Lincoln, at the great meeting at Ottawa on the 21st inst. By an arrangement previously made, these representatives of their respective parties had agreed to hold seven 514 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS public discussions — this being the first. It is estimated that not less than twelve thousand persons were present; and we are told that "Ottawa was deluged in dust," while national flags, mottoes, and devices were visible in every direction. The friends of the respective speakers met them on their entrance into the city, and two processions were formed, each of which is represented as having been nearly a mUe in length. The debate was opened by Mr. Douglas, who spoke an hour; Mr. Lincoln occupied an hour and-a-half in his reply, and Mr. D, made a closing speech of half an hour. As might be expected, the victory in this discussion is claimed on both sides. The Chicago Press has a heading — "A Senator in a tight place," whUe the Times informs us that "Lincoln breaks down," &c. The Press states that at the close of the debate Mr. Lincoln "was seized by the multitude and borne off on their shoulders, in the centre of a crowd of five thousand shouting republicans, with a band of music in front." The Times, on the other hand, informs us that Lincoln "seemed to have been paralyzed. He stood upon the stage looking wUdly at the people as they surrounded the triumphant Douglas, and with mouth wide open, he could not find a friend to say one word to him in his distress." [New York Daily Tribune, August 26, 1858] Perhaps no local contest in this country ever excited so general or so profound an interest as that now waging in Illinois, with Senator Douglas, the Federal Administration, and the RepubUcan party headed by Messrs. Lincoln and TrumbuU as the combatants. As our readers are already aware, one of the features of this remark able contest is a series of public meetings in different parts of the State, where Mr. Douglas and Mr, Lincoln successively address the people — a mode of discussing political questions which might well be more generally adopted. The first of these meetings was held at Ottawa on Saturday, the 21st inst, and we pubUsh on another page a full report of the speeches on both sides. But it is not merely as a passage at arms between two eminent masters of the art of inteUectual attack and defense that this discussion is worthy of study. It touches some of the most vital principles of our political system, and no man can carefuUy pemse it without some benefit, whatever his convictions as to the questions at issue between the disputants. PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN 515 [Springfield (Mass.) Republican, August 27, 1858] The Illinois Contest.— Douglas and Lincoln, the lUinois rivals, had the first of their seven joint debates at Ottawa last Saturday. The talk on both sides was mostly personal. A Douglas account says: "Douglas was borne off in triumph, leaving Lincoln paralyzed on the stand, with his mouth open, and that finally, being unable to walk, he was carried away." A Republican report says: "It is acknowledged . universally that Douglas was a used up man, — that Lincoln chawed him up completely," and that Douglas hastened out of town by the earliest train, whUe Owen Lovejoy "divested himself of his cravat and collar, also his vest and shirt," and "seized the democratic buU by the horns and administered to him a terrible flagellation;" "every sentence feU hissing hot upon the conscience of his Douglas listeners." If our readers cannot understand the merits of the day's debate from these particulars, we wiU add, after having read the speeches of both Douglas and Lincoln, that the former seems the best argued and most adroitly conceived, and the latter to have the most tmth in it. Douglas was smart but mighty unfair. Lincoln was entertaining, had the most friends in the crowd, and defended himself handsomely from the attacks of his opponent, but did not press home upon him the points which he should have done. [The Union, Washington, D. C, August 28, 1858] THE ISSUE IN ILLINOIS TRULY STATED The " Great Debate " at Ottawa, — According to the bills, Douglas and Lincoln had their "great debate" at Ottawa on Saturday, Mr, Douglas opened in a speech of an hour, Lincoln followed in a speech of an hour and a half, and Douglas "concluded" on him in a speech of half an hour. The theme of both speakers was "nigger," with the sprinkling of "charges" made by each speaker against the other. In the main, the speech of Mr, Douglas was the same he has been making throughout the canvass, while that of Lincoln — while it served to exasperate Douglas — did not amoimt to much in the way of con vincing the people that black-republicanism is right. Indeed, the debate, like the contest generally between these gentlemen, was chiefly personal. We have read the speeches of both carefully, and do not deem them worth the room they would oc cupy in our columns, especially as we and the democracy look upon the fight between them somewhat as the woman did upon that between her husband and the bear. No matter which may get the most votes, Douglas or Lincoln, the national democ racy of Illinois will prevent the success of either by electing Judge Breese, or some other good democrat, to the Senate of the United States, The above article, taken from that excellent and faithful democratic 5i6 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS journal the Chicago Herald, puts the issue in IlUnois in so plain a light that "he who mns may read." We are utterly amazed that any tme democrat should be satisfied with considering the controversy now going on in the State of Illinois as involving only the question of a choice between Lincoln and Douglas. That question might properly arise among black-repubUcans and men having no other political principles than opposition to the democratic organization, but how it can be enter tained by democrats is astonishing. Outside, and perhaps in the State of Illinois, the question was with great propriety discussed by those feeling an interest in the success of the black-republican cause as to the propriety of taking Douglas instead of Lincoln, The New York Tribune led off in favor of Douglas, and thought his party had made a great mistake in opposing him. That organ, which has heretofore been considered as extreme on the slavery question, was satisfied with Mr. Douglas's position before the country. Many others of the Tribune school were willing, not only as a matter of policy, but upon principle, to take Mr, Douglas, relying upon his antecedents for his future course. It seems, however, that what, in the beginning of this controversy, was a question exclusively within the province of those sympathizing with the black-republicans to settle and adjust, has been taken by some few who are now acting with the democratic party, and they are attempting to convince themselves that as party men they are called upon to choose between Lincoln and Douglas. The only ground that we have yet seen taken by these misguided friends of the democratic party is the assump tion that either Lincoln or Douglas must be elected, and the latter is the lesser evil. For the very same reason the democratic party would long since have been annihilated in Massachusetts, Vermont, and other northern States, if they had abandoned their principles, and we are to-day indebted to that -gallant wing of the party for the prospect of electing several members to the next Congress. Their devotion to principles alone has kept and will continue to keep them as an inde pendent, political organization, from which the national democracy have received much aid and encouragement. Let our friends beware of being deceived; it is no question for the democratic party, or any portion of it, to determine whom they wUl select for United States senator from Illinois as between Douglas and Lincoln; their mission is to stand by their principles, and, if they are in the minority, fall in their defence, rather than surrender on account of their weakness, A question of PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN 517 incalculable magnitude, and especially with southern men, arises as to the effect upon the democratic party of the overthrow of Mr. Bu chanan's administration. It may be affected in some measure by cutting down its friends in the northem States. There is not an anti-Lecompton democrat from the North who was in the last Congress that has any sympathy with the present administration. In some localities they are openly opposing the regular nominee of the democratic party; in others they are insiduously attempting to stab the organization by claiming the vesture of the people's candidate; and in others they are trying to throw upon them the responsibility of electing black-republicans instead of those who claim to be democrats, but who are more than acceptable to the New York Tribune, et id omne genus. The attempt is too shallow to deceive any orthodox democrat who has the interest of his party at stake, and we opine that the number that wUl be led off by any such false issue as Douglas or Lincoln wiU be easUy counted. The tme issue, not only in IlUnois, but in every State in the Union, is the administration of Mr. Buchanan, as the representative of the democratic party against all opposition, whether as open enemies or false friends. [Lowell (Mass.) Journal and Courier, August 30, 1858] The Contest in Illinois. — The earnestness in which the present poUtical campaign is commenced in Illinois; the spirit in which it is carried on; .the peculiar circumstances attending it — a chief in the Democratic party leading one section, the administration another, and the Republicans another, invest it with extraordinary interest. The principle attention is, however, directed to the leaders of the Douglas ites and Republicans — Judge Douglas and Hon, Abraham Lincoln. Judge Douglas, it is universally conceded, is gifted with remarkable talents; for a quarter of a century he has mingled actively in the politics of lUinois, and for the greater part of the time his word has been law with the Democracy of that region. He has never succumbed to a single competitor, and is employing all his energies to retain the extra ordinary position and influence he has hitherto enjoyed. In fact, so thoroughly has he been entrenched in his position as the leader of the Democracy, that it has seemed almost temerity to attempt to dislodge him, and seemed almost foUy for a single opponent to attempt the diffi cult task of overthrowing him. Accordingly when Mr, Lincoln was- first brought forward as the opposition champion, the Republicans, 5i8 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS whUe they wished him success, yet were fearful of the result. He was to them comparatively unknown. But as the canvass progresses their fears disappear; they perceive his abUity to cope with the "Little Giant," and the success which has attended his forensic efforts have exceeded their most sanguine expectations. The natural consequence of this con test will be to bring Mr. Lincoln more prominentiy before the people of the country, and if thoughts were made known it would not be surprising to hear that individuals were now calculating his fitness and chances for a more elevated position. The hand-to-hand encounter in which he is now engaged is not favorable to the fuU development and display of the higher order of eloquence, but the following eloquent and im pressive apostrophe to the Declaration of Independence, ranks him at once among the foremost orators of the land. It occurs in the speech at Lewiston, Fulton county, where he spoke for two and a haU hours, on the 17th inst. [Cincinnati Commercial, September i, 1858] ILLINOIS CANVASS.-DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN AT FREEPORT A large portion of the space in the news columns of this paper, this morning, is devoted to the debate which took place at Freeport, IU., on Friday last between Senator Douglas and would-be Senator Lin coln— "Dug, the Little Giant," and "Old Abe." Though we devote so much space to the speeches of the respective champions upon this occasion, we give but a small portion of the reports that fill the leading papers at Chicago Both champions upon this occasion exhibited extraordinary power and candor. In the whole history of the American stump we do not recollect that there is a record of a discussion so search ing and comprehensive, so thorough in its analysis of issue, so absorbing in its scope, as this at Freeport. The country owes thanks to the Chicago papers for reporting it so well During the debate, the people gave Mr. Douglas a lesson in manners that he wUl have reason to remember. In several instances when he said "Black Republicans" he was interrupted by a deafening clamor of "White," "White," until the offensive epithet was fairly crammed down his throat. At last, in consequence of this popular resentment of his personal vulgarity, he lost his temper, and talked savagely of blackguardism and foul play, in having his time consumed by the bowlings of a mob. But in order to PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN 519 avoid another encounter with the fellows who halloed themselves hoarse with the word "White," he took care not to find occasion to say again "You Black Republicans." [Illinois State Register, Springfield, September 2] DOUGLAS AND THE DRED SCOTT DECISION The republican papers, and their Danite allies, are just now worry ing their tempers, and exercising their ingenuity, in trying to discover inconsistencies m the course of Judge Douglas in relation to the supreme court decision. Their assaults are harmless. Judge Douglas pursues his course through the state,, everywhere receiving the most gratifying assurances of the approbation of the people, and everywhere pro claiming the same principles. In all his speeches he has announced his acquiescence in all that the supreme court reaUy decided. Even on points in the opinion in~ which he may not have entirely concurred, he has declared it the duty of every good citizen to submit to the decision of this legal tribunal in the land. He has urged, and powerfuUy urged, that the attack on the supreme court was an attack on that government the foundations of which our fathers so carefully laid; that the attempts to disturb that decision in the manner proposed by Lincoln and his associates, was as reckless as it was ridiculous, and was really but a part of the same plan devised by abolitionists and now being carried out by their associates and allies, the black republicans, to keep up the agitation of the slavery question, and unless they could succeed in carrying out their particular measures in favor of the negro, to overturn this government, and nullify the constitution of the country. No surer means of effecting their designs could have been devised than to begin by destroying the confi dence of the people in the tribunal of last resort on constitutional ques tions. Those who remember the speeches of Codding, and Chase and Giddings, long before the Dred Scott case was thought of, cannot have faUed to discover their insidious attacks upon the supreme court — and all who read or heard these speeches can find the prototypes of the present speeches of republican orators. Against all this class of politi cians, as well when led by Codding as now when led by Lincoln, Douglas has nobly and fearlessly contended. To charge him with inconsistency for the purpose of catching anti-abolition votes, is so supremely ridicu lous that it cannot be dignified with the name of folly. What troubles 520 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS the repubUcan and Danite crew are the straightforward, manly answers of Douglas to Lincoln's questions, prepared under the superintendence of Lincoln's committee at Chicago, and the shuffling, equivocations repUes prepared under the same supervision, of Lincoln to the searching questions of Mr, Douglas. We have said there was no inconsistency. The supreme court has decided that congress does not possess the power to prohibit slavery in the territories, and that not possessing the power congress of course could not grant the power to territorial legislatures, but the supreme court has not yet decided that the people of a territory do not possess the power independent of the action of congress. In this country the doctrine is that power to do any act comes from the people, and is not given to the people by congress. The court may decide the constitu tional question hereafter against the right of the people of a territory to exclude slavery. They have not yet so decided. Judge Douglas has, in all his speeches, shown, and in none more clearly than in the one delivered at Bloomington, that however the constitutional questions may be decided, yet it wiU be but a decision on an abstract question, and that, for aU practical purposes, the power to exclude is just, as absolute, by withholding that territorial legislation which is necessary to protect the rights of the master, as it could be by a positive prohibition. That such would be the consequence of legislation, or refusal to legislate on the subject of slavery, every sensible man admits, and none know it better than Lincoln and his associates, who are seeking power by unscru pulous agitation of this question, and unprincipled perversion of the views and expressed opinions of those differing with them. In all his previous speeches, during this canvass, Douglas has ad vanced opinions identical in sentiment, if not in language, with the foregoing. Moreover, as to the practical effect of the exercise of the acknowledged power of the territorial legislature in the manner suggested by Mr. Douglas, aU sensible southem men agree with him. Indeed, Douglas, in his Springfield speech, Ulustrated this by quoting the lan guage of a southem senator in relation to the Dred Scott decision. [Missouri Republican, St. Louis, September 2, 1858] DOUGLAS-LINCOLN On the first page of this paper we pubUsh the speeches of Judge Douglas and Mr. Lincoln, at Freeport. They are the second of a PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN 521 series to be delivered by the representatives of the two parties in Illinois, and, it may be presumed, embrace the pith and substance of aU the intermediate speeches delivered by them. Both of the speakers are weU attended, and a liberal aUowance may be made for the enthusiasm and the crowds which are said to accompany them wherever they go. The contest is one to which the whole country is looking with intense anxiety. If there was much feeling expressed throughout every State of the Union, with reference to our election — if the Black Republicans of the North turned their gaze to St. Louis with intense anxiety, to discern, if possible, some hope that Black Republicanism had found a resting place in a Slave State, thereby relieving that party from the odium attached to a sectional, a strictly Free State party — if the result conveyed to them inteUigence of the total discomfiture of their party — great as their disappointment was, stUl greater wUl be their disappoint ment if, in November next, the tidings should go forth that Douglas had been endorsed by the people of Illinois, and that the Black Repub licanism had been defeated and overwhelmed. [Daily Missouri Democrat, St. Louis, September 3, 1858] PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN IN ILLINOIS The Freeport Debate The controversy between Douglas and Lincoln has elicited the most thorough and attractive debates which have yet occurred in the stump politics of the country. The issues debated are of grave and vital importance and are mostly of a national character. The great reputation of Douglas as a speaker, and his peculiar position in refer ence to the National Democracy, together with the prominent part he has played for years, invest the stmggle with an epic interest. Never have his oratorical and demagogical talents been more conspicuous, and he has in addition manifested qualities of humor, which it might be weU supposed were foreign to his mental character. "A foeman worthy of his steel" in aU respects is Lincoln, if we can judge from the reported speeches. Comprehensiveness, tact, temper, logic, and a most racy humor distinguish aU his efforts, and render him no unequal match for his adversary, trained athlete though he be and accustomed to conquer. Indeed, so ably is Lincoln conducting his canvass that if the issue should be adverse to the Republican party, no shadow of cen- 522 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS sure can fall on their standard-bearer and no allegation of inferior energy or capacity in comparison with Douglas can be made against him. Their separate meetings are attended by large numbers, and their joint meet ings comprise thousands. The Chicago newspapers pubUsh full reports of the discussions, and the entire press of Illinois is exclusively devoted to the contest. We publish this morning the debate at Freeport, and commend it as instmctive reading. There is one feature and one tendency in the speeches on each side, which we think must attract observation, Lincoln and Douglas are far nearer to each other than the platforms ^of their respective parties. Douglas cannot be said to represent the National Democracy although he claims to be its candi date. Lincoln is the unquestioned exponent of the Republican party, and it wUl be seen from his speech that the ultraisms imputed to that party are unfounded. In reference to the slavery question, there seems to be no difference between the doctrines of the Republican party as expounded by Lincoln, and the doctrines of the late Whig party. On the other hand, it wiU be seen that Douglas strikes a severe blow at the Dred Scott decision, by denying the practicabUity of its application to the Territories, or rather by pointing out a method by which it can be evaded by the Territorial Legislatures. He indirectly shows the Freeport freesoilers how slavery can be prevented from entering a Territory, and we venture to say the hint wiU not be lost. [Washington Union, Washington City, September 4, 1858] JUDGE DOUGLAS REPUDIATES THE DRED SCOTT DECISION What wUl now be said of Judge Douglas's advocacy of the Dred Scott decision, and of his soundness on the doctrine of the Cincinnati platform, as confirmed by that decision? He asserts the power of transient squatters and their legislature to exclude slavery from a Terri tory. We do not understand him to deny even the power of Congress to exclude slavery from the Territories. LogicaUy he asserts this power for Congress, though we do not find that he does it in express words; for he claims the power for the people and for the legislature of the Territory, as "given" to them by Congress in the Nebraska biU; and how can Congress give a power which it does not itself possess ? PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN 523 Thus does Judge Douglas boldly and unblushingly repudiate the Dred Scott decision. We submit these avowals and heresies of Judge Douglas to the con sideration of our fantastic contemporaries of the New Orleans Courier and Delta. If we were to ask them what they think of the doctrines proclaimed at Freeport, the answer, we suppose, would be, that Judge Douglas, who denounces them as the agents of a "fraud" and "swindle" is at least a better Democrat than Lincoln. [Springfield (Mass.) Republican, September 7, 1858] The Political Battle in Illinois. — It is difficult, amid the con flicting partizan accounts, to obtain a sober and correct estimate of the condition of the great senatorial contest in Illinois, and the proper result. It rages with great fierceness between the republicans under Mr, Lin coln, and the democrats under Mr, Douglas; the democratic and Buchanan opponents of the latter, not apparently entering as a powerful element in the canvass. Beyond a paper at Chicago, estab lished by a few officeholders in that quarter of the state, there seems to be nothing doing in behalf of the administration against Mr. Douglas, [The Commonwealth, Frankfort, Ky., September 7, 1858] DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN The second great debate between Douglas and Lincoln, candi dates to represent Illinois in the United States Senate, came off in Free- port in that State on the 29th of August. Fifteen thousand persons are reported to have been present at the discussion. It will be remembered that these gentlemen met for the first time at Ottawa, upon which occasion Judge Douglas propounded various questions to Lincoln in reference to the views of the latter upon the slavery question, Lincoln responded at Freeport to the interroga tories put to him at Ottawa, and in his opening speech in return put various questions to his opponent. As this canvass is exciting interest in every part of the Union, because of the effect it is supposed it will have upon the Presidential election of i860, we have concluded to give to our readers the positions of the respective candidates upon the all- absorbing slavery question, as elicited by the discussion at Freeport, Mr, Lincoln is the nominee of the Republican party, and from the manner in which his sentiments were at the first represented we were 524 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS prepared to look for straight out Abolition views. So far as the admis sion of more slave States, the Abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, as weU as the slave trade between the States, are concerned, his views are such as no citizen of the South can object to. They are eminently conservative and just, far more so than we expected from him. Upon one point, however, Mr. Lincoln differs toto coelo from -all Southem men, as well as national and conservative Northern men. We allude to his belief that it is the "right and duty of Congress" to pro hibit slavery in "all the Territories of the United States," There are a vast number of conservative men in both sections who concede the power of Congress, under the Constitution, to prohibit slavery in the Territories, yet, in obedience to the great principle settled by the Com-' promise measuires of 1850, they are bitterly opposed to the exercise of that power. With such men we are prepared to unite in aU attempts to overthrow the Democratic party — the most corrupt and rotten organization that ever existed in any country. But we can never sympathize with or co-operate with any man or set of men who maintain not only the power, but the duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in all the Territories. The position of Mr. Douglas upon the question of slavery in the Territories is, if possible, more objectionable than that of Mr. Lincoln, [Journal and Courier, Lowell (Mass.\ September 14, 1858] Douglas and Squatter Sovereignty. Stephen A. Douglas made a great mistake when he agreed to debate with Lincoln. But if this could not be avoided without the imputation of cowardice and fear to meet his competitor, he should by all means have prevented, if possible, any reports of his speeches, and the equivocations and tergiversations to which he has been compelled to resort. The fact is, Douglas has been doing business on false pretenses, and it is fatal to him as it would be to any one under like circumstances, to have this fact known. He has assumed to be the champion of popular sovereignty, and asks the votes of the people of Illinois on this ground. Under the severe cross-exam ination of Mr. Lincoln, he has been made to show himself in his tme colors, and in his attempt to reconcile popular sovereignty with the Dred Scott decision has completely broke down. — He went before the people asserting his belief in the Cass-Nicholson doctrine about slavery in the PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN 525 territories. It follows from this that the territory can pass laws and stop the slaveholder as he crosses the border with his slaves. He can be made criminal for introducing or attempting to introduce slaves, and fined and imprisoned. The absolute right, the sovereignty, has no other limit than the wiU of the legislator. Is this what Mr. Douglas means ? . . . . In one breath he, in effect, declares that the people of a territory may exclude slavery while under a territorial government, and in another, by his concurrence with the Supreme Court, explicitly denies that power. In their last discussion his adversary compelled Douglas to "face the music." And how did he attempt to extricate himself from the dUemma in which he was involved ? By a most pitiful equivo cation. It was that slaveholders may come into territories with thou sands of slaves, and cannot be treated otherwise than as having equal rights; but that the territorial legislature may neglect to pass police laws for slave protection, without which it cannot exist! This is the result of his attempt to harmonize two conflicting opinions. Did any one ever witness a more "lame and impotent conclusion" to high- sounding pretensions ? The territorial legislature may neglect to pass police laws for the protection of slavery! What puerile stuff, and what a pitiful figure for a senator of the United States to cut. His avowal of concurrence with the Dred Scott decision wUl lose him all Republican sympathy, whUe this wretched attempt to explain popular sovereignty will expose him to the scorn and derision of the southern Democrats, who respect manliness, and utterly detest such miserable hypocrisy, "Every dog," it is said, "has his day," and we are inclined to think Senator Douglas has had his, [Washington Union, Washington, D, C, September i6, 1858] DOUGLAS AND DEMOCRACY [From the Columbia (S. C.) Guardian, September ii] We are pleased to see that Judge Douglas's Freeport speech is being met with a proper spirit. If the Democratic party did not make a support of the Dred Scott decision an indispensable feature of its platform of principles, then it would deserve the contempt of the whole country. It would then demonstrate its openness to the charge which the opposition are continually making, that it is the party of the spoils without reference to the principles. This we have no idea it will do. Our confi dence in the present soundness of the party is based upon sturdy and unyielding persistency to State rights, both North and South, throughout the administration of Gen, Pierce and up to this time. Then was its time of trial. If when difficulties compassed it round about, it remained true, will it swerve now in its hour of triumph ? 526 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS IT WON'T DO [From the Wilmington (N. C.) Journal] At a discussion between Judge Douglas and Mr. Lincoln, recently held at a place in Illinois called Ottawa, [Freeport] the following questions and answers are reported: Mr, Lincoln asked Judge Douglas, "Can the people of the United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State consti tution?" To this Mr, Douglas replied: "I answer emphatically, as Mr, Lin coln has heard me answer a hundred times on every stump in Illinois, that, in my opinion, the people of a Territory can, by lawful means, exclude slavery before it comes in as a State," This is at variance with the principles laid down by the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, with those avowed by the President in his annual message, with those entertained by the whole southern democracy. It is, in our opinion, radically unsound. It won't begin to do for our use. We could do nothing for Mr. Douglas in his local contest; we do not wish to do anything against him in favor of Lincoln; but if we were in Illinois, and a sounder man came out, we should vote for him, even with the prospect of defeat. [New York Semi-Weekly Tribune, September 21, 1858] Douglas Making Progress. — "If the Constitution carries "slavery and (in the Territory) attempt affirmative law, no power on earth can take it away." — Douglas' speech, June 9, 1858, Congressional Globe, p. 1, 371. "The Courts must decide the question according to the Constitution and the law, and all must abide by that decision.'' — Ibid. "Hence, no matter what may be the decision of the Supreme Court on that ab stract question, still the right of the people to make it a Slave Territory or a Free Territory is perfect and complete under the Nebraska bill." — Douglas' speech at Freeport: [Illinois State Register, October 8, 1858] LINCOLN IN A SNARL.-ABOLITIONISM HOLDS HIM TO HIS WORK At the outset of the present canvass, black republicanism assumed the most ultra aboUtion ground. In his speech in Springfield, in June, Mr, Lincoln after receiving the Republican nomination for the senate, addressed the convention, avowing himself to be in favor of doctrines that square with the most ultra abolitionism of Garrison, PhiUips, and the negro Douglas; avowed himself favorable to the abolition of slavery, by any means; favorable to "negro equality," and threatened a disso lution of the Utuon if such doctrines were not ultimately embraced by a majority in aU the states of the Union, This speech met the approval of his black repubUcan auditory, and was printed and scattered broad cast throughout the state, as the black repubUcan shibboleth — the PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN 527 sheet anchor of the party in our state. The convention to whom it was addressed adopted a platform, unmeaning in its general details, but pre ceded by a saving clause which fully covered the ground of Mr. Lincoln's speech, as it indorsed aU the "previous affirmations" of the members of the body which adopted it, and which was composed of abolitionists of every shade of opinion, from ultra Garrisonism to the shaky negroism of the recently inoculated recmits of Lovejoy. A few weeks discussion before the people taught black republican leaders that they had ventured too far. Douglas' ventilation of Lincoln at Ottawa set the latter's committee to work to modify their heresies, and so shape their creed, by construction, as would render it less offensive to the popular conserva tive sentiment. At Freeport, Lincoln, in a series of equivocal answers, to Douglas' questions, attempted to modify his ultraism so that the people of the central and southem portions of the state might not be repulsed by the intense negroism of his convention speech. This move of Lincoln and his advisers has mn them upon the shoals again, [New York Semi-Weekly Tribune, October 12, 1858] THE CANVASS IN ILLINOIS Correspondence of the New York' Tribune Chicago, Oct, 4, 1858 The political excitement in this State is tremendous. No previous canvass ever came up to it. The Presidential contest of '56 was a calm in comparison. The whole population, female as well as male, are excited. Harris acted more manly and independently than any Democrat from this State in Congress. He stood by his guns from first to last. He believes in Popular Sovereignty pure and simple, and denies the Dred Scott dogma that the Constitution carries Slavery into any Territory, Under these circumstances it is more than probable that he wiU receive many Opposition votes. Had Douglas pursued the same course and taken the same grounds on his return home, his chances of election would be a thousand times better than they are. Little short of a miracle can save him; whUe on the other tack, nothing short of one could have de feated him. But the glare of the Charleston Convention blinded his eyes. He was dreaming of a seat in the White House, and to please or 528 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS concUiate the negro-breeders, spit in the face of his own bantling- Popular Sovereignty— and clasped to his embrace the black imp Dred Scott. He staked his soul against the Presidency, in a game with the Demon of Slavery, and he has lost! "He is played out." Wait for the 3rd of November and be convinced. 1858. [Louisville (Ky.) Democrat, October 13, 1858] Some of our Southem contemporaries found a mare's nest in what Douglas said about the power of a territorial legislature to exclude slavery; but they are puzzled at the position of Orr, Stephens, Smith, and Jefferson Davis, the foremost of Southem statesmen. We want to know if we are to read these Southern men out of the party along with Douglas. Let us have them immediately read out. The Union thinks this opinion of Douglas the most shocking that the editor knows of; but he has not yet decided what to do with the Southern statesmen who have said more than Douglas [Missouri Democrat, October 15, 1858] DOUGLAS AND THE DRED SCOTT DECISION We find in the Chicago Times of the 8th (Douglas' organ), the foUowing: "When any intelligent person asserts that Senator Douglas repudiates the Dred Scott decision, he asserts what is untrue; and we venture that no one will attempt to support the assertion with argument," The Dred Scott decision enunciates the doctrine that slavery exists under the federal Constitution in aU the Territories of the United States, and that no power on earth — neither the Congress of the United States, or the Legislature, nor the people of said Territories — can keep it out or drive it out prior to the formation of a State government. If it be tme that Mr. Douglas fully and unqualifiedly endorses the Dred Scott decision then the voters in Illinois wUl understand that his talk about popular sovereignty is all a sham gotten up to cheat them out of their suffrage, and that so soon as the election is over he wUl slough hack into the Administration ranks, and be the first to insult the people of the Territories with his old threat "we will subdue you," This is one of the most conclusive evidences of the duplicity and double-dealing of Mr. Douglas that has yet come to Ught, and the cpmmunity wUl thank his own organ for the exposure. PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN 529 [Baltimore Sun, Washington, D. C, August 23, 1858] Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun Several gentlemen, residents of Illinois, have lately been here, who express the opinion that Mr. Douglas will succeed by a heavy majority. He makes two or three speeches a day, and, by reason of the heat, is obliged to change his clothes three times a day at least. It is also stated that as intellectual efforts his speeches surpass any ever before made by him before the people. [Illinois State Register, Springfield, November 23, 1858] [From the New York Times] Labors of Senator Douglas, — A western correspondent gives a detailed statistical account of the labors of Senator Douglas, in the recent canvass of Illinois, from which it appears that they were almost equal to the labors of Hercules, It seems that he has addressed his constituents in 57 counties. He met Mr, Lincoln in debate once in each congressional district; made S9 set speeches of from two to three hours in length; 17 speeches of from twenty-minutes to forty-five minutes in length, in response to the serenades; and 37 speeches of about equal length, in reply to addresses of welcome. Of these speeches, all but two were made in the open air, and seven speeches were made or continued during heavy rains. To do this, Mr, Douglas crossed, from end to end, every railroad line in the state, except ing three, besides making long journeys by means of horse conveyances and steam boats; the road travel amounting to more than 5,227 miles. By boat he madealmost the entire western side of the state, and all that portion of the Illinois river which is navigable by steamboats. [Chicago Daily Democrat, October 29, 1858] MR. LINCOLN IN CHICAGO Mr. Lincoln was at the Tremont House a few moments last evening, on his way to speak at Petersburg today. He speaks at Springfield on Saturday, and at Decatur on Monday. He is as fresh as he was on the day he first started out on the cam paign. He takes the matter very coolly, and can wear out twenty such men as Judge Douglas in a long campaign. Habits of temperance in aU things commend themselves nowhere so highly as in the :ways of Lincoln and Douglas. Douglas is all worn out, whilst Lincoln is as fresh as the morning. [Missouri Republican, St, Louis, October 17, 1858] THE GREAT POLITICAL TOURNAMENT IN ILLINOIS Seven times have the champions of the two great political parties in Illinois met in mental strife and stmggles — Douglas, the champion 53° ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS of the Democratic party, and Lincoln, the representative of the sectional Black Republican party of the State. The last conflict was at Alton, on Saturday, and there both gentlemen, before a new audience, endeavored to acquit themselves to the satisfaction of their respective partizans. Both gentlemen were jaded and worn, and it is not surprising that they should have delivered themselves less happUy than they would other wise have done, if the subjects had not been worn threadbare by weekly reiteration, and they themselves worn down by constant effort. The wonder is, indeed, that for sixty days past they could have made speeches to so many crowds, embracing the same topics, and yet give vitaUty to them. [Chicago Daily Journal, October i8, 1858] CONCLUSION OF THE JOINT DEBATES BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS The series of seven joint debates that had been agreed upon by Messrs, Lincoln and Douglas, was concluded at Alton on Friday. There were some five thousand people present at this last debate, about two-thirds of whom, the reporter of the St. Louis Democrat says were Lincoln men. I " These debates are novv closed, and the people of the State having ^ heard the two opposing champions and candidates for the Senate, have [jDeen able to judge between the merits of their respective positions as politicians, and their abilities as Statesmen. We, as the friend of Mr, Lincoln, feel perfectly satisfied — and more than satisfied — with the noble fight he has made, and we rest in the confidence that the Novem ber election wiU show that the verdict of the people will be strongly in his favor. While Douglas' speeches have been full of spleen, verbose nonsense and weak falsification, those of Lincoln have been characterized by fairness, logical argument and a commendable manliness of spirit; and while Douglas, by his bitterness and black-guardism, has repeUed friends, Lincoln by his good natured and honorable course, has gained scores of warm supporters. [Peoria Transcript, October 18, 1858] We predict that Douglas, giant though he has the reputation of being, wiU never consent to meet honest Abe Lincoln in joint discussion again. PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN 531 He has had a sufficient taste of the old Kentuckian's quality to more than satisfy him. Had the discussion been continued two or three more meetings, we are confident Douglas would have given out and faded to "come to time." It is a mercy to him that his encounters with his powerful rival have closed, [Peoria Daily Transcript, October 8, 1858] Excursion Train from Oquawka. — We are informed by E. A. Paine, Esq., of Monmouth, on canvassing the votes yesterday on board the excursion train from Oquawka, the result was as follows: For Lincoln, 252; for Douglas, 116; for Buchanan, 3 , Out of sixty ladies on the train 56 were for Lincoln, and the great whole of the remainder for Douglas ! Hurrah for Lincoln and the ladies ! [Chicago Democrat, November 10, 1858] Governor Chase, of Ohio, is the only man talked of for the next Presidency, who lent us his aid in our contest against that prince of Border Ruffians, Stephen A. Douglas, who repealed the Missouri Com promise, and then made professions of free soil to protect himself from popular indignation. Governor Chase was here for several days and spoke daily for the Republican party. CHAPTER XIII ELECTION DAY AND ITS RESULTS [Burlington (Iowa) State Gazette, October 29, 1858] What a night next Tuesday wUl be aU over the Union ! The whole Nation is watching with the greatest possible anxiety for the result of that day. No State has ever fought so great a battle as that which Illinois is to fight on that day. Its result is big with the fate of our Government and the Union and the telegraph wires wiU be kept hot with it untU the result is known aU over the land. [Illinois State Journal, November 3, 1858] The Election, — We are gratified to state that the election in this city yesterday passed off as usual, without any disturbance. The rain fell almost incessantly throughout the entire day, and the streets were in a horrid condition. [Galesburg (111,) Democrat, November 3, 1858] Election day more than sustained its reputation as a day of consider able weather. For days beforehand the rains began to descend and the floods to come, and on that day the weather gear was in good working order. Such mud, such inky slop, such incessant pourings were re markable, even for Illinois. For the farmers to get out to the poUs was almost an impossibiUty — hence the falling off in this county, A fair day would have given 1400 Republican majority. [Illinois State Journal, November 9, 1858] THE APPORTIONMENT The thirty-five Lincoln members of the House represent a larger population than the forty Douglas members; and the eleven Lincoln Senators represent a larger constituency than the fourteen Douglas and Buchanan Senators. In other words, if the State had been apportioned according to population, the districts carried by the Republicans would have returned forty-one Lincoln representatives, and fourteen Lincoln Senators, which, of course, would have elected him. In the Republican districts it requires on an average a population of 19,635 inhabitants to elect a representative, and 58,900 for a Senator, while in the Democratic 533 534 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS districts 15,675 for a representative and 47,100 for a Senator suffices. On a fair apportionment, Douglas would have been beaten seven in the House and three in the Senate, He was elected for the reason that 754 voters in "Egypt" are an offset to 1000 in "Canaan," [Illinois Slate Register, November 9, 1858] EXCUSE-WHODIDIT? We had supposed that our neighbors of the Journal had, philosophi cally, settled, down into defeat, and were willing to admit that, being short of votes, they were unable to make that sort of "connection" necessary to make A. Lincoln senator, but we are mistaken — they have been hunting excuses, and every apology for defeat, but the tme one, is offered in their yesterday's issue. Black-republicanism, though over twenty thousand in a majority two years ago, succeeds in electing state officers by a minority vote. It does by the intrigue and treachery of the Washington cabal, which faUs in its great desire — the defeat of Douglas. The returns show that Illinois is yet democratic. They show that although 21,000 behind two years ago, they are within 3,500 of a clear majority over govemment officials and black-republicanism combined. These facts scatter to the winds the Journal's palliatives. Black- republicanism is in a minority in the state where it succeeded two years ago by 21,000. Treacherous democrats deluded enough honest men to give niggerism this preponderance. But for this treachery, this intrigue of gambling politicians, the Illinois democracy would, to-day, stand, as they everywhere have stood, in a majority over all opposition. The Washington cabal have only succeeded in this: They have defeated, by the most vUlainous treachery, the democratic people of a state, which has never yet faUed to sustain the party of the country by a state majority, but they have failed in their chief and controlling desire — the defeat of the leader of the lUinois democracy, Stephen A. Douglas. Their treachery has taken for niggerism some of the minor tricks, but they have lost the game, and incur the loathing and contempt of the tmest democratic state in the Union, which cannot faU to meet the cordial sympathy of the democracy generally. YOU SEE HE mi STAMDS! . : "b1i»n» there, inoWi„s '''»-»'»/'"* • ,,.»o. joiM b.U»t Di.pjl.be"/""/'""; h.v. „.i.herlto.,room, """""l™''™ '" o,„„.„l (hi. »..rning;. Th« v.rdW "1 11>« p»pU of Illinois is. ."IH=i="' ""°r°' ' p^tU S, Se»..or,.ndtbo NE.\T PBESI- MSI I ¦ ___,____— Its VOtO « WIT".". ^ W.h..«rocrivrf IbcfoUoBJnBSUloment TOR STiTK TaAJKMlt. Fondey, Dcmwfat, g^ ' tlouKhcrty, :?»li(.nnl, „ .« Millet, nipablicu), ¦ ,o» teWlXTMUi" "-¦»"'' """""^ „„i, "i«°" "«» b.n)-.worlmii m«fl..ulo Crtckod. wd ho „-„M?* »ro thoM timefl Bo »"fTx£.rrr,st'^drj|; „„ him loi» »" *1 ,!!?dM (r«o tfl Witor.— ,ta „™o «'*?• JSrh.kl«IU*>toi.tJ'« ^4b%'rs^r«^;^tisr.r»°s Uoog blMolf '""f.VS »tUP, .Id twM- tv for A n"^,T i?^*. hti nuts to d«ck a,ol„ot hBdtoMwIimb. nut.",, outhte own «"*¦ „,.„|.iMia IholWbm"? "Obi O^'^'-.^'tLS^M »|u)taa pre«,,>trf hi. Wl forJM J t„d t!m« his aoB ' r"T °'" [ ciunot p»r bat ooo." ^¦«," «5^»S i>bl^b«d,rf W* "CMJ. ''^hrSSSrfom-rWd[}V««b«.tS . JSb^STS. p«» «'«id'" r^'' J? ''^ flft^™>« « s.*«i» »'»«* ¦« ¦""r b, SwXot bl« H. o." Ibn^'fi" ^5 "^ move. "Ob! IbMO bud U""^' "»" ,.„nOt»eLl(*«i: -.-. I'a o,»i» I ™. >•"«""""»¦ „, J., !.<.«, wj ll..«.l«I •"««'¦ AOdl.Wl'WP^"''""' ..... Tb. ••¦« 'I'""' "• »' I»»-l"« "' '- m. two rtonn. w.r. bfWloB ' He freueh, Democrtt, BoyuoldB, N«tion«l, Bauouui, R«public«n, POB cosouBau. lauc ». Mor*, Dtmoc™'. j. C. I>»"(S Nnuonal, A. /. erinwbw, Bopubluan, , ' , JOB STATU eSWATOl. ' J. p. Hililiooiid, Domoont, W. 0. WflglBy, NBtional, J 0. B*gbjr, BopublicBB, 163 at MS. 338 ¦•Oh 1 hATd ticMB I b«r from "? ¦»"'¦'?' 'T: Elo «w to W«oi« Ibr btiPBlMy Md •PJ'd- ^g ,b.> i« b.U.f IbM raoooy, ht. UM, tb— '^"ObTliose h«d Uii.ar "^d ¦ yooiieo"; who b.d b«n uurried . fttt. "Ho ool k""" Jo, Irfiidl livo thi. •i»'"-i <"KVI iioM» to buy i»y •!"»«¦ Wo™*" *"<¦ ' »'¦ i^ boy, Uwl 5 «•»¦»• «>»»'' "* '^''' "¦ •^b'rliX.tori «»«rMd .ll«»jbt 2«h»dtiG».i™(i<«>.i»«"li»ut>,lb.taKli And all bilo* a elotUr,— Bi t»rth WM lilt* » hllog p»n, Oi tenii mcli hlnUiil matUI. (i rtumort " "» "<"¦ "•"hie <-l»y. ¦ lod kU OUT itlnp •«• drjlog: Tb, luroi eooo romrlng «iron«b«i" Unw Aud Ml *«»»"-»'' rinil r Uw »• »hltu »i«l p.lUco»U Oo fl^Wt <*"'"'""''•* ¦ I lort, ab I tiMt«rf» t wtjrt— ¦ t toft 017 B«id»y «n^«*ehw I — ""liei^pB or ran. •.Prnm. mh'i 1 go w tt» ».Kj!o8l««l ' Sd.r, lu. h»diJ8bt !><.« "'^'".f"* S, tbJir (.ill. to lb« dotbij.ltoi!. Idon't«.y,ar. J«d«».'b.t .Wd ,«, dm»k ; 00, ;ol by ""X "•'S . I will B»v. »l»ii I l»»t »«d Urn I* " ;bMoZ;m.I«"-'<»'?Tb.=»'l bewouldoX Tb«<»»«— "Black Bird." Come, equalize the nations, Abe Lincoln does proclaim; Let Cuffee have the freedom the white man has attained; Our platform's broad and ample, the noblest and the best — It extends from north to south, from the east unto the west. Come, equalize the nations — our party will be great ! — Let Cuffee have the privilege with us to 'malgamate; We have damsels white as lilies, whom we can sacrifice, And raise motley plants, that will the world surprise. Come, equalize the nations, ere a century shall come. We'll rule this mighty nation with a Mustee or quadroon; Then that harmony and imion will reign throughout the land. That has long been advocated by the black republican.' Come, equalize the nations, let Cuffee have a voice; Extend the elective franchise — our party will rejoice; — Loud huzzas will then arise, over hill and dale and plain. While triumphantly we'll conquer with our dark and motley train. Come, equalize the nations, says Lincoln and Lovejoy, And the Democratic party we surely can destroy. And hurl each man from power who will not with us come — Thus sink his name forever in dark oblivion. Then equalize the nations, throughout Columbia's land — Let the negroes and whites on an equal footing stand : Let all enjoy that freedom so noble and divine. And we'll ever prove triumphant throughout all coming time, Frankfort Bard. [Chicago Daily Democrat, September 22, 1858] LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS Written on Reading Their Speeches, by James Lewis, of Lewisburg, Pa. In Lincoln's hand see Freedom's torch of light. Flashing its radiance o'er "Egyptian" night; While little Douglas on his tip-toe stands. And holds th' extinguisher in both his hands. Too short to reach, he tries with many a groan. To quench the light with his dark, hollow cone. By that o'd tinker, Roger Taney, made For James Buchanan in the way of trade. CAMPAIGN POETRY 571 'Tis label'd "Law decision," in the case Of one Dred Scott, whose long-time dwelling place Was on free soil, by his own master's act=— He claimed his freedom by that very fact — All former precedents sustain his plea; In law, and right, poor old Dred Scott was free. But Roger Taney had a job to do. Old patterns failing, he began anew. And showed the Constitution as the source Of that mild law, whose essence is brute force. Which in barbarian Africa begun. And having stol'n the sire, enslaves the son. This law, says Taney, its firm grapple holds. Where'er our flag displays its shining folds; The greatest boon our Constitution yields, Is chattel slaves to till our fertile lands. When our flag floats in conquest, anywhere. Champions our Freedom! bring your niggers there. And buy, and sell, and discipline, and feed. And try by all means to improve the breed. The Constitution, in its power of might. To hold a nigger guarantees your right. Th' extinguisher thus made by Taney's hands. As said before, there little Douglas stands. And tries, as sailors say, to "douse the glim," But hitherto results are rather slim. His fingers burn, his very whiskers scorch. And e'en his balls blench at Freedom's torch. RALLYING SONG The six years' race is to be run. In a few days, a few days; By Slavery's hack it can't be won. Oh! take "Dug" home. "Little Dug" was hurt on Slavery's track, In his late days, his late days ! For Slavery's load had strained his back, Oh! take him home! CHAPTER XVII MRS. STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS [Mr, Horace White in Herndon's Life of Lincoln, by permission of D, Appleton &Co.] At Havana I saw Mrs. Douglas (nee Cutts) standing with a group of ladies a short distance from the platform on which her husband was speaking, and I thought I had never seen a more queenly face and figure. I saw her frequently afterward in this campaign, but never personally met her untU many years later, when she had become the wife of General WiUiams of the regular army, and the mother of children who promised to be as beautiful as herself. There is no doubt in my mind that this attractive presence was very helpful to Judge Douglas in the campaign. It is certain that the Republicans considered her a dangerous element. [Missouri Democrat, St. Louis, September 9, 1858] Mrs, Judge Douglas, — ^The wife of Judge Douglas was a visitor at the Fair Grounds yesterday, and received a good deal of attention. She is a lady of handsome personal appearance and possessed of a graceful carriage and easy manners. We understand that Judge Doug las is in town and wUl visit the Fair Grounds today, previous to speaking at BeUeviUe. [Springfield, 111,, correspondence Missouri Democrat, St. Louis, September 30, 1858] His [Douglas] distinguished lady, who is such a potent auxiUary of his in this canvass, comes on a mission to Jacksonville in the Course of a few days. She wUl stay there for some time and wiU, doubtless, win him scores of votes. S73 CHAPTER XVIII TRIBUTES TO DOUGLAS [Boston (Mass.) Courier, November 6, 1858] The Buffalo Register and Times, now a supporter of the National administration but untU recently in the FUlmore Whig interest, placed at the head of its columns in its issue of Thursday the following: * For President in i860, STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS Of Illinois [The Press, Philadelphia, November 6, 1858] A National Salute of Two Hundred Guns Will be fired this (Saturday) morning, at 12 o'clock, in honor of the recent victory of the principle of Popular Sovereignty, and especiaUy in honor of the brUUant triumph of Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, over an Administration of the General Government which has basely deserted the principles upon which it was elevated to power. [Chicago Times, November 7, 1858] DOUGLAS FOR PRESIDENT The Buffalo Republic and Times, a very able and extensively circu lated paper rejoices over the success of the Illinois Democracy, and raises to its column-head the name of Stephen A. Douglas declaring for an incomparable statesman for the Presidency in i860. [Daily Chicago Times, November 9, 1858] DEMOCRATIC GRAND DEMONSTRATION There will be a grand celebration of the recent Democratic victory by the DEMOCRACY OF CHICAGO on Wednesday evening, Nov. 17, including a grand TORCH LIGHT PROCESSION Democratics in the adjoining counties are cordially invited to be present and take part. The different railroads leading to the city wUl issue half-fare tickets for the occasion. Exchanges through the State wiU please copy. 575 576 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS [The Press, Philadelphia, November 4, 1858] THE LATEST BUT NOT THE LAST LESSON Our latest despatches assure us that Stephen A. Douglas has triumphed in Dlinois. Never since the beginning of this Govemment has any political contest excited so much the public expectation and solicitude as that which was decided in IlUnois on Tuesday last; and this not merely because of the principles involved, but because of the characters immediately interested. The spectacle of the entire Ad ministration of the Federal Government with its vast patronage of a hundred miUions of dollars, with its army of mercenaries and expectants, organized and raUied against one individual, standing by the principles of the Constitution and the principles and pledges of the Democratic party, was well calculated to arouse the profoundest feelings of men of all parties and in aU sections of the Union It has fallen to his [Douglas's] lot to take part in more exciting canvasses than any public man of our day. He it was who fought for the Democratic party in 1838 and in '40; in '44, when the annexation of Texas was in issue; in '46, when the Mexican war loomed upon the horizon; in 1848, when General Cass was the Democratic candidate; in 1850, when the Compromise meas ures became the olive branch of peace to the whole Union, and- yet no message of peace to him, (for he was compeUed to retum to his own home and contend for those measures in the face of an infuriated multi tude); in 1852, as the advocate of President Pierce; in 1854, when he appUed the doctrine of Popular Sovereignty, asserted in the Com promise measures; and finally in 1856, as the heroic defender of this same glorious doctrine. And now, after all these struggles, with a career of unbroken consistency, without a blot upon his poUtical record, even when his adversaries are compelled to stand forward and pay tribute to his courage and to his character, he has made an appeal to his own people at his own home, and he has been sustained. [New York Herald, November 5, 1858] THE ILLINOIS ELECTION Triumph of Douglas This is by far the most remarkable incident of the poUtical canvass, — and is one of the most wonderful personal victories ever achieved by a public man. Mr. Douglas went home from Washington a proscribed t ^=^ THE DOUGL.VS M.^USOLEUM, CHICAGO TRIBUTES TO DOUGLAS 577 Democrat. He had rebeUed against the President — the oflScial head of the Democratic Party. He refused to obey his dictation, and made open warfare upon his measures. He was denounced by the Executive organs as a deserter — ^as a traitor to the party — and as one with whom no Democrat could hold any terms of political friendship without for feiting his position as a party man. When he went to his own State, to appeal to the people, he was met by the direct and vigorous hostiUty of the administration. His friends were removed from oflSce, — the whole patronage of the Govemment was brought to bear against him, and his contest for reelection seemed to be the desperate stmggle of a forlorn hope. At the outset it was supposed that unless the Republicans should come to his rescue, he had no chance whatever of sustaining himself. There were some among the Republicans who policy as weU as justice required them to aid in securing his retum to the Senate, If their counsels had prevailed, Mr. Douglas would have been so seriously com promised with his own party, through his cooperation with the Repub licans that he could scarcely have hoped for speedy recognition by the Democrats of the South. Fortunately for him the RepubUcans had other schemes and interests. They could not resist the temptation which this division among their opponents seemed to offer to place one of their own party, instead of Mr. Douglas, in the Senate. Mr. Douglas, was, therefore, compelled to fight the whole Republican party with such a portion of the Democracy as he could rescue from the influence of the Administration. A more unequal contest could not weU be imagined, and it is not too much to say there is no other pubUc man in the country who could have carried it through with so much vigor and courage, or could possibly have achieved so brilliant a success. He has stumped the State thoroughly, meeting the two Republican leaders, Tmmbull and Lincoln, both men of rare abiUty, at every point, and maintaining his position, against the Republicans on the one side, and the Adminis tration on the other, with the greatest firmness and self-reUance. [Indiana Journal, Indianapolis, November S, 1858] ILLINOIS The news by telegraph yesterday afternoon settles the case of Illinois as we expected Douglas has won and we must say he has made a gallant fight. Such a poUtical contest was never before witnessed in the United States. His opponent was an able man, in close logical 578 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS argument superior to Douglas himself, honest, tried, and trae, and he fought every inch of the state with earnest and constant effort. But Douglas had to fight the administration, whose tools in Chicago were furious, able, and well provided with means Buchanan is nowhere. So absolute an extinction was never witnessed since Aaron Burr shot Hamilton and then killed himself In the disappoint ment of Lincoln's defeat, we feel a consolation that almost compensates us for it in the death and burial of Mr. Buchanan. [Federal Union, Georgia, September 7, 1858] Senator Douglas and his apologists North and South may endeavor to change the issue to a personal contest between himself and Abe Lincoln for a seat in the United States Senate. The Democracy of the South cannot be gulled by such a deception .... and the tme men of the country will refuse to take either Mr. Douglas or Mr, Lincoln, [National Anti-Slavery Standard, New York, November 13, 1858] Mr. Seward and Judge Douglas have respectively won their spurs against the great tournament of i860, when they will encounter each other in the lists to decide which shall be the chief of the Republic for the next four years. [Evening Post, New York, November s, 18^8] THE ILLINOIS ELECTIONS The success of Douglas in the Illinois elections is made certain by the intelUgence of this moming. He goes back to Washington sure of another term in the United States Senate, He goes back as the con queror, to look down upon Mr. Buchanan and his friends as the conquered party; goes back with triumph in his eyes, to meet brows lowering with disappointment and displeasure, perhaps with the eager desire for vengeance. We may expect, therefore, to see a Douglas party immediately formed in all the states, with its avowed champions and recognized presses. It exists already in an embryo state at the South, as weU as the North. It has already celebrated the success of its favorite by pubUc rejoicings, under the very windows of the President at Washington, greatly, no doubt, to the disgust of its principal inmate. TRIBUTES TO DOUGLAS 579 [Indiana Sentinel, Indianapolis, November 9, 1858] SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES The Washington Star expresses the opinion that the Freeport speech of Senator Douglas created a discussion which probably has been pro ductive of more good than any growing out of the campaign. In merely explaining the present state of slavery in the Territory, Judge Douglas touched upon a point upon which all sections of the country are quick to take up arms. Yet there are some claiming to be Democrats and 'state- rights advocates, who saddled Judge Douglas's statement upon him as an opinion and then denounced the opinion as being false in principle and inexpedient as a matter of Democracy. The Union, the Charleston Mercury, the Mobile Register, the Columbus (Ga.) Times, the Missis sippian and one or two others have denounced Judge Douglas's Freeport speech, notwithstanding such prominent men as Davis, Orr, Stephens and many others hold views identical, [Chicago Daily Democrat, November 9, 1858] WILL DOUGLAS BE ELECTED UNITED STATES SENATOR? This question is frequently asked and there is a great deal of specu lation in regard to it. We should have to go down into Old Kentucky to solve this problem. Senator Crittenden is entitled to the credit of defeating Mr. Lincoln. The Seward papers in New York and other places may have done us a little injury upon the popular vote; but the loss of no member of the Legislature can be attributed to them. It was in the Old Whig and American portions of the State; it was among the FiUmore voters that Mr. Lincoln was slaughtered. The Republican people had made Senator Crittenden much stronger than he ever was before, and he was always strong among the emigrants in lUinois, from the slave states. He did aU he could against Lincoln. Thus was Lincoln slain in Old Kentucky. We now come to the case of Judge Douglas. We look upon him as entirely in the hands of John C, Breckenridge, Vice President of the United States, He alone dismembered the Buchanan party in this State, and left it almost without a semblance of existence, Mr, Breck enridge wrote, that he did not approve of the. course of Judge Douglas last winter. This gave Douglas stronger foothold with the National 58o ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS ' Democracy. For they did not approve of the course of Judge Douglas but Mr. Breckenridge told that, under the circumstances, inasmuch as a National Democracy could not be elected, it was the duty of the National Democracy to prevent the election of Mr. Lincoln; and there was no way to do this, but by going for Judge Douglas. CHAPTER XIX TRIBUTES TO LINCOLN [Sandusky (Ohio) Commercial Register, November 9, 1858] LINCOLN FOR PRESIDENT We are indebted to a friend at Mansfield for the following dispatch: Mansfield, Nov. sth, 1858 " Editor Sandusky Register: — ^An enthusiastic meeting is in progress here tonight in favor of Lincoln for the next republican candidate for President." Reporter [Illinois State Journal, Springfield, November 13, 1858] Lincoln for President, — The Sandusky (Ohio) Register announces the nomination of Hon. Abraham Lincoln for the next President, by an enthusiastic meeting at Mansfield in that state. [Illinois State Journal, November 19, 1858] [From the New York MeroM] Another Presidential Team.— The following ticket has just been brought out at Cincinnati: For President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois; for Vice-Presi dent, John P, Kennedy, of Maryland — ^with a platform embracing protection to American industry, the improvement of western rivers and harbors, and opposition to the extension of slavery by free emigration into the territories, [Illinois State Journal, Springfield, November 20, 1858] Mr, Lincoln, — The Springfield correspondent of the St. Louis Republican pays the foUowing compliment to this gentleman: Mr, Lincoln takes his defeat in a good-natured way, as any sensible man would. Although differing, as we do, with him in politics, yet we have ever regarded him as an honorable gentleman. As a man he is unexceptionable. His private character is above reproach. That he is a man of talent no one will deny. He fought his battle gallantly and zealously, but met with a fate which, doubtless, he foresaw from the beginning. [Cincinnati (Ohio) Gazette, November 6, 1858] THE ILLINOIS BATTLE The Republicans also, while regretting the defeat of Lincoln, their gallant leader, wiU find consolation in the fact that, after all, there is a 581 S82 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS clear majority of five thousand on the popular vote in his favor. — ^This affords a reasonable ground of assurance that Illinois wiU vote for the next RepubUcan candidate for the Presidency. If a man of the North west (which now seems to become indispensable) he is likely to carry the State, even against Douglas. [Daily Herald, Quincy, 111., November 15, 1858] [From the Peoria DaUy Message] A NOTCH HIGHER Defeat works wonders with some men. It has made a hero of Abraham Lincoln . Two or three Republican journals in different sections of the Union are beginning to talk of him for Vice President, with Seward for President; and a Republican meeting just held in Mansfield, Ohio, raises him a notch higher, by announcing him as its candidate for President. We have no sort of objection to this sort of a programme. It suits us as well that both presidential candidates in the next lace shall be selected from Illinois as that one of them shall come from here and the other from some other State. Illinois has been the cynosure of all eyes in the late senatorial contest, and we are quite willing it should hold the same position before the world when the next President comes to be chosen. Of course, our side will , win — that is written in the book of destiny; but then the honor will be awarded to the "living dog" of being once more kicked to death by the "dead lion." — [Chicago Press and Tribune, October 29, 1858] This is the most brUUant and, as the event will prove, most suc cessful poUtical canvass ever made in the country. From fiirst to last he [Lincon] has preserved his weU earned reputation for fairness for honor and gentlemanly courtesy and more than maintained his stand ing as a sagacious far seeing and profound statesman. Scorning the use of offensive personalities and the ordinary tricks of the stump, his efforts have been directed solely to the discussion of the legitimate issues of the campaign, and of the great fundamental principles on which our govemment is based. No man living has been a closer student of those principles than Mr. Lincoln and in his numerous speeches through out the state he has brought the result of that laborious study and the convictions of his matured reason and sober judgment before the people with an abUity a force and an eloquence rarely equalled and that made a deep and ineradicable impression upon all who have heard him. No fact has been more apparent in the canvass than that Mr. Lincoln was more than a match for his opponent. In all the elements of statesman ship, in close compact logical argument, in gentlemanly amenity, in control of his temper under the severest provocations, in an unf aiUng fund X.1b3l.-v:-'»tU*>«feWfM €0mmeraai Hegistet Publislied Dailrs Tri- Weekly & "Waekly BY HENRY D. COOKE AND C. C. BILL. SANDUSKY, OHIO, SATURDAY MORNING, NOV. 6, l«5a f^^^ . " " MAncolu for President. We are indebted to a friend at Mansfield for the following special dispatch : « Mamsfiild, Nov. 5lh, 1858. " Editok Saxsdsey Ekqistsb : — An eathusl' astic meeting is in progress here to-night in fa' Tor of Lincoln for the next Republican candi' date for President. Ekfoetsk." TJie Beeult in Mleltlgan, We &t9 ashamed of the work of the Repub- lUmxii%{ Michigan, and we believe they are by this time ssl>nmed of it themselves They were able to have done better than they did at the late election. They have only a majority of from 6,000 to 10,000 oa the State ticket— This majority should h&ii9 Mfm from 15,000 to 20,000. The BepnblicaBS of Michigan, bad they only disregarded the storm and gone to the polls, coald have made this record witboat doubt. No man, who calls himself a freeman, should let any cause tkat does not present an insuperable obstacle deter him from the per formance of such an important duty as voting, especiallj when issues are as vital as those ta ken by t&e parties on Tuesday last. The conduct of Kepublicans in the Ist Con: gressional District is particularly censurable. By petty dissension a they fritted away their strength, and lost to ll^e Bepublican forces in Congress one of their Btroage^t coadjators — Wm. A. Howard— gi'yJBg his seat to a man en- Tbe Congxea In the elections hi Tuesday last, twenty ty-eight Republican were chosen. The r are as follows : In New York, the. four members, tha Ri carrying the the otbt subjoined list : Democrats ia suall o "¦denotj Diet. 1 Lnther C Carter 2 James Humphrey 3 D E SiOKLES't'Coont' 4 Thomas J Babr £ Wu B Ma«i.ay* 6 40HM OOCHBAKX* T Qeorge Briggs 8 Horace P Clark'*' 9 J B Haskin«(d'btri 10 Chas H Van Wyok< UBP Strong 12 0 L Beale 13 Abram BOlin* 14 John H Reynolds 16 James B McKean 16 G W Palmer* 17 F E Spinner* The New York Oh says that in the Thin reported that Sickles jority over Walbridgc WilliamsoB,tfae Union ed by Mr. Williamso plurality of votes ove of the latterwill, thei Massachusetts retar can delegati«>n as foll< Dists. ' 1st. Tho?QasD. El 9d. Jame.? Boffin j 3d. OharlcN P., A 4th. Alexaixiur H. 5th. Anson Burlis ^ 6tb. John B. Allay LIXCOI.X FOR PRESIDENT This is probably the first public announcement of tlie name of Lincoln as a candidate for the presidency TRIBUTES TO LINCOLN 583 of good nature — ^in every quality, in short, that commends itself to the approbation of the better nature of man, on every occasion he has loomed above Mr. Douglas, immeasurably his superior. He has proved him self Mr. Douglas' superior in another respect also. He can do more work and bear it better. Strictly correct in aU his habits, simple and abstemious in his manner of life, he has gone through the herculean labor of the canvass without flagging in a solitary instance, aU his physical powers in fuU and harmonious action, his voice clear and ringing and in all respects more fresh and vigorous than when on the 9th of July he made his first speech from the balcony of the Freemont House. Mr. Lincoln's efforts in this canvass have also made for him a splendid national reputation. Identified aU his life long with the old Whig party, always in a minority in IlUnois, his fine abUities and attain ments have necessarily been confined to a very limited sphere. He entered upon the canvass with a reputation confined to his own state. He closes it with his name a household word wherever the principles he holds are honored and with the respect of his opponents in aU sections of the country. If it should tum out that, by fraud on the part of his opponents to override the will of a large majority of the bona fide citizens of IlUnois, Mr. Lincoln shall faU of an election to the Senate, his fame is already secure. [Rochester (N. Y.) Democrat, November 10, 1858] HON. ABRAHAM LINCOLN The Republican press of Chicago pays an appropriate tribute to the Hon. Abraham Lincoln, who has come out of the contest with Douglas with distinguished honors. Although under the finesse of Democratic legislation his antagonist succeeds, Mr. Lincoln has now a reputation as a statesman and orator, which ecUpses that of Douglas as the sun does the twiniklers of the sky. The speeches made during the lUinois cam paign have been read with great interest throughout the country and the able, out-spoken efforts of the Republican standard-bearer have appeared in a very favorable comparison with the subtle duplicity of his plausible adversary. The RepubUcans of the Union wiU rejoice to do honor to the distinguished debater of IlUnois. [Journal and Courier, Lowell, Mass., October 20, 1858] No man of this generation has grown more rapidly before the coun try than Lincoln in this canvass 584 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS [Illinois State Journal, Springfield, November 12, 1858] By his course in the last, most arduous canvass, Mr. Lincoln has won golden opinions for himself. Not only among his friends at home, but the fame of his prowess has gone abroad, and aU over the country his praises are on the lips of aU good and true men. He has proved him self to be one of the foremost men of his party. His gallant bearing during the campaign, his eloquent speeches and the national and patri otic doctrines which they inculcated, have not only brought him promi nently forward before the people of the whole country, but have contrib uted to make him a leader among leading men. He is pointed to in other states, not only as an unrivalled orator, strong in debate, keen in his logic and wit, with admirable powers of statement, and a fertiUty of resources which are equal to every occasion; but his truthfulness, his candor, his honesty of purpose, his magnanimity which scorned to take mean advantages of his opponent, his unflinching moral courage which made him afraid to misrepresent the opinions of an adversary or to quibble in regard to his own; his consistency, which was dearer to him than success; and, above all, his genial good humor during the whole of the canvass — quaUties which few politicians nowadays display, much less combine — have stamped him as a statesman whom the RepubUcans throughout the Union may be proud of. It is true that Mr. Douglas, by reason of an unjust apportionment law, has secured the Legislature, and thus, in all probabUity, his re-election; but the estimation in which Mr. Lincoln stands with the people of Illinois is indicated by the fact, that the popular majority is for him. Though beaten, he retires from this canvass with the proud satisfaction that the people are with him. He deserves, if he has not achieved, the victory. [Illinois State Journal, Springfield, November 3, 1858 ME. LINCOLN.-WHAT IS THOUGHT OF HIM ABROAD In the last number of the Concord (N. H.) Independent Democrat we find a graphic and unbiased resume of the late contest in this state. We extract from its columns the foUowing handsome compliment to the Hon. Abraham Lincoln: As an outsider, with many personal sympathies for Douglas, we have carefully read the reports of the speeches of these chosen champions of "Douglas Democ racy" and Republicanism. And we are compelled to the conclusion that in Abra ham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas finds his equal and his superior, as a skillful debater and as an orator. If Douglas has fulfilled the expectations of his friends TRIBUTES TO LINCOLN 585 and excited their enthusiasm, Lincoln has excited equal enthusiasm among the Republicans and displayed a degree of ability far exceeding the most sanguine expectations of those who expected most of him. His meetings have eyerywhere been thronged by immense audiences whose enthusiasm has been almost unbounded. From being regarded, as he was at the outset of the campaign, the equal of Douglas and the standard-bearer of the Republican army, he is now looked upon as the "embodiment" of the whole contest. And whatever shall be the result of the election, which takes place in Illinois next Tuesday, Abraham Lincoln will emerge from the smoke of the battle covered with honors. [New York Tribune, November 9, 1858] LINCOLN'S SPEECHES Mr. Lincoln's campaign speeches were of a very high order. They were pungent without bitterness and powerful without harshness Throughout the weary months of almost daily discussion or canvassing which foUowed, Mr. Lincoln's speeches justified the confidence and admiration of his supporters. The Chicago Times made its worst mistake in endeavoring to disparage these speeches and representing their author as unqualified to enter Usts with such an antagonist as Douglas. [Chicago Journal, November 10, 1858] ABRAHAM LINCOLN Though personally defeated, Mr. Lincoln nevertheless has the consciousness of having done all in his power for the success of Freedom in lUinois, for which cause he has achieved a glorious triumph. No other man in the State could have done more than he has done — ^No other man was better fitted to represent the Republican party or to fight Douglas. We speak but the general sentiment of the Republican party when we say, "WeU done, good and faithful servant." "More true joy Marcellus exiled feels. Than Caesar with the Senate at his heels." [Chicago Press and Tribune, November 10, 1858] Lincoln has fuUy vindicated the partialities of his friends and has richly earned, though he has not achieved, success. He has created for himself a national reputation that is both envied and deserved; and though he should hereafter fill no official station, he has done in the cause of Truth and Justice what wiU always entitle him to the gratitude of his party and to the admiration of aU who respect the high moral quaUties and sound intellectual gifts that he has. No man could have S86 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS done more. His speeches wUl become landmarks in our poUtical his tory, and we are sure that when the pubUc mind is more fuUy aroused to the importance of the themes which he has so admirably discussed, the popular verdict wUl place him a long way in advance of the more fortu nate champion by whom he has been overthrown. The Republicans owe him much for his truthfulness, his courage, his self-command, and his consistency; but the weight of their debt is chiefly in this, that under no temptation, no apprehension of defeat, in compUance with no soUci- tation has he let down our standard in the least. That God given and glorious principle which is the head and front of RepubUcanism, "all men are created equal, and are entitled to life, Uberty, and the pursuit of happiness," he steadUy upheld, defended, Ulustrated, and applied in every speech which he has made. Men of his own faith may have differed with him when measures only were discussed, but the founda tion of aU — ^the principle which comprehends all — he has fought for with a zeal and courage that never flagged or quaUed. In that was the pith and the marrow of the contest. Mr. Lincoln, at Springfield at peace with himself because he has been true to his convictions, enjoying the confidence and unfeigned respect of his peers, is more to be envied than Mr. Douglas in the Senate. [Chicago Daily Democrat, November ii, 1858] During the whole course of the late campaign, Mr. Lincoln has exhibited the qualities, not only of an able statesman, but of a con scientious man and a perfect gentleman. Amid all the heat of those memorable discussions with his opponent, and through all the strife that distinguished them, he never once so far forgot himself as to lower the standard of that very rare avis in terra, the conscientious political debater, or of the man reUgiously sincere in his principles and convic tions. Mr. Douglas, at the outset of the campaign, spoke of Mr. Lincoln somewhat disparagingly as "a very amiable gentleman." He certainly has proved himself to be such and although Mr. Douglas may not fuUy appreciate a character of this description, yet we have no doubt the people of the state of lUinois wUl accord to Mr. Lincoln in his defeat such a measure of admiration for the man and his noble qualities of head and heart as to render that defeat almost equal to the triumph of his opponent. No man can deny to Abraham Lincoln the meed of honest and heartfelt admiration. Even his opponents profess to love TRIBUTES TO LINCOLN 587 the man though they hate his principles and condescendingly speak of sympathy with him in his defeat. We have no doubt that Mr. Lincoln fully appreciates those professions. He values them for what they are worth, but he has the consolation — that he has done his duty, his whole duty, and nothing but his duty to his party and to his country, in uphold ing and defending the glorious principles of the one, which he knows and feels to be those upon which the prosperity and the perpetuity of the other are founded. That Mr. Lincoln is sincere in his views with regard to the great poUtical questions of the day, every one who knows the man, or has heard or read his speeches, must be persuaded. Besides being powerful specimens of logic (and they are so considered by the leading statesmen and journals of the country) these speeches are stamped with the impress of a sincerity and candor which appeals at once to the higher and nobler faculties of the mind, and wins over the better feelings and affections of our nature. They will be recognized for a long time to come as standard authorities upon those topics which overshadow all others in th^; political world of our day; and our children wUl read them and appreciate the great truths which they so forcibly inculcate with even a higher appreciation of their worth than their fathers possessed while listening to them. They, in fact, are in advance of the age in which they were delivered and thus contain those elements which give that vitaUty to aU human productions which carries them beyond the present and makes them useful and beautiful in the future. No greater com pliment can be paid to the speeches of Mr. Lincoln than to say that the leading ideas of them have been taken up and adopted by Senator Seward of New York in his speeches during the late campaign in that state, out of which the Republicans have just issued with flying colors, having achieved one of the proudest triumphs ever accorded to a party in these United States. In this connection, we might also state that Mr. Lincoln's name has been used by newspapers and public meetings outside the state in con nection with the Presidency and Vice Presidency, so that it is not only in his own state that Honest old Abe is respected and his talents and many good qualities appreciated. AU through the North and in most of the border states he is looked upon as an able statesman and most worthy man, fully competent to fiU any post within the gift of the people of this Union. 588 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS We, for our part, consider that it would be but a partial appreciation of his services to our noble cause that our next state Republican Con vention should nominate him for Govemor as unanimously and enthusi astically as it did for Senator and this state should also present his name to the National Republican Convention, first for President, and next for Vice President. We should show to the United States at large that in our opinion, the Great Man of Illinois i^ Abraham Lincoln, and none other because of the services he has rendered to the glorious cause of liberty and humanity. [Chicago Times, November 9, 1858] PUBLIC OPINION UPON THE ILLINOIS ELECTION [From the Buffato Courier] The canvass was continued with sole reference to the respective claims of Douglas and Lincoln to represent the people at Washington in that exalted position. Mr. Lincoln was the chosen standard-bearer of the opposition, in view of the possession of a combination of rare qualifications alike for the office and his achiev ing the success by which it was to be secured. He is a man of fine abilities, of pure character, and of vast popularity with men of all classes and politics. Although as a legislator and statesman Judge Douglas enjoys an advantage of a larger experi ence and greater familiarity with affairs, there is abundant evidence to prove that a choice of the people between these two competitors was decided solely in refer ence to the principles they respectively professed, and that the verdict was accorded to the superiority of national Democratic sentiments over sectional Republican views. [Illinois State Register, December i, 1858] A SETTLER TOR SEWARD If lUinois republican journals are to be taken as an index, Mr. Lincoln is to be made a presidential candidate upon the creed which he enun ciated here in his June convention speech Whether this extreme ground wiU be adopted by the republicans generally, in a party platform, is matter of doubt. The resistance to it by a large number of their leading journals, in their commentary upon Seward's speech, is indicative of a warm contest over it. It wiU be the "rugged issue" against a hypo critical conservatism — the open advocacy of a policy which is the ground work of their common effort, or a time-serving evasion of true republi can designs, for power and the spoUs l:hereof . If this contest does not result in their party disintegration, it wiU, at least, plainly develop, in its controversies, to the people of the country, the "true intent and 9/. 'S'Km THE LINCOLN M.^USOLEUM, SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS TRIBUTES TO LINCOLN 589 meaning" of republicanism, and incur for it that odium which it justly deserves. The Democracy have only to unite their forces upon their old plat form of principle, maintain the rights of the states under the constitution, and the presidential result will be "a settler to Seward," Lincoln and all their fellow aspirants for presidential honors upon a sectional, uncon stitutional platform. CHAPTER XX EDITIONS OF THE DEBATES The Campaign in Illinois. Last Joint Debate. Douglas and Lincoln at Alton, Illinois. (From the Chicago Times, October 17, 1858.) Washington: Lemuel Towers, 1858. The Introduction to this pamphlet contains uncompli mentary references to Lincoln and the value of his argu ments. It may be the "document" referred to in the follow ing, although there is a discrepancy in the dates: [Galesburg (111.) Democrat, October 13, 1858] Douglas has put out a Ipng document composed of extracts from the speeches of Lincoln & Douglas at the joint debates. The extracts from Lincoln's speeches are all emasculated and perverted just as his speech here was. They have been secretly scattered by the thousands in Fulton & Tazewell co's as we know, and they are probably distributed through out the State, excepting in such places as Chicago, where the fraud would recoU upon their heads too quickly. What language can portray the depravity of the man who will resort to means so base for the accom plishment of his end. Lincoln's speeches in the Debates made him the spokes man of Republican principles in the West and the rival of Seward in that position among the Eastern states. They formulated the arguments used in the gubernatorial election in Ohio in 1859; and, immediately after the election, Governor-elect Dennison and various Republican officials of the state wrote to Lincoln for official copies of the Debates in order to publish them as a hand-book for the approaching presidential election. In response to this request, Lincoln forwarded copies of the Chicago Press and Tribune, from which his speeches could be set up, and the Chicago Times, from which the speeches of Douglas could be taken. In an .S9I 592 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS accompanying letter Lincoln said: "The copies I send you are as reported and printed by the respective friends of Senator Douglas and myself at the time — that is, by his friends and mine at the time. It would be an unwarranted liberty for us to change a word or letter in his, and the changes I have made in mine, you perceive, are verbal only, and very few in number. I wish the reprint to be precisely as the copies I send, without any comment whatever.'" The first official edition of the debates is listed : Political Debates between Lincoln and Douglas. Svo, pp. 268, cloth. Columbus, Ohio: Foster, Follett & Co., i860. Of the many issues of this edition, a dealer'' says: " Of the so-called first editions, there seem to be at least four different issues. I have four before me as I write. What is considered the first issue contains no advertisements. The second issue has three pages of advertisements following the title-page with, the statement that 15,000 copies have already been sold. The third issue has one page of advertisements and three pages of correspondence preceding the title-page, with the announcement that 30,000 copies have been sold; and the correspondence includes a letter from Douglas com plaining of alleged corrections in former issues together with the publishers' rejoinder. There are differences even in the so-called first issue. In one the copyright notice is on the page following the title, with the table of contents on the next page, while Lincoln's speech of June 17, 1858, begins on the second page following. In another issue, the table of contents and copyright notice are on the page following the title and the next two pages are taken up with the corre spondence between Lincoln and the Central Executive Committee relating to the publication of the Debates. ¦ Nicolay aad Hay's Lincoln's Works, I, 396. Daniel H. Newhall, 59 Maidea Lane, New York. EDITIONS OF THE DEBATES 593 The first speech begins on the next page." The protest of Douglas mentioned above is as follows: Washington, June 9, i860 "Gentlemen: I have received by the express one dozen copies of your publication of the joint debates between Mr. Lincoln and myself in 1858, sent by order of Mr. Cox, who wiU pay you the amount of your biU. I feel it my duty to protest against the unfairness of this publica tion, and especially against the alterations and mutilations in the reports, as published in the Chicago Times, although intended to be fair and just, were necessarily imperfect, and in some respects erroneous. The speeches were all delivered in the open air, to immense crowds of people, and in some instances in stormy and boisterous weather, when it was impossible for the reporters to hear distinctly and report literally. The reports of my speeches were not submitted to me or any friend of mine for inspection or correction before publication; nor did I have the opportunity of reading more than one or two of them afterwards, untU the election was over, when all interest in the subject had passed away. In short, I regard your publication as partial and unfair, and designed to do me injustice, by placing me in a false position. I saw in the preface to the first edition of your publication which is omitted in the copy sent to me, a correspondence between Mr. Lincoln and the Ohio repubUcan committee, from which it appears that Mr. Lincoln furnished his speeches and mine for publication — his in the revised and corrected form, and mine as they came from the hand of the reporter, without revision. Being thus notified that his speeches had been revised and corrected, this fact ought to have reminded you that common fairness and justice required that I should have an opportunity of revising and correcting mine. But to deny me that privilege, and then to change and mutilate the reports as they appeared in the newspaper from which they were taken is an act of injustice against which I must be permitted to enter my protest. In order that the injustice which you have done me may be in some degree diminished, I respectfully request that this letter, together with the correspondence between Mr. Lincoln and the com mittee, which led to the publication may be inserted as a preface to all future editions of these debates. I have the honor to be, Very respectfuUy your obedient servant, S. A. Douglas Messrs. Follett, Foster & Co., Columbus, Ohio 594 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS To the above the publishers replied June i6, i860 ; "The speeches of Mr. Lincoln were never 'revised, corrected, or improved' in the sense you use those words. Remarks by the crowd which were not responded to, and the reporters' insertions of 'cheers,' 'great applause,' and so forth, which received no answer or comment from the speaker, were by your direction omitted, as weU from Mr. Lincoln's speeches as yours, as we thought their perpetuation in book form would be in bad taste, and were in no manner pertinent to, or a part of, the speech." The careful comparison with the originals, which has been made in the present edition, bears out this statement. Douglas's speeches were taken from the Chicago Times, his official organ, and those of Lincoln from the Chicago Press and Tribune, the principal Republican newspaper, for the i860 edition. The chief variations are a few unim portant verbal changes, and the omission of the numerous interruptions due to the restlessness of the crowd and the the frequent shouts of the partisans. There is strong evidence that neither of the speakers edited his manuscript prior to being printed in the news papers at the time the debates were held. One of the official editorial writers' testifies as follows: "The volume containing the debates, published in i860 by Follett, Foster & Co., of Columbus, Ohio, presents Mr. Lincoln's speeches as they appeared in the Chicago Tribune, and Mr. Douglas's as they appeared in the Chicago Times. Of course, the speeches of both were pubUshed simultaneously in both papers. The Chicago Times' reports of Mr. Lincoln's speeches were not at aU satisfactory to Mr. Lincoln's friends, and this led to a charge that they were purposely mutilated in order to give his competitor a more scholarly appearance before the public — a charge indignantly denied by Sheridan and Binmore. There was reaUy no foundation for this charge. Of course, Sheridan and Binmore took more pains with Mr. Douglas's speeches than with those of his opponent. That was their business. It was what they were ¦ Mr. Horiice White in Herndon's Life ol Lincoln, by permission of D. Appleton & Co. EDITIONS OF THE DEBATES 595 paid for, and what they were expected to do. The debates were aU held in the open air, on rude platforms hastily put together, shaky, and overcrowded with people. The reporters' tables were liable to be jostled and theur manuscript agitated by the wind. Some gaps were certain to occur in the reporters' notes and these, when occurring in Mr. Douglas's speeches, would certainly be straightened out by his own reporters, who would feel no such responsibility for the rough places in Mr. Lincoln's." Lincoln, Abraham, pres. U. S., 1809-1865. Political Debates between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas in the Celebrated Campaign of 18 j8 in Illinois; including the preceding speeches of each at Chicago, Springfield, etc. Also, the two great speeches of Abraham Lincoln in Ohio in 1859. Cleveland, O. : The Burrows Brothers Co., 1894. 8vo, pp. 316. Reprint at the Univer sity Press, Cambridge, of which 750 numbered copies were issued. Political Speeches and Debates of Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas, 1854-1861. ¦ Edited by Alonzo T. Jones. Battle Creek, Mich. : International Tract Society, 1895. 8vo, pp. viii-|-5ss, plates, ports. Political Debates between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas in the Celebrated Campaign of l8§8 in Illinois; including the precedmg speeches of each at Chicago, Springfield, etc. Cleveland, O. : O. S. Hubbell & Co., 1895. 4to, pp. vi-|-4is. Ths First Lincoln and Douglas Debate at Ottawa, III., August 21, 1858. Boston: Published by the Directors of the Old Soutli Work, 1897. i2mo, pp. 32. (Old South Leaflets, General Ser., Vol. 4, No. 85) Speeches of Lincoln and Douglas in the Campaign of 1858; with Introduc tion and Notes by E. C. Morris. New York: Maynard, Merrill & Co., 1899. i6mo, pp. 63. (Maynard's English Classic Series, No. 216.) Political Speeches and Debates of Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas 18 54-1861. Chicago: Scott, Foresman & Co., 1900. 8vo, pp. viii 4-555, plates, port. Except title-page, printed from same plates as Battle Creek, 1895 ed. The Lincoln and Douglas Debates in the Senatorial Campaign of 1858 in Illinois, between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Arnold Douglas; containing also Lincoln's,address at Cooper Institute; with Introduction and Notes by Archibald Lewis Bouton. New York: H. Holt and Co., 1905. i6mo, pp. xlvi-l-297. (On cover: English readings.) "Bibliographical Note," p. xlvi. The Writings of Abraham Lincoln. Ed. by Arthur Brooks Lapsley [Federal ed.]. New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1905-6. 8vo, fronts., plates, ports., facsims. Vols. III-IV, The Lincoln^Douglas Debates. Life and Works of Abraham Lincoln. Centenary ed., edited by Marion Mills Miller. New York: The Current Literature Publishing Co., 1907. 9 vols. Fronts, (ports.. Vols. I-IV, VII-IX), fold., facsim. i2mo. Vol. IV. Speeches and Debates. BIBLIOGRAPHY AN APPRAISED LIST OF THE MORE GENERAL WORKS BEARING ON THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATES prepared under the direction or MR. SCHUYLER B. TERRY, FELLOW IN mSTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO Abbott, Abbott A. The Life of Abraham Lincoln. NewYork:T. R. Dawley, 1864. Chap, iv, pp. 60, 61. Excerpts from first debate. Brief comment upon Lincoln. Adam, G. Mercer, Speeches of Abraham Lincoln, Including Inaugurals and Proc lamations. Selected and edited with Introduction. New York: A. L. Burt Co., 1906, pp. i+xxiv-l-417, front.; (post) pp. 94-223. Each debate prefaced by brief synopsis. Allen, Eugene C. Abraham-Lincoln: An Oratorical Essay in Two Parts. Albion, Michigan, 1895. Pp. 56-71. ,Few excerpts, but with critical comment and analysis of principal speeches. Good. Bibliography: pp. 141-46. Arnold, Isaac Newton. The History of Abraham Lincoln and the Overthrow of Slavery. Chicago: Clarke & Co., 1866. Revised 1867. Chap, v, pp. 102- 39. Flowery; rather full excerpts treated topically. The Life of Abraham Lincoln. Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co., 1891. Chap, ix, pp. 139-52. Few excerpts; good; general description with anecdotes. Reminiscences of the Illinois Bar Forty Years Ago. In Early Illinois. Chicago: Fergus Print, Co., 1881. Pp. 132-56; pp. 150-52. Brief account by contemporary. Personality of participants. Bacon, George Washington (comp.). The Life and Administration oj Abraham Lincoln. London: Sampson Low, Son and Marston; Boston: Bacon and Co., 1865. Pp. 27-30. Brief sjmopsis. Barrett, Joseph H. Life 0} Abraham Lincoln (authentic edition). Cincinnati: Moore, Wilstach, Reys & Co., i860. Chap, xi, pp. 141-91. Excerpts and digest. Life of Abraham Lincoln, Cincinnati: Moore, Wilstach & Baldwin, 1865. Pp. 175-80. A few short excerpts and little or no oratorical statement. Abraham Lincoln and His Presidency. Cincinnati: The Robert Clarke Co., 1904. Vol. I, pp. 168-95. Excerpts and analysis. Bartlett, David Vandewater Golden. The Life and Public Services oj Hon. Abraham Lincoln. New York: H. Dayton, i860. Pp. 75-107. Lincoln- Douglas correspondence. Excerpts of debates. Valuable contemporary comment. 597 598 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Blaine, James G. Twenty Years oj Congress, 1861-1881. Norwich, Conn.. McHenry Bill Publishing Co., 1884. Vol. I, pp. 143-50. Good general sketch and comparison. Good political view. Bouton, Archibald Lewis (ed.). The Lincoln and Douglas Debates in the Sena torial Campaign of 1858 in Illinois — with Introduction and Notes. New York: H. Holtand Co., 1905. Pp. xIvi+297. On cover: English readings, "Biblio graphical note": p. xlvi. Notes: pp. 247-97. Brockett, Linus Pierpont. The Life and Times of Abraham Lincoln, Sixteenth President of the United States. Philadelphia: Bradley & Co., 1865. Pp. 106-22. Very brief synopsis, but contains some good descriptions by conn temporaries. Brooks, Noah. Abraham Lincoln and the Downfall of American Slavery. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1894. Chap, xiii, pp. 161-78. General de scription and excerpts. Men of Achievement — Abraham Lincoln. New York: Scribners, 1893. Pp. 198-201. General. Browne, Francis F. The Everyday Life of Abraham Lincoln. New York and St. Louis: N. D. Thompson Publishing Co., 1886. Pp. 277-307. Good sketch with anecdotes. Browne, Robert H., M.D. Abraham Lincoln and the Men oj His Time. Cincin nati: Jennings & Pye; New York: Eaton and Mains, .1901. Vol. II, chap. XXXV, pp. 217-38. Digest; review; excerpts. Bungener, Felix (i. e., Laurence Louis Felix). Abraham Lincoln: Sein Leben, Wirken und Sterben, von F. Bungener. Bern: C. H. Mann, 1866. Chap. iii, pp. 59-64. Brief and general. (i. c, Laurence Louis Felix). Lincoln: Zijn leven, werk, en dood. Naar het Fransch van F. Bungener. Utrecht: J. H. Kemmer, 1866. Chap, iii, pp. 38-42. Brief and general. (i. e., Laurence Louis Felix). Lincoln, sa vie, son ceuvre et sa mort. Lausanne: G. Bridel, 1865. Chap, iii, pp. 55-59. Brief and general. Canisius, Theodor. Abraham Lincoln. Wien: C. Reitger, 1867. Chap. viii, pp. 210-21. Brief comment. Chittenden, Lucius Eugene. Personal Reminiscences, 1840-1890. New York: Richmond, Croscup & Co., 1893. Chap, xxxv, pp. 374-79. Brief comment on debates. Estimate. Abraham Lincoln's Speeches. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1895, Pp. 117-81. Extracts. (comp.) Abraham Lincoln's Speeches. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1895. Vol. VI, pp. 124-81. Lincoln's speeches only. Quincy omitted; also portions of all. Coffin, Charles Carleton. Abraham Lincoln. New York: Harper & Bros. 1893. Pp. 166-70. Popular. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE DEBATES 599 Colfax, Schuyler. Life and Principles of Abraham Lincoln. Philadelphia: J. B. Rodgers, 1865. Pp. 15. Memorial address, with reference only to Lincoln's character. Crosby, Frank. Das Leben Abraham Lincoln. Philadelphia: John C. Potter, 1865. Pp. 35, 36. Excerpt by Carl Theodore Eben. Life of Abraham Lincoln, Sixteenth President of the United States. Philadelphia: J. E. Potter, 1865. Pp. 31-33. Excerpt. DuYCKiNCK, EvERET AUGUSTUS. Portrait Gallery of Eminent Men and Women. New York: Johnson, Wilson and Co., 1873. Vol. II, pp. 400-2. French, Charles Wallace. Abraham Lincoln, the Liberator. New York: Funk 81 Wagnalls, 1891. Pp. 128-39. Excerpts, analysis, and anecdotes. French, Henry Willard. Abraham Lincoln. (In Frost, John. The Presidents of the United States — Brought down to the Present Time, by Harry W. French.) Boston: Lee and Shepard. Pp. 444, 445. Narrative form; popular account. Gallaher, James E. Best Lincoln Stories, Tersely Told. Chicago : J. E. Gallaher & Co., 1898. Pp. 49-55. Anecdotes, humorous. Gardner, William. Life of Stephen A. Douglas. Boston, 1905. Liberal quo tations from the debates, with correspondence incidental to the challenge. Greeley, Horace, and Cleveland, John F. A Political Textbook for i860. New York: Tribune Association, i860. Pp. 129-32. Lincoln's Freeport speech, text only. Hapgood, Norman. Abraham Lincoln, the Man of the People. New York: Macmillan, 1899. Pp. 141-48. General; good. Hart, Charles Henry. Bibliographia Lincolniana: An Account of the Publi cations Occasioned by the Death of Abraham Lincoln. Albany, N. Y. : A. Boyd, 1870. Pt. I, pp. 7-86. In Boyd, Andrew. A Memorial of Lincoln. Herndon, William Henry, and Weik, Jesse William. Abraham Lincoln, the True Story of a Great Life. With an Introduction by Horace White. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1892. Chap, iv, pp. 88-132. Excellent contemporary account by Horace White who attended the debates for the Chicago Press and Tribune for Lincoln's side; few excerpts; descriptions of campaign. Herndon's Lincoln. Chicago: Belford, Clarke & Co., i88g. Vol. II, pp. 401-18. Personal description and anecdotes. Holland, Josiah Gilbert. The Life of Abraham Lincoln. Springfield, Mass.: G. Bill, 1866. Chap, xiii, pp. 179-93. Digest; excerpts. Howard, James Quay. The Life of Abraham Lincoln: with Extracts from His Speeches. Columbus, Ohio: Follett, Foster & Co., i860. Pp. 55, 56. Brief comment favorable to Lincoln. Pp. 69-99. Lincoln excerpts. Howells, W. D., and Hays, J. G. Lives and Speeches of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin. Columbus, O. : Follett, Foster & Co., i860. Pp. 80-87. Lincoln-Douglas correspondence. Very sketchy. 6oo ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Illustrated Life, Services, Martyrdom, and Funeral of Abraham Lincoln. Phila delphia: T. B. Peterson & Brothers, 1865. Pp. 41-47. Brief; some "pen pictures" by contemporaries. Johnson, Allen. Stephen A. Douglas: A Study in American Politics. New York: Macmillan, 1908. The most scholarly biography of Douglas. Johnston, A, American Orations. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1899. Vol. Ill, p. 184. Douglas' Reply to Lincoln; text only. Jones, Alonzo T. Political Speeches and Debates of Abraham Lincoln and / Stephen A. Douglas. Battle Creek, Mich. : International Tract Society, 1895. Contains full reports of all the debates and , also principal speeches of Douglas and Lincoln before and after the regular series. Ketcham, Henry. The Life oj Abraham Lincoln. New York: A. L.Burt & Co., 1901. Chap. XV, pp. 138-41. Brief account. Lamon, Ward H. The Life of Abraham Lincoln. Boston: James R. Osgood & Co., 1872. Pp. 409-20. Rather violent toward Douglas. Recollections oj Abraham Lincoln. Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co., 1895. Pp. 23-27. Anecdotes. Lapsley, Arthur Brooks. The Writings of Abraham Lincoln. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1905. Vol. Ill, pp. 178-377; Vol. IV. Text only. Leland, Charles Godfrey. Abraham Lincoln and the Abolition of Slo,very in the United States. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1879. New Plu tarch, Vol. I, chap, iv, pp. 69, 70. Passing reference. Life and Public Services oj Hon. Abraham Lincoln. Boston : Thayer and Eldredge, i860. . Pp. 42-89. Correspondence and extracts. Lije and Public Services oj Abraham Lincoln oj Illinois and Hon. Hannibal Ham lin of Maine. Boston: Thayer & Eldredge, i860 (Wide-awake edition). Chap. V, pp. 48-88. Text of second joint debate at Freeport. Life, Speeches and Public Services of Abraham Lincoln. New York: Rudd & Carleton, i860. Wigwam edition. Pp. 65-80. Correspondence and ex tracts only. Lyon, Nathaniel. Our Case — our Candidate. In His Last Political Writings. New York: Rudd and Carleton, 1861. Pp. 111-28. Defense of Lincoln's stand in the debates. MacCabe, James Dabney. Abraham Lincoln. In his The Centennial Book of American Bibliography. Philadelphia and Chicago: P . W. Ziegler & Co., 1876. Later published under title: Heroes and Statesmen oj America. Brief and general. Abraham Lincoln. 1878. Same as in 1876 edition. Maltby, Charles. The Lije and Public Services oj Abraham Lincoln. Stockton, Cal.: Daily Independent print, 1884. Chap, xiv, pp. 83-87. Brief state ments of general principles of each side. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE DEBATES 6oi McClure, James Baird (ed.). Abraham Lincoln' s Speeches Complete. Chicago: Rhodes & McClure Publishing Co., 1891. Pp. 478., illustrated. Pp. 194-210. Includes Springfield and Freeport speeches of Lincoln only. Miller, Marion Mills (ed.). Life and Works of Abraham Lincoln. Centenary edition. New York: _The Current Literature Publishing Co., 1907. Vol. V, pp. 3, 4. Speeches and debates. Contents: Vol. Ill, comprising political speeches, legal arguments and notes, and the first three joint debates with Douglas, and the opening of the fourth; Vol. II, comprising the conclusion of the fourth joint debate with Douglas, and the fifth, sixth and seventh debates. MomBert, Jacob Isidor. Abraham Lincoln. In his Great Lives. Boston and New York: Leach, Shewell and Sanborn, 1886. Pp. 275. Bare mention. Morris, Edgar Coit. Speeches of Lincoln and Douglas in the Campaign of 1858. New York: Maynard, Merrill & Co., 1899. (Maynard's "English Classic Series," No. 316.) Brief footnotes. Text substantially that of the campaign edition published at Columbus in i860, by Follett, Foster & Co. Morse, John T. Abraham Lincoln. ("American Statesmen Series.") Boston, New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1893. Chap, v, pp. 110-60. Digest, excerpts, and anecdotes. Nicolay, John George. Abraham Lincoln. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1882. Pp. 5, 6. Brief mention. Nicolay, John G., and Hay, John. Abraham Lincoln: Complete Works. New York: The Century Co., 1894. Debate: challenge and arrangements for. Vol. I, pp. 273-77; Ottawa, 111., August 21, 1858, Vol. I pp. 277-305; Free- port, 111., August 27, 1858, Vol. I, pp. 305-35; Jonesboro, 111., September 15, 1858, Vol. I, pp. 335-69; Charleston, 111., September 18, 1858, Vol. I, pp. 369-412; Galesburg, 111., October 7, 1858, Vol. I, pp. 425-55; Quincy, 111., October 13, 1858, Vol. I, pp. 456-85; Alton, 111., October 15, 1858, Vol. I, pp. 485-518. Abraham Lincoln: A History. New York: The Century Co., 1890. Vol. II, chaps, viii, ix. Analysis, excerpts, and thorough narrative. ¦ Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln. New York: Francis D. Tandy Co., 1905. Gettysburg edition. Vol. IV, text. Vol III, pp. 189-356. Vol. IV, Vol. V, pp. 1-85. Nicolay, John G. A Short Life of Lincoln. Condensed from Abraham Lincoln: A History. New York: The Century Co., 1902. Pp. 121-30. Digest; excerpts (brief); commentary. Oldroyd, Osburn Hamiline. Words of Lincoln, Including Several Hundred Opinions oj His Lije and Character. Washington: O. H. Oldroyd, 1895. Pp. 29-36. Lincoln excerpts; no comment. (ed.) The Lincoln Memorial: Album of Immortelles. New York: G. W. Carleton & Co., 1882. Pp. 102, 114, 116, 120, 124, 130, 138. Excerpts on debates. General reminiscences. 6o2 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Perkins, Frederick Beecher (comp.). Lincoln. In his The Pictures and the Men. New York: A. J. Johnson; Cleveland: F. G. and A. C. Rowe, etc., 1867. Chap, iv, pp. 54, 55. Brief mention of arrangements and meetings. Peters, William A. Abraham Lincoln. In his Lives of Our Presidents. New York: F. M. Lupton, 1884. Pp. 272. Fairly good short account for a general work. Phillips, Isaac N. Abraham Lincoln. A Short Study oj a Great Man. Bloom ington, 111., 1901. Pp. 36-39. General. Political Debates between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas in the Cele brated Campaign of 18 j8 in Illinois; Including the Preceding Speeches of Each at Chicago, Si)ringfield, etc. Cleveland, O.: O. S. Hubbell & Co., 1895. Vol. VI, pp 415. Includes: Lincoln's Speeches at Springfield, June 17, 1858; Chicago, July 10. Political Debates between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas in the Cele brated Campaign of 1858 in Illinois, including the Preceding Speeches of Each at Chicago, Springfield, etc. Also, the two great Speeches of Abraham Lincoln in Ohio in 185Q. Cleveland, Ohio: Burrows Brothers Co., 1894. 8vo, pp. 316. Reprint, at the University Press, Cambridge, of which 750 numbered copies were issued. Political Speeches and Debates oj Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas 1854- 1861. Chicago: Scott, Foresman & Co., 1900. 8vo, pp. viii -1-555. Por trait and plates. Except title-page, printed from same plates as last above. Recollections oj the First Debate between Lincoln and Douglas. New York: William Abbott, 1905. Pp. 77. Anecdotes. A fine description of Lincoln's moral power in debate. Recollections oj Lincoln and Douglas Forty Years Ago. By an Eyewitness. New York: Privately printed, 1899. Pp. 1-20. General. Rice, Allen Thorndyke (ed.). Reminiscences oj Abraham Lincoln. By Distin guished Men of His Time. New York : North American Review Publishing Co., 1886. A few very general comments. Cf. Index, Douglas' Debates with Lincoln. Rothschild, Alonzo. Lincoln, Master oj Men: A Study in Character. Boston, 1906. Pp. 101-12. Anecdotes and digest. Schurz, Carl. Abraham Lincoln: An Essay. Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1891. Republished 1899 in "Riverside Literature Series," No. 133, April 5. Pp. 43-53. View of political situation and excerpts. Reminiscences oj Carl Schurz. New York: McClure Co., 1907. Vol. II, pp. 86-98. Valuable recollections of the Quincy debate from an eyewitness. Characterizations. ScRiPPS, John Locke. Lije oj Abraham Lincoln. New York: H. Greely & Co. i860. Reissued, Chicago: Press and Tribune Co., i860; Detroit: Cran- brods Press, igoo. Chap, viii, p. 25. Lincoln excerpts: good account. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE DEBATES 603 Sheahan, James W. The Lije oj Stephen A. Douglas. New York: Harper & Bros., i860. Pp. 419, 424-62. Defense of Douglas. Freeport speech of Douglas, Slight mention of Lincoln. Mentions newspapers and men of times. Stoddard, William Osborn. Abraham Lincoln. New York: Fords, Howard & Hulbert, 1865. Pp. 170-72. Anecdotes. Abraham Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life. New York: Fords, Howard & Hulbert, 1894. Pp. 169-70. Quotes Schurz' essay. The Table Talk of Abraham Lincoln. New York: Fred A. Stokes Co., 1894. Quotations, pp. 139, 140, 141, 154, 182, 183, 184. Stowe, Harriet Beecher. Men of Our Times. Hartford, Conn.: Hartford Publishing Co., 1868. Pp. 39-53. Anecdotes and personal narrative. Tarbell, Ida Minerva. The Life of Abraham Lincoln. New York: Lincoln History Society, 1902. Vol. II, pp. 101-17. Thorough; extracts, etc. The Life of Abraham Lincoln Drawn from Original Sources and Containing Many Speeches, Letters, and Telegrams. New York: McClure Co., 1900. Chap, xviii, pp. 307-23. General description with quotations from those present. The Campaign in Illinois. Last Joint Debate. Douglas and Lincoln at Alton, Illinois. Washington: Printed by L. Towers. Verbatim report, with intro duction unfavorable to Lincoln. Published by Douglas organ. 1858. Pp.32. From the Chicago Daily Times, October 17. The First Lincoln and Douglas Debate at Ottawa, III., August 21, 1858. Boston, 1897. Old South leaflets (general ser.). Vol. IV, No. 85. Text only. Thompson, Richard Wiggington. Abraham Lincoln. In his Recollections of Sixteen Presidents. Indianapolis: Bowen Merrill Co., 1894. Vol. II, chap. xvi, p. 394. Brief. Mentions three questions upon which Lincoln and Douglas agree. Towers, Lemuel, printer. The Campaign in Illinois. See in this bibliography. The Campaign in Illinois. Last Joint Debate. Victor, Orville James. The Private and Public Life of Abraham Lincoln. New York: Beadle and Co., 1864. (Beadle's "Dime Biographical Library," No. 14.) Reprinted, 1865. Chap, vi, pp. 42-49. Brief comment. Walker, Evelyn Harriet, and Others. Abraham Lincoln, the Illinois Rail- Splitter. In Leaders of the Nineteenth Century. Chicago: Monarch Book Co., 1900. Pp. 52. Mention only. Poor, elementary account. Washburne, Elihu Benjamin. Abraham Lincoln: His Personal History and Public Record. Speech by Hon. E. B. Washburne, of Illinois, May 29, i860. Washington, i860; 36th Cong., ist session House. Appendix to the Congres sional Globe, pp. 377-80. Interesting speech; contemporary political views favorable to Lincoln. Excerpts. 6o4 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS PERIODICALS "An American Abolitionist: President Lincoln," in Eraser, Vol. LXXI, p. i. Criticizes Lincoln's anti-slavery attitude in Lincoln-Douglas debates. A«NOLD, Isaac N. "Abraham Lincoln," in Royal Historical Society, Vol. X, p. 320. General and oratorical. Austin, George Torwell. Bay State Monthly, Vol. Ill, p. 167. Short compari son of Lincoln with Sumner, Adams, and Phillips. -Brown, William Garrett. "Lincoln's Rival," in Atlantic Monthly, Vol. LXXXIX, p. 226. A good comparison of characters and analysis of situation. Cutts, J. Madison. North American Review, Vol. CIII, p. 515. Review of "A Brief Treatise upon Constitutional and Party Questions, and upon the History of Political Parties as I Received it Orally from the Late Senator Stephen A. Douglas from Illinois." Attacks Douglas. Nicolay, John G., and Hay, John. "Abraham Lincoln: A History," in Cen tury Magazine, Vol.-II, p. 17. New York: The Century Co. "The Lincoln- Douglas Debates," Vol. XII, p. 369, November, 1887. Analysis and excerpts moving narrative; good cbmparison of Lincoln and Douglas. Tarbell, Ida M. "Life of 'Lincoln," McClure's Magazine, Voh.V-YIII. Vol. VII, p. 401. Contains some special interviews with eyewitnesses and descendants of eyewitnesses. Schurz, Carl. "Abraham Lincoln," Atlantic Monthly, Vol. LXVII , pp. 721, 732-34. General sketch with analysis. Villard, Henry. "Recollections of Lincoln," Atlantic Monthly, Vol. XCIII, p. 165. One or two quaint anecdotes of the Lincoln-Douglas debate. Washburne, E. B. "Abraham Lincoln in Illinois," North American Review, Vol. CXLI, p. 309. Sketch of Freeport debate. '-'1 - ' BIBLIOGRAPHIES Boyd, Andrew. A Memorial Lincoln Bibliography. Albany, N. Y.: Andrew Boyd, 1870. Good up to its date. Fish, Daniel. Lincoln Literature: A Bibliographical Account of Books and Pamphlets relating to Abraham Lincoln. Minneapolis: Public Library Board, 1900. Fairly thorough to date. Foster, Monthly Reference Lists. Printed June, 1881. Vol. I, p. 21. A small bibliography. Larned, J. H. The Literature of American History. Boston : Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1902. "Lincoln," pp. 238-41; articles 2,238-2,259. Ritchie, George Thomas. A List of Lincolniana in the Library of Congress. Washington: Govemment Printing Offlce, 1906. Lists only books in posses sion of Congress. Fairly thorough for general field. Salem, Mass., Public Library Bulletin, February, 1896. Lincoln bibliography. Smith, Will H., Priced Lincoln Bibliography. New York, 1906. INDEX prepared by MARY GERTRUDE DOHERTY GRADUATE STUDENT, UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS INDEX Abingdon, delegation from, at Gales burg Debate, 331, 383. Abolitionists, begin agitation, 123; Lin coln advocates principles of, 95, 123, 254, 327. 339, 369, 452; oppose Compromise of 1850, 88. Administration Democrats, alliance of, with Republicans, 181, 316, 336, 353; attacked by Douglas, 19, 28, 113, 459; attempt to defeat Douglas, 45, 47; convention of, at Springfield, 1858, 26, 235; organ of, in Illinois, 523; poem in derision of, 27. Aledo Record, mentioned by Galesburg Democrat, 375. Allen, Nathan, delegate to Democratic congressional convention, 1850, 239. Alton, delegation from, to Ottawa, 135; description of, during debate, 496, 500, 508, 509; Douglas names, as meeting-place, ¦ 60, 64; Douglas speaks at, 269, 450, 488, 501; excur sion to, from: Springfield, 449, St. Louis, 449, 496; Garesche, A. J. P., speaks at, 507; meeting at, 496, 497, 499, 501-3, 5°5, 506, 508-10, 530; Lincpln, Abraham, speaks at, 466, 502; Merrick speaks at, 507; Spring field Cadets at, 509; Trumbull speaks at, 287. AUon Courier, comments on opposition to, Douglas in Illinois, 1854, 10; describes Alton Debate, 499, 509, 510, quoted by Illinois State Journal, 509, ridicules Douglas, 556. Alton Debate, announced in St. Louis News, 449; commented on by: Chicago Press and Tribune, 508, 510, 550, Cincinnati Gazette, 509, Mis souri Republican, 529, New York Post, 498, Peoria Transcript, 505, Springfield Republican, 510; dele gation from Springfield at, 450; de scribed by : Alton Courier, 499, So'9, 510, Chicago Times, 497, Illi nois State Register, 502, Missouri Democrat, 496, New York Tribune, 503, St. Louis Herald, 506, St. Louis News, 507; Douglas: closes, 488, opens, 450; excursion to, announced by: Missouri Republican, 449, Illi nois State Journal,, 449, Illinois State Register, 449; interest in, commented on by Missouri Republican, 450; Lincoln replies to Douglas in, 466; mentioned, 554. Anjboy, delegation from, at Freeport Debate, 191. American Tract Society, disturbed by slavery question, 479. Anna, Douglas at, 259. Anti-Nebraska party, convention of, at Springfield, 1856, 16; mentioned, 21. Apportionment Law, 1852, history of, given by Missouri Republican, 535; protested against by^ Illinois State Journal, 533. Arnold, Isaac N., speaks at Republican state convention, 1858, 22. Ashmun, George, Mexican War resolu tion of, sustained by Lincoln, 326, 489. Askey, William, recollections of Free- port Debate by, 209. Atlanta, Lincoln and Douglas at, 60, 62. Auburn, delegation from, at Alton De bate, 499. Audience, see meeting; description of, at stump-speaking, 3. Augusta, Douglas at, 437, 441; Lin coln at, 248. Aurora, Republican congressional con vention at, 1854, 408. Bailhache, W. H., secretary of Repub lican state convention, 1858, 22. Baker, Jehu, speaks in: Monroe County, 341, 347, Waterloo, 218, 299. Baltimore Sun, comments on Illinois contest, 131, 525; quotes New York Express, 131. Banks, N. P., regarded as possible Republican presidential candidate for i860, 43; mentioned, 252, 299. Bard, Frankfort, writes campaign poem in derision of Lincoln, 570. Bateman, Newton, Republican candi- 607 6o8 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS date for State Superintendent of Public Instruction, 1858, 22. Bayne, Dr., speaks at Quincy, 439. Belleville, Douglas speaks at, 573; Trumbull representative of, 216. Beloit, Wisconsin, home of White, Horace, 75. Belvidere, delegation from, at Freeport, 191. Bement, delegation from, to Monticello, 66; Douglas at, 71; Lincoln at, 558. Bigler, William, charges of, against Douglas, 270, 283; quoted by Trum- . bull, 270, 277, 309. Binmore, Henry, biographical notice of, 80; reporter for Douglas, 76, 594. Bissell, W. H., regarded as possible Republican presidential candidate for i860, 24; vetoes Apportionment Bill of 1856, 535; mentioned, 222. Black Hawk War, Lincoln a volunteer in, 130. Blair, Frank P., advocates gradual emancipation in Missouri, 407, 484; aids Lincoln in campaign, 497, 513; defeat of, commented on by Douglas, 45, 416; mentioned, 497. Bloomington, delegation from, to Ottawa, 135; Douglas at, 50, 60, 62, 208, 403, 520; Lincoln at, 50, 55, 56, 60, 62; Republican state conven tion at, 148, 395, 408. Bloomington Pantagraph, describes Douglas meeting at Bloomington, 51. Blue Island, mentioned, 85. Boggs, J. B., welcomes Douglas to Galesburg, 377, 380, 383. Boston Courier, comments on Illinois contest, 511; quotes Buffalo Register and Times, 575. Boston, Daily Advertiser, comments on: t Douglas, 538, election in Illinois, 536, Freeport Doctrine, 537, Ottawa De bate, 130; quotes Chicago Press and Tribune, 131. Boston Daily Traveler, Trumbull the opponent of Douglas, 58. Bowen, S. W., delegate to Democratic congressional and district conven tions, 1850, 239. Brawley, F. W. S., postmaster ut Free- port, 1858, 210. Breckenridge, John C, attempts to defeat Douglas, 579. Breese, Sidney, Administration Demo cratic senatorial candidate, 48, 515; supports Lincoln, 1854, 10, 217, 253, 296. Brighton, delegation from, at Alton Debate, 499. Bromwell, H. P. H., welcomes Lincoln to Charleston, 318, 327. Brooks, Austin, commimication ad dressed to, 389. Brooks, P. S., attitude of, toward slavery, 230, 428, 485. Bross, William, at, Freeport Debate, 162, 164, 169, 189; takes part in Lincoln meeting at Chicago, 40; mentioned, 68. Brougham, John, writes campaign poem in honor of Douglas, 566. Brown, B. Gratz, advocates gradual emancipation in Missouri, 407, 415, 484; aids Lincoln in campaign, 513. Brown, James, mentioned, 306. Browning, O. H., attends United States District Court at Chicago, 36; Lin- 1^ coin visits home of, 393, 436, 439, !¦' 446; mentioned, 72, 93, 222, 298. Buchanan, James, breaks with Douglas, 21; conspiracy charge against, 25, 106, 121, 179, 185, 289, 410, 428; . defended by Douglas, 28, 122, 180, 290; derided in Republican cam paign poem, 570; effect of Douglas' election on, 537, 577; favors Lecomp ton Constitution, 19, 354, 460; New Haven letter of, 202; on admission of states, 202, 225, 229, 424, 462, 495; presidential nomination of, 16, 424, 495- Buchanan Democrat, see Administra tion Democrat. Buffalo Courier, quoted by Chicago Times, 588; tribute of, to Lincoln, 588. Buffalo Register and Times, announces Douglas as presidential candidate for i860, 575; quoted by Boston Courier, 575. Buffalo Republic and Times, mentioned by Chicago Times, 575. Burlington Hawkeye, quoted in Bur lington State Gazette, 65; quotes Louisville Journal, 549; ridicules Douglas, 548. Burlington State Gazette, announces excursion to Galesburg Debate, 329; comments on: challenge to Joint Debates, 65, enthusiasm for Doug las, 555, interest in election, 533; quotes: Burlington Hawkeye, 65, INDEX 609 Peoria Transcript, 549; ridicules Lin coln, 549, 555. Cairo, delegation from, at Jonesboro Debate, 259, 263; Douglas speaks at, 213. Calhoun, John C., attitude of, toward Declaration of Independence, 470; replied to by Lincoln, 11. California, admission of, 351, 465. Cameron, delegation from, at Gales burg Debate, 331. Campaign of 1854, effect of, on politics, 4- Campbell, Thomas, abolition senti ments of, 237, 253. Camp-meeting, origin of, i. Camp Point, Douglas speaks at, 437, 441; Morris, J. N., speaks at, 437, 442; Roosevelt, Major, speaks at, 437, 442. Carleton, Ingalls, reminiscences of Freeport Debate by, 206. Carlin, Thomas, govemor of Illinois, 43°- Carlin, W. H., candidate for state senate, 429. Carlinville, delegation from, at Alton Debate, 499, 509. Carpenter, to meet Douglas on the stump, 30, 316. Carr, Clark E., on Freeport Doctrine, 207. Carroll Coimty, delegation from, at Freeport Debate, 196, 199. Casey, present at Jonesboro Debate, 249. Cass, L., opposes Chase amendment, 123, 156, 162; supports Comjjromise of 1850, 87, 171, 214, 292, 461. Centralia, delegation from, at Jonesboro Debate, 259. Centreville True Republican, comments on Illinois contest, 544. Chaffee, Rev. Dr., abolition owner of Dred Scott, 410. Challenge to Joint Debates, 55-75; commented on by: Burlington Hawk- eye, 65, Burlington State Gazette, 65, Chicago Journal, 60, 72, Chicago Times, 70, Freeport Journal, 64, Illi nois State Journal, 71, Illinois State Register, 61, 71, Peoria Transcript, 63, Quincy Herald, 66; reasons for, Chamberlain, Dr., introduces Lincoln at Charleston, 318. Champaign County, delegation from, at Springfield, 53. Charleston, description of, during Joint Debate, 319, 322; Douglas: names as meeting-place, 60, 64, speaks at, 281, 321, 553; Lincoln: emigrates to, 317, speaks at, 267, 303, 348; reception at, of: Douglas, 316, 320, 321, Lincoln, 317, 327. Charleston Courier, describes Charleston Debate, 325; mentions Illinois State Register and Louisville Journal, 325; quoted by Peoria Transcript, 325. Charleston Debate, 267-302; com mented on by: Chicago Journal, 327, Chicago, Times, 322, Illinois State Register, 325, Indiana Journal, 267; described by: Charleston Courier, 325, Chicago Democrat, 317, Chicago Journal, 322, Chicago Times, 312, Illinois State Register, 320, New York Post, 319; Douglas replies to Lincoln in, 281; inconsistency of Lincoln at, 381-87; Lincoln: closes, 303, opens 267; referred to by: Douglas, 339, 340, 413, 414, 489, Lmcoln, 397, 401, 432. Charleston Mercury, denounces Free- port Doctrine, 579. Chase, Salmon P., aids Lincoln in campaign, 531; amendment of, to Nebraska Bill, 109, 122, 154, 156, 157, 162, 401, 468; regarded as pos sible Republican presidential can didate for i860, 24, 43; mentioned, 88, 92, 171, 217, 253, 299, 491, 519. Chicago, Binmore, Henry, a law reporter in, 80; city council of, endorses Compromise of 1850, 8; delegation from, to : Administration Democratic convention, 26, Galesburg Debate, 331, 385, 388, Ottawa Debate, 125, 135, 137; Douglas demonstration at, 33> 538, 575; Douglas speaks at, 5, 7, 36, 61, 69, 106, 254, 403, 451, 538, 540, 549; excitement over contest in, 136, 518; Hitt, Robert, first expert stenographer in, 77; hostility to Compromise of 1850 in, 293, 349; Lincoln speaks at, 17, 56, 61, 69, 339, 348, 413, 432, 451, 468, 529, 540; senatorial contest inaugurated in, 46; Trumbull speaks at, 269, 283, 547; Wentworth, John, speaks at, 565; mentioned, 568. ^'' Chicago Democrat, comments on: de feat of Lincoln, 579, Douglas meeting 6io ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS at Chicago, 1854, 7, Galesburg De bate, 385, physical endurance of Lin coln, 529; describes Charleston De bate, 317; pajfs tribute to Lincoln, 586; publishes poem deriding Demo crats, 570. Chicago Democratic Press, corjiments on Lincoln's speech at Springfield, 1854, 11; quoted by Illinois State Journal, 6; see Chicago Press and Tribune. Chicago Herald, comments on Ottawa Debate, 515; quoted by Washington Union, 515. Chicago Journal, comments on: chal lenge to Joint Debates, 60, Galesburg Debate, 387, Jonesboro Debate, 213, Lincoln meeting in Chicago, 40, Ottawa Debate, 143, 145, Quincy Debate, 444, reception to Douglas at Chicago, 36; compares Douglas with Lincoln, 530; defends Lincoln, 56, 72; describes: Charleston Debate 322, 327, Freeport Debate, 198, Jonesboro Debate, 263; mentioned by Galesburg Democrat, 551; men tions: Chicago Times, 552, De Kalb Sentinel, 324; pays tribute to Lincoln, 585; quoted by Illinois State Journal, 552; quotes: Chicago Tribune, 37, St. Louis Democrat, 530; ridicules: Chicago Times, 145, Douglas, 143, 552. 553; White, Horace, reporter for, 12, 75. Chicago Press and Tribune, announces : excursion to Freeport, 147, Gales burg Debate, 329, Jonesboro Debate, 213; charged with fraud by Chicago Times, 82, 84; com ments on: Alton Debate, 450, 508, 510, interest in debates, 145; defends Lincoln, 57; describes: Freer port Debate, 190, Galesburg Debate, 378, Jonesboro Debate, 259; Lincoln meeting at Chicago, 39, Ottawa Debate, 133, Quincy Debate, 435; estimate of Lincoln by, 582; Hitt, Robert, reporter for, 189; mentioned by: Cincinnati Gazette, 512, Illinois State Register, 326, Missouri Repub lican, 137; pays tribute to Lincoln, 585; publishes extract from Lincoln's Havana speech, 547; quoted by: Boston Advertiser, 131, Chicago Jour nal, 37, New York Post, 547, Wash ington Union, 514; quotes Chicago Times, 203; Republican headquar ters, 194; ridicules Douglas, 550; urges attendance at: Freeport De bate, 147, Ottawa Debate, 85, Quincy Debate, 390; used for authen tic copies of Lincoln's speeches, 86, 591; White, Horace, reporter for, 75; see Chicago Democratic Press; see Chicago Tribune. Chicago Times, announces Douglas demonstration at Chicago, 575; at tacks Lincoln, 56, 307, 386; Bin- more, Henry, reporter for, 76, 80, 82, 594; charges: Chicago Press and Tribune with fraud, 82, 84, Lincoln with inconsistency, 143, 386; com ments on: Administration Democra tic convention, 26, challenge to Joint Debates, 70, Freeport Doctrine, 528, Jonesboro Debate, 260, Republican state convention, 1858, 24; defends Douglas, 287; describes: Alton De bate, 497, Charleston Debate, 312, 322, Douglas meeting in Chicago, 1854, 5, Freeport Debate, 188, 202, Galesburg Debate, 380, 382, Ottawa Debate 141, Quincy Debate, 437; mentioned by: Chicago Journal, 72, 552, Illinois State Register, 63, Lin coln, 68, 470, New York Tribune, 585; mentions Buffalo Republic and Times, 575; publishes: campaign poem in honor of Douglas, 568, cor respondence between Lincoln and Douglas, 70, Ottawa questions of Douglas, 148; quoted by: Chicago Press and Tribune, 203, Illinois State Register, 33, 61, 199, Missouri Demo crat, 528, New York Herald, 57, Quincy Herald, 66, Washington Union, 514; quotes: Buffalo Courier, 588, Illinois State Journal, 24, PhiUi- delphia Press, 30; reports Douglas in Philadelphia, 30; ridicules Lincoln, 56, 58, 66, 552, 554; ridiculed by: Chicago Journal, 145, Peoria Tran script, 144; Sheridan, J. B., reporter for, 76, 80-82; used for authentic copy of Douglas' speeches, 86, 591. Chicago Tribune, comments on: hostil ity of Chicago to Nebraska Bill, 5, Freeport questions of Lincoln, 203; quoted in Illinois State Journal, 5; White, Horace, editor of, 75; see Chicago Press and Tribune. Chicago Union, quoted by Quincy Herald, 40. INDEX 6li Chicago University, gift of Douglas to, 5°- Cincinnati, Ohio, Lincoln named as Republican presidential candidate at, 581; national Democratic convention at, 16, 424; platform, 115, 356, 360, 424. Cincinnati Commercial, comments on: Douglas' trip through Ohio, 32, Free- port Debate, 518, Illinois contest, 31, 42, 540, 543, Lincoln and Douglas in Chicago, 42, Ottawa Debate, 513; estimate of Joint Debates by, 541, 543; quotes Vincennes Sun, 31. Cincinnati Gazette, comments on : Alton Debate, 509, Illinois contest, 509, 542, 581, inconsistencies of Douglas, 512, 542; mentions Chicago Press and Tribune, 512. Clay, Henry, abandoned by Lincoln for Taylor, 490; attitude of, toward: Declaration of Independence, 116, 471, slavery, 116, 151, 351, 432, 471, 484; devises Compromise of 1850, 87, 171, 214, 292, 343, 351, 456, 461; respect of Douglas for, 291; speaks in Indiana, 291, Cleveland, Douglas welcomed at, 32. Clifton Springs, N. Y., Douglas speaks at, 32. Clinton, Lincoln and Douglas at, 56, 108, 110; meeting at, 62. Codding, at Illinois Republican con vention, 1854, 168; attacks Supreme Court, 519; mentioned, 117. Cody, H. H., delegate to Democratic district convention, 1850, 239. Coles County, delegation from, meets Douglas, 312; Republican center, 323. Color, W. N., Democratic candidate for state legislature, 67. Columbia (South Carolina) Guardian, denounces Freeport Doctrine, 525; quoted by Washington Union, 525. Columbus (Georgia) Times, denounces Freeport Doctrine, 579. Compromise of 1850, adopted by Whig and Democratic parties, 87, 214, 294, 461; attitude of Lincoln toward, 171, 233, 351; devised by Clay, 87, 171, 214, 292, 343, 351, 456, 461; embodied in Nebraska Bill, 87, 214; endorsed by Chicago city council and Illinois legislature, 8; opposed by Chicago city council, 254. Concord (N. H.) Independent Demo crat, estimate of Lincoln by, 584; quoted by Illinois State Journal, 584. Constitution of United States, quoted by Lincoln at Galesburg, 357; status of negro under, 150, 245, 301, 358, 450, 476; violated by Illinois contest, 542. Cook, Isaac, delegate to Democratic congressional convention, 1850, 239. Cook County, delegation from, to Ot tawa, 133, 139; Lincoln banner of, at state Republican convention, 1858, 22. Cooke, B.C., offers resolution in Illinois state Republican convention, 1858, 22. Correspondence, between Lincoln and Douglas, 59; see Joint Debates. Corwin, Thomas, denounces Mexican War, 490. Craddock, Republican candidate for state representative, 1858, 323. Crittendon, John J., accountable for defeat of Lincoln, 579; regarded as possible Republican presidential can didate for i860, 43; Republicans support bill of, 170; mentioned, 200. Cuba, Douglas on acquisition of, 228. Cunningham, Colonel, welcomes Doug las to Coles County, 312. Cushman, H. W. H., welcomes Douglas to Ottawa, 126, 139, 142. "Danite" party, origin of name, 28; see Administration Democrats. Danville, Douglas speaks at, 559; Lin coln speaks at, 559; Molony, R. S., in land ofiice at, 239. Davidson, James, with Douglas at Galesburg, 332. Davis, Jake, opposes Douglas, 1858, 429. Davis, Jefferson, attitude of, toward Freeport Doctrine, 403, 463, 528, 579. Dayton, Republican nominee for vice- president, 1856, 17. Decatur, Lincoln speaks at, 529. Declaration of Independence, interpre tation of, by: Calhoun, John C., 470, Clay, Henry, 116, 400, 432, 471, Douglas, 116, 342, 413, 464, 470, 545, Lincoln, 95, 118, 168, 301, 339, 346, 366, 400, 413, 432, 452,. 649, Pettit, 470, Taney, Roger, 470; po sition of negro under, 95, 100, 116, it8, 168, 225, 301, 339, 342, 346, 6l2 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS 366, 400, 413, 432, 452, 462, 469, 545- DeKalb Sentinel, Judge Mayo editor of, 240; mentioned by Chieago Journal, 324. Democratic party, adopts Compromise of 1850, 87, 171, 215, 294; attitude of, toward: Dred Scott Decision, 525, Freeport Doctrine, 525, 537, slavery, 291, 406, 482; campaign poetry of, 566, 568, 570; celebrates election of Douglas, 575; congressional conven tion of, at Joliet, 1850, 238, 239; dis solution of, attempted by Lincoln and Trumbull, 88, 92, 99, 171, 216, 232, 251, 294, 306, 403; district con vention of, at NaperviUe, 1850, 239; Douglas faction of, dreads election of Trumbull, 1854, 15; Douglas urges support of, 461; national con vention of, 1852, 87, 171, 215, 294; reorganization of, suggested by Bos ton Advertiser, 537; split in, 1854, 9. Denio, Cyrenius B., referred to by Douglas at Freeport, 169; speaks at Republican state convention, 1858, 22. De Pauw University, Hitt, Robert, graduates from, 77. Detroit, delegation from, to Chicago, 1854, 5- Dewey, Chester P., reporter of New York Post, 77. District of Columbia, status of slavery in, 89, 120, 149, 241, 352, 405. Dixon, delegation from, at Freeport, 191; Lincoln at, 147. Donnelly, Neil, delegate to Democratic congressional convention, 1850, 239. Dougherty, John, aids Lincoln, 1854, 218, 296; delegate to Administration Democratic convention, 235; nom inated in Administration Democratic convention, 27; speaks at Jones-. boro, 259, 265; mentioned, 72. "Douglas' Funeral, " poem in derision of Douglas, 567. "Douglas Song, A,'' in honor of Doug las, 568. Douglas, Stephen A., accepts challenge of Lincoln, 60, 64; accused of garb ling speeches of Lincoln, 591; aided in campaign by: Linder, W. F., 555, wife, 573; answered by Lincoln at Springfield, 1857, 17; approaches political principles of Lincoln, 522; appointments of, after Alton, 499, 510; at: Alton, 269, 450, 488, 501, Anna, 259, Atianta, 60, 62, Augus ta, 437, 441, Belleville, S73> Bement, 71, Bloomington, y>, 60, 62, 208, 403, 520, Cairo, 213, Camp Point 437, 441, Charleston, 316, 320, 321, 353, Chicago, S, 7, 33, 36, 61, 69, 106, 254, 403, 451, 538, 541, 549, Cleve land, 32, Clifton Springs, New York, 32, Clinton, 56, 108, no, Danville, 559, Freeport, 147, 159, Galena, 188, Galesburg, 331, 333, 373, 377, 380, 383, SSI, Henry, 553, Indianapo lis, 10, Jacksonville, 308, 401, Joliet, 247, 250, Jonesboro, 213, 249, La Porte, Indiana, 33, La Salle, T44, Mattoon, 267,' 312, 316, 557, Mon mouth, 377, Monticello, 66, 67, Oquawka, 551, Ottawa, 85, 86, 117, 136, 144, 515, Paris, 68, 66, Peoria, 4, 14, Peru, 142, Quincy, 393, 436-40, 442, St. Louis, 555, 573, Springfield, II, 17, 51, 60, 62, 69, 107, 117, 132, 168, 203, 208, 52o,Sullivan, 32s, 557, 562, Toledo, Ohio, 32, Urbana, 559, Williamsville, 51, Winchester, 91, 549; attacked by: Louisville Journal, 513, Lowell Journal and Courier, 524, Washington Union, in, 462, 513; at tacks: administration, 19, 28, 113, 338, 466, Lincoln's nomination speech, 25, 37> i°7, 178, 222, 302, 345, 416, 451, Washington Union, in, 185; attitude of, toward: admission of slave states, i6q, 457, Declaration of Independence, 302, 361, 413, 464, 47°, 545, Dred Scott Decision, 108, 115, 201, 227, 243, 370, 400, 418, 512, 523, 528, English Bill, 242, 334, 458, Illinois Republicans, 31, Lecompton Constitution, 19, 228, 333, 354, 457. negroes, 95, 96, 106, 257, 3°2, 3°4, 406, 427, 462, 465, 48s, Sn, 545, perpetual expansion, 164, 224, 228, 362, state sovereignty, 453, 527, 545, Supreme Court of the United States, 114, 357, 360, 370, 519,545; begins tour of state, 49; Bin- more, Henry, secretary of, 80; bio graphical notice of, 91, 154, 517, 549, 576; Breckenridge, John C, attempts defeat of, 579; Buchanan rebuked by election of, 537, campaign poem: in honor of, 566, 568, in derision of, 57°, 57^^, candidate for presi dential nomination, 1856, 16; can non of, 49; causes split in Illinois Democracy, 1854, 10; charged by: INDEX 613 Lincoln, with conspiracy, 25, 106, 108, 122, 154, 233, 289, 410, with forgery, 367, New York Tribune witi inconsistency, 526, Trumbull with corrupt bargain, 58, 269 ff., 282; charges: administration with conspiracy, 138, Lincoln with incon sistency, 300, 339, 365, 403, 413; Lincoln and Trumbull with alliance, 88, 92, 99, 171, 216, 231, 252, 294, 306, 403; consistent course of, 422, 462, 519, 576; criticizes Lincoln's replies at Freeport, 177, 251, 411; deadens moral sentiments of people, 114, 116; defeats Chase amendment, no, 15s; defeat of, desired by admin istration, 512; defends Nebraska Bill, 5, 29, 123, 462; Democratic presidential candidate for i860, 43, 531, 575, 578; demonstration in honor of election of, 575; denies Ottawa Fraud, 367, 408; description of, 129, 135, 197, 206, 209, 443, 448, 504, 538; display of, during cam paign, 446; "don't care" policy of, 352, 361, 369, 484; effect of cam paign on, 499, 509, 524, 526, 527, 542, 544, 575, 578; egotism of, 549; elected United States senator, 1847, 19; election of, 1858, 533, 536, 539, 575, 576, 578; endorsed by Demo cratic state convention, 1858, 26; enemies of, 513; enthusiasm for in Illinois, 555; estimate of, by: Cen treville True Republican, 544, Cin cinnati Commercial, 543, Chicago Journal, 530, Frankfort Common wealth, 524, Federal Union, 578, Indiana Journal, 577, Lowell Journal and Courier, 517, Mississippian, 543, Missouri Democrat, 521, Nevi York Herald, 576, New York Tribune, 544, Philadelphia Press, 576; favors acquisition of Cuba, 228; gift of, to University of Chicago, 50; Illi nois Republicans warned against by Lincoln, 25; in Ohio, 32; incon sistency of, 243, 466, 512, 522, 524, 528; insulted at Freeport, 202; jus tice Illinois Supreme Court, 430; in Joint Debates, see Joint Debates; labors of, during campaign, 529; leaves East for Chicago, 30; mort gages Chicago property for campaign expenses, 550; mock epitaph of, 556; name of, at head of editorial column, 28; not endorsed by legislative elec tions of 1854, 14; opposes decision of Illinois Supreme Court, 115; opposition to, in Illinois, 1854, 10; orator, estimate as, by: Baltimore Sun, 529, Boston Courier, 511, Chi cago Times, 83, 322, Chicago Tribune, 192, Illinois State Journal, 14, 41, Illinois State Register, 140, Louisville Democrat, 42, Missouri Democrat, 521, Missouri Republican, 136, New York Express, 131, New York Post, 262, New York Tribune, 546, Peoria Transcript, 138, Philadelphia Press, 126, Quincy Whig, 144, Springfield (Mass.) Republican, 515; Ottawa- forgery of, 89, 153, 200, 238, 354, 356, 367, 396, 401, 408, 409, 434, 552; pictures of, sold at Quincy Debate, 394; political aspirations of, 527; presented with banner by students of Lombard University, 377, 380, 383; propounds Freeport Doctrine, 161, 208,258, 344,. 420, 495; pro tests against editions of debates, 593; questioned by Lincoln, 152, 246; questions Lincoln, 90, 160; rebuked at Chicago, 1854, 7; reception to, at: Charleston, 312, 316, 320, 323, Chi cago, 33, 35, Freeport, 188, 191, 192, 194, 196, 198, 200, 203, Galesburg, 373, 377, 38°, Jonesboro, 264, Ottawa, 125, 129, 132, 134, 139, Quincy, 436, 438, 440, 442; refers to: Charleston Debate, 413, 414, 489, Freeport Debate, 411, 455, Galesburg Debate, 413, Jonesboro Debate, 421, Ottawa Debate, 411, 414, 452, 455; re-elec tion of, 19, 47, 65, 537; regarded as unsafe by Illinois Republicans, 21, 44; ridiculed by: Alton Courier, 556, Burlington Hawkeye, 548, campaign poetry, 565, 567, Chicago Journal, 552, 553, Chicago Press and Tribune, 550, Galesburg Democrat, 551, Illinois State Journal, 550-52, Knoxville Republican, 551, Louisville Journal, 549, 55°, 554, Missouri Democrat, 554, Peoria Transcript, 549,' 551, Quincy Whig, 551, Urbana (Ohio) Union, 552; rival of Lincoln in debate, 12, 17, 61; sectionalism of, 188, 350, speeches of, mutilated by Chicago Press and Tribune, 84; support of, 20, 81, 260, 497, 516; takes the stump for Buchanan, 17; tributes to, 575, 577; unfinished reply of, to Lincoln at Springfield, 1854, 12. 6x4 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Douglas, Mrs. Stephen A., 30, 573. "Douglas to the Fray, A," poem in honor of Douglas, 566. Douglass, Fred, aids Lincoln in cam paign, 88, 91, 95, 165, 171, 217, 252, 295; speaks at Poughkeepsie, New York, 295; mentioned, 414, 526. Dred Scott Decision, attitude toward, of: Democratic party, 525, Douglas, 108, 115, 201, 227, 243, 301, 344, 370, 400, 418, 512, 523, 528, Harris, Thom as L., 527, Lincoln, 25, 54, 94, 105, no, 155, 157, 225, 301, 303, 359, 400, 405, 410, 418, 431, 435, 451, 466, 487; Republican party, 96, 405, 571; derided in Republican campaign poem, 570. Dresser, entertains Lincoln at Jones boro, 213. Eden, John R., welcomes Douglas to Sullivan, 558. Edwards, B. S., welcomes Douglas to Springfield, 521. Edwardsville, delegation from, at Alton Debate, 500. Election of Douglas, Buchanan rebuked by result of, 537; commented on by: Boston Advertiser, 536, Galesburg Democrat, 533, Illinois State Journal, 533, Indiana Journal, 577, New York Herald, 576, New York Post, 578, New York Standard, 578, Phila delphia Press, 576, Quincy Whig, 536; effect of, on Douglas, 575; interest in, 533, 576. Elwell, George W., presents Lombard University banner to Douglas, 373, 377. 580, 383- English Bill, attitude of Douglas toward, 160, 333-36, 458; rejected by English, 459- "Equalize the Nations," poem in derision of Lincoln, 570. Farnsworth, John F., adviser of Lin coln, 165; congressional representa tive, 254, 300; pledged against admis sion of more slave states, 369; men tioned, 95, 248. Federal Union, comments- on contest in Illinois, 578. Feree, J. J., speaks at Republican state convention, 1858, 22. Ficklin, Orlando B., declares attitude of Lincoln toward Mexican War, 307, 318, 326, 489; welcomes Douglas to Charleston, 312, 316, 321. Fillmore, Millard, attitude of, toward Compromise of 1850, 171, 215, 292. Flint, R. F., writes "Republican Rally Song," 568. Floyd, regarded as possible Democratic presidential candidate for i860, 43. Ford, G. W., meets Douglas at Gales burg, 331. Ford, Thomas, History oj Illinois of, referred to, 115. Frankfort (Kentucky) Commonwealth, comments of, on: Illinois contest, 512, Freeport Debate, 523, Lincoln and Douglas, 523. Freeport, description of, during Joint Debate, 188, 192; Douglas names, as meeting-place, 60, 64; Douglas speaks at, 159; Joint Debate at, 147; Lin coln speaks at, 148, 181; mentioned, 135- ^ . , Freeport Debate, 147-212; described by: Ingalls, Carleton, 206, Chicago Journal, 198, ¦ Chicago Press and Tribune, 147, Chicago Times, 188, Chicago Tribune, 190, Frankfort (Kentucky) Com,monwealth, 523, Freeport Journal, 196, IlUnois State Journal, 199, Illinois Register, 199, Missouri Democrat, 197, Missouri Republican, 193, 520, New York Post, 192, 201, New York Tribune, 200; referred to: by Douglas, 411, 455, Lincoln, 236, 238, 247, 303, 354, 357; reminiscences of, 203,' 209; men tioned, 527. Freeport Doctrine, attitude toward, of: Boston Advertiser, 537, Charleston Mercury, 579, Chicago Times, 528, Cincinnati Commercial, 519, Columbia (South Carolina) Guardian, 525, Columbus (Georgia) Times, 579, Davis, Jefferson, 463, 579, Demo cratic party, 202, 205, 525, 537, Illinois State Register, 519, Indiana Sentinel, 579, Lincoln, 242, 431, 486, Louisville Democrat, 528, Lowell (Mass.) Journal and Courier, 524, Mississippian, the, 579, Missouri Democrat, 522, Mobile Register, 579, New York Post, 201, New York Tribune, 526, Orr, J. L., 579, Repub lican party, 204, Stephens, A. H., 579, Washington Star, 579, Washing ton Union, 421, 462, 522, 525, 528, 579, Wilmington (North Carolina) INDEX 6iS Journal, 526; effect of, 206; pro pounded by Douglas, 161, 208, 258, 344, 420, 495. Freeport Journal, announces arrival of Lincoln, 147; comments on challenge to Joint Debate, 64; describes Free- port Debate, 196. Fremont, John C, in Missouri, 80; Lincoln on the defeat of, 17; nomi nated for the presidency, 17; regarded as possible Republican presidential candidate for i860, 24, 43. Frost, T. G., welcomes Luicoln to Galesburg, 373. Fugitive Slave Law, attitude toward, of: Illinois Republicans, 89, 175, Lincoln, 101, 149, 150, 487; part of Compromise of 1850, 352. Galena, delegation from, at Ottawa, 135, 191; Douglas at, 188; Wash burne speaks at, 169; mentioned, 568. Galesburg, description of, during de bate, 374, 376, 378. 383; Douglas names as meeting-place, 60; Douglas speaks at, 331, 333, 373, 377, 380, 383; Lincoln speaks at 203; recep tion at, to: Douglas, 373, 377, 380, Lincohi, 373, 378, 381. Galesburg Debate, 303-64; announced in: Chicago Press and Tribune, 329, Galesburg Democrat, 331, Peoria Transcript, 329; described by: Chi cago Democrat, 385, Chicago Journal, 387, Chicago Press and Tribune, 378, Chicago Times, 380, 382, Galesburg Democrat, 372, lUinois State Register, 387, Peoria Transcript, 386, Missouri Republican, 376, Quincy Whig, 384, Douglas closes, 365; Douglas opens, 333; Lincoln makes reply in, 346; referred to by: Douglas 413, Lincoln, 396, 400, 403, 404, 429, 433, 470. Galesburg Democrat, announces dele gation to Galesburg Debate, 331; comments on election, 533; declares Lincoln's speeches mutilated, 83, 591; describes: Galesburg Debate, 372, Quincy Debate, 445, visit of Douglas to Galesburg, 331; mentions: Aledo Record, 375, Chicago Journal, 551; publishes: poem in derision of DouglaS; 567, "Republican Rally Song," 568; quotes Macomb Enter prise, 445; ridicules Douglas, 551, 567- Garesche, A. J. P., speaks at Alton, 507. Garrison, William Lloyd, model of Lin coln, 339, 414, 526. Giddings, Joshua R., attacks Supreme Court, 519; makes Republican plat form, 1854, 92; model of Lincoln, 88, 91. 95. 171. 217, 252, 299, 339, 491. Gleason, Captain, takes part in Douglas reception at Chicago, 34. Glover, Joseph O., chairman of Repub lican committee, Ottawa Debate, 117; mayor of Ottawa, 1858, 145. Godkin, Edwin L., associated with White, Horace, 76. Goulding, E. H., displays Lincoln banner at Alton, 500. Greeley, Horace, advised giving senator- ship to Douglas, 21. Green County, delegation from, at Springfield, 53. Gwin, John, mentioned, 558. Hale, John P., Republican senator, 163, 252, 299. Hall, B. F., delegate to Democratic con gressional convention, 1850, 239. Hannibal, Missouri, delegation from, attends Quincy Debate, 430. Harris, Thomas L., attitude of, toward Dred Scott Decision, 527; charged by Lincoln with forgery, 367, 408, 434; congressional representative, 167, 355; Democratic congressional candidate, 220, 296, 355; inde pendent action of, 527; integrity of, 433- Havana, Lincoln speaks at, 547; Mrs. Douglas at, 573. Henderson, delegation from, at Gales burg Debate, 331, 374. Henry, Douglas speaks at, 553; Lin coln speaks at, 248. Henry, Bushrod W., mentioned, 558. Henry, John, opposes Mexican War, 3°7- Herndon, William H., attempts to pro mote interests of Lincoln, 13, n. i; Life of Lincoln, 75. Herrington, A. M., delegate to Demo cratic congressional convention, 1850, 239- Hill, John Y., mentioned, 558. Hillsboro, Lincoln at, 70. Hise, John, delegate to Democratic congressional convention, 1850, 239. Hitt, Robert R., biographical notice of, 77; called for at Freeport Debate, 189, 207; describes work as reporter. 6x6 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS 78; verbatim reporter for Chicago Tribune, 76. ,Hope, Dr., National Democratic con gressional candidate, 1858, 497; mentioned, 450, 503. Hopkins, W. T., speaks at Republican state convention, 1858, 22. Horsman, J., delegate to Democratic district convention, 1850, 239. Hoyne, Thomas, delegate to Demo cratic congressional convention, 1850, 239- Hunter, regarded as possible Demo cratic candidate for president, i860, 43- Hurd, Ada, presents shield to Lincoln at Galesburg, 373, 379. Illinois, accepts Freeport Doctrine, 205; anti-slavery feeling in, 16; battle ground of 1858, 4, 30, 43, 44, 47, 49, 56, 128, 131, 511, 512, 514, 517, 523, 533, 544, 576, 582; center of politics, 1850-60, 4; Compromise of 1850 sustained in, 87; a Democratic state, 19, 534; Democratic state conven tion in, 26; description of, 261; for mation of Republican party in, 89, 182; Freeport Doctrine early taught in, 161; Hitt, Robert R., moves to, 77; hostility to Douglas in, 1854, 10; legislature endorses Compromise of 1850, 8, 293; Lincoln moves to, 130; Lincoln not regarded as possible Republican presidential candidate for i860 in, 24; newspapers in, de voted to contest, 522; opposition to Nebraska measure in, 6-10; "Peo ple's" conventions in, 16; political conditions in, 28; presidential elec tion in, 1856, r6; Republican party of, 19; a Republican state, 581; state Republican convention in, 22, 89, 118, 132, 222; status of negro in, 95, 96, 343, 425, 465. 511; stump speaking in, 193. Illinois State Journal, announces: excursion to Alton, 449, Lincoln as presidential candidate, 581; com ments on: correspondence between Lincoln and Douglas, 71, Douglas' failure at Chicago, 1854, 6, 7, Doug las' reply to Lincoln, Springfield, 1854, 13, election in Sprin^eld, 533, Lincoln and Douglas at Peoria, 1854, 4, Lincoln's Chicago speech, 1858, 42, Lincoln's "lost speech," 16, sena torial election, 1854, 15, Springfield delegation at Alton Debate, 450; defends political tactics of Lincoln, 55; describes: Alton Debate, 509, Freeport Debate, 199, Republican state convention, 1858, 22; estimate of Douglas as orator by, 14; first paper to publish Lincoln's nomination speech, 23; mentioned in Illinois State Register, 199; praises: Lincoln for sacrifice to Trumbull, 1854, 15, Lincoln's State Fair speech, 1854, 13; protests against unfair Apportion ment Law, 533, 534; publishes: cor respondence between Lincoln and Douglas, 70, "Republican Rally Song," 565; quoted in Chicago Times, 24; quotes: Alton Courier, 509, Chicago Journal, 552, Chicago Press, 16, Chicago Tribune, 5, Con cord (New Hampshire) Independent Democrat, 584, New York Herald, 581, Sandusky Register, 581, St. Louis Republican, 581; ridicules Douglas, 550-52; tribute of, to Lincoln, 584; tries to create enthusiasm for Lin coln, 553. Illinois State Register, announces excur sion, to Alton Debate, 449; answers Republican attacks on Douglas, 64; attitude of, toward Freeport Doctrine, 519; comments on: challenge to Joint Debates, 61, 64, 72, Charleston Debate, 325, Freeport Debate, 199, labors of Douglas during contest, 529, Lincoln at Monticello, 68, pop ular aspect of campaign, 28, possible Republican candidates, i860, 588; charges Lincoln with inconsistency, 527; defends Apportionment Law, 534; describes: Alton Debate, 502, Charleston Debate, 320, Douglas' reception at: Chicago, 33, Spring field, 51, Galesburg Debate, 387, Ottawa Debate, 138; Lanphier, Charles, editor of, 167; mentioned by: Charleston Courier, 325, Lincoln, 307; mentions: Chicago Times, 63, Chicago Tribune, 326, Illinois State' Journal, 199; "Ottawa Fraud" be gun in, 355; publishes: correspond ence between Lincoln and Douglas; 70, Springfield resolutions, 409; quoted by Douglas at Freeport, 168; quotes: Chicago Times, 33, 61, 199, Douglas poem from eastern paper, 27; replies to Chi- INDEX 6x7 cago Tribune's defense of Lincoln, 57- Indiana Journal, comments on : Charles ton Debate, 267; Illinois election, 577; Freeport Doctrine, 579; Lin coln and Douglas, 577. Indianapolis, Douglas, at, 10. Iowa, delegations from, at Quincy Debate, 438, 439, 440. Jackson, Andrew, attitude of, toward: United States Constitution, 430, Supreme Court, 115, 359, 371; men tioned, 270. Jackson, W. M. (H. M.), delegate to Democratic conventions, 239. JacksonviUe, Douglas speaks at, 308; 401; Mrs. Deuglas at, 573; Single- ion, General, speaks at, 490. Jefferson, Thomas, attitude of, toward : negro, 94, 104, 342, Supreme Court, 359; mentioned, 106. Jersey County, delegation from, at Springfield, 53. Jo Davies County, delegation from, at Freeport, 196, 199. Johnson, Richard M., attitude toward negro equality, 268. Joint Debates, agreed upon, 70; at: Alton, 449-511, Charleston, 267-303, Freeport, 147-213, Galesburg, 303-65, Jonesboro, 213-67, Ottawa, 85-147, Quincy, 365-449; challenge to, 55; description of, see separate debate; editions of, 591; effect of, on: Doug las, 524, 526, 542, 575, Lincoln, 581-88; estimates of, by: Boston Advertiser, 536, Cincinnati Commer- ciaX 518, 541, 543, Cincinnati Ga zette, 542, Louisville Democrat, 42, Missouri Democrat, 521, New York Herald, 539, New York Post, 499, New York Tribune, 514; interest in, 47, 145, 196, 266, 319, 449, 499, 511. 514. 517. 521, 523; used as presidential handbook, i860, 591. Joliet, congressional convention at, 238; delegations from, at Ottawa, 142; Douglas meeting at, 1854, 10; Douglas speaks at, 247, 250; men tioned, 85. Joliet Signal, quoted in Quincy Herald, 38. Jonas, A., chairman of Republican committee at Quincy, 390. Jonesboro, description of, 261; Doug las names as meeting-place, 60, 64; Douglas speaks at, 214, 249; Joint Debate at, 213-67; Lincoln speaks at 229; mentioned, 90, 552. Jonesboro Debate, 213-67; described by: Chicago Journal, 213, 263, Chi cago Press and Tribune, 213, 259, Chicago Times, 260, Keokuk Gate City, 266, Lowell (Mass.) Journal and Courier, 265, New York Post, 261, Peoria Transcript, 262; referred to: by, Douglas, 421, Lincoln, 303, 396- Judd, Norman B., chairman of Republi can State Central Committee, 1858, 56, 204; gubernatorial candidate, i860, 194; hands Lincoln's challenge to Douglas, 59; speaks at state Repub lican convention, 1858, 23; men tioned, 72, 298. Kane County, abolition resolutions passed in, 153. Kankakee County, delegation from, to Ottawa, 133. Kansas, adoption of Lecompton Con stitution in, 19; connection of Doug las with, 270; enabling act for, 270; Douglas on admission of, 160, 333; struggle in, 19. Kellogg, mentioned, 15. Kelly, delegate to Democratic district convention from WiU County, 1850, 239- Kendall County, sends delegation to Ottawa, 133. Kennedy, John P., announced as Re publican vice-presidential candidate, i860, 581. Kentucky, delegation from, at: Alton, 498, Jonesboro, 259; status of negro in, 226, 343. Keokuk, Iowa, excursion from, to Quincy, 390, 436, 444. Keokuk Gate City, announces: excur sion to Quincy, 390, Quincy Debate, 389; describes: Jonesboro Debate, 266, Quincy Debate, 444; quotes Louisville Journal, 266. Knight, Caru, mentioned, 558. Knox, Joseph, introduces Douglas at Galesburg Debate, 375, 385. Knox College, site of Galesburg Debate, 375- Knox County, Douglas addresses people of, 333- Knoxville, delegation from, at Gales burg Debate, 331. 6x8 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Knoxville Republican, quoted by Peoria Transcript, 551; ridicules, Douglas, 55I-. Koerner, Gustavus, president of Repub lican state convention, 1858, 22. Kriessman, mentioned, 24, 189, 221. Lanphier, Charles H., charged by Lincoln with forgery, 367; connected with Ottawa fraud, 408; editor of Illinois State Register, 167, 355; integrity of, 433. La Porte, Indiana, Douglas at, 33. Laraminie, assists Hitt Robert in report ing debates, 79. La SaUe, Douglas at, 144. La Salle County, delegation from, at Ottawa, 125, 133, 139. La Salle Democrat, mentioned, 238. Latham, W. H., lieutenant of Spring field Cadets, 509. Laurence, S. W., voted for Lincoln as senator, 1854, 176. Lea, Harry, displays Lincoln banner, 510. Lea, Henry, displays Lincoln banner at Alton, 500. Lecompton Constitution, attitude of Douglas toward, 228, 333, 354, 457. Lee County, delegation from, at Otta wa, 147. Lewis, James, writes poem in honor of Lincoln, 570. Lewiston, Lincoln speaks at, 518. Lincoln, Abraham, abandons Clay for Taylor, 490; abolition sentiments of, 90, 92, 99, 121, 170, 181; aided in campaign by: Blair, F. P., 497, 513, Brown, B. Gratz, 513, Chase, S. P , 531, negroes, 166, Trumbull, 513, 535, 547; alliance with TrumbuU, 88, 92, 99, 171, 216, 232, 252, 294, 306, 406; announced as Republican presidential candidate, 581; answers of, criticized by Douglas, 251, 411; appreciates importance of debates, 350, 402; at: Alton, 406, 502, Atlanta, 60, 62, Augusta, 248, Bement, 558, Bloom ington, 55, 56, 60, 62, Charleston, 317. 327. 348, Chicago, 17, 36, 56, 61. 69, 339, 348, 413. 432. 451. 468, 529, 540, Clinton, 56, 108, Danville, 559. Dixon, 147, Freeport, 147, Galesburg, 203, 373, 381, 378, Ha vana, 547, Henry, 248, Hillsboro, 70, , Jonesboro, 202, 213, 262, 348, Lewis- ton, 518, Lincoln, 60, 62, Macomb, 203, 248, Mattoon, 267, 316, 317, 319, Mendota, 209, Monticello, 56, 66, 67, 558, Morris, 132, Ottawa, 85, 144, 515, Peoria, 4, 14, 100, 142, Quincy, 389, 391. 44°. 445. 446, Salem, 91, Springfield, 12, 16, 17, 22, 54, 56, 60, 62, 69, 93, 105, 107, 117, 205, 451, 460, 469. 526, 529, Sullivan, 559, 562, Tazewell County, 99, 117, 168, 369, Urbana, 559; attitude of, toward: admission of slave states, 119, 149, 150, 369, 411, 455, Compromise of 1850, 351, Declaration of Independ ence, 301, 346, 366, 413, 452, 469, Dred Scott Decision, 25, 54, 94, 105, no, 155, 157, 158, 225, 301, 303, 359. 400. 405. 41°, 418, 429. 431. 435, 451, 460, 466, 487, Freeport Doctrine, 206, 208, 242, 431, 486, Fugitive Slave Law, loi, 149, 150, 487, Mex ican War, 91, 103, 167, 318, 326, 489, Nebraska Bill, 551, negroes, 95, loi, 168, 267, 348, 451, 452, Ottawa Fraud, 154, 354, 367, 4°i. 434. perpetual expansion, 149, 362, slavery, 149, 151, 353. 357. 4°4, 411, 416, 469, 473, 479, 482, 511, Supreme Court of United States, 370, 451, 519, Wilmot Pro viso, 491; biographical notice of, 9, 44, 91, 102, 129; carried off from Ottawa Debate, 128, 131, 136, 137, 140, 143, 239, 248; challenges Doug las to Joint Debates, 55, 56, 66, 72; charges Douglas with inconsistency, 367, 466; conspiracy charge of, 154, 179, 289, 410, 435, defeat of, 1858, 533. 579; description of, 12, 32, 190, 206, 213, 443, 447, 505; desires United States senatorship, 1854, 9; effect of contest on, 517, 529, 582, 583. 584. 585. 587; elector for Fre mont, 17; enthusiasm for, in St. Louis, 555; estimate of, by: Boston Advertiser, 537, Boston Courier, 511, 588, Centreville Free Republican, 544, Cincinnati Commercial, 543, Con cord Independent Democrat, 584, Chicago Democrat, 586, Chicago Journal, 529, Chicago Press and Tribune, 582, 585, Federal Union, 578, Frankfort Commonwealth, 512, 523, Illinois State Journal, 584, Indiana Journal, 577, Mississippian, the, 543, Missouri Democrat, 521, New York Herald, 46, 577, New York Tribune, 585, Rochester Demo crat, 583, St. Louis Republican, 581, INDEX 619 Washington Union, 539; handi capped in senatorial race, 20, 21; humor of, 29; in Joint Debates, see Joint Debates; inconsistency of, 303, 339. 340, 348, 365, 381, 384. 386, 387, 397. 4°3. 413. 432. 498; known as "Perpendicular Pronoun," 549; "lost speech" of, 16; mock epitaph of, 556; nomination of, 21, 22, 23, 25, 93, 451; not regarded as possible presi dential candidate previous to cam paign of 1858, 24, 43; nomination speech of, attacked by: Cincinnati Commercial, 31, Douglas, 51, 94, 98; 107, 124, 178, 223, 345, 416, 451 defended by, 102, 103, 230, 234, 474, derided in campaign poem, 570: forms Republican platform, 588 nominee for vice-presidential nomi nation, 1856, 17; orator, estimate of, as, by: Boston Courier, $11, Chicago Democrat, 586, Chicago Press and Tribune, 582, 586, Concord Independ ent Democrat, 584, Illinois State Journal, 13, 16, 41, 584, Illinois State Register, 140, Louisville Democrat, 42, Lowell Journal and Courier, 518, Missouri Democrat, 521, Missouri Republican, 136, New York Express, 131, New York Post, 130, New York Tribune, 47, 201, 585, Philadelphia Press, 127, Rochester Democrat, 583, Schurz, Carl, 447, Springfield (Mass.) Republican, 515, St. Louis News, 508, White, Horace, 12; poem in honor of, 565, 569, 570; poem in derision of, 570; presented banner by students of Lombard University, 373; questioned at: Otta wa, 90, Freeport, 160; questions Doug las at: Freeport, 152, 204, Jonesboro, 246; reception to, at: Charleston, 317, 319, 323. 325. 327. Freeport, 191, 193, 195, 196, 198, 200, Galesburg, 373, 378, 381, Ottawa, 126, 129, 132, 134, 139, Quincy, 392, 393, 436, 439, 440; refers to: Charleston Debate, 432, Chicago Times, 470, Galesburg De bate, 429, 432, 433, 470, Ottawa Debate, 403, Quincy Debate, 466, 485; regarded as Republican presi dential candidate for i860, 581, 582, 587, 588; regrets defeat of 1854, 15; replies to: Calhoim, John C., n, Douglasat Peoria, 1854, i4,Douglasin Springfield State Fair, 1854, 11; rival of: Douglas in debate, 12, 17, 61, Seward, 591; ridiculed by: Burling ton Gazette, 549, 555, Chicago Times, 58, 66, 552, 554, Missouri Republican, 67; secures election of TrumbuU, 15; simplicity of, during campaign, 446; speech of, at Whig caucus, 490; speeches of: after Alton Debate, 499, 510, mutilated by Chicago Times, 83, rewritten, 79, 83, used in guber natorial election in Ohio, 591; takes the stump for Fremont, 17; tributes to, 581, Buffalo Courier, 588, Chicago Democrat, 586, Chicago Journal, 585, Chicago Press and Tribune, 585; urges union of anti-slavery elements in speech at Chicago, 1856, 17; warns leading Illinois Republicans against Douglas, 21, 25. Lincoln, Lincoln and Douglas at, 60, 62. "Lincoln and Douglas," a Republican campaign poem, 570. Linder, W. F., aids Douglas in cam paign, 555; at St. Louis, 555; speaks at Cairo, 213; Jonesboro Debate, 259, 265. Lineus, Missouri, delegation from, to Quincy, 389. Little, W. A., voted for Lincoln as senator, 1854, 170. Little Giant, origin of, as soubriquet of Douglas, 553. Logan, John., speaks at Cairo, 213. Lombard, Frank, writes song for Repub lican rally, 565. Lombard University, students of, present Douglas with banner, 373, 377, 380, 383- Long, John, drives Lincoln to Freeport Debate, 210. Louisville Democrat, comments on: Douglas, 538, Freeport Debate 528, Joint Debates, 42; referred to by: Charleston Courier, 325, Washington Union, 528; quotes Louisville Jour nal, 143. Louisville Journal attacks Douglas, 513; comments on : Lincoln at Jonesboro, 266, Lincoln at Ottawa, 143; men tioned by Galesburg Democrat, 331; quoted by: Burlington Hawkeye, 549, Keokuk Gate City, 266, Louis ville Democrat, 143, Missouri Demo crat, 554, Springfield (Mass.) Repub lican, 550; ridicules Douglas, 549, 55°, 554- Lovejoy, Owen, abolition sentiments of, 173, 219, 251, 369,- 451, 452; 620 n^LINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS adviser of Lincoln, 95, 165, 339; delegate to Republican convention, 1854, 99; congressional candidate, 300; present at Ottawa Debate, 399;" ridiculed in campaign poem, 570; speaks at Ottawa, 515; work of, 1854, 295; mentioned, 77, 88, 171, 202, 217, 248, 252, 299,414, 527. Lowell Journal and Courier, comments on: effect of contest on Lincoln, 583, inconsistency of Douglas, 524, Free- port Doctrine, 524, Joint Debates, 55, Jonesboro Debate,. 265; estimate of Lincoln and Douglas by, 517; quotes New York Post, 265. Loyd, J., lieutenant of Springfield Cadets, 509. Lyman, William, voted for Lincoln as senator, 1854, 176. Lynn, George, mentioned, 558. Macomb, delegation from, to Quincy Debat, 436; Lincoln speaks at, 203, 248; the Enterprise of, quoted by Galesburg Democrat, 445. Macon County, delegation from, to Springfield, 53. Macoupin County, delegation from, to Springfield 53. Madison, James, attitude of toward slavery, 94, 98, 104, 106. Madison County, delegation from, at Springfield, 53. Maine, status of negro in, 97, 227, 343. Mansfield, Ohio, Lincoln meeting at, 581. Marengo, delegation from, to Freeport 191. Marshall, Judge, speaks at Cairo, 213. Matheny, James, H., exposes alliance between Douglas and Lincoln, 88, 92, 232, 296; Republican congres sional candidate, 1858, 220, 253. Mather, D. S., captain of Springfield Cadets, 509. Matteson, Joel A., defeated by Trum bull in senatorial election, 1854, 14; delegate to Democratic congressional convention, 1850, 239. Mattoon, Douglas at, 267, 312, 316,- 557; Lincoln, at, 267, 317, 319, 321. Maya, Judge, candidate for Illinois legislature, 1858, 240. McBride, James J., mentioned, 555. McClemand, Colonel, mentioned, 10. McClure's Magazine, "Memoirs of Carl Schurz," quoted from, 446. McDonnell, Charles, delegate to Demo cratic congressional convention, 1850, 239- McLean, John, regarded as possible Republican presidential candidate, i860, 24. Medill, Joseph, of Chicago Press and Tribune, 76, 189; reminiscences of Lincoln by, 203. Meech, mentioned, 24. Meeting at: Alton, 496, 497, 499, 501- 3. 5°5. 506, 5°8-io. 53°; Blooming ton, 50; Charleston, 312, 316, 317, 319, 321-23, 327; Chicago, 6-8, 35, 39; Clinton, 56, 62; Freeport, 152, 159, 189, 191, 192, 195-98, 200, 202, 207, 523; Galesburg, 203, 372, 375, 377. 379-81, 383, 385-87; Jonesboro, 260-63; Macomb, 203; Monticello, 68; Ottawa, 125, 129, 134, 137, 142, 144, 192, 319, 513; Ottawa, 134, 136, 137. 142, 144; Quincy, 436-38, 44°, 441, 444-46; Springfield, 52; Sulli van, 57, 557; Waterloo, 218. Mendota, Lincoln at, 209. Mercer County, delegation from, to Galesburg, 331, 374. Merrick, speaks at Alton, 507. Methodist church, split by slavery ques tion, 479. Mexican War, attitude of Lincoln toward, 91, 103, 167, 318, 326, 489. Michigan City, Douglas met at, by Chicago delegation, 33. Miller, James, Republican candidate for state treasurer, 1858, 22. Mississippian, the, attitude of toward Illinois contest, 543; denounces Freeport Doctrine, 579; quoted by Washington Union, 543. Missouri, delegation from, to: Jones boro, 259; Quincy 443, 444, 438-40, gradual emancipation attempted in, 407, 415, 484; interest of, in Joint Debates, 389, 390, 449, 497. Missouri Compromise, Lincoln on repeal of, 100; Douglas secures repeal of, 58, 204; origin of, 123. Missouri Democrat, comments on: Douglas' inconsistency, 528, Free- port Debate, 197, Freeport Doctrine, 522; describes: Alton Debate, 496, Quincy Debate, 443; quotes: Chicago Times, 528, Louisville Journal, 554; ridicules Douglas, 554. Missouri Republican, announces excur sion to Alton Debate, 449; comments INDEX 62 X on: -Alton Debate, 450, 525, contest inyilinois, 521, Lincoln's senatorial prospects, 21, possible Republican presidential candidates, i860, 24; describes: Douglas' reception at Chicago, 38, Freeport Debate, 193, Galesburg Debate, 376, m61ee be tween Republicans and Democrats at Sullivan, 557, Ottawa Debate, 136, Quincy Debate, 441; gives his tory of Illinois Apportionment Law, 535; mentions: Chicago Press and Tribune,. 137, 194, Star of Egypt, 316; ridicules Lincoln, 67. Mitchell, Colonel, Democratic moder ator at Freeport, 189; welcomes Douglas to Freeport, 195, 210. Mobile Register, denounces Freeport Doctrine, 579. Molony, R. S., congressional candidate, 1850, 238; political views of, 238, 253; speaks for Douglas at Freeport, 239- Monmouth, delegation from, at Gales burg Debate, 331, 374; Douglas at, 377; electioneering of Republican Glee Club of, 376.- Monroe County, Baker, Jehu, addresses free Democracy of, 341; delegation from, at Springfield, 53. Montgomery County, delegation from, at Sprin^eld, 53. Monticello, Douglas at, 66; Lincoln at, 56, 66, 558; mentioned, 71. Morgan County, delegation from, at Springfield, 53; mentioned, 22. Morris, delegation from, at Ottawa, 134, 142; Lincoln" at, 132; mentioned, 85.- Morris, J. N., speaks at Camp Pomt, 437. 442- Morton, O. P., Hitt, Robert, secretary of, 78. Mound City, crowd from, at Jonesboro, 259- Mount Morris, Rock River Seminary at, 209. Muscatine, delegation from, at Gales burg Debate, 329. Naper, Captain, delegate to Democratic district convention, 1850, 239. NaperviUe, Democratic district conven tion at, 1850, 239. Nebraska Act, 5, 29, 87, 106, 109, 123, 162, 163, 165, 333, 351, 462; draws Lincoln into politics, 9; effect of, on: Missouri Compromise, 4, slavery 155. 3°4; fathered by Douglas, 87; opposition to, in Illinois, 5, 14, 15, 89, 182; supported in Freeport Doctrine, 161. Negro, attitude toward, of: De Kalb County Sentinel, 240; Douglas, 95, 225, 342, 465. 5". 545. Lincoln, 95, loi, 168, 225, 267, 303, 339, 340, 348, 386, 387. 397, 451. 452; position of, under: Declaration of Independence, 168, 301, 413, 470, United States Constitution, 476; status of: in Illinois, 343, 425, 465, 511, Kentucky, 226, 343, Maine, 227, 343, Massa chusetts, 511. New Orleans Courier, mentioned by Washington Union, 523. New Orleans Delta, mentioned, by Washington Union, 523. New York, Binmore, Henry, at 80; birth of Republican party in, 216; Douglas welcomed at, 32; status of negro in, 97, 227, 343. New York Express, quoted in Baltimore Sun, 131. New York Herald, comments on: Illi nois contest, 539, 576, Lincoln as presidential candidate, 581, political tactics of Lincoln, 58; estimate by, of: Douglas, 576, Hitt, Robert, 79, Lincoln, 46, 577, TrumbuU, 577; quoted by Illinois State Journal, 581; quotes Chicago Times, 57. New York Post, bought by Villard, Henry, and White, Horace, 76; comments on: Freeport Debate, 261, Illinois contest, 49, 540, 578, stump speaking, 2; describes: Alton Debate, 498, Charleston Debate, 319, Free- port Debate, 192, Jonesboro Debate 261, Ottawa Debate, 128; Dewey, Chester P., reporter of, 77; estimate of Lincoln and Douglas by, 43; quoted in Lowell Journal and Courier, 265; quotes Chicago Tribune, 547. New York Standard, comments on election in Illinois, 578. New York Times, comments on the senatorial contest in Illinois, 46. New York Tribune, advocates election of Douglas, 516; comments on: Douglas' inconsistency, 526, Freeport Debate, 200, humor of Lincoln, 29, Illinois contest, 514; describes Alton Debate, 503; estimate by, of: Doug las, 47, 544, Lincoln, 47, 585; men- 622 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS tions Chicago Times, 585; quotes The South, 545. Newspapers, comments of, on challenge to Joint Debates, 55 ff.; importance of, in campaign, 28, 522. Nicholson Letter, regarded by Lincoln as origin of Nebraska BiU, 29. Norfolk Argus, quoted by Washington Union, 542. Norton, Jesse O., Ottawa Fraud used against, in Congress, 167, 356, 434. Ogden, William, mentioned, 15. Ogle County, delegation from, at Free- port, 147, 196. OJcaw, delegation from, to Monticello, 66. "Old Dan Tucker,'' Republican rally song, 565. Oneida, delegation from, at Galesburg Debate, 331. Oquawka, Douglas speaks at, 551. Oquawka Plain Dealer, mentioned by Peoria Transcript, 551. Orr, James L., attitude of, toward Free- port Doctrine, 344, 421, 463, 528, 579- Ottawa, description of, during debate, 125, 128, 129, 133, 142, 144, 514; Douglas at, 86, 117, 515; names as meeting-place, 60, 64; Joint Debate at, 85-146; Lincoln at, 98, 515; Love joy speaks at, 515; meeting at, 10, 513; mentioned, 90, 238, 552. Ottawa Debate, 86-146; commented on by: Baltimore Sun, 131, Boston Advertiser, 130, Chicago Journal, 145, Chicago Press and Tribune, 85, 145, Cincinnati Commercial, 513, ' Louisville Democrat, 143, Peoria Transcript, 144, Springfield (Mass.) Republican, 515, Washington Union, 513; described by: Chicago Press arid Tribune, 133, Chicago Times, 141, Illinois State Register, 138, Missouri Republican, 136, New York Post, 128, Peoria Transcript, 137, Philadelphia Press, 124, Quincy Whig, 144, St. Louis Herald, 132, White, Horace, 143; effect of, on Lincoln's reputation, 141, 145; published in New York Tribune, 514; referred to by: Douglas, 250, 307, 369, 411, 414, 452, 455; Lincohi, 239, 247, 3°3. 3°8. 354, 356, 398, 403, 432; mentioned, 523, 527. Ottawa Fraud, commented on by New York Tribune, 200; connection of Douglas with, 88, 356, 367, 408, 409, 434; history of, 354, 409; published in Illinois State Register, 1854, 355; referred to by Lincoln, 153, 396, 401; ridiculed by Chicago Journal, 552. Ottawa Free Trader, mentioned, 238. Paine, E. A., canvasses votes on excur sion train, 531. Palmer, John, mentioned, 10, 72, 222, 298. Paris, Douglas at, 66, 68. Peck, E., mentioned, 24, 298. "People's" conventions elect anti- slavery delegates, 1856, 16. Peoria, delegation from, at: Galesburg Debate, 331, 386, 388; Ottawa De bate, 135; Douglas at, 1854, 4, 14; Lincoln at, 1854, 4, 14, loo,- 142; mentioned, 569. Peoria Democrat, copies charge of Chicago Times against Lincoln, 143. Peoria Message, comments on effects of contest on Lincoln, 582; quoted by Quincy Herald, 582. Peoria Transcript, describes: Alton De bate, 505, Charleston Debate, 325, Douglas demonstration at St. Louis, 555, Galesburg Debate, 386, Jonesboro Debate, 262, Ottawa Debate, 137; comments on: challenge to Joint Debates, 63, term " Little Giant," 553 ; defends Lincoln, 143; declares Lin coln certain of election, 530; men tions Oquawka Plain Dealer, 551; publishes "Republican Rally Song," 569; quoted by Burlington Gazette, 549; quotes: Charleston Courier, 325, Knoxville Republican, 551, St. Louis Democrat, 555; ridicules: Chi cago Times, 144, Douglas, 549, 551; urges attendance at Galesburg De bate, 329. "Perpendicular Pronoun," nickname of Lincoln, 549. Peru, delegation from, at Ottawa, 125; Douglas at, 132, 142; mentioned, 238. Pettit, Senator, attitude of, toward Declaration of Independence, 470. Philadelphia Press, comments on: election of Douglas, 575, 576, Lin coln, 57; describes Ottawa Debate, 124; estimate of Douglas by, 576; publishes Democratic poem in honor of Douglas, 566; quoted by: Chicago INDEX 623 Times, 30, Quincy Herald, 566; Sheridan, James B., reporter for, 81, Villard, Henry, a reporter for, 77. PhiUips, D. C, introduces Lincoln at Jonesboro, 229. Phillips, Wendell, mentioned, 414, 526. Phonographic Magazine, article of Hitt, Robert, quoted from, 78. Piatt 'County, delegation from, at Springfield, 53. Pierce, Franklin, conspiracy charge against, 25, 106; defended by, Doug las, 122, 180. Pike County, delegation from, at Spring field, S3. Pinkham, N., fumishes seats for Quincy Debate, 393. Pittsfield Democrat, quoted in Quincy Herald, 49. Piatt, P. W., delegate to Democratic district convention, 1850, 239. Poetry of the campaign, 565. Polo, delegation from, at Freeport, 191. Popular Sovereignty, abandoned by Douglas at Freeport, 524; attacked by Lincoln, II, 105; attitude of Doug las toward, 5, 19, 109, 214, 228, 292, 333, 351, 461, 527; basis of: Com promise of 1850, 214, 292, 333, 351, 461, Nebraska Bill, 5, 333; tested in Kansas, 19; triumphs in election of Douglas, 57s; under the Dred Scott Decision, 201, 431. Prentice, George D., editor of Louisville Journal, 331. Presbyterian church, disturbed by slavery question, 479. Quincy, delegation from, at Ottawa, 135; description of, during debates, 446; Douglas names as meeting-place, 60, 64; reception at, to: Douglas, 391, 393. 436, 438-42. Lincoln, 391, 393. 439. 440, 445, 446; Schurz, Cari, speaks at, 437. Quincy Debate, 395-448; announced in: Chicago Press and Tribune, 390, Keokuk Gate City, 389, Quincy Whig, 389; described by: Chicago Journal, 444, Chicago Press and Tribune, 435, Chicago Times, 437, Galesburg Demo crat, 445, Keokuk Gate City, 444, Missouri Democrat, 443,' Missouri Republican, 441, 445, Quincy Herald, 440, Quincy Whig, 438, 446, Schurz, Carl, 446; Douglas' pictures sold at, 394; excursions to, from Keokuk, 390; interest of Missouri in, 389, 390; referred to by Lincoln, 466, 485. Quincy Herald, announces time of Douglas parade, 391, 393; comments on: challenge to Joint Debates, 66, Douglas in Chicago, 1854 and 1858, 38, Lincoln vs. Douglas, 49; describes: Douglas torch-light procession, 394, Lincoln meeting at Chicago, 1858, 40, Quincy Debate, 440; publishes: communication from Lineus, Mis souri, 389, poem in derision of Lin coln, 576, poem in honor of Douglas, 566; quotes: Chicago Times, 66, Chicago Union, 40, Joliet Signal, 38, Peoria Message, 582, Philadelphia Press, 566, Pittsfield Democrat, 49. Quincy Whig, announces: Lincoln parade, 392, 393; Quincy Debate, 389, 391; comments on: Douglas, 48, 144, possible presidential candi dates for i860, 43, Quincy Debate, 446, Republican state convention, 1858, 22, rival torch-light processions, 395; declares: fraudulent methods used in election, 536, Lincoln's speeches garbled, 84; describes: Galesburg Debate, 384, melee be tween Republicans and Democrats at Sullivan, 562, Quincy Debate, 438; reports Douglas in New York, 30; ridicules Douglas, 551. Rally song, in derision of Douglas, 571; in honor of Lincoln, 568; written by R. F. Flint, 568. Reddick, William, delegate to Demo cratic congressional convention, 1850, 239- Renwick, G. W., delegate to Democratic congressional convention, 1850, 239. Reporting the Debates, 75-85; declared unfairness in, 81; description of, 82; difficulties of, 330, 594; reporters, 75. Republican party, alliance of, with Administration Democrats, 181, 316, 336, 353; attitude of, toward: Doug las, 21, 44, 47, 497, 525, Lincoln, 24, 43, 584 ff., slavery, 88, 96, 174, 251, 352, 404, Dred Scott Decision, 405; campaign poetry of, 565, 567, 568, 569, 570, 571; complains against Apportionment Law, 535; defended by Lincoln, 347; formation of, 9, 16, 88, 99, 182, 215, 264, 294; Illinois state convention of: 1854, 89, 139, 153, 166, 171; 1858, 22, 527; national 624 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS convention of, 1856, 17; possible presidential candidates of, i860, 24, 43; sectionalism of, 225, 341, 338; warned by Lincoln against Douglas, 21. Reynolds, John, Administration Demo cratic candidate, 27; delegate to Administration Democratic conven tion, 235; supports Lincoln, 296, 316. Rio, delegation from, at Galesburg Debate, 331. Rochester Democrat, pays tribute to Lincoln, 583. Rockford, convention at, 1854, 169, 408; delegation from, at Freeport, 191, 200, 206. Rock Island, delegation from, to Otta wa, 135; enthusiastic Douglas meet ing at, 10; Wilkinson, I. O., of, 36. Rock River Seminary, Askey, William, at, 209; Hitt, Robert R., at, 77. Roosevelt, Major, speaks at Camp Point, 437, 442. Salem, Lincoln a grocer in, 91. Saint Clair County, delegation from, at Springfield, 53. St. Louis, Binmore, Henry, at, 80; dele gation from, at: Alton, 497, 499, 506, 507, 509, Chicago, s; Douglas at, 555, 573; Douglas, Mrs., at, 573; enthusiasm in, for Lincoln, 555; excursion from, to Alton, 449, 496; Linder, U. F., at, 555; reporter from, at Ottawa Debate, 132. St. Louis Democrat, comments on enthusiasm for Lincoln in St. Louis, 5551 quoted by: Chicago Journal, 530, Peoria Transcript, 555. St. Louis Herald, describes: Alton Debate, 506; Ottawa Debate, 132. St. Louis News, comments on Alton Debate, 449, 507. St. Louis Republican, Binmore, Henry, reporter for, 80; estimate of Lincoln by, 581; mentioned by Illinois State Journal, 6; quoted by Illinois State Journal, 581; supports Douglas, 1854, 6. - Sanderson, Henry R., visited by Lin coln during Galesburg Debate, 373, 379- Sandusky Commercial Register, an nounces Lincoln as Republican pres idential candidate, i860, 581; quoted by Illinois State Journal, 581. Sargent, Porter, voted for Lincoln as senator, 1854, 176. Schurz, Carl, associated with White, Horace, 76; describes Quincy Debate, 446; speaks at Quincy, 437. Scott County, delegation from, at Springfield, 53. Senatorial contest of 1858, commented on by: Baltimore Sun, 5.29, Boston Advertiser, 536, Centreville True Republican, 544, Cincinnati Commer cial, 42, 540, 542, Federal Union, 578, Frankfort Commonwealth, 512, Indi ana Journal, 577, Lowell Citizen and News, 543, Mississippian, the, 543, New York Herald, 46, 539, 577, New York Post, 45, 49, 391, 530, Norfolk Argus, 542, Philadelphia Press, 128, Springfield (Mass.) Re publican, 523, Washington Union, 516, 542. 543; criticism of, 539 ff.; described by White, Horace, 75; effect of, on: Douglas, 575-78, Lin coln, 582-87; Douglas, Mrs., a fac tor in, 573;s humor of, 547; interest in, 43. 47. 131, i45. i93. 3^9. 39i.- 510, 511, 512, 514, 517, 521, 523, 527 533. 542, 544. 576, 582; labors of Douglas in, 529; popular aspect of, 28; poetry of, 565; singular char acter of, 536, 540. Senatorial election of 1854, commented on by Illinois State Journal, 15; Lincoln gives his votes to Trumbull in, 14. Seward, William H., adopts leading ideas of Lincoln, 587; helps form Republican party, 294; Lincoln, the rival of, 591; regarded as possible presidential candidate of i860, 24, 43. 578; mentioned, 48, 163, 491. Sheridan, James B., biographical notice of, 81; garbles speeches of Lincoln, 84; reporter for: Chicago Times, 80, Douglas, 76. Sherman, F. C., delegate to Democratic congressional convention, 1850, 239. Shields, James, eulogized by Douglas, 219; Lincoln to supplant, 88, 99, 173, 216, 262. Singleton, General, speaks at Jackson ville, 490. Slavery, agitation of, 234, 304, 479; attempted in Illinois, 425; attitude toward, of: Brooks, P. S., 230, 428, 485, Clay, Henry, 116, 151, 351, 432, 471, 484, constitutional fathers. INDEX 625 104, 230, 428, 476; Democratic party, 87, 191, 241, 291, 352, 406; Douglas, 106, no, 114, 155, 161, 163, 243, 257, 361, 406, 417, 421, 427, 435. 457. 468, 48s, 524. Lincoln, 100, 102, 104, 106, no, 114, 149, 15s, 230, 234, 348, 353, 4°i. 404. 411, 416, 435, 455. 468, 469, 473, 479, 482, 511, Lovejoy, Owen, 174, Republican party, 89, 352, 404, 482; Whig party, 87, 171, 291, causes distur bance in churches, 479; status of, under: Declaration of Independence, 95. i°o. "6, "8, 168, 225, 301, 339, 342, 346, 366, 400, 413, 432, 452, 462, 469, 545, Dred Scott Decision, 344, 357, 4°S, United States Constitution, 357- Slidell, John, in Illinois to unite Demo crats, 45; possible Democratic presi dential candidate, i860, 43. Smith, Captain, takes part in Douglas reception at Chicago, 34. Smith, Enos W., delegate to Demo cratic conventions, 1850, 239. Smith, Joseph, originates Douglas' soubriquet, "Little Giant," 553. Smith, Samuel, points out Freeport Doctrine, 421. "Song of the Hyenas," campaign poem in derision of Administration Demo crats, 27. South, the, quoted by New York Trib une, 545; sums up Douglas' po litical views, 545. Speech, of: Arnold, Isaac N., at Spring field, 22; Baker, in Monroe County, 341, 347, Waterloo, 218, 299; Dr. Bayne at Quincy, 439; Boggs, J. B., at Galesburg, 377, 380, 383; BromweU, H. P. H., at Charieston, 318, 327; Carpenter, 317; Chase, S. P., in Illinois, 531; Clay, Henry, in Indiana, 471; Davis, Jefferson, at Bangor, Maine, 463; Denio, C. B., at Spring field, 22; Dougherty, John, at Jones boro, 259; Douglass, Fred, at Pough keepsie, New. York, 295; Douglas at: Alton, 269, 274, 450, 488, 499, 501, Belleville, S73, Bloomington, 50, 208, 403, 520, Camp Point, 437, 442, Cairo, 213, Charleston, 281, 316, 321, Chicago, 7, 36, 106, 254, 403, 451, 54°, 549, Clifton Springs, New York, 32, Clinton, 108, no, DanviUe, 559, Freeport, 159, Galena, 262, Galesburg, 333, 373, 377, 38°, 383, 551, Henry, 553, Jacksonville, 269, 308, 401, JoUet, 247, 250, Jonesboro, 214, 249, Mattoon, 267, Oquawka, 551, Ottawa, 80, 117, 126, 132, 135, 139, 142, 144, 515, Peoria, 4, Senate, 111, 231, 477, Springfield, 11, 17, 51, 107, 117, 168, 203, 208, 217, 520, Sullivan, 325, 559, 562, Urbana, 559; Eden, John R., at Sullivan, 558; Elwell, George, at Galesburg, 373; Feree, J. J., at Springfield, 22; Fick lin, O. B., at Charleston, 312, 316, 321; Frost, F. G., at Galesburg, 373; Garesche, A. J. P., at Alton, 507; Hopkins, at Springfield, 22; Hurd, Ada, at Galesburg, 373; Judd, N. B., at Springfield, 22; Lincoln at: Alton, 460, 502, Augusta, 147, 248, Charles ton, 267, 303, 318, 320, 322, 327, 348, 403, Chicago, 17, 39, 41, 339, 348, 403. 413. 432. 451. 468, 540, DanviUe, 559, Decatur, 529, Freeport, 148, Galesburg, 203, 346, 373, 384, Havana, 547, Henry, 248, Jonesboro, 229, 348, Lewiston, 518, Macomb, 203, 248, Mattoon, 267, Ottawa, 98, 127, 130, 132, 135, 140, 515, Peoria, 4, 100, Springfield, n, 16, 17, 23, 24, 54, 93. i°3. i°7. "7. 168, 178, 222, 345, 410, 416, 451, 466, 469, 474, 526, 529, SuUivan, 559, 562, Urbana, 559, Whig Caucus, 490; Linder, U. F., at: Cairo, 213, Jones boro, 259, 265; Ix)gan, John, at Cairo, 213; Lovejoy, Owen, at Otta wa, 145, 515; Marshall, Judge, at Cairo, 213; Matheny, James, H., 221, 232; Molony, R. S., at Freeport, 239; Merrick, at Alton, 507; Morris, J. N., at Camp Morris, 437, 442; Reed, at Galesburg, 375; Roose^ velt. Major, at Camp Point, 437, 442; Schurz, Carl, at Quincy, 437; Single ton, General, at Jacksonville, 490; Thornton, at Sullivan, 562; Tillson, at Quincy, 439; Tmmbull, Owen, at: Alton, 287, Chicago, 269, 274, 283, 547, Monroe County, 299, 347, Senate 273, Springfield, 12, Waterloo, 218, 235, 299; Turner, T. J., at: Free- port, 190, 191, 196, Springfield, 22; Walker, Charles, at Chicago, 35; Washburne, E. B., at Galena, 169; Wentworth, John, at Chicago, 565; Wilson, C. L., at Chicago, 39; Wyche,- James E., at Springfield, 22. Springfield, Administration Democratic 626 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS convention at, 1858, 26, 235; anti- Nebraska convention at, 16, 354; anti-slavery convention at, 1856, 16; Arnold, Isaac N., speaks at, 22; Cadets of, at Alton, 509; delegation from, to: Alton, 450, 499, 509; Ottawa, 135; Democratic state con vention at, 1858, 26; Douglas speaks at, n, 51, 60, 62, 107, 117, 168, 203, 208, 355, 520; excursions from, to Alton, 449; Lincoln speaks at, n, 17, 56, 60, 62, 69, 93, 105, 107, 117, 451, 466, 469, 526, 529; Republican con vention at: 1854, 117, 153, 350, 367, 409; 1858, 22, 395; State Agricul tural Fair at, 10, n, 117. Springfield (Mass.) Republican, com ments on: Alton Debate, 510, Illinois contest, 523, Ottawa, Debate, 523; quotes Louisville Journal, 555. Springfield Resolutions, see Ottawa Fraud. Star of Egypt, referred to by Missouri Republican, 316. State Sovereignty attitude toward, of: Douglas, 96, 124, 228, 285, 453, 545, Lincoln, 229; endangered by Illinois contest, 229, 536, 541. Stephens, A. H., attempts to unite / Illinois Democracy, 45; attitude of, toward Freeport Doctrine, 421, 463, 579; possible Democratic presidential candidate, i860, 43; mentioned, 528. Stone, E. K., Republican marshal! at Quincy Debate, 393. Strickland, E., lieutenant of Spring field Cadets, 509. Strode, J. M., president of Democratic district convention, 1850, 239. Stuart, Lieut., at Douglas reception, Chicago, 34. Stump-speaking, origin and description of, i; New York Post on, 2. Sullivan, Douglas speaks at, 325, 557, 562; Lincoln speaks at, 559, 562; meeting at, 57; m^^e between Republicans and Democrats at, 560, 562. Sumner, Charles, assaulted by Brooks, 200, 230. Supreme Court, of Illinois, connection of Douglas with, 360. Supreme Court of the United States, attitude toward, of: Douglas, 114, 163, 243, 257, 370, 512, 519, 545; Lmcoln, 94, 114, 156, 161, 225, 370, 451, 519- Swan, Hurlbut, voted for Lincoln as senator, 1854, 176. Sweet, Martin P., at Freeport, 209; mentioned, 15; congressional candi date, 1850, 237. Taney, Roger, attitude of, toward Declaration of Independence, 470; conspiracy charge against, 25, 106, 410; defended by Douglas, 122; de rided in Republican campaign poem, S70; mentioned, 225, 258. Taylor, E. D., mentioned, 10. Tazewell County, Lincoln attends court in, 99, 117, 168, 369. Territory, acquisition of, 149, 164; admission of, 160, 161; slavery in, 89, 120, 149, 150, 155, 161, 241, 243, 258, 344, 411, 462, 473- Thornton, speaks at Sullivan, 562. Tillson, John, speaks at Quincy, 439. Toledo, Ohio, Douglas welcomed at, 32- Toombs, Robert, Kansas Enabling Act framed by, 271, 283; mentioned 163, 185, 370. Trumbull, Lyman, aids Lincoln in con test, 513, 535, 547; alliance of, witii Lincoln, 88, 92, 99, 171, 216, 231, 252, 294, 306, 403; attacked by Douglas, 200, 356, 401; biographical notice of, 92; defended by Lincoln, 154, 320; denounces Douglas, 269, 287; elected senator, 1854, 14, 15, 163; estimate of, by New York Herald, 577; fails to appear at Springfield State Fair, n; monopolizes Douglas' attention, 58; on admission of territories, 161; Ot tawa Fraud used against, 356, 434; regarded as possible Republican presidential candidate for i860, 24; senatorship endorsed, 22; speaks at: Chicago, 547, Monroe County, 299, Springfield, 12, Waterloo, 218, 235, 299; veracity of, 306; votes against admission of Oregon, 160; mentioned 10, 68, 217, 252. Turner, Thomas, aids Trumbull, 1854, 172; Republican moderator at Free- port, 147, 189, 196; voted for Lin coln, 1854, 173, 176; welcomes Lin coln to Freeport, 191, 196, 198. Unfriendly legislation, see Freeport Doctrine. Unitarian church, disturbed by slavery question, 479. INDEX 627 University of Chicago, gitt of Douglas to, 50. Urbana, Lincoln and Douglas speak at, 559- Urbana (Ohio) Union, satirizes Douglas, 552- Vermont, resolutions of Democratic state convention, in, 241. Victoria, delegation from, to Galesburg Debate, 331. VUlard, Henry, associated with White, Horace, 76; reporter of Philadelphia Press, 77. Vincennes Sun, quoted in Cincinnati Commercial, 31. Voss, Arno, delegate to Democratic congressional convention, 1850, 239. Walker, Charles, welcomes Douglas to Chicago, 35. Walker, George, friend of Douglas, 209. Washburne, E. B., aids Lincoln, 1854, 172; congressional candidate, 169, 254, 300; fears Freeport Doctrine, 204; pledged against admission of more slave states, 369; speaks at Galena, 169; mentioned, 202. Washington Star, attitude of, toward Freeport Doctrine, 579. Washington Union, attacked by Doug las, 185; comments on: Ottawa Debate, 513, Illinois contest, 516, 543; denounces: Douglas, 48, in, 158, 462, 513, 539, Freeport Doctrine, 421, 522, 525, 528, 579, Lincoln, 539; mentions: New Orleans Courier, 523, New Orleans Delta, 523; on slavery in free states, 163, 370; quotes: Chicago Herald, 515, Chi cago Press, 514, Chicago Times, 514, Columbia Guardian, 525, Mississip pian, the, 543, Norfolk Argus, 542; referred to by Louisville Democrat, 528; urges election of Lincoln, 180. Watago, delegation from, at Galesburg debate, 331, 374- Waterloo, Baker, Jehu, speaks at, 299; meeting at, 218; Trumbull speaks at, 23s, 299- Watson, P. H., White, Horace, secre tary of, 75. Waukegan, mentioned, 300. Webster, Daniel, supports Compromise of 1850, 87, 171, 214. Wendell, Cornelius, editor of Washing ton Union, 180. Wentworth, John, aids TrumbuU, 1854, 172; regarded as real anti-Douglas candidate, 21, 24; speaks at Chicago, 565; mentioned, 72, 218, 222, 254, 298. Whig party, becomes part of Republi can party, 16; Lincoln and Trum buU agree to dissolve, 86, 88, 171, 214, 291; opposition of, to Nebraska Bill, 10; supported Compromise of 1850, 87, 171, 215, 293. White, Horace, accompanies Lincoln, on tour, 1858, 76; comments on correctness of copies of debate, 594; biographical notice of, 75; describes: Lincoln, 12, Lincoln's solicitude for House-divided speech, 23, Mrs. Stephen A. Douglas, 573, Ottawa Debate, 143; reporter for Chicago Journal, 12. Whiteside County, delegation from, at Freeport, 147. Whitney, D. M., vice-president of Republican state convention, 22. Wilcox, Elijah, delegate to Democratic congressional convention, 1850, 239. Wilkinson, I. O., attends United States District Court at Chicago, 36. Will County, delegation from, to Otta wa, 133, 139. Williams, Archie, mentioned, 93, 222, 298. Williams, E. B., delegate to Democratic congressional convention, 1850, 239. Williamsville, Douglas at, 51. Wilmington Journal denounces Free- port Doctrine, 526. Wilmot Proviso, supported by Lincoln, 491. Wilson, C. L., introduces Lincoln at Chicago, 39; nominates Lincoln for senatorship, 22. Wilson, I. T., Democratic chief marshall at Quincy Debate, 392, 440. Winchester, Douglas speaks at, 91, 549. Winnebago County, represented at Freeport Debate, 196. Wise, Henry A., regarded as possible Democratic candidate for i860, 43. Wyche, James, E., speaks at Republi can state convention, 1858, 22. Yates, Richard, congressional candi date, 1854, 118, 355- 3 9002 00598 2427 > 1 j'jlMl ,M