i

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

OFFICIAL AND OTHER PAPERS

OF THE LATE

MAJOR-GENERAL ALEXANDER HAMILTON :

COMPILED CHIEFLY FROM THE ORIGINALS IN THE
POSSESSION OF MRS. HAMILTON.

VOL. I.

NEW-YORK AND LONDON:
WILEY & PUTNAM.
1842.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1842, by
MRS. ELIZABETH HAMILTON,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of
New-York,

Printed at St. Thomas' Hall Press, Flushing, by C. R. Lincoln.

PREFACE.

The " Papers" in this volume, were, with many others, confided
to the subscriber, by Mrs. Hamilton, for the purpose of publica
tion. It is of little moment to the public, to know all the circum
stances that induced the Editor to undertake the task. Suffice it
to say, that his labour is but the fulfilment of a solemn promise,
made at the request of the aged and much respected proprietor of
the original documents, when she was supposed to be upon the
bed of death. Under the circumstances, the subscriber did not
feel at liberty to refuse his assent to her earnest entreaty ; accom
panied, as it was, by the assurance, that his compliance would be
agreeable to all the immediate descendants of General Hamilton.
He was the more willing, also, to embark in the work, from his
knowledge of the fact, that the papers had been, at different pe
riods, confided to several distinguished individuals for publication ;
and that one and another untoward event had, in every instance,
defeated the purpose. When, therefore, the Editor found that,
with the assent of the family, he could at least attempt the work,
he felt that, in some degree, it was a debt due to his country, to
perpetuate the writings of a man, of whom it may be said, with
out disparagement of others, that he was second to but one in
services rendered to the Republic,
The task of the Editor has been little more than that of com
pilation : he has but arranged the papers in chronological order,
with the occasional addition of a brief note. The life of General
Hamilton, by his son,* rendered a biographical sketch unnecessa-
*J, C, Hamilton, Esquire,

PREFACE.

ry. To that interesting contribution to the stores of American
history, these " Papers " may, in fact, be deemed an Appendix.
They will be found to illustrate the careful research, and prove
the accuracy, of the Biographer.
The Editor is indebted to the kindness of J. C. Hamilton, Esq.,
for some few of the papers contained in this volume : the residue
were in the collection of Mrs. Hamilton ; and some of them have
never before been printed.
The succeeding volumes, containing matter that increases in
interest as we advance, will be published with as little delay as
possible.
F. L. HAWKS.
May 1, 1842.

PAPERS

ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

COMMERCIAL LIFE.
"In the autumn of seventeen hundred and sixty-nine, he
[Hamilton] was placed in the counting house of Mr. Nicholas
Cruger, an opulent merchant, and most worthy man, then residing
at Santa Cruz.
" His aptitude in conforming himself to his situation was such,
and his advancement so rapid in the confidence of his respected
principal, that before he reached his fourteenth year he was left
by Mr. Cruger, who made a visit to the American continent, at
the head of his extensive establishment." — Life of Hamilton, hy
his Son: p. 4 — 5, vol. 1.
We subjoin a few of the letters written during this period, as
illustrative of the facility with which Mr. Hamilton's mind mastered
any subject to which he chose to direct its powers. — [Editor.]
1

CORRESPONDENCE .

[1769.

TO EDW.\RD STEVENS.* St, Cboix, Nov, 11, 1769,
This serves to acknowledge the receipt of yours,
per Capt. Lowndes, which was delivered me yester
day. The truth of Captains Lightbowen and
Lowndes' information is now verified by the pre
sence of your father and sister, for whose safe
arrival I pray, and that they may convey that
satisfaction to your soul that must naturally flow
from the sight of absent friends in health ; and shall,
for news this way, refer you to them. As to what
you say respe cting your soon having the happiness
of seeing us all, I wish for an accomplishment of
your hopes, provided they are concomitant with
your welfare, otherwise not ; though doubt whether
I shall be present or not, for to confess my weakness,
Ned, my ambition is prevalent, so that I contemn the
grovelling condition of a clerk or the like, to which
my fortune condemns me, and would willingly
risk my life, though not my character, to exalt my
station. I am confident, Ned, that my youth ex
cludes me from any hopes of immediate preferment,
nor do I desire it ; but I mean to prepare the way
for futurity. I'm no philosopher, you see, and may
be justly said to build castles in the air ; my folly
makes me ashamed, and beg you'll conceal it;
* This letter was written by Hamilton before he had reached the age of
thirteen.

177L] CORRESPONDENCE. 3
yet, Neddy, we have seen such schemes successful
when the projector is constant. I shall conclude
by saying, I wish there was a war.
P. S, I this moment received yours by William
Smith, and am pleased to see you give such close
application to study.

TO NICHOLAS CRUGER. St, Croix, Oct, 31, 1771,
Expecting that Capt. Codwise would have sailed
two days ago, I had already wrote and delivered
my letters to him, but the arrival of Capt. Lowndes
furnishes me with something more to say.
By him I received sundry letters ; one from Mr.
Henry Cruger, and several from Henry Cruger, Jr.,
of Bristol, one from Mr. John Cruger, one from
Mr. John Harris Cruger, which are all copies and
have been answered, except one of the 24th of
June. I now enclose it to you with an abstract of your
last letter to him, which perhaps will be requisite
in returning an answer.
I also send you the owner's last letter now
arrived, and a list of the bills ; all the protests for
non-acceptance have come to hand. In Mr. John
Harris Cruger's letter, he says that he will remit
Mr. Tileman Cruger for his one-third part of the

CORRESPONDENCE.

[1771.

sloop's first cargo of mules, and should depend upon
your honor for the other two, being £400 in advance
for you, exclusive of your part of the cargo out ; I,
therefore, just enclose a little state of matters be
tween you, that you might be able more clearly to
convince him of his mistake, there is nothing in the
other letters that require or will even admit of an
answer from me especially, as you will be on the
spot : in fact their contents are of but little conse
quence.

TO TILEMAN CRUGER, ESQ.
St. Croix, Nov. 16, 1771.
In behalf of Mr. Nicholas Cruger, (who, by reason
of a very ill state of health, went from this to New
York, the 15th ult.,) I have the pleasure to address
you by the long expected sloop Thunderbolt, Capt.
William Newton, owned by Messrs. Jacob Walton,
John Harris, and Nicholas Cruger, the latter of
whom has written you fully concerning her destina
tion, which I need not repeat. She has on board
besides a parcel of lumber for yourself, sundry
articles on account of her owners as per enclosed
bill lading ; and, when you have disposed of them,
you will please to credit each partner for one-third
ofthe proceeds.

1771. J CORRESPONDENCE. 5
Mr. N. Cruger's proportion of this, and the balance
of your account hitherto, will more than pay for his
one-third cost of her first cargo up; and for the
other two, 1 shall endeavor to place value in your
hands betimes. I only wish for a line from you to
know what will best answer.
Reports here represent matters in a very disa
greeable light, with regard to the Guarda Costas,
which are said to swarm upon the coast ; but as you
will be the best judge of what danger there might
be, all is submitted to your prudent direction.
Capt. Newton must arm with you, as he could
not so conveniently do it here.
Give me leave to hint to you, that you cannot be
too particular in your instructions to him. I think
he seems to want experience in such voyages.
Messrs. Walton and John H. Cruger are to furnish
you themselves with their respective proportion of
the cost of the several cargoes.
The staves on board, if by any means convenient,
I beg may be returned by the sloop, they will
command a good price here, and I suppose little or
nothing with you ; could they be got at I would not
send them down, but they are stowed promiscuously
among other things.
If convenient, please to deliver the hogsheads,
now containing the Indian meal, to the Captain as
watercasks, and others should he want them. I sup-

6 CORRESPONDENCE. [1771.
plied him with twenty here. I must beg your refer
ence to Mr. Cruger's last letter of the 2d ult'. for
other particulars.
Our crop will be very early, so that the utmost
despatch is necessary to import three cargoes of
mules in due time.

TO CAPTAIN WILLIAM NEWTON.
St. Croix, Nov. 16, 1771.
Herewith I give you all your despatches, and
desire you will proceed immediately to Curracoa.
You are to deliver your cargo there to Tileman
Cruger, Esq., agreeable to your bill of lading,
whose directions you must follow in every respect
concerning the disposal of your vessel after your
arrival. You know it is intended that you shall go from
thence to the main for a load of mules, and I must
beg if you do, you'll be very choice in the quality
of your mules, and bring as many as your vessel
can conveniently contain — by all means take in a
large supply of provender. Remember, you are to
make three trips this season, and unless you are
very diligent you will be too late, as our crops will
be early in. Take care to avoid the Guarda Costas.
I place an entire reliance upon the prudence of
your conduct.

1772.] CORRESPONDENCE. 7
TO HENRY CRUGER, ESQ.
St. Croix, Feb'y 24, 1772,
The 9th ult., Capt. Robert Gibbs handed me
your favor dated December 19th, 1771, covering
invoice and bill lading for sundries, which are
landed in good order agreeable thereto. I sold all
your lumber off immediately at £16, lucky enough,
the price of that article being now reduced to £12,
as great quantities have been lately imported from
different parts of the continent. Indeed there must
be a vast consumption this crop, which makes it
probable the price will again rise, unless the crop
at windward should fall short, as is said to be the
case, whereby we shall fail to be overstocked. The
oats and cheese I have also sold, the former at 61
cents per bushel, and the latter at 9 cents per lb.
Your mahogany is of the very poorest kind, or I
could have readily obtained 6d. per foot for it, but
at present it is blown upon : ' tis fit only for end
work. I enclose you a price current, and refer you there
to for other matters.
Capt. Gibbs was ready to sail seven days after
his arrival, but was detained two days longer by
strong contrary winds, which made it impossible to
get out of the harbor ; believe me, sir, nothing was
neglected on my part to give him the utmost de
spatch, and considering that his cargo was stowed

8 CORRESPONDENCE. [1772.
very confusedly, the proceeding part of it rather
uppermost, I think he was despatched as soon as
could be expected. Enclosed you have invoice of
rum and sugar shipped in the sloop agreeable to
your orders : I could not by any means get your
casks filled by any of the planters, but shall dispose
of the hogsheads, out of which the rum was started,
for your account, from which, however, will proceed
a small loss. Also, you have account of sloop's port
charges, and which I hope, and doubt not, you will
find right.
You'll be a little surprised when I tell you Capt.
Gibbs was obliged to leave his freight money be
hind. The rcEison is this : Mr. B. would by no means
raise his part; 'tis true he might have been com
pelled by law, but that would have been altogether
imprudent, for to have enforced payment and to
have converted that payment into joes, which were
extremely scarce, would have been attended with
detention of at least ten or twelve days, and the
other freights were very trifling, so that the whole
now rests with me, and God knows when I shall
be able to receive Mr. B's. part, who is long winded
enough. Mr. B. begs to present his respects.

1774.] POLITICAL LIFE.

" Within a short time after the adjournment of the first congress,
among several publications, two tracts appeared more distin
guished than the rest, which were the joint productions of Doc
tor Seabury and Mr. Wilkins ; the latter of whom had recently
occupied a prominent place in the deliberations of the New-
York Assembly. The first bore the title of " Free thoughts on
the proceedings of the Continental Congress :" the other was
entitled, " Congress Canvassed, by a Westchester Farmer."*
These publications were chiefly directed against the "non-im
portation, non-consumption, and non-exportation agreements,"
which had been recommended by the congress. * * * •
" The wide, industrious, and gratuitous circulation of these
pamphlets, inducing the belief that they had the sanction of the
government, they soon became the text book of the Tories, and
were applauded by them as containing irrefutable arguments
against the measures of the " sons of liberty." * » * *
" VV'ithin a fortnight after the second tract had issued from
the press,f a pamphlet appeared under the title of " A Full
Vindication of the Measures of Congress from the Calumnies of
their Enemies, in answer to a Letter under the signature of A
W. Farmer ; whereby his sophistry is exposed, his cavils confu
ted, his artifices detected, and his ml ridiculed, in a General Ad
dress to the Inhabitants of America, and a Particular Address to
the Farmers of the Province qf Neio-York. Veritas magna est et
pravalebit. — Truth is powerful, and will prevail. New-York :
Printed by James Rivington: 1774." " — Life of Hamilton, by hia
Son: p. 26—28, vol. 1.
?November 24, ITO. t December 15, 1774,
VOL. I. 2

10 A FULL VINDICATION
Friends and Countrymen. — It was hardly to be
expected that any man could be so presumptuous,
as openly to controvert the equity, wisdom, and
authority of the measures adopted by the congress:
an assembly truly respectable on every account?
Whether we consider the characters of the men
who composed it ; the number and dignity of their
constituents; or the important ends for which they
were appointed. But, however improbable such a
degree of presumption might have seemed, we find
there are some, in whom it exists. Attempts are
daily making to diminish the influence of their de
cisions, and prevent the salutary effects intended
by them. The impotence of such insidious efforts
is evident from the general indignation they are
treated with ; so that no material ill-consequences
can be dreaded from them. But lest they should
have a tendency to mislead, and prejudice the minds
of a few, it cannot be deemed altogether useless
to bestow some notice upon them.
And first, let me ask these restless spirits. Whence
arises that violent antipathy they seem to entertain,
not only to the natural rights of mankind, but to
common sense and common modesty ? That they
are enemies to the natural rights of mankind is
manifest, because they wish to see one part of their
species enslaved by another. That they have an
invincible aversion to common sense, is apparent in
many respects : They endeavor to persuade us, that

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 11
the absolute sovereignty of parliament does not
imply our absolute slavery ; that it is a Christian
duty to submit to be plundered of all we have,
merely because some of our fellow subjects are
wicked enough to require it of us ; that slavery, so
far from being a great evil, is a great blessing ; and
even, that our contest with Britain is founded en
tirely upon the petty duty of three pence per pound
on East India tea ; whereas the whole world knows,
it is built upon this interesting question. Whether the
inhabitants of Great Britain have a right to dispose
of the lives and properties of the inhabitants of
America, or not ? And lastly, that these men have
discarded all pretension to common modesty, is clear
from hence ; first, because they, in the plainest terms,
call an august body of men, famed for their patriot
ism and abilities, fools or knaves; and of course the
people whom they represented, cannot be exempt
from the same opprobious appellations ; and second
ly, because they set themselves up as standards of
wisdom and probity, by contradicting and censuring
the public voice in favor of those men.
A little consideration will convince us, that the
congress, instead of having " ignorantly misunder
stood, carelessly neglected, or basely betrayed the
interests of the colonies," have, on the contrary, de
vised and recommended the only effectual means to
secure the freedom, and establish the future prosperi
ty of America upon a solid basis. If we are not free

12 A FULL VINDICATION
and happy hereafter, it must proceed from the want of
integrity and resolution, in executing what they have
concerted ; not from the temerity or impolicy of
their determinations.
Before I proceed to confirm this a.ssertion by the
most obvious arguments, I will premise a few brief
remarks. The only distinction between freedom
and slavery consists in this : In the former state, a
man is governed by the laws to which he has given
his consent, either in person, or by his representa
tive : In the latter, he is governed by the will of
another. In the one case, his life and property are
his~own : in the other, they depend upon the plea
sure of a master. It is easy to discern which of
these two states is preferable. No man in his senses
can hesitate in choosing to be free, rather than a
slave. That Americans are entitled to freedom is incon
testable upon every rational principle. All men
have one common original : they participate in one
common nature, and consequently have one com
mon right. No reason can be assigned why one
man should exercise any power or pre-eminence
over his fellow creatures more than another ; unless
they have voluntarily vested him with it. Since,
then, Americans have not, by any act of their's,
empowered the British Parliament to make laws
for them, it follows they can have no just authority
to do it.

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 13
Besides the clear voice of natural justice in this
respect, the fundamental principles of the English
constitution are in our favor. It has been repeated
ly demonstrated, that the idea of legislation, or taxa
tion, when the subject is not represented, is incon
sistent with that. Nor is this all ; our charters, the
express conditions on which our progenitors re
linquished their native countries, and came to settle
in this, preclude every claim of ruling and taxing
us without our assent.
Every subterfuge that sophistry has been able to
invent, to evade or obscure this truth, has been re
futed by the most conclusive reasonings ; so that
we may pronounce it a matter of undeniable cer
tainty, that the pretensions of Parliament are con
tradictory to the law of nature, subversive of the
British constitution, and destructive of the faith of
the most solemn compacts.
What, then, is the subject of our controversy with
the mother country ? It is this : Whether we shall
preserve that security to our lives and properties,
which the law of nature, the genius of the British
constitution, and our charters, afford us ; or whether
we shall resign them into the hands of the British
House of Commons, which is no more privileged to
dispose of them than the Great Mogul ? What
can actuate those men, who labor to delude any of
us into an opinion, that the object of contention be
tween the parent state and the colonies, is only three

14 A FULL VINDICATION
pence duty upon tea 1 or that the commotions in
America originate in a plan, formed by some tur
bulent men, to erect it into a republican government ?
The parliament claims a right to tax us in all cases
whatsoever : its late acts are in virtue of that claim.
How ridiculous, then, is it to affirm, that we are
quarrelling for the trifling sum of three pence a
pound on tea; when it is evidently the principle
against which we contend.
The design of electing members to represent us in
general congress, was, that the wisdom of Ameri
ca might be collected in devising the most proper
and expedient means to repel this atrocious inva
sion of our rights. It has been accordingly done.
Their decrees are binding upon all, and demand a
religious observance.
We did not, especially in this province, circum
scribe them by any fixed boundary; and therefore,
as they cannot be said to have exceeded the limits
of their authority, their act must be esteemed the
act of their constituents. If it should be objected,
that they have not answered the end of their elec
tion, but have fallen upon an improper and ruinous
mode of proceeding : I reply by asking. Who shall
be the judge ? Shall any individual oppose his
private sentiment to the united counsels of men,
in whom America has reposed so high a confidence ?
The attempt must argue no small degree of arrogance
and self-sufliciency.

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 15
Yet this attempt has been made : and it is be
come, in some measure, necessary to vindicate the
conduct of this venerable assembly from the asper
sions of men, who are their adversaries, only be
cause they are foes to America.
When the political salvation of any community
is depending, it is incumbent upon those who are
set up as its guardians, to embrace such measures,
as have justice, vigor, and a probability of success
to recommend them : If, instead of this, they take
those methods which are in themselves feeble, and
little likely to succeed ; and may, through a defect
in vigor, involve the community in still greater dan
ger ; they may be justly considered as its betrayers.
It is not enough, in times of imminent peril, to use
only possible means of preservation : Justice and
sound policy dictate the use of probable means.
The only scheme of opposition, suggested by
those, who have been, and are, averse from a non
importation and non-exportdtion agreement, is, by
REMONSTRANCE and PETITION. The authors and
abettors of this scheme, have never been able to
invent a single argument to prove the likelihood of
its succeeding. On the other hand, there are many
standing facts, and valid considerations, against it.
In the infancy of the present dispute, we had re
course to this method only. We addressed the
throne in the most loyal and respectful manner, in
a legislative capacity; but what was the conse-

16 A FULL VINDICATION
quence ? Our address was treated with contempt
and neglect. The first American congress did the
same, and met with similar treatment. The total
repeal of the stamp act, and the partial repeal of
the revenue acts, took place, not because the com
plaints of America were deemed just and reasona
ble ; but because these acts were found to militate
against the commercial interests of Great Britain :
This was the declared motive of the repeal.
These instances are sufficient for our purpose :
but they derive greater validity and force from the
following :
The legal assembly of Massachusetts Bay, pre
sented, not long since, a most humble, dutiful, and
earnest petition to his Majesty, requesting the dis
mission of a governor, highly odious to the people,
and whose misrepresentations they regarded as one
chief source of all their calamities. Did they suc
ceed in their request ? No — it was treated with
the greatest indignity, and stigmatized as " a se
ditious, vexatious, and scandalous libel."
I know the men I have to deal with, will acquiesce
in this stigma. Will they also dare to calumniate
the noble and spirited petition that came from the
Mayor and Aldermen of the city of London ? Will
they venture to justify that unparalleled stride
of power, by which popery and arbitrary dominion
were established in Canada ? The citizens of Lon
don remonstrated against it ; they signified its re-

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 17
pugnancy to the principles of the revolution ; but,
like ours, their complaints were unattended to.
From thence we may learn how little dependence
ought to be placed on this method of obtaining the
redress of grievances.
There is less reason now than ever to expect de
liverance, in this way, from the hand of oppression.
The system of slavery, fabricated against America,
cannot, at this time, be considered as the effect of
inconsideration and rashness. It is the offspring of
mature deliberation. It has been fostered by time,
and strengthened by every artifice human subtilty
is capable of After the claims of parliament had
lain dormant for awhile, they are again resumed
and prosecuted with more than common ardor.
The Premier has advanced too far to recede with
safety : He is deeply interested to execute his pur
pose, if possible : we know he has declared, that he
will never desist, till he has brought America to his
feet : and we may conclude, nothing but necessity
will induce him to abandon his aims. In common
life, to retract an error, even in the beginning, is no
easy task ; perseverance confirms us in it, and
rivets the difficulty: but inapubUc station, to have
been in an error, and to have persisted in it, when it
is detected, ruins both reputation and fortune. To
this we may add, that disappointment and opposi
tion inflame the minds of men, and attach them,
still more, to their mistakes.
VOL. I. 3

18 A FULL VINDICATION
What can we represent which has not already
been represented ? What petitions can we offer,
that have not already been offered ? The rights of
America, and the injustice of parliamentary pre
tensions, have been clearly and repeatedly stated,
both in and out of parliament. No new arguments
can be framed to operate in our favor. Should we
even resolve the errors of the ministry and parlia
ment into the fallibility of human understanding,
if they have not yet been convinced, we have no
prospect of being able to do it by anything further
we can say. But if we impute their conduct to a
wicked thirst of domination and disregard to jus
tice, we have no hope of prevailing with them to
alter it, by expatiating on our rights, and suing to
their compassion for relief; especially since we have
found, by various experiments, the inefiicacy of such
methods. Upon the whole, it is morally certain,
this mode of opposition would be fruitless and de
fective. The exigency of the times requires vigor
ous and probable remedies ; not weak and improba
ble. It would, therefore, be the extreme of folly
to place any confidence in, much less confine our
selves wholly to it.
This being the case, we can have no resource but
in a restriction of our trade, or in a resistance vi et
armis. It is impossible to conceive any other alter
native. Our congress, therefore, have imposed
what restraint they thought necessary. Those who

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 19
condemn or clamor against it, do nothing more, nor
less, than advise us to be slaves.
I shall now examine the principal measures of
the congress, and vindicate them fully from the
charge of injustice or impolicy.
Were I to argue in a philosophical manner, I
might say, the obligation to a mutual intercourse,
in the vv^ay of trade, with the inhabitants of Great
Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, is of the im
perfect kind. There is no law, either of nature,
or of the civil society in which we live, that obliges
us to purchase, and make use of the products and
manufactures of a different land, or people. It is
indeed a dictate of humanity to contribute to the
support and happiness of our fellow-creatures, and
more especially those who are allied to us by the
ties of blood, interest, and mutual protection : but
humanity does not require us to sacrifice our own
security and welfare to the convenience or advan
tage of others. Self preservation is the first prin
ciple of our nature. When our lives and proper
ties are at stake, it would be foolish and unnatural
to refrain from such measures as might preserve
them, because they would be detrimental to others.
But we are justified upon another principle be
sides this. Though the manufacturers of Great
Britain and Ireland, and the inhabitants of the West
Indies, are not chargeable with any actual crime
towards America; they may, in apolitical view, be

20 A FULL VINDICATION
esteemed criminal. In a civil society, it is the du
ty of each particular branch to promote, not only
the good of the whole community, but the good of
every other particular branch : if one part endea
vors to violate the rights of another, the rest ought
to assist in preventing the injury. When they do
not, but remain neutral, they are deficient in their
duty, and may be regarded, in some measure, as
accomplices. The reason of this is obvious, from the design of
civil society ; which is, that the united strength of
the several members might give stability and se
curity to the whole body, and each respective mem
ber ; so that one part cannot encroach upon another,
without becoming a common enemy, and eventually
endangering the safety and happiness of all the
other parts.
Since, then, the persons who will be distressed
by the methods we are using for our own protec
tion, have, by their neutrality, first committed a
breach of an obligation, similar to that which bound
us to consult their emolument ; it is plain, the obli
gation upon us is annulled, and we are blameless in
what we are about to do.
With respect to the manufacturers of Great
Britain, they are criminal in a more particular sense.
Our oppression arises from that member of the great
body politic, of which they compose a considerable
part. So far as their influence has been wanting

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 21
to counteract the iniquity of their rulers, so far
they acquiesced in it, and are to be deemed con
federates in their guilt. It is impossible to excul
pate a people, that suffers its rulers to abuse and
tyrannise over others.
It may not be amiss to add, that we are ready to
receive with open arms, any who may be sufferers
by the operation of our measures, and recompense
them with every blessing our country affords to
honest industry. We will receive them as breth
ren, and make them sharers with us in all the ad
vantages we are struggling for.
From these plain and indisputable principles, the
mode of opposition we have chosen, is reconcileable
to the strictest maxims of justice. It remains now
to be examined, whether it has also the sanction
of good policy.
To render it agreeable to good policy, three
things are requisite. First, that the necessity of
the times requires it : secondly, that it be not the
probable source of greater evils than those it pre
tends to remedy : and lastly, that it have a proba
bility of success.
That the necessity of the times demands it, needs
but little elucidation. We are threatened with
absolute slavery : it has been proved, that resistance
by means of remonstrance and petition, would
not be eflicacious, and of course, that a restriction
on our trade, is the only peaceable method, in our

22 A FULL VINDICATION
power, to avoid the impending mischief: it follows,
therefore, that such a restriction is necessary.
That it is not the probable source of greater evils
than those it pretends to remedy, may easily be de
termined. The most abject slavery, which com
prehends almost every species of human misery, is
what it is designed to prevent.
The consequences of the means are a temporary
stagnation of commerce, and thereby a deprivation
of the luxuries, and some of the conveniencies, of
life. The necessaries, and many of the conve
niencies, our own fertile and propitious soil affords
us. No person that has enjoyed the sweets of liberty,
can be insensible of its infinite value, or can reflect
on its reverse, without horror and detestation. No
person that is not lost to every generous feeling of
humanity, or that is not stupidly blind to his own
interest, could bear to offer himself and posterity
as victims at the shrine of despotism, in preference
to enduring the short-lived inconveniences that
may result from an abridgment, or even entire sus
pension, of commerce.
Were not the disadvantages of slavery too obvious
to stand in need of it, I might enumerate and de
scribe the tedious train of calamities inseparable
from it. I might show that it is fatal to religion and
morality ; that it tends to debase the mind, and
corrupt its noblest springs of action. I might show

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 23
that it relaxes the sinews of industry, clips the
wings of commerce, and introduces misery and in
digence in every shape.
Under the auspices of tyranny, the life of the
subject is often sported with ; and the fruits of his
daily toil are consumed in oppressive taxes, that
serve to gratify the ambition, avarice, and lusts of
his superiors. Every court minion riots in the
spoils of the honest laborer, and despises the hand
by which he is fed. The page of history is re
plete with instances that loudly warn us to beware
of slavery.
Rome was the nurse of freedom. She was cele
brated for her justice and lenity ; but in what man
ner did she govern her dependent provinces'? They
were made the continual scene of rapine and cruel
ty. From thence let us learn, how little confidence
is due to the wisdom and equity of the most ex
emplary nations.
Should Americans submit to become the vassals
of their fellow subjects in Great Britain, their yoke
will be peculiarly grievous and intolerable. A vast
majority of mankind is entirely biassed by motives
of self-interest. Most men are glad to remove any
burthens off themselves, and place them upon the
necks of their neighbors. We cannot, therefore,
doubt, but that the British Parliament, with a view
to the ease and advantage of itself, and its con
stituents, would oppress and grind the Americans

24 A FULL VINDICATION
as much as possible. Jealousy would concur with
selfishness ; and for fear of the fiiture independence
of America, if it should be permitted to rise to too
great a height of splendor and opulence, every
method would be taken to drain it of its wealth,
and restrain its prosperity. We are already sus
pected of aiming at independence, and that is one
principal cause of the severity we experience. The
same cause will always operate against us, and pro
duce a uniform severity of treatment.
The evils which may flow from the execution of
our measures, if we consider them with respect to
their extent and duration, are comparatively nothing.
In all human probability they will scarcely be felt.
Reason and experience teach us, that the conse
quences would be too fatal to Great Britain to ad
mit of delay. There is an immense trade between
her and the colonies. The revenues arising from
thence are prodigious. The consumption of her
manufactures in these colonies, supplies the means
of subsistence to a vast number of her most useful
inhabitants. The experiment we have made here
tofore, shows us of how much importance our com
mercial connexion isto her ; and gives us the high
est assurance of obtaining immediate redress by
suspending -it.
From these considerations it is evident, she must
do something decisive.' She must either listen to
our complaints, and restore us to a peaceful enjoy-

OP THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 25
ment of our viplated rights ; or she must exert her
self to enforce her despotic claims by fire and sword.
To imagine she would prefer the latter, implies a
charge of the grossest infatuation, of madness itself.
Our numbers are very considerable : the courage
of Americans has been tried and proved. Contests
for liberty have ever been found the raost bloody,
implacable, and obstinate. The disciplined troops
Great Britain could send against us, would be but
few. Our superiority in number, would overbalance
our inferiority in discipline. It would be a hard, if
not an impracticable, task, to subjugate us by force.
Besides, while Great Britain was engaged in car
rying on an unnatural war against us, her commerce
would be in a state of decay. Her revenues would
be decreasing. An armament, sufiicient to enslave
America, would put her to an insupportable ex
pense. She would be laid open to the attacks of foreign
enemies. Ruin, like a deluge, would pour in from
every quarter. After lavishing her blood and trea
sure, to reduce us to a state of vassalage, she would
herself become a prey to some triumphant neigh
bor. These are not imaginary mischiefs. The colonies
contain above three millions of people. Commerce
flourishes with the raost rapid progress throughout
them. This comraerce. Great Britain has hitherto
regulated to her own advantage. Can we think
VOL. I. 4

26 A FULL VINDICATION
the annihilation of so exuberant a source of wealth,
a matter of trifling import ? On the contrary, must
it not be productive of the most disastrous effects ?
It is evident it must. It is equally evident, that
the conquest of so numerous a people, armed in the
animating cause of liberty, could not be accom^
plished without an inconceivable expense of blood
and treasure.
We cannot, therefore, suspect Great Britain to
be capable of such frantic extravagance as to hazard
these dreadfiil consequences ; without which, she
must necessarily desist from her unjust pretensions,
0,nd leave us in the undisturbed possession of our
privileges. Those, who affect to ridicule the resistance Ameri
ca might make to the military force of Great Britain,
and represent its humiliation a^ a matter the most
easily to be achieved, betray, either a mind clouded
by the most irrational prejudices, or a total ignorance
of human nature. However, it mus^t be the wish
pf every honest man never to see a trial.
But should we admit a possibility of a third course,
as our pamphleteer supposes; that is, the endeavoring
to bring us to a compliance by putting a stop to our
whole trade : even this would not be so terrible as
he pretends. We can live without trade of any
kind. Food and clothing we have within ourselves.
Our climate produces cotton, wool, flax, and hemp ;
whieh, with proper cultivE^tion, would furnish us with

bl* THE MEASURES OP THE CONGRESS, ETC. 27
summer apparel in abundance. The article of cot-"
ton, indeed, would do more ; it would contribute to
defend us from the inclemency of winter. We
have sheep, which, with due care in improving and
increasing them, would soon yield a sufficiency of
Wool. The large quantity of skins we have among
us, would never let us want a Warm and comforta*
ble suit. It would be no unbecoming employment
for our daughters, to provide silks of theit owri
country. The silk-worm answers as well here aS
in any part of the world. Those hands, which may
be deprived of business by the Cessation of com--
merce, may be occupied in various kinds of manu^
factures, and other internal improvements. If, by
the necessity of the thing, manufactures should once
be established, and take root among us, they will
pave the way, still more, to the future grandeur and
glory of America ; and, by lessening its need of ex*
ternal commerce, will render it still securer against
the encroachments of tyranny.
It is, however, chimerical to imagine, that the
circumstances of Great Britain will admit of such
a tardy method of subjugating us, for reasons which
have been already given, and which shall be cor--
roborated by others equally forcible,
i come now to consider the last and principal in-^
gredient that constitutes the policy of a measure,
which iSj a probability of success. I have been
obliged to anticipate this part of my subject in con
sidering the second requisite ; and, indeed, what I

28 A FULL VINDICATION
have already said, seems to me to leave no room
for doubting, that the means we have used will be
successfiil : but I shall here examine the matter more
thoroughly, and endeavor to evince it more fully.
The design of the Congress in their proceedings,
it cannot, and need not, be denied, was, either, by
a prospect of the evil consequences, to influence
the ministry to give up their enterprise ; or, should
they prove inflexible, to affect the inhabitants of
Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, in such
a manner, as to rouse thera frora their state of neu-
trahty, and engage them to unite with us in oppo
sing the lawless hand of tyranny, which is extended
to ravish our liberty from us, and might soon be ex
tended for the sarae purpose against them.
The Farmer mentions, as one probable conse
quence of our measures, " clamors, discord, confu
sion, raobs, riots, insurrections, rebellions in Great
Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies;" though at
the same time that he thinks it is, he also thinks it
is not, a probable consequence. For my part, with
out hazarding any such seeming contradictions, I
shall, in a plain way, assert, that I verily believe,
a non-importation and non-exportation, will effect
all the purposes they are intended for.
It is no easy matter to raake any tolerably exact
estimate of the advantages that accrue to Great
Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, frora their
commercial intercourse with the colonies ; nor, in
deed, is it necessary. Every man, the least ac-

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 29
quainted with the state and extent of our trade,
must be convinced, it is the source of imraense
revenues to the parent state, and gives employment
and bread to a vast nuraber of his Majesty's subjects.
It is impossible but that a suspension of it, for any
time, must introduce beggary and wretchedness, in
an eminent degree, both in England and Ireland.
And as to the West India plantations, they could
not possibly subsist without us. I am the more
confident of this, because I have a pretty general
acquaintance with their circumstances and depen
dencies. We are told, " that it is highly iraprobable, we
shall succeed in distressing the people of Great
Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, so far as to
oblige thera to join with us in getting the acts of
Parliaraent, which we complain of, repealed. The
first distress," it is said, "will fall on ourselves : it will
be more severely felt by us, than any part of all
his Majesty's dominions, and will affect us the
longest. The fleets of Great Britain, command
respect throughout the globe. Her influence ex-
tends to every part of the earth. Her manufactures
are equal to any, superior to most in the world.
Her wealth is great. Her people, enterprising and
persevering in their attempts to extend, and enlarge,
and protect, her trade. The total loss of our trade
will be felt only for a time. Her merchants would
turn their attention another way : new sources of

80 A FULL VINDICATION
trade and Wealth would be opened : new schemes
pursued. She would soon find a vent for all her
manufactures in spite of all we could do. Our
mahce would hurt only ourselves. Should our
schemes distress some branches of her trade, it
would be only for a time : and there is ability and
humanity enough in the nation, to relieve those
that are distressed by us, and put them in some
other way of getting their living."
The omnipotence and all-sufliciency of Great
Britain, may be pretty good topics for her passionate
admirers to exercise their declamatory powers upon^
for amusement and trial of skill ; but they ought
not to be proposed to the world as matters of truth
and reality. In the calmj unprejudiced eye of
reason, they are altogether visionary. As to her
wealth, it is notorious that she is oppressed with a
heavy national debt, which it requires the utmost
policy and economy ever to discharge. Luxury
has arrived to a great pitch ; and it is a universal
maxim, that luxury indicates the declension of a
state. Her subjects are loaded with the raost enor
mous taxes. All circumstances agree in declaring
their distress. The continual emigrations from
Great Britain and Ireland to the continent, are a
glaring symptom that those kingdoms are a good
deal impoverished.
The attention of Great Britain has hitherto been
constantly awake to expand her commerce. She

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 31
has been vigilant to explore every region, with
which it might be her interest to trade. One of
the principal branches of her commerce, is with the
colonies. These colonies, as they are now settled
and peopled, have been the work of near two cen
turies. They are blessed with every advantage of
soil, climate, and situation. They have advanced
with an almost incredible rapidity. It is, therefore,
an egregious piece of absurdity to affirm, that the
loss of our trade would be felt for a time (which
must signify a short time). No new schemes could
be pursued that would not require, at least, as much
time to repair the loss of our trade, as was spent in
bringing it to its present degree of perfection, which
is near two centuries. Nor can it be reasonably
imagined, that the total and sudden loss of so ex
tensive and lucrative a branch, would not produce
the most violent effects to a nation that subsists
entirely upon its commerce,
It is said, " There is ability and humanity enough
in the nation, to relieve those that are distressed
by us, and to put them into some other way of
getting their living." I wish the gentleman had
obliged his readers so much as to have pointed out
this other way. I raust confess, I have racked ray
brains to no purpose to discover it : and I am fully
of opinion it is purely ideal. Besides the common
inechanic arts, which are subservient to the ordi
nary uses of life, and which are the instruments of

32 A FULL VINDICATION
commerce, I know no other ways, in time of peace,
in which men can be employed, except in agricul
ture and the liberal arts. Persons employed in the
mechanic arts, are those, whora the abridgeraent
of commerce would immediately affect : and as to
such branches as might be less affected, they are
already sufiiciently stocked with workmen, and
could give bread to no more. Not only so, but I
can't see by what legerdemain, a weaver, or clothier,
could be at once converted into a carpenter or
blacksmith. With respect to agriculture, the lands
of Great Britain and Ireland have been long ago
distributed and taken up ; nor do they require any
additional laborers to till them : so that there could
be no employment in this way. The liberal arts
cannot maintain those who are already devoted to
them ; not to say, it is more than probable, the
generality of mechanics, would make but indiffer
ent philosophers, poets, painters, and musicians.
What poor shifts is sophistry obliged to have re
course to ! We are threatened with the resentment
of those against whom our measures will operate.
It is said, that " instead of conciliating, we shall
alienate, the affections of the people of Great
Britain : of friends, we shall make thera our ene
mies." And further, that " we shall excite the re
sentment of the government at home against us ;
which will do us no good, but, on the contrary, much
harm."

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 33
Soon after, we are told, that " we shall probably
raise the resentment of the Irish and West Indians.
The passions of huraan nature," it is said, " are
much the same in all countries. If they find us
disposed, wantonly to distress them, to serve our
own purposes, they will look out for sorae raethod
to do without us. Will they not look elsewhere, for
a supply of those articles they used to take from
us ? They would deserve to be despised for their
meanness, did they not."
To these objections I reply, first, with respect to
the inhabitants of Great Britain; that if they are
our friends, as is supposed, and as we have reason
to believe ; they cannot, without being destitute of
rationality, be incensed against us, for using the
only peaceable and probable means, in our power,
to preserve our invaded rights. They know, by their
own experience, how fruitless remonstrances and
petitions are. They know we have tried them, over
and over, to no purpose. They know, also, how dan
gerous to their liberties, the loss of ours must be.
What, then, could excite their resentment, if they
have the least regard to common justice ? The ca
lamities that threaten them, proceed from the weak
ness, or wickedness, of their own rulers, which cora
pels us to take the measures we do. The insinuation,
that we wantonly distress them, to serve our own
purposes, is futile, and unsupported by a single ar
gument. I have shown, we could have no other
resource ; nor can they think our conduct such, with-
VOL. I. 5

34 A FULL VINDICATION
out a degree of infatuation that it would be impos
sible to provide against, and, therefore, useless to
consult. It is most reasonable to believe, they will
revenge the evils they may feel, on the true authors
of them ; on an aspiring and ill-judging ministry ;
not on us, who act out of a melancholy necessity,
and are the innocent causes in self-defence.
With respect to the ministry, it is certain, that
any thing which has a tendency to frustrate their
designs, will not fail to excite their displeasure.
But since we have nothing to expect from their jus
tice and lenity, it can be no objection to a measure,
that it tends to stir up their resentment. But their
resentment (it is often said) may ruin us. The im
possibility of doing that, without, at the same time,
ruining Great Britain, is a sufficient security.
The same may be said, with regard to the Irish
and the West Indians, which has been said con
cerning the people of Great Britain. The Irish, in
particular, by their own circumstances, will be
taught to sympathize with us, and commend our
conduct. Justice will direct their resentment to
its proper objects.
It is true, self-love will prompt, both the Irish and
the West Indians, to take every method in their
power, to escape the raiseries they are in danger
of But what methods can they take ? " The Irish,"
it is said, " may be supplied with flax-seed from
Holland, the Baltic, and the river St. Lawrence.
Canada produces no inconsiderable quantity alrea-

OF THE MEASURES OP THE CONGRESS, ETC. 35
dy." And as to the West Indies, "they produce
now, many of the necessaries of life. The quantity
may be easily increased. Canada will furnish them
with many articles they now take from us ; flour,
lumber, horses, &c. Georgia, the Fioridas, and the
Mississippi, abound in lumber : Nova Scotia in fish."
The Dutch are rivals to the English in their cora
merce. They make large quantities of fine linens,
gauze, laces, etc., which require the flax to be
picked before it comes to seed : for which reason,
it is not in their power to raise much more seed
than they want for their own use. Ireland has al
ways had the surplus from them. They could, if
they were ever so willing, enlarge their usual sup
plies but very little. It is, indeed, probable they
raay withhold them. They may choose to iraprove
the occasion for the advancement of their owii
trade. They may take advantage of the scarcity
of materials in Ireland, to increase and put off their
own manufactures.
The Baltic has ever supplied Ireland with its flax ;
and she has been able to consume that, with all she
could derive from other quarters.
As to Canada, I am well informed, it could at
present afford but a very inconsiderable quantity.
It has had little encouragement, hitherto, to raise
that article ; and, of course, has not much attended
to it. The instances mentioned, of seed being
" bought up there a,t a low price, brought to Nevy-

36 A FULL VINDICATION
York, and sold to the Irish factors at a great ad
vance," does not prove there is any quantity raised
there. Its cheapness proceeds from there being no
deraand for it ; and where there was no demand,
there was no inducement to cultivate it.
Upon the whole it appears, that the supplies of
flax-seed, which Ireland might draw elsewhere,
could be trifling, in comparison with those received
from us, and not at all equivalent to her wants.
But if this were not the case; if she raight procure
a sufficiency without our help ; yet could she not
do without us. She would want purchasers for
her linens after they were manufactured : and
where could she find any so numerous and wealthy
as we are ? I must refer it to the profound sagaci
ty of Mr. A W, Farmer, to explore them : it is too
arduous a task for me.
Much less could the West Indies subsist inde
pendent of us. Notwithstanding the continual im
ports from hence, there is seldora, or ever, in any
of the Islands, a sufficient stock of provisions to
last sis raonths ; which may give us an idea, how
great the consumption is. The necessaries they
produce within theraselves, when corapared with
the consumption, are scarcely worth mentioning.
Very sraall portions of the land are appropriated to
the productions of such necessaries : indeed it is
too valuable to admit of it. Nor could the quantity
be increased to any material degree, without ap-

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 37
plying the whole of the land to it. It is alleged,
that " Canada will furnish them with flour, lumber,
horses, &c. :" and that " Georgia, the Fioridas, and
Mississippi, abound in lumber : Nova Scotia in fish."
These countries have been all along carrying on a
trade to the West Indies, as well as we : and can
it be imagined, that, alone, they will be able to
supply them tolerably ? The Canadians have been
indolent, and have not improved their country as
they ought to have done. The wheat they raise
at present, over and above what they have occasion
for themselves, would be found to go but little way
among the islands. Those who think the contra
ry, must have mistaken notions of them. They
must be unapprized ofthe number of souls they con
tain. Almost every one hundred and fifty, or two
hundred, acres of land, exclusive of populous towns,
comprehend a hundred people. It is not a small
quantity of food that will suffice for so many. Ten
or fifteen years diligence, I grant, might enable
Canada to perform what is now expected from her ;
but, inthe mean time, the West Indians might
have the satisfaction of starving.
To suppose the best ; which is, that by applying
their cane-lands to the purpose of procuring suste
nance, they may preserve themselves from starving :
still, the consequences must be very serious or
pernicious. The wealthy planters would but ill
relish the loss of their crops : and such of them as

38 A FULL VINDICATION
were considerably in debt, would be ruined. At
any rate, the revenues of Great Britain would suf
fer a vast diminution.
The Farmer, I am inclined to hope, builds too
much upon the present disunion of Canada, Georgia,
the Fioridas, the Mississippi, and Nova Scotia, from
other colonies. A little time, I trust, will awaken
them from their slumbers, and bring them to a
proper sense of their indiscretion. I please myself
with the flattering prospect, that they will, ere
long, unite in one indissoluble chain with the rest
of the colonies. I cannot believe, they will persist
in such a conduct, as must exclude them from the
secure enjoyment of those heaven-descended im
munities we are contending for.
There is one argument I have frequently heard
urged, which it may be of some use to invalidate.
It is this : that if the mother country should be
inclined to an accommodation of our disputes ; we
have, by our rash procedure, throvra an insurmount
able obstacle in her way : we have made it
disgraceful to her to comply wath our requisitions,
because they are proposed in a hostile manner.
Our present measures, I have proved, are the
only peaceable ones we could place the least confi
dence in. They are the least exceptionable, upon
the score of irritating Great Britain, of any our
circumstances would permit. The Congress have
petitioned his Majesty for the redress of grievances.

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 39
They have, na doubt, addressed him in the most
humble, respectful, and affectionate terms : assured
him of their own loyalty and fidelity ; and of the
loyalty and fideUty of his American subjects in
general : endeavored to convince him, that we have
been misrepresented and abused : and expressed
an earnest desire, to see an amicable termination of
the unhappy differences now existing. Can a
pretext be wanting, in this case, to preserve the
dignity of this parent state, and yet remove the
complaints of the colonies ? How easy would it
be, to overlook our particular agreements, and grant
us redress in consequence of our petitions ? It is
easy to perceive there would be no difficulty in this
respect. I have omitted many considerations which might
be adduced, to show the impolicy of Great Britain's
delaying to accommodate matters, and attempting
to enforce submission, by cutting off all external
sources of trade. To say all the subject allows,
would spin out this piece to an immoderate length.
I shall therefore content myself with mentioning
only three things more. First, it would be extreme
ly hurtful to the commerce, of Great Britain, to drive
us to the necessity of laying a regular foundation
for manufactories of our own ; which, if once esta
blished, could not easily, if at all, be undermined,
or abolished. Secondly, it would be very expen
sive to the nation, to maintain a fleet, for the purpose

40 A FULL VINDICATION
of blocking up our ports and destroying our trade :
nor could she interrupt our intercourse with foreign
climes, without, at the same tirae, retrenching her
own revenues ; for she must then lose the duties
and customs upon the articles we are wont to ex
port to, and import from, them. Added to this, it
would not be prudent to risk the displeasure of
those nations, to whom our trade is useful and
beneficial. And lastly, a perseverance in ill-treat
ment, would naturally beget such deep-rooted
animosities in America, as might never be eradi
cated ; and which might operate to the prejudice
of the empire, to the latest period.
Thus have I clearly proved, that the plan of op
position concerted by our Congress, is perfectly
consonant with justice and sound policy ; and will,
in all human probabilityj secure our freedom against
the assaults of our enemies.
But, after all, it may be demanded, why they have
adopted a non-exportation; seeing many arguments
tend to show, that a non-importation, alone, would
accomplish the end desired ?
I answer, that the continuance of our exports, is
the only thing which could lessen, or retard, the
efficacy of a non-importation. It is not, indeed,
probable it should do that to any great degree ;
but it was advisable to provide against every possi
ble obstruction. Besides this, the prospect of its
taking place, and of the evils attendant upon it.

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 41
will be a, prevailing raotive with the ministry, to
abandon their malignant schemes. It will also
serve to convince them, that we are not afraid of
putting ourselves to any inconveniences, sooner
than be the victims of their lawless ambition.
The execution of this measure, has been wisely
deferred to a future time ; because we have the
greatest reason to think, affairs will be settled
without it ; and because its consequences would be
too fatal, to be justified by any thing but absolute
necessity. This necessity there will be, should not
our disputes terminate before the time allotted for
its commencement.
Before I conclude this part of my address, I will
answer two very singular interrogatories proposed
by the Farmer. " Can we think," says he, " to
threaten, and bully, and frighten, the supreme go
vernment of the nation into a compliance with our
demands ? Can we expect to force submission to
our peevish and petulant humors, by exciting
clamors and riots in England ?" No, gentle sir.
We neither desire, nor endeavor, to threaten, bully,
nor frighten, any persons into a compliance with our
demands. We have no peevish and petulant
humors to be submitted to. All we aim at, is, to
convince your high and mighty masters, the mi
nistry, that we are not such asses as to let them
ride us as they please. We are determined to
show them, that we know the value of freedom 5
VOL. I. 6

42 a full vindication
nor shall their rapacity extort that inestimable jewel
from us, without a manly and virtuous struggle.
But for your part, sweet Sir ! though we cannot
much applaud your wisdora, yet we are corapelled
to admire your valor, which leads you to hope you
may be able to swear, threaten, bully, and frighten,
all America into a compliance with your sinister
designs. When properly accoutred, and armed
with your formidable hickory cudgel, what may not
the ministry expect from such a champion ? Alas,
for the poor committee gentlemen ! how I tremble
when I reflect on the many wounds and scars they
must receive from your tremendous arm I Alas,
for their supporters and abettors ! a very large part,
indeed, of the continent : but what of that ? They
must all be soundly drubbed with that confounded
hickory cudgel : for surely you would not under
take to drub one of them, without knowing yourself
able to treat all their friends and adherents in the
same manner; since 'tis plain you would bring
them all upon your back.
I am now to address myself in particular to the
Farmers of New- York.
My Good Countrymen :
The reason I address myself to you, in particular,
is, because I am one of your number, or connected
with you in interest, more than with any other
branch of the community. I love to speak the
truth, and would scorn to prejudice you in favor of

OF THE MEASURES OP THE CONGRESS, ETC. 43
what I have to say, by taking upon me a fictitious
character, as other people have done. I can venture
to assure you, the true writer of the piece signed
A W. Farmer, is not in reality a Farmer. He is
some ministerial emissary, that has assumed the
name to deceive you, and make you swallow the
intoxicating potion he has prepared for you. But I
have a better opinion of you, than to think he will
be able to succeed. I am persuaded, you love
yourselves and children better than to let any
designing men cheat you out of your liberty and
property, to serve their own purposes. You would
be a disgrace to your ancestors, and the bitterest
enemies to yourselves, and to your posterity, if you
did not act like men, in protecting and defending
those rights you have hitherto enjoyed.
I say, my friends, I do not address you in particu
lar, because I have any greater connexion with
you than with other people. I despise all false
pretensions, and mean arts. Let those have re
course to dissimulation and falsehood, who can't
defend their cause without it. 'T is my maxim, to
let the plain naked truth speak for itself: and if
men won't listen to it, 't is their own fault : they
must be contented to suffer for it. I am neither
' merchant, nor farmer. I address you, because I
wish well to my country, and of course to you, who
are one chief support of it ; and because an attempt

44 A FULL VINDICATION
has been made to lead you astray in particular.
You are the raen, too, who would lose most, should
you be foolish enough to counteract the prudent
measures our worthy Congress has taken, for the
preservation of our liberties. Those who advise
you to do it, are not your friends, but your greatest
foes. They would have you made slaves, that
they may pamper themselves with the fruits of your
honest labor. 'T is the Farmer who is most op
pressed in all countries where slavery prevails.
You have seen how clearly I have proved, that
a non-importation and non-exportation, are the only
peaceable means in our power, to save ourselves
from the most dreadfiil state of slavery. I have
shown there is not the least hope to be placed in
any thing else. I have confiited all the principal
cavils raised by the pretended Farmer ; and I hope,
before I finish, to satisfy you, that he has attempted
to frighten you with the prospect of evils which
will never happen. This, indeed, I have, in a
great measure, done already, by making appear, the
great probability, I may almost say, certainty, that
our measures will procure us the most speedy re
dress. Are you willing, then, to be slaves without a
single struggle ? Will you give up your freedom,
or, which is the same thing, will you resign all
security for your life and property, rather than

OF THE MEASURES OP THE CONGRESS, ETC. 45
endure some small present inconveniences ? Will
you not take a little trouble to transmit the advan
tages you now possess, to those who are to come
after you ? I cannot doubt it. I would not sus
pect you of so much baseness and stupidity, as to
suppose the contrary.
Pray, who can tell me why a farmer in America,
is not as honest and good a man as a farmer in
England 1 or, why has not the one as good a right
to what he has earned by his labor as the other ?
I can't, for my life, see any distinction between
them. And yet, it seems, the English farmers are
to be governed and taxed by their own Assembly,
or Parliament ; and the American farmers are not.
The former, are to choose their own Representa
tives from among themselves, whose interest is
connected with theirs, and over whom they have
proper control. The latter, are to be loaded with
taxes by men three thousand miles off; by men
who have no interest or connexions among them ;
but whose interest it will be, to burden them as
much as possible ; and over whom they cannot
have the least restraint. How do you like this
doctrine, my friends ? Are you ready to own the
English farmers for your masters ? Are you willing
to acknowledge their right to take your property
from you, and when they please ? I know you
scorn the thought. You had rather die than sub^
mit to it.

46 A FULL VINDICATION
But some people try to make you believe, we are
disputing about the foolish trifle of three pence
duty upon tea. They may as well tell you, that
black is white. Surely you can judge for your
selves. Is a dispute, whether the Parliament of
Great Britain shall make what laws, and impose
what taxes, they please upon us, or not ; I say, is
this a dispute about three pence duty upon tea ?
The man that affirms it, deserves to be laughed at.
It is true, we are denying to pay the duty upon
tea ; but it is not for the value of the thing itself
It is, because we cannot submit to that, without
acknowledging the principle upon which it is
founded ; and that principle is, a right to tax us in
all cases whatsoever.
You have heretofore experienced the benefit of
being taxed by your own Assemblies only. Your
burdens are so light, that you scarcely feel thera.
You'd soon find the difference, if you were once to
let the Parliament have the management of these
matters. How would you like to pay four shillings a year,*
out of every pound your farms are worth, to be
squandered (at least a great part of it) upon minis
terial tools and court sycophants ? What would
you think of giving a tenth part of the yearly pro
ducts of your lands to the clergy ? Would you
* The full price of your farms every five yean.

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 47
not think it very hard to pay ten shillings sterling,
per annum, for every wheel of your waggons and
other carriages ; a shilling or two for every pane
of glass in your houses ; and two or three shillings
for every one of your hearths ? I might mention
taxes upon your mares, cows, and many other
things ; but those I have already mentioned, are
sufficient. Methinks I see you stare, and hear you
ask, how you could live, if you were to pay such
heavy taxes ? Indeed, my friends, I can't tell you.
You are to look out for that, and take care you do
not run yourselves in the way of danger, by follow
ing the advice of those who want to betray you.
This you may depend upon ; if ever you let the
Parliament carry its point, you will have these and
more to pay. Perhaps, before long,, your tables,.
and chairs, and platters, and dishes, and knives, and
forks, and every thing else, would be taxed. Nay,
I don't know but they would find means to tax you
for every child you got, and for every kiss your
daughters received from their sweet-hearts; an J
God knowSj that would soon ruin you. The people
of England would pull down the Parliament House,,
if their present heavy burdens were not transferred
from them to you. Indeed, there is no reason ta
think, the Parliament would have any inclination to
spare you. The contrary is evident.
But being ruined by taxes, is not the worst you
have to fear. What security would you have for

48 A FULL VINDICATION
your lives ? How can any of you be sure you
would have the free enjoyment of your religion
long ? Would you put your religion in the power
of any set of men living 1 Remember, civil and
religious liberty always go together: ifthe founda
tion of the one be sapped, the other will fall of
course. Call to mind one of our sister colonies, Boston,
Reflect upon the situation of Canada; and then tell
me, whether you are inclined to place any confi
dence in the justice and humanity of the Parlia
ment. The port of Boston is blocked up, and an
army planted in the town. An act has been passed
to alter its charter ; to prohibit its assemblies ; tb
license the murder of its inhabitants ; and to con
vey them from their own country to Great Britain,
to be tried for their lives. What was all this for 1
Just because a small number of people, provoked
by an open and dangerous attack upon their liber
ties, destroyed a parcel of Tea belonging to the
East India Company. It was not public, but pri
vate, property they destroyed. It was not the act
of the whole province, but the act of a part of the
citizens. Instead of trying to discover the perpe
trators, and commencing a legal prosecution against
them ; the Parliament of Great Britain interfered
in an unprecedented manner, and inflicted a punish
ment upon a whole province, " untried, unheard,
unconvicted of any crime." This may be justice,

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 49
but it looks SO much like cruelty, that a man of a
humane heart would be more apt to call it by the
latter than the former name.
The affair of Canada, if possible, is still worse.
The English laws have been superseded by the
French laws. The Romish faith is made the es
tablished religion of the land, and his Majesty is
plabed at the head of it. The free exercise of the
Protestant faith, depends upon the pleasure of the
Governor and Council. The .subject is divested of
the right of trial by jury ; and an innocent man may
be imprisoned his whole life, without being able
to obtain any trial at all. The Parliament was not
contented with introducing arbitrary power and
popery in Canada, with its former limits; but they
have annexed to it, the vast tracts of land that sur
round all the colonies.
Does not your blood run cold, to think that an
English Parliament should pass an act for the es
tablishment of arbitrary power and popery, in such
an extensive country ? If they had had any re
gard to the freedom and happiness of mankind,
they would never have done it. If they had been
friends to the Protestant cause, they would never
have provided such a nursery for its great enemy :
they would not have given such encouragement to
popery. The thought of their conduct, in this par
ticular, shocks me. It must shock you, too, my
friends. Beware of trusting yourselves to men,
VOL. I. 7

50 A FULL VINDICATION
who are capable of such an action ! They may
as well establish popery in New- York, and the other
colonies, as they did in Canada. They had no
more right to do it there than here.
Is it not better, I ask, to suffer a few present in
conveniences, than to put yourselves in the way of
losing everything that is precious ? Your lives, your
property, your religion, are all at stake. I do my
duty. I warn you of your danger. If you should
still be so mad £is to bring destruction upon your
selves ; if you should still neglect what you owe
to God and man ; you cannot plead ignorance in
your excuse. Your consciences will reproach you
for your foUy ; and your children's children will
curse you.
You are told, the schemes of our Congress will
ruin you. You are told, they have not considered
your interest ; but have neglected, or betrayed you.
It is endeavored to make you look upon some of
the wisest and best men in America, as rogues and
rebels. What will not wicked men attempt!.
They will scruple nothing, that may serve their
purposes. In truth, my friends, it is very unlikely
any of us shall suffer much : but let the worst hap
pen, the farmers will be better off than other
people. Many of those that made up the Congress, have
large possessions in land, and may, therefore, be
looked upon as farmers themselves. Can it be sup-

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 51
posed, they would be careless about the farmer's
interest, when they could not injure that, without
injuring themselves ? You see the absurdity of
such a supposition.
The merchants, and a great part of the trades
men, get their living by commerce. These are the
people that would be hurt most, by putting a stop
to it. As to the farmers, " they furnish food for the
merchant and mechanic : the raw materials for most
manufactures, are the produce of their industry."
The merchants and mechanics are already depen
dent upon the farmers for their food : and if the
non-importation should continue any time, they
would be dependent upon them for their clothes
also. It is a false assertion, that the merchants have
imported more than usual this year. That report
has been raised by your enemies, to poison your
minds with evil suspicions. If our disputes be not
settled within eighteen months, the goods we have
among us, will be consumed; and then the mate
rials for making clothes must be had from you.
Manufactures must be promoted with vigor ; and a
high price will be given for your wool, flax, and
hemp. It will be your interest to pay the greatest
care and attention to your sheep. Increase and
improve the breed as much as possible. Kill them
sparingly, and such only as will not be of use to
ward the increase and improvement of thera. In

52 A FULL VINDICATION
a few raonths we shall know what we have to trust
to. If raatters be not accommodated by spring,
enlarge the quantity of your flax and hemp. You
will experience the benefit of it. All those arti
cles wiU be very much wanted : they will bring a
great deal higher price than they used to do. And
while you are supplying the wants of the commu
nity, you will be enriching 5 ourselves.
Should we hereafter find it necessary to stop our
exports, you can apply more of your land to raising
flajc and hemp, and less of it to wheat, rye, &c.
By which means, you will not have any of those
latter articles to Lie upon hand. There will be a
consumption for as much of the former as you can
raise ; and the great demand they will be in, will
make them very profitable to you.
Patience, good Mr. Critic ! Kill them sparingly,
I said. What objection have you to the phrase 1
You'll teU me, it is not classical ; but I affirm it is,
and if you will condescend to look into Mr. John
son's dictionary, you will find I have his authority
for it. Pray, then, for the future, spare yom* wit,
upon such occasions, otherwise the world will not
be disposed to spare its ridicule. And though the
man that spares nobody, does not deserve to be
spared himself, yet will I spare you, for the present,.
and proceed to things of more importance.
Pardon me, my friends, for taking up your time,
with this digression; but I could not forbear step-

OF THE MEASURES OP THE CONGRESS, ETC. 53
ping out of the way a little, to show the World, I
am as able a critic, and as good a punster, as Mr.
Farmer. I now return to the main point with plea
sure. It is insinuated, "That the bustle about non-im
portation, &c,, has its rise, not from patriotism, but
selfishness ;" and is only made by the merchants,
that they may get a high price for their goods.
By this time, I flatter myself you are convinced,
that we are not disputing about trifles. It has been
clearly proved to you, that we are contending for
eiverything dear in life ; and that the measures
adopted by the Congress, are the only ones which
can save us from ruin. This is sufficient to confute
that insinuation. But to confirm it, let me observe
to you, that the merchants have not been the fore
most to bring about a non-importation. All the
members of the Congress were unanimous in it ; and
many of them were not merchants. The warmest
advocates for it, every where, are not concerned
in trade : and, as I before remarked, the traders
will be the principal sufferers, if it should con
tinue any time.
But, it is said, it will not continue, because,
" when the stores are like to become empty, they
will have weight enough to break up the agree
ment." I don't think they would attempt it : but,
if they should, it is impossible, a few mercenary
men could have influence enough to make the

54 A FULL VINDICATION
whole body of the people give up the only plan
their circumstances admit of, for the preservation of
their rights, and, of course, to forfeit all they have
been so long striving to secure. The making of a
non-importation agreement, did not depend upon the
merchants ; neither will the breaking of it depend
upon them. The Congress have provided against
the breach of the non-importation, by the non-
consumption agreement. They have resolved, for
themselves, and us, their constituents, " not to pur
chase, nor use, any East India Tea whatsoever ;
nor any goods, wares, or merchandise, from Great
Britain, or Ireland, imported after the first of De
cember ; nor molasses, &c., from the West Indies ;
nor wine, from Madeira, or the Western Islands ;
nor foreign indigo." If we do not purchase, nor
use, these things, the merchant will have no in
ducement to import them.
Hence, you may perceive, the reason of a non-
consumption agreement. It is, to put it out of the
power of dishonest men, to break the non-importa
tion. Is this a slavish regulation! Or, is it a
hardship upon us, to submit to it ? Surely not.
Every sensible, every good man, mast approve of
it. Whoever tries to disaffect you to it, ought to
meet with your contempt.
Take notice, my friends, how these men are
obliged to contradict themselves. In one place,
you are told, " that all the bustle about non-impor-

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 55
tation, &c,, has its rise, not from patriotism, but
from selfishness ;" or, in other words, that it is
made by the merchants, to get a higher price for
their goods. In another place, it is said, " that all
we are doing, is instigated by some turbulent men,
who want to establish a republican form of govern
ment among us."
The Congress is censured, for appointing com
mittees to carry their measures into execution,
and directing them, " to estabUsh such further
regulations, as they may think proper, for that pur
pose." Pray, did we not appoint our Delegates, to
make regulations for us ? What signified making
them, if they did not provide some persons, to see
them executed ? Must a few bad men be left to
do what they please, contrary to the general sense
of the people, without any persons to control them,
or to look into their behaviour, and mark them out
to the public ? The man that desires to screen his
knavery from the public eye, will answer. Yes :
but the honest man, that is determined to do
nothing hurtful to his country, and who is conscious
his actions will bear the light, will heartily answer,.
No. The high prices of goods are held up, to make
you dissatisfied with the non-importation. If the
argument on this head were true, it would be much
better to subject yourselves to that disadvantage,
for a time, than to bring upon yourselves all the

56 A FULL VINDICATION
mischiefs I have pointed out to you. Should you
submit to the claims of the Parliament, you will
not only be oppressed with the taxes upon your
lands, &c., which I have already mentioned ; but
you will have to pay heavy taxes upon all the
goods we import from Great Britain. Large duties
will be laid upon them at home; andthe merchants,
of course, will have a greater price for them, or it
would not be worth their while to carry on trade.
The duty laid upon paper, glass, painter's colors,
&c., was a beginning of this kind. The present
duty upon tea, is preparatory to the imposition of
duties upon all other articles. Do you think the
Parliament would make such a serious matter of
three pence a pound upon tea, if it intended to stop
there 1 It is absurd to imagine it. You would
soon find your mistake if you did. For fear of
paying somewhat a higher price to the merchants,
for a year or two, you would have to pay an endless
list of taxes, within and without, as long as you
Uve, and your children after you.
But, I trust, there is no danger that the prices of
goods will rise much, if at all. The same Congress,
that put a stop to the importation of them, has also
forbid raising the prices of them. The same com
mittee that is to regulate the one, is also to regu
late the other. All care will be taken to give no
cause of dissatisfaction. Confide in the men whom
you, and the rest of the continent, have chosen the

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 57
guardians of our common liberties. They are men
of sense and virtue. They will do nothing but
what is really necessary for the security of your
lives and properties.
A sad pother is made, too, about prohibiting the
exportation of sheep without excepting wethers.
The poor Farmer is at a mighty loss to know how
wethers can improve, or increase the breed.
Truly I am not such a conjurer as to be able to in
form him : but, if you please, my friends, I can give
you two pretty good reasons why the Congress
have not excepted wethers. One is, that, for some
time, we shall have occasion for all the wool we
can raise; so that it would be imprudent to export
sheep of any kind. And the other is, that if you
confine yourself chiefly to killing wethers, as
you ought to do, you will have none to export.
The gentleman who made the objection, must have
known these things as well as myself: but he loves
to crack a jest, and could not pass by so fair an op
portunity. He takes notice of the first of these reasons
himself; but, in order to weaken its force, cries,
" Let me ask you, brother farmers, which of you
would keep a flock of sheep, barely for the sake of
their wool ?" To this he answers, " Not one of
you. If you cannot sell your sheep to advantage,
at a certain age, you cannot keep them to any
profit." He thinks, because he calls you " brother
VOL. I. 8

58 A FULL VINDICATION
farmers," that he can cajole you into believing
what he pleases: but you are not the fools he
takes you for. You know what is for your own
interest better than he can tell you. And we all
know, that, in a little time, if our affairs be not
settled, the demand for wool will be very great.
You will be able to obtain such a price, as will
make it worth your while to bestow the greatest
attention upon your sheep.
In another place this crafty writer tells you,
that, " from the day our exports from this province
are stopped, the farmers may date the commence
ment of their ruin." He asks, "Will the shop
keeper give you his goods ? Will the weaver,
shoemaker, blacksmith, carpenter, work for you
without pay ?" I make no doubt you are satisfied,
from what I have said, that we shall never have oc
casion to stop our exports : but if things turn out con
trary to our expectation, and it should become neces
sary to take that step, you will find no difficulty in
getting what you want frora the merchants and me
chanics. They will not be able to do without you :
and, consequently, they cannot refuse to supply you
with what you stand in need of from thera. Where
will the raerchants and mechanics get food and
raaterials for clothing, if not frora the farmer?
And if they are dependent upon you, for those two
grand supports of life, how can they withhold what
they have from you ?

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 59
I repeat it, my friends, we shall know how mat
ters are like to be settled by the spring. If our
disputes be not terminated to our satisfaction by
that time, it will be your business to plant large
parts of your lands with flax and hemp. Those
articles will be wanted for manufactures ; and
they will yield you a greater profit than any thing
else. In the interim, take good care of your sheep.
I heartily concur withthe farmer in condemning
all illicit trade. Perjury is, no doubt, a most
heinous and detestable crime : and, for my part, I
had rather suffer any thing, than have my wants
relieved at the expense of truth and integrity. I
know there are many pretended friends to liberty,
who will take offence at this declaration.: but I
speak the sentiments of my heart without reserve.
I do not write for a party. I should scorn to be of
any. All I say, is from a disinterested regard to
the public weal.
The Congress, I am persuaded, were of the same
opinion. They, like honest men, have, as much
as was in their power, provided against this kind
of trade, by agreeing to use no East India Tea
whatever, after the first day of March next.
I shall now consider what has been said with
respect to the payment of debts, and stopping of
the courts of justice. Let what will happen, it will
be your own faults, if you are not able to pay your

60 A FULL VINDICATION
debts. I have told you, in what manner you may
make as much out of your lands as ever : by be
stowing more of your attention upon raising flax
and hemp, and less upon other things. Those
articles (as I have more than once observed) will be
in the highest demand. There will be no doing
without them; and, of course, you will be able to
get a very profitable price for them. How can it
be, that the farmers should be at a loss for money
to pay their debts, at a time when the whole com
munity must buy, not only their food, but all the
materials for their clothes, from them ? You have
no reason to be uneasy on that account.
As to the courts of justice, no violence can, nor
will, be used, to shut them up : but, if it should be
found necessary, we may enter into solemn agree
ment, to cease from all litigations at law, except in
particular cases. We may regulate law-suits in
such a manner as to prevent any mischief that
might arise from them. Restrictions may be laid
on, to hinder merciless creditors from taking advan
tage of the times, to oppress and ruin their debtors :
but, at the same time, not to put it in the power of the
debtors, wantonly to withhold their just dues from
their creditors, when they are able to pay them.
The law ruins many a good honest family. Dis
putes may be settled in a more friendly way. One
or two virtuous neighbors may be chosen, by each

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 61
party, to decide them. If the next Congress
should think any regulations, concerning the courts
of justice, requisite, they will make them ; and
proper persons will be appointed to carry them into
execution, and to see that no individuals deviate
from them. It will be your duty to elect persons,
whose fidelity and zeal for your interest you can
depend upon, to represent you in that Congress,
which is to meet in Philadelphia in May ensuing.
The Farmer cries, "Tell me not of delegates,
congresses, committees, mobs, riots, insurrections,
associations: a plague on them all! Give me the
steady, uniform, unbiassed, influence of the courts
of justice. I have been happy under their protec
tion ; and, I trust in God, I shall be so again."
I say, tell me not ofthe British Commons, lords,
ministry, ministerial tools, placemen, pensioners,
parasites. I scorn to let my life and property de
pend upon the pleasure of any of them. Give me
the steady, uniform, unshaken, security of constitu
tional freedom. Give me the right to be tried by a
jury of my own neighbors ; and to be taxed by my
own representatives only. What will become of
the law and courts of justice without this ? The
shadow may remain, but the substance will be
gone. I would die to preserve the law upon a solid
foundation : but take away liberty, and the foun
dation is destroyed.
The last thing I shall take notice of, is the com-

62 A FULL VINDICATION
plaint of the Farmer, that the Congress will not
allow you " a dish of tea to please your wives with,
nor a glass of Madeira to cheer your spirits, nor a
spoonful of molasses to sweeten your buttermilk
with." You would have a right to complain, if the
use of these things had been forbidden to you alone :
but it has been equally forbidden to all sorts of
people. The members of the Congress, themselves,
are no more permitted to please their wives with
a dish of tea, nor to cheer their spirits with a glass
of wine, nor to sweeten their buttermilk with a
spoonful of molasses, than you are. They are upon
a footing with you in this respect.
By him — but, with your leave, my friends, we'll
try, if we can, to do without swearing. I say, it
is enough to make a man mad, to hear such ridicu
lous quibbles offered, instead of sound arguraent :
but so it is : the piece I am writing against con
tains nothing else.
When a man grows warm, he has a confounded
itch for swearing. I have been going, above twen
ty times, to rap out an oath. By him that made
me : but I have checked myself with the reflection,
that it is rather unmannerly, to treat him that made
us with so much freedom.
Thus have I examined and confuted, all the cavils
and objections, of any consequence, stated by this
Farmer. I have only passed over such things as
are of little weight, the fallacy of which will easily

OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 63
appear. I have shown, that the Congress have nei
ther " ignorantly misunder.stood, carelessly neglect
ed, nor basely betrayed you ;" but that they have
devised and recommended, the only effectual means
to preserve your invaluable privileges, I have
proved that their measures cannot fail of suc
cess; but will procure the most speedy relief for us.
I have also proved, that the farmers are the people
who would suffer least, should we be obUged to
carry all our measures into execution.
Will you, then, my friends, allow yourselves to
be duped by this artful enemy ? Will you follow
his advices, disregard the authority of your Con
gress, and bring ruin on yourselves and posterity 1
Will you act in such a manner as to deserve the
hatred and resentment of all the rest of America 1
I am sure you will not. I should be sorry to think
any of my countrymen would be so mean, so blind
to their own interest, so lost to every generous and
manly feeling.
The sort of men I am opposing, give you fair
words to persuade you to serve their own turns ;
but they think and speak of you, in common, in a
very disrespectful manner. I have heard some of
their party talk of you, as the most ignorant and
mean-spirited set of people in the world. They
say, that you have no sense of honor or generosity ;
that you don't care a farthing about your country,
children, nor any body else but yourselves : and

64 A FULL VINDICATION
that you are so ignorant, as not to be able to look
beyond the present : so that if you can once be
persuaded to believe the measures of your Con
gress will involve you in some little present per
plexities, you will be glad to do anything to avoid
them ; without considering the much greater mise
ries that await you at a little distance off. This
is the character they give of you. Bad men are
apt to paint others like themselves. For my part,
I will never entertain such an opinion of you, un
less you should verify their words, by wilfully fall
ing into the pit they have prepared for you. I
flatter myself you will convince them of their er
ror, by showing the world, you are capable of judg
ing what is right and left, and have resolution to
pursue it.
All I ask, is, that you will judge for yourselves,
I don't desire you to take my opinion, nor any man's
opinion, as the guide of your actions. I have sta
ted a number of plain arguments. I have supported
them with several well-known facts. It is your
business to draw a conclusion, and act accordingly.
I caution you, again and again, to beware of the
men who advise you to forsake the plain path
marked out for you by the Congress. They only
mean to deceive and betray you. Our representa
tives in general assembly, cannot take any wiser
or better course to settle our differences, than our
representatives in the continental congress have

OF THB MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 65
taken. If you join with the rest of America in the
same common measure, you will be sure to pre
serve your liberties inviolate : but if you separate
from them, and seek for redress alone, and un-
seconded, you will certainly fall a prey to your ene
mies, and repent your folly as long as you live.
May God give you wisdom to see what is your
true interest, and inspire you with becoming zeal
for the cause of virtue and mankind.

VOL. r. 9

66 THE FARMER REFUTED. [1775.

" A SHORT time after,* a reply followed, entitled " A View of
the Controversy, by a Westchester Farmer," marked with still
greater asperity than the former, and pressing its object with
new arguments. The inertness of the colony is shown, to prove
the narrow circle of factious principles ; the right of legislation
in the colonies is denied, on inferences drawn from the tenor of
the colonial charters ; the effect of an embargo, to sever from
them their English friends, is alleged ; the dangers of a civil war
strongly deprecated, and a remedy proposed of vesting in Parlia
ment, the enactment of general laws, reserving to the legislatures
the mere right of taxation.
Within a month,"!" this paper was followed by a more elaborate
answer, of seventy-eight pages, entitled " The Farmer Refuted ;
or a more Comprehensive and Impartial View of the Disputes be
tween Great Britain and the Colonies ; intended as a Further
Vindication of the Congress, in answer to a Letter from A W.
Farmer, entitled A View of the Controversy between Great
Britain and her Colonies, including a Mode of determining the
present Disputes finally and effectually, etc.- By a Sincere Friend
to America. Tituli Remedia pollicentur, sed Pixedes ipsse venena
continent. The title promises Remedies, but the Box itself poi
sons. Printed by James Rivington, 1775." — Life of Hamiltony
by his Son : p. 31, vol. 1.
?January 5, 1775. t February 5, 1775.

1775.] THE FARMER REFUTED. 67

ADVERTISEMENT.
The writer of the ensuing sheets can, with truth, say more than the generality
of those, who either espouse, or oppose,the claim of the Bkitish Paeliament ;
which is, that /lis political opinions have been the result of mature deUberation
and rational inquiry.' They have not been infiuenced by prejudice, nor by any
interested or ambitious motives. They are not the spawn of licentious clamors,
or popular declamation ; but the genuine offspring of sober reason. To those
who are inclined to doubt feis sincerity, Ac begs leave to recommend a little more
charity. To those who are possessed of greater candor, and who, yet, may be
disposed to ask. How he can be sure, that his opinions have not been influenced
by prejudice 1 He answers. Because he remembers the time, when he had
strong prejudices on the side he now opposes. His change of sentiment (he
firmly believes), proceeded from the superior force of the arguments in favor of
the American claims.
Though he is convinced there are too many, whose judgments are led captive
by the most v.enal and despicable motives; yet he does not presume to think every
man, who differs from him, either fool or knave. He is sensible there are men
of parts and virtue, whose notions are entirely contrary to his. To imagine there
are not wise and good men on both sides, must be the effect of a weak head, or
a corrupt heart. He earnestly entreats the candid attention of the judicious and
well-meaning ; and hopes, that what he has written, may be read with as much
impartiality, aud as sincere a regard to truth, as the importance of the controversy
demands.

THE FARMER REFUTED.
Sir. — ^I resume my pen, in reply to the curious
epistle you have been pleased to favor me with ;
and can assure you, that notwithstanding I am na
turally of a grave and phlegmatic disposition, it has
been the source of abundant merriment to me.
The spirit that breathes throughout, is so rancorous,
illiberal, and imperious ; the argumentative part
of it, is so puerile and fallacious ; the misrepre
sentations of facts, so palpable and flagrant ; the
criticisms so illiterate, trifling, and absurd; the
conceits so low, steril, and splenetic ; that I will
venture to pronounce it one of the most ludicrous

68 THE FARMER REFUTED.
performances, which has been exhibited to pub
lic view, during all the present controversy.
You have not even imposed on me the laborious
task of pursuing you through a labyrinth of subtilty.
You have not had ability sufficient, however violent
your efforts, to try the depths of sophistry ; but have
barely skimmed along its surface, I should, almost,
deem the animadversions I am going to make, un
necessary, were it not that, without them, you
might exult in a fancied victory, and arrogate to
yourself imaginary trophies.
But, while I pass this judgment, it is not my in
tention to detract from your real merit. Candor
obliges me to acknowledge, that you possess every
accomplishment of a polemical writer, which may
serve to dazzle and mislead superficial and vulgar
minds : a peremptory dictatorial air ; a pert vivacity
of expression ; an inordinate passion for conceit ;
and a noble disdain of being fettered by the laws
of truth. These, Sir, are important qualifications ;
and these all unite in you, in a very eminent
degree. So that, though you may never expect
the plaudits of the judicious and discerning, you
may console yourself with this assurance ; that
" Fools and witlings " will" ev'ry sentence raise,
And wonder, with a foolish face of praise."
You will, no doubt, be pleased with this further
concession ; to wit : that there is a striking resem
blance between yourself and the renowned hero

THE FARMER REFUTED. 69
of the Dunciad. " Pert dullness," seems to be the
chief characteristic of your genius as well as his.
I might point out a variety of circumstances in
which you both agree ; but I shall content myself
with having given the hint, and leave it to yourself
and to your other* admirers, to prosecute a com
parison, which will reflect so high lustre on the
object of admiration.
Having thus briefly delivered my sentiments of
your performance in general, I shall proceed to a
particular examination of it, so far as may be requi
site, towards placing it in that just point of light in
which it ought to stand. I flatter myself, I shall
find no difficulty in obviating the objections you
have produced against the " Full Vindication ;"
and in showing that your " View of the Contro
versy between Great Britain and the Colonies," is
not only partial and unjust, but diametrically oppo
site to the first principles of civil society. In doing
this, I may occasionally interweave some strictures
on the " Congress Canvassed."
First, then, I observe yoU. endeavor to bring the
imputation of inconsistency upon me, for writing
" a long and elaborate pamphlet, to justify decisions,
against whose influence none but impotent attempts
had been made." A little attention would have
unfolded the whole mystery. The reason assigned
* If we may judge from the style and turn of thought," you were pleased to
be your own admirer in the card in rejpl-y.

.70 THE FARMER REFUTED.
for what I did, was, " lest those atterapts," irapotent
as they were, in a general sense, " might yet have
a tendency to mislead and prejudice the minds of a
few." To prevent this, I wrote : and if I have
been instrumental in preserving a single person
from the baneful effects of your insidious efforts, I
shall not regret the time I have devoted to that
laudable purpose. To confirm, or to add, one
friend to his country, would afford a more refined
and permanent satisfaction to me, than could possi
bly animate the breast of the proudest ministerial
minion, though elevated to the pinnacle of his
wished-for preferment, and basking in the sunshine
of court favor, as the despicable wages of his pros
titution and servility.
You tell me, " I knew, that at the bar of impar
tial reason and common sense, the conduct of the
Congress must be condemned ; but was too much
interested, too deeply engaged in party-views and
party-heats, to bear this with patience. / had no
remedy (you say) but artifice, sophistry, misrepre
sentation, and abuse," These you call " my wea
pons, and these I wield like an old exprienced 4
practitioner." ' ,
You ask, " Is this too heavy a charge 1 Can you
lay your hand upon your heart, and upon your
honor plead not guilty ?" Yes, sir, I can do more.
I can make a solemn appeal to the tribunal of Hea
ven, for the rectitude of my intentions. I can af-

THE FARMER REFUTED. 71
firm, with the most scrupulous regard to truth, that
I am of opinion, the conduct of the Congress will
bear the most impartial scrutiny; that I am not
interested more than as the feUcity and prosperity
of this vast continent are concerned ; and that I
am perfectly disengaged from party of every kind.
Here, I expect you will exclaim, with your
usual vehemence and indecency, " You are now
espousing the cause of a party ! It is the most
daring impudence and falsehood to assert the con
trary !" I can by no means conceive, that an op
position to a small herd of mal-contents, among
whom you have thought proper to rank, and a
zealous attachment to the general measures of
America, can be denominated the effect of a party
spirit. You, sir, and your adherents, may be justly
deemed a faction, because you compose a small num
ber inimical to the common voice of your country.
To determine the truth of this affirmation, it is
necessary to take a comprehensive view of all the
colonies. Throughout your letter, you seem to consider me
as a person who has acted, and is still acting, some
part in the formation and execution of public mea'
sures. You tacitly represent me as a Delegate, or
member of the Committee. Whether this be done
with a design to create a suspicion of my sincerity,
or whether it be really your opinion, I know not.
Perhaps it is from a complex motive. But I can

72 THE FARMER REFUTED.
assure you, if you are in earnest, that you are en
tirely mistaken. I have taken no other part in the
affair, than that of defending the proceedings of
the Congress, in conversation, and by the pamphlet
I lately published. I approved of them, and thought
an undeviating compliance with them, essential to
the preservation of American freedom. I shall,
therefore, strenuously exert myself for the promo
tion of that valuable end.
In the field of literary contention, it is common
to see the epithets artifice, sophistry, misrepresenta
tion, and a^Mse, mutually bandied about. Whether
they are more justly applicable to you, or to me,
the public must decide. With respect to abuse,
I make not the least doubt, but every reader will
allow you to surpass me in that.
Your envenomed pen, has endeavored to sully
the characters of our continental representatives,
with the presumptuous charges of ignorance, knave
ry, sedition, rebellion, treason, and tyranny; — -a
tremendous catalogue indeed ! Nor have you treat
ed their friends and adherents with any greater
degree of complaisance. You have also delineated
the mercantile body, as entirely devoid of principle ;
and the several committees, as bands of robbers
and petty tyrants. In short, except the few who
are of your own complexion and stamp, " the vir-
tuous friends of order and good government," you
have not hesitated to exercise your obloquy and
malevolence against the whole continent.

THE FARMER REPUTED. 73
These things being considered, it is manifest, that
in my answer to your " Free Thoughts," I treated
you with more lenity than you had a right to ex
pect ; and did by no means observe the strict law
of retaliation. None but yourself, will think you
can, withthe least propriety, complain of abuse.
I congratulate myself upon the sentiments you
entertain of my last performance. Such is my
opinion of your abilities as a critic, that I very much
prefer your disapprobation to your applause. But
with respect to the brilliancy of thought you speak
of, give me leave to inform you, that I aimed at
nothing more than justness of thought. I addressed
myself to the judgment, not to the imagination.
In works where fancy is predominant, as is the
case with yours, there is a better opportunity
for displaying brilliancy of thought, than where
reason presides and directs. No wonder, then, if
you have excelled mein this particular; since your
plan is so much more favorable to it than mine.
I shall, for the present, pass over to that part of
your pamphlet, in which you endeavor to establish
the supremacy of the British Parliament over Ameri
ca. After a proper eclaircissement of this point, I
shall draw such inferences as will sap the founda
tion of every thing you have offered.
The first thing that presents itself, is a wish, that
" I had, explicitly, declared to the public, my ideas
of the natural rights of mankind. Man, in a state
VOL. I. 10

74 THE FARMER REFUTED.
of nature (you say), may be considered as perfectly
free from all restraint of law and government ; and
then, the weak must submit to the strong.'-
I shall, henceforth, begin to make some allow
ance for that enmity you have discovered to the
natural rights of mankind. For, though ignorance
of them, in this enlightened age, cannot be admit
ted as a sufficient excuse for you; yet it ought, in
some mea.sure, to extenuate your guilt. If you
will follow my advice, there still may be hopes of
your reformation. Apply yourself, without delay,
to the study of the law of nature. I would recom
mend to your perusal, Grotius, Puffendorf, Locke,
Montesquieu, and Burlemaqui. I might mention
other excellent writers on this subject ; but if you
attend, diligently, to these, you will not require
any others.
There is so strong a similitude between your
political principles and those maintained by Mr.
Hobbes, that, in judging from them, a person might
very easily mistake you for a disciple of his. His
opinion was exactly coincident with yours, relative
to man in a state of nature. He held, as you do,
that he was, then, perfectly free from all restraint
of law and government. Moral obligation, accord
ing to him, is derived from the introduction of civil
society; and there is no virtue but what is purely
artificial, the mere contrivance of. politicians, for
the maintenance of social intercourse. But the

THE FARMER REFUTED. 75
reason he run into this absurd and impious doctrine,
was, that he disbelieved the existence of an intel
ligent, superintending principle, who is the gover
nor, and will be the final judge of the universe.
As you, sometimes, swear by Mm that made you,
I conclude your sentiments do not correspond with
his, in that which is the basis of the doctrine you
both agree in : and this makes it impossible to
imagine whence this congruity between you arises.
To grant, that there is a supreme intelUgence, who
rules the world, and has established la-svs to regu
late the actions of his creatures; and, still, to as
sert, that man, in a state of nature, may be con
sidered as perfectly free from all restraints of law
and government, appears, to a common understand
ing, altogether irreconcileable.
Good and wise men, in all ages, have embraced
a very dissimilar theory. They have supposed,
that the deity, from the relations we stand in to
Himself, and to each other, has constituted an eter
nal and immutable law, which is indispensably
obligatory upon all mankind, prior to any human
institution whatever.
This is what is called the law of nature, " which,
being coeval with mankind, and dictated by God
himself, is, of course, superior in obligations to any
other. It is binding over all the globe, in all coun
tries, and at all times. No human laws are of auy
vaUdity, if contrary to this ; and such of them as

76 THE FARMER REFUTED.
are valid, derive all their authority, mediately, or
immediately, from this original." — Blackstone.
Upon this law depend the natural rights of man
kind : the Supreme Being gave existence to man,
together with the means of preserving and beati
fying that existence. He endowed him with ra
tional faculties, by the help of which, to discern
and pursue such things as were consistent with his
duty and interest ; and invested him with an invio
lable right to personal liberty and personal safety.
Hence, in a state of nature, no man had any
moral power to deprive another of his life, limbs,
property, or liberty ; nor the least authority to
command, or exact, obedience from him, except
that which arose from the ties of consanguinity.
Hence, also, the origin of all civil government,
justly established, must be a voluntary compact
between the rulers and the ruled ; and must be
liable to such limitations, as are necessary for the
security of the absolute rights of the latter : for
what original title can any man, or set of men,
have to govern others, except their own consent ?
To usurp dominion over a people, in their own
despite ; or to grasp at a more extensive power than
they are willing to entrust ; is to violate that law of
nature, which gives every man a right to his per
sonal liberty ; and can, therefore, confer no obli
gation to obedience.
" The principal aim of society, is to protect indi-

THE FARMER REFUTED. 77
viduals in the enjoyment of those absolute rights
which were vested in them by the immutable laws
of nature ; but which could not be preserved, in
peace, without that mutual assistance and inter
course, which is gained by the institution of friendly
and social communities. Hence it follows, that the
first and primary end of human laws, is to maintain
and regulate these absolute rights of individuals."—
Blackstone. If we examine the pretensions of Parliament by
this criterion, which is evidently a good one, we
shall presently detect their injustice. First, they
are subversive of our natural liberty, because an
authority is assumed over us, which we by no
means assent to. And, secondly, they divest us of
that moral security, for our lives and properties,
which we are entitled to, and which it is the pri
mary end of society to bestow. For such security
can never exist, while we have no part in making
the laws that are to bind us ; and while it may be
the interest of our uncontroled legislators to
oppress us as much as possible.
To deny these principles, will be not less absurd,
than to deny the plainest axioms. I shall not,
therefore, attempt any further illustration of them.
You say, " When I assert, that since Americans
have not, by any act of theirs, empowered the
British Parliament to make laws for them, it follows
they can have no just authority to do it ; I advance

78 THE FARMER REFUTED.
a position subversive of that dependence, which all
colonies must, from their very nature, have on the
mother country." The premises from which I
drew this conclusion, are indisputable. You have
not detected any fallacy in them; but endeavor to
overthrow them by deducing a false and imaginary
consequence. My principles admit the only depend
ence which can subsist, consistent with any idea
of civil liberty, or with the future welfare of the
British empire, as will appear hereafter.
" The dependence ofthe colonies on the mother
country," you assert, " has ever been acknowledged.
It is an impropriety of speech, to talk of an inde
pendent colony. The words independent and
colony, convey contradictory ideas ; much like hilling
and sparing,* As soon as a colony becomes inde
pendent on the parent state, it ceases to be any
longer a colony, just as when you Mil a sheep, you
cease to spare him."
In what sense the dependence of the colonies
on the mother country, has been acknowledged,
will appear from those circumstances of their politi
cal history, which I shall, by and by, recite. The

* I find, Sir, you take a particular delight in persisting in absurdity. But
if you are not totally incorrigible, the following interpretation of the unfortu
nate adverb, will secure it from any future stripes. It is taken from Johnson's
Dictionary: Sparingly, not abundantly. Bacon; 2, frugally, parsimo
niously; not lavishly. Hay-ward; with abstinence, Atterbury ; cautiously,
tenderly. Substitute/r"«g'aWi/,or, not lavishly, iox sparingly, and you must
blush at your own conceit. " Kill your sheep frugally, or, not lavishly."
Where is the impropriety of this .'

THE FARMER REFUTED. 79
term colony, signifies nothing more than a body of
people drawn from the mother country, to inhabit
some distant place, or the country itself so inhabited.
As to the degrees and modifications of that subordi
nation, which is due to the parent state, these must
depend upon other things besides the mere act of
emigration, to inhabit or settle a distant country.
These must be ascertained by the spirit of the con
stitution of the mother country; by the compacts
for the purpose of colonizing; and, more especially,
by the law of nature, and that supreme law of every
society — its own happiness.
The idea of colony does not involve the idea of
slavery. There is a wide difference between the
dependence of a free people, and the submission of
slaves. The former I allow; the latter I reject
with disdain. Nor does the notion of a colony
imply any subordination to our fellow subjects in
the parent state, while there is one common
sovereign established. The dependence of the
colonies on Great Britain, is an ambiguous and
equivocal phrase. It may either mean dependence
on the people of Great Britain, or on the king. In
the former sense, it is absurd and unaccountable.
In the latter, it is just and rational. No persoa vpill
affirm, that a French colony is independent on the
parent state, though it acknowledge the king of
France as rightful sovereign. Nor can it, with any
greater propriety, be said, that an English colony is

80 THE FARMER REFUTED.
independent, while it bears allegiance to the king
of Great Britain. The difference between their
dependence, is only that which distinguishes civil
liberty from slavery ; and results from the different
genius of the French and English constitutions.
But you deny that "we can be liege subjects to
the king of Great Britain, while we disavow the
authority of Parliament." You endeavor to prove
it thus :* "The king of Great Britain was placed
on the throne, by virtue of an act of Parliament :
and he is king of America, by virtue of being king
of Great Britain. He is, therefore, king of America
by act of Parliament: and, if we disclaim that
authority of ParUament which made him our king,
we, in fact, reject him from being our king; for we
disclaim that authority by which he is king at all."
Admitting that the king of Great Britain was
enthroned by virtue of an act of Parliament ; and
that he is king of America, because he is king of
Great Britain ; yet, the act of ParUament is not the
efficient cause of his being the king of America. It
is only the occasion of it. He is king of America,
by virtue of a compact between us and the kings
of Great Britain. These colonies were planted and
settled by the grants, and under the protection, of
English kings, who entered into covenants with us,
for themselves, their heirs, and successors ; and it is
from these covenants, that the duty of protection,
• Vide '• Congress Canvassed."

THE FARMER REFUTED. 81
on their part, and the duty of allegiance, on ours,
arise. So that, to disclaim the authority of a British
Parliament over us, does by no means imply the
dereliction of our allegiance to British monarchs.
Our compact takes no cognizance of the manner of
their accession to the throne. It is sufficient for
us that they are kings of England.
The most valid reasons can be assigned for our
allegiance to the king of Great Britain; but not
one of the least force, or plausibility, for our subjec
tion to parliamentary decrees.
We hold our lands in America by virtue of char
ters from British monarchs ; and are undeir no obli
gations to the Lords, or Commons, for them. Our
title is similar, and equal, to that by which they pos
sess their lands ; and the king is the legal fountain
of both. This is one grand source of our obligation
to allegiance.
Another, and the principal source, is, that pro
tection which we have hitherto enjoyed from the
kings of Great Britain. Nothing is more common.
than to hear the votaries of Parliament, urge the
protection we have received from the mother
country, as an argument for submission to its claims.
But they- entertain erroneous conceptions ofthe
matter. The king himself, being the supreme exe-
cutive magistrate, is regarded by the constitution,
as the supreme protector of the empire. For this
vol. I. 11

82 THE FARMER REFUTED.
purpose, he is the generalissimo, or first in military
command. In him is vested the power of raaking
war and peace ; of raising armies, equipping fleets,
and directing all their motions. He it is, that has
defended us from our enemies ; and to him alone we
are obliged to render allegiance and submission.
The law of nature, and the British constitution,
both, confine allegiance to the person of the king ;
and found it upon the principle of protection. We
may see the subject discussed at large, in the case
of Calvin. The definition given of it by the learned
Coke, is this : " Legiance is the rautual bond and
obligation between the king and his subjects;
whereby subjects are called his liege subjects,
because they are bound to obey and serve hira :
and he is called their liege lord, because he is
bound to raaintain and defend them." Hence it is
evident, that while we enjoy the protection of the
king, it is incumbent upon us to obey and serve
hira, without the interposition of parliamentary
supreraacy. The right of Parliaraent to legislate for us, cannot
be accounted for upon any reasonable grounds.
The constitution of Great Britain is very properly
called a liraited raonarchy ; the people having
reserved to themselves a share in the legislature,
as a check upon the regal authority, to prevent its
degenerating into despotism and tyranny. The
very aira and intention of the democratical part, or

THE FARMER REFUTED. 83
the House of Commons, is, to secure the rights of
the people. Its very being depends upon those
rights. Its whole power is derived from thera, and
raust be terminated by them.
It is the unaUenable birth-right of every EngUsh-
man, who can be considered as a free agent, to
participate in framing the laws which are to bind
hira, either as to his life or property. But, as
many inconveniences would result from the exer
cise of this right, in person ; it is appointed by the
constitution, that he shall delegate it to another.
Hence, he is to give his vote in the election of some
person he chooses to confide in as his representa
tive. This right no power on earth can divest him
of. It was enjoyed by his ancestors time immemo
rial ; recognized and established by Magna Charta ;
and is essential to the existence of the constitution.
AboUsh this privilege, and the House of Comraons
is annihilated. But what was the use and design of this privi
lege ? To secure his life and property from the
attacks of exorbitant power. And in what manner
is this done ? By giving him the election of those
who are to have the disposal and regulation of
thera, and whose interest is in every respect con
nected with his.
The representative, in this case, is bound, by
every possible tie, to consult the advantage of his
constituent. Gratitude for the high and honorable

84 THE FARMER REFUTED.
trust reposed inhim, demands a return of attention,
and regard to the advancement of his happiness.
Self-interest, that most powerful incentive of human
actions, points and attracts towards the same
object. The duration of his trust is not perpetual, but
must expire in a few years ; and if he is desirous of
the future favor of his constituents, he must not
abuse the present instance of it, but must pursue
the end for which he enjoys it; otherwise he
forfeits it, and defeats his own purpose. Besides,
if he consent to any laws hurtful to his constituent,
he is bound by the same, and must partake the
disadvantage of them. His friends, relations,
children, all whose ease and comfort are dear to
him, will be in a like predicament. And should
he concur in any flagrant acts of injustice or op
pression, he will be within the reach of popular
vengeance ; and this will restrain him within due
bounds. To crown the whole ; at the expiration of a few
years, if their representatives have abused their
trust, the people have it in their power to change
them; and to elect others, who may be more
faithful and more attached to their interest.
These securities, the most powerful that human
affairs will admit of, have the people of Britain, for
the good deportment of their representatives
towards them. They raay have proved, at some

THE FARMER REFUTED. 85
times, and on some occasions, defective ; but, upon
the whole, they have been found sufficient.
When we ascribe to the British House of Com
raons, a jurisdiction over the colonies, the scene
is entirely reversed. All these kinds of security
iraraediately disappear : no ties of gratitude or in
terest remain. Interest, indeed, may operate to
our prejudice. To oppress us, may serve as a re
commendation to their constituents, as well as an
alleviation of their own incumbrances. The British
patriots may, in time, be heard to court the gale of
popular favor, by boasting their exploits in laying
some new impositions on their American vassals ;
and, by that means, lessening the burthens of their
friends and fellow subjects.
But what merits still more serious attention, is
this : There seems to be, already, a jealousy of our
dawning splendor. It is looked upon as portentous
of approaching independence. This, we have rea
son to believe, is one of the principal incitements
to the present rigorous and unconstitutional pro
ceedings against us. And though it may have
chiefly originated in the calumnies of designing
men, yet it does not entirely depend upon adven
titious or partiaL causes ; but is also founded in the
circumstances of our country and situation. The
boundless extent of territory we possess ; the whole
some temperament of our climate ; the luxuriance
and fertility of our soil; the variety of our products;

86 THE FARMER REFUTED.
the rapidity of our population; the industry of our
countrymen ; and the comraodiousness of our ports ;
naturally lead to a suspicion of independence, and
would always have an influence pernicious to us.
Jealousy is a predorainant passion of huraan nature,
and is a source of the greatest evils. Whenever it
takes place between rulers and their subjects, it
proves the bane of civil society.
The experience of past ages may inform us, that
when the circurastances of a people render them
distressed, their rulers generally recur to severe,
cruel, and oppressive measures. Instead of en
deavoring to establish their authority in the affec
tion of their subjects, they think they have no se
curity but in their yeor. They do not aim at gain
ing their fidelity and obedience, by making them
flourishing, prosperous, and happy ; but by render
ing thera abject and dispirited. They think it
necessary to intimidate and awe thera; to raake
every accession to their own power, and to impair
the people's as much as possible.
One great engine to effect this in America, would
be a large standing array, maintained out of our
own pockets, to be at the devotion of our oppres
sors. This would be introduced under pretext of
defending us ; but, in fact, to make our bondage
and misery complete.
We might soon expect the martial law, univer
sally prevalent to the abolition of trials by juries.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 87
the Habeas Corpus act, and every other bulwark of
personal safety, in order to overawe the honest as
ser tors of their country's cause. A numerous train
of court dependents would be created and supported
at our expense. The value of all our possessions,
by a compUcation of extorsive measures, would be
gradually depreciated, till it became a raere shadow.
This will be called too high wrought a picture,
a phantom of my own deluded iraagination. The
highest eulogies will be lavished on the wisdom
and justice of the British nation. But deplorable
is the condition of that people, who have nothing
else than the "wisdora and justice of another to de
pend upon.
"Political writers," says a celebrated author,*
" have established it as a maxim, that, in contriving
any system of govemment, and fixing the several
checks and controls of the constitution, every man
ought to be supposed a knave ; and to have no
other end, in all his actions, \ivXprivate interest. By
this interest we must govern him ; and, by means
of it, make Mm co-operate to public good, notwith
standing his insatiable avarice and ambition. With
out this, we shall in vain boast of the advantages
of any constitution ; and shall find, in the end, that
we have no security for our liberties and possessions,
except the good will of our rulers; that is, we should
have no security at ail.
* Hume, vol. 1. Essay 5.

88 THE FARMER REFUTED.
" It is, therefore, a just political maxim, that
every man must be supposed a kruxve. Though, at
the same time, it appears somewhat strange, that
a maxim should be true in poUtics, which is false
in fact. But to satisfy us on this head, we may con
sider, that men are generaUy more honest in a pri
vate than in a public capacity; and "will go greater
lengths to serve a party, than when their own private
interest is alone con cerned. Honor is a great check
upon mankind. But, where a considerable body
of men act together, this check is, in a great mea
sure, removed; since a man is sure to be approved
by his own party, for what promotes the common
interest : and he soon learns to despise the clamors
of adversaries. To this we may add, that every
court, or senate, is determined by the greater num
ber of voices ; so that, if self-interest influences
only the majority (as it will always do), the whole
senate foUows the allurements of this separate in
terest ; and acts as if it contained not one member
who had any regard to pubUc interest and Uberty."
What additional force do these observations ac
quire, when appUed to the dominion of one com
munity over another !
From what has been said, it is plain, that we
are "without those checks upon the representatives
of Great Britain, which alone can make them an
swer the end of their appointment "with respect to
us ; which is the preservation of the rights, and

THE FARMER REFUTED. 89
the advancement of the happiness, of the governed.
The direct and inevitable consequence is, they have
no right to govern us.
Let us examine it in another light. The House
of Commons receives all its authority from its elec
tors, in consequence of the right they have to a
share in the legislature. Its electors are freeholders,
citizens, and others, in Great Britain. It follows,
therefore, that all its authority is confined to Great
Britain. This is demonstrative. Sophistry, by an
artful play of ambiguous terms, may perplex and
obscure it; but reason can never confute it. The
power, which one society bestows upon any man,
or body of men, can never extend beyond its own
limits. The people of Great Britain may confer an
authority over themselves ; but they can never con
fer any over the people of America ; because, it is
impossible for them to give that to another, which
they never possessed themselves. Now, I should
be glad to see an attempt to prove, that a freeholder,
citizen, or any other man in Great Britain, has any
inherent right to the life, property, or Uberty, of a
freeholder, citizen, or any other man, in America.
He can have no original and intrinsic right ; be
cause nature has distributed an equality of rights
to every man. He can have no secondary, or de
rivative right ; because the only thing which could
give him that, is wanting ; the consent of the na
tural proprietor. It is incumbent upon you to de-
VOL. I. 12

90 THE FARMER REFUTED.
monstrate the existence of such a right; or anything
else you raay produce will be of little avail. I do
not expect you will be discouraged at the apparent
difficulty. It is the peculiar province of an enter
prising genius to surmount the greatest obstacles ;
and you have discovered an admirable dexterity in
this way. You have put to flight some of my best
arguments, with no greater pains than a few posi
tive assertions, and as many paltry witticisms : and
you become altogether irresistible, by adding, with
a proper degree of confidence. You know the case to
he as I state it.
When I say, that the authority of Parliament
is confined to Great Britain, I speak of it in its
primitive and original state. Parliament may ac
quire an incidental influence over others ; but this
must be by their own free consent. For, without
this, any power it might exercise, would be mere
usurpation, and by no means a just authority.
The best way of determining disputes, and of
investigating truth, is by descending to elementary
principles. Any other method may only bewilder
and misguide the understanding ; but this will soon
lead to a convincing and satisfactory crisis. By
observing this method, we shall learn the following
truths. That the existence of the House of Commons,
depends upon the people's right to a share in the
legislature ; which is exercised by means of elect-

THE F.4RMER REFUTED. 91
ing the members of that house. That the end and
intention of this right, is, to preserve the Ufe, pro
perty, and Uberty of the subject, fi-om the encroach
ments of oppression and tyranny.
That this end is accompUshed, by means of the
intimate connexion of interest, between those raem
bers, and their constituents, the people of Great
Britain. That with respect to the people of America,
there is no such intimate connexion of interest, but
the contrary ; and therefore that end could not be
answered to them ; consequently, the end ceasing,
the means must cease also.
The House of Commons derives all its power
from its own real constituents, who are the people
of Great Britain ; and that, therefore, it has no
power but what they originally had in themselves.
That they had no original right to the life, pro
perty, or liberty, of Americans; nor any acquired
from their own consent ; and of course could give
no authority over them.
That, therefore, the House of Commons has no
such authority.
'- What need is there of a multipUcity of arguments,
or a long chain of reasoning, to inculcate these lu
minous principles ? They speak the plainest lan
guage to every man of common sense ; and must
carry conviction where the mental eye is not be-
dimmed by the mist of prejudice, partiaUty, am-

92 THE FARMER REFUTED.
bition, or avarice. Let us now see what has been
offered in opposition to them.
But, by the way, let me remark, that I have
levelled my battery chiefly against the authority of
the House of Commons over America ; because, if
that be proved not to exist, the dispute is at an end.
The efficacy of acts of Parliament, depends upon
the due authority of the respective branches, to
bind the different orders and ranks of the nation.
It is said, that " in every government there must
be a supreme absolute authority lodged somewhere.
In arbitrary governments, this power is in the
monarch; in aristocratical governments, in the
nobles ; in democratical, in the people, or the de
puties of their electing. Our own government,
being a mixture of all these kinds, the supreme
authority is vested in the king, nobles, and people;
i. e., the King, House of Lords, and House of Com
mons elected by the people. The supreme authority
extends as far as the British dominions extend.
To suppose a part of the British dominions, which
is not subject to the power of the British legisla
ture, is no better sense than to suppose a country,
at one and the same time, to be, and not to be, a
part of the British dominions. If, therefore, the
colony of New- York is a part of the British domi
nions, the colony of New- York is subject to, and
dependent on, the supreme legislative authority of
Great Britain."

THE FARMER REFUTED. 93
This argument is the most specious of any the
advocates for parliamentary supremacy are able to
produce ; but when we come to anatomize, and
closely examine, every part of it, we shall discover,
that it is entirely composed of distorted and misap
plied principles, together with ambiguous and
equivocal terms.
The first branch is. That " in every government,
there must be a supreme, absolute authority lodged
somewhere." This position, when properly ex
plained, is evidently just. In every civil society,
there must be a supreme power, to which all the
members of that society are subject ; for, other
wise, there cbuld be no supremacy, or subordina
tion; that is, no government at all. But no use
can be made of this principle beyond matter of
fact. To infer from thence, that unless a supreme
absolute authority be vested in one part of an em
pire over all the other parts, there can be no
government in the whole, is false and absurd.
Each branch may enjoy a distinct, complete legis
lature, and still good government may be preserved
everywhere. It is in vain to assert, that two or
more distinct legislatures cannot exist in the same
State. If, by the same State, be meant the same
individual community, it is true. " Thus, for instance,
there cannot be two supreme legislatures in Great
Britain, nor two in New- York. But if, by the same
State, be understood a number of individual socie
ties, or bodies politic, united under one common

94 THE FARMER REFUTED.
head, then I maintain, that there may be one dis
tinct, complete legislature in each. Thus there
may be one in Great Britain, another in Ireland,
and another in New- York ; and still, these several
parts may form but one State. In order to this,
there must indeed be some connecting, pervading
principle; but this is found in the person and pre
rogative of the king. He it is, that conjoins all
these individual societies into one great body poli
tic. He it is, that is to preserve their mutual con
nexion and dependence, and make them all co
operate to one common end, the general good.
His power is equal to the purpose ; and his interest
binds him to the due prosecution of it.
Those who aver, that the independency of
America on the British Parliament, impUes two
sovereign authorities in the same State, deceive
themselves, or wish to deceive others, in two ways;
by confounding the idea of the same State with
that of the same individual society ; and by losing-
sight of that share which the king has in the sove
reignty, both of Great Britain and America.
Perhaps, indeed, it may with propriety be said,
that the king is the only sovereign of the empire.
The part which the people have in the legislature,
may more justly be considered as a limitation of
the sovereign authority, to prevent its being exer
cised in an oppressive and despotic manner.
Monarchy is universally allowed to predominate in

THE FARMER REFUTED. 95
the constitution. In this view, there is not the
least absurdity in the supposition, that Americans
have a right to a limitation, similar to that of the
people of Great Britain. At any rate, there can
never be said to be two sovereign powers in the
same State, while one common king is acknow
ledged by every member of it.
Let us, for a moment, imagine the legislature of
New- York independent on that of Great Britain.
Where would be the mighty inconvenience ? How
would govemment be frustrated, or obstructed, by
this means 1 In what manner would they interfere
with each other? In none, that I can perceive.
The affairs of govemment might be conducted with
the greatest harmony, and, by the mediation of the
king, directed to the same end. He (as I before
observed) will be the great connecting principle.
The several parts of the empire, though otherwise
independent on each other, will all be dependent
on him. He must guide the vast and complicated
machine of government, to the reciprocal advantage
of all his dominions. There is not the least con
tradiction in this ; no imperium in imperio, as is
maintained : for the power of every distinct branch
will be limited to itself; and the authority of his
Majesty over the whole, will, like a central force,
attract them all to the same point.
The second part of your paragraph, is this : "In
arbitrary governments, this (supreme absolute)

96 THE FARMER REFUTED.
power is in the monarch ; in aristocratical govem
ments, in the nobles; in democratical, in the
people, or the deputies of their electing. Our own
government, being a mixture of all these kinds, the
suprerae authority is vested in the king, nobles,
and people ; that is, in the King, House of Lords,
and House of Commons elected by the people."
You are mistaken when you confine arbitrary
government to a monarchy. It is not the supreme
power being placed in one, instead of many, that
discriminates an arbitrary from a free government.
When any people are ruled by laws, in framing
which they have no part, that are to bind them, to
all intents and purposes, without, in the same man
ner, binding the legislators themselves, they are,
in the strictest sense, slaves ; and the government,
with respect to them, is despotic. Great Britain is
itself a free country ; but it is only so, because its
inhabitants have a share in the legislature. If they
were once divested of that, they would cease to be
free. So that, if its jurisdiction be extended over
other countries that have no actual share in its
legislature, it becomes arbitrary to them ; because
they are destitute of those checks and controls
which constitute that moral security, which is the
very essence of civil liberty.
I will go farther, and assert, that the authority
of the British Parliament over America, would, in
all probability, be a more intolerable and excessive

THE PARMER REFUTED. 97
species of despotism than an absolute monarchy.*
The power of an absolute prince is not temporary,
but perpetual. He is under no temptation to pur
chase the favor of one part of his dominions at the
expense of another ; but it is his interest to treat
them all upon the same footing. Very different is
the case with regard to the Parliament. The Lords
and Commons, both, have a private and separate in
terest to pursue. They must be wonderfully dis
interested, if they would not make us bear a very dis-
proportional part of the public burthens, to avoid
them as much as possible themselves. The people
of Britain must, in reality, be an order of superior
beings, not cast in the same mould with the com
mon degenerate race of mortals, if the sacrifice of
our interest and ease to theirs, be not extreme
ly welcome and alluring. But should experience
teach us, that they are only mere mortals, fonder of
themselves than their neighbors; the philanthropy
and integrity of their representatives will be of a
•Mr. Hume, in enumerating those political maxims, which will be eter
nally triie, speaks thus: " It may easily be observed, that though free govern
ments have been commonly the most happy, for those who partake of their
freedom, yet are they the most ruinous and oppressive to their provinces."
He goes on to give many solid reasons for this ; and, among other things, ob
serves, that " a free state necessarily makes a great distinction (between her-
self and the provinces), and must continne to do so, till men learn to love
their neighbors as well as themselves." He confirms his reflections by many
historical facts, and concludes them thus : " Compare the pais conquis of
France with Ireland, and you will be convinced of this truth : though this
latter kingdom, being in a good measure peopled from England, possesses so
many rights and privileges, as should naturally make it challenge better treat
ment."
VOL. I. 13

98 THE FARMER REFUTED.
transcendent and matchfess nature, should they not
gratify the natural propensities of their constituents,
in order to ingratiate themselves, and enhance their
popularity. When you say, that "our government, being a
mixture of all these kinds, the supreme authority
is vested in the king, nobles, and people; that is,
the King, House of Lords, and House of Commons
elected by the people ;" you speak unintelligibly.
A person who had not read any more of your pam
phlet than this passage, would have concluded you
were speaking of our Governor, Council, and As
sembly, whom, by a rhetorical figure, you styled,
" King, Nobles, and people." For how could it be
imagined, you would call any government our own,
with this description, that it is vested in the King,
Nobles, and people, in which, our own people have
not the least share 1 If our own government be vest
ed in the King, Nobles, and people, how coraes it
to pass, that our own people have no part in it ?
The resolution of these questions will afford a pro
per field in which to display your ingenuity. You
must endeavor to transmute the people of America
into those of Great Britain, or your description will
be consideredasmere jargon, by every man of sense.
Perhaps you may be able, in imitation of that cele
brated sophist Spinosa, to prove, that they are only
modally different, but substantiaUy the same. Or, if
you please, that syllogism of the schools, by which a

THE FARMER REFUTED. 99
man is proved a horse, may serve as an excellent
model. If I recollect right, it is in these words :
Homo est animal ;
Eguus est animal :
Ergo, homo est equus.
Which is rendered thus : A maji is an animal :
A horse is an animal : Therefore a man is a horse.
By the same method of argumentation, you may
prove, that, as Britons and Americans are generical-
ly the same, they are numerically so, likewise, as
your description implies. You may forma syllogism
thus: Britons are men :
Americans are the same ;
Therefore, Britons and Americans are the same.
This argument will be as good as the one I am
next going to examine.
" The supreme authority," you say, " extends as
far as the British dominions extend. To suppose
apart of the British dominions, which is not subject
to the power of the British legislature, is no better
sense, than to suppose a country at one and the
same time, to be, and not to be, a part of the British
dominions. If, therefore, the colony of New- York
be a part of the British dominions, the colony of
New- York is subject and dependent on the supreme
legislative authority of Great Britain."
By " this supreme authority," I suppose you
mean the ParUament of Great Britain. I deny that

100 THE FARMER REFUTED.
it extends as far as the British dominions extend ; and
I have given many substantial reasons for this denial:
whereas you have never offered any to prove that
it does. You have begged the question, and taken
that for granted, which is the very point in debate.
As to your general position, that there must be a
supreme absolute authority lodged somewhere, I
have explained in what sense it ought to be under
stood ; and shown, that the several parts of the
empfre may each enjoy a separate independent
legislature, "with regard to each other, under one
common head, the king.
The seeming proof you have subjoined, is entfrely
faUacious ; and depends upon the use of the terms
British dominions, and British legislature, in an
equivocal sense. The former may either signify
countries subject to the king, or to the legislature of
Great Britain. When we say French dominions,
we mean countries subject to the king of France.
In Uke manner, when we say British dominions,
the most proper signification is, countries subject
to the king of Great Britain. At least there is no
impropriety in using it in this sense.*
If, by the British legislature, you mean nothing
more than the ParUament of Great Britain, it is
well ; but if you afiix a different idea to it, you are
* Or, if there is, all your objection amounts to this : that we have adopted
an improper mode of expression ; and, forthe future, we may, in the language
of the honorable House of Assembly, call the colonies his Majesty's American
dominions.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 101
not arbitrarily to impose it upon others. If there
be any chimera in your fond imagination, which
you express by that term, you must allow others
the liberty to think it such. In short, if, by the
term, you mean an authority resident in one part of
his Majesty's dominions, to make laws for every
other part of them ; you ought not to apply it in
this sense, till you have proved that such an au
thority does really exist ; especially in a con
troversy about that very matter.
By the British dominions, I mean the countries
subject to his Britannic Majesty, in his royal capa
city. By the British legislature, I will suppose you
intend simply the Parliament of Great Britain.
Let us now try whether, " to suppose there may be
a part of his Britannic Majesty's dominions, which
is not subject to ' the Parliament, be no better
sense, than to suppose a country, at one and the
same time, to be, and not to be, a part of the
British dominions." It is impossible for any thing
to be, and not to be ; but it involves no contradic
tions to say, that a country may be in subjection to
his Britannic Majesty, and, in that sense, a part of
the British dominions, without being at all depen
dent on the Parliament of Great Britain.* The
* I doubt not, you will here be disposed to cavil, by urging, that if we deny the
authority of Parliament, we also reject his Britannic Majesty, since he com
poses a part of it : but, let it be considered, that the Parliament, as such, is a
political institution, not a i)Ay*icai being. We may deny his Majesty, in hia

102 THE FARMER REFUTED.
colony of New- York, therefore, may be a branch of
the British empire, though not subordinate to the
legislative authority of Britain.
Upon the whole, if, by the British dominions,
you mean territories subject to the Parliament,
you adhere to your usual fallacy, and suppose what
you are bound to prove. I deny that we are de
pendent on the legislature of Great Britain ; and
yet I maintain that we are a part of the British
empire ; but in this sense only, as being the free
born subjects of his Britannic Majesty.
Thus I have fully examined that argument,
which is esteemed the bulwark of the doctrine of
Parliamentary supremacy ; and, I flatter myself,
clearly refuted it. The main pillar being now
broken down, the whole structure may easily be
demolished. I shall, therefore, proceed with
alacrity in the completion of the work. But it is
worthy of observation, that a cause must be ex
tremely weak, which admits of no better supports.
Your next argument (if it deserve the name),
is this : " Legislation is not an inherent right in
the colonies : many colonies have been estabUshed
and subsisted long without it. The Roman colo
nies had no legislative authority. It was not till

political capacity, as apart ofthe legislature of Great Britain, and yet acknow
ledge him inasimilarpolitical capacity, as a partof theleglslature ofNew-York.
This is an obvious distinction, and cannot be contested, without an affront to
common sense.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 103
the lattier period of their republic, that the privi
leges of Roman citizens, among which, that of
voting in Assemblies of the people, at Rome, was
a principal one, were extended to the inhabitants
of Italy. All the laws of the empire were enacted
at Rome. Neither their colonies nor conquered
countries, had any thing to do with legislation."
The fundamental source of all your errors,
sophisms, and false reasonings, is a total ignorance
ofthe natural rights of mankind. Were you once
to become acquainted with these, you could never
entertain a thought, that all men are not, by nature,
entitled to a parity of privileges. You would be
convinced, that natural liberty is a gift of the bene
ficent Creator, to the whole human race ; and that
civil liberty is founded in that ; and cannot be
wrested from any people, without the most mani
fest violation of justice. Civil liberty is only natu
ral liberty, modified and secured by the sanctions of
civil society. It is not a thing, in its own nature,
precarious and dependent on human will and
caprice ; but is conformable to the constitution of
man, as well as necessary to the well-being of
society. Upon this principle, colonists, as well as other
men, have a right to civil liberty. For, if it be
conducive to the happiness of society (and reason
and experience testify that it is), it is evident, that
every society, of whatsoever kind, has an ab-

104 THE FARMER REFUTED.
solute and perfect right to it, which can
never be withheld without cruelty and injustice.
The practice* of Rome towards her colonies, can
not afford the shadow of an argument against this.
That mistress of the world was often unjust. And
the treatment of her dependent provinces, is one
of the greatest blemishes in her history. Through
the want of that civil liberty for which we are
so warmly contending, they groaned under every
species of wanton oppression. If we are wise, we
shall take warning from thence ; and consider a
like state of dependence, as more to be dreaded
than pestilence and famine.
The right of colonists, therefore, to exercise a
legislative power, is an inherent right. It is found
ed upon the rights of all men to freedom and hap
piness. For civil liberty cannot possibly have any
existence, where the society, for whom laws are
made, have no share in making them; and where
the interest of their legislators is not inseparably
interwoven with theirs. Before you asserted, that
the right of legislation was derived " from the in
dulgence or grant of the parent state," you should
have proved two things : — that all men have not
a natural right to freedom; and that civil liberty is
not advantageous to society.
' If her practice proves any thing, it equally proves, that she had a right to
plunder them as much as possible. This doctrine, 1 presume, will not be dis
agreeable to some ears. There are many who would rejoice to see America
plundered in a like manner, provided they could be appointed the instruments.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 105
" The position," you say, " that we are bound by
no laws but those to which we have assented, either
by ourselves, or by our representatives, is a novel
position, unsupported by any authoritative re
cord of the British constitution, ancient or modern.
It is republican in its very nature ; and tends to
the utter subversion of the English monarchy.
" This position has arisen from an artful change of
terms. To say, that an Englishman is not bound
by any laws but those to which the representatives
of the nation have given their consent, is ta say
what is true. But to say, that an Englishman is
bound by no laws but those to which he hath con
sented, in person, or by Ms representative, is say
ing what never was true, and never can be true.
A great part of the people have no vote in the
choice of representatives ; and, therefore, are gov
erned by laws to which they never consented,
either by themselves, or by their representatives."
The foundation of the English constitution rests
upon this principle ; that no laws have any validity
or binding force, without the consent and appro-
bationrof the people, given in the persons of their
representatives, periodically elected by themselves.
This constitutes the democratical part ofthe govem
ment. It is also undeniably certain, that no EngUshman,
who can be deeraed a free agent in a political view,
can be bound by laws, to which he has not con-
VOL. I. 14

106 THE FARMER REFUTED.
sented, either in person, or by his representative.
Or, in other words, everyEnglishman (exclusive of
the mercantile and trading part of the nation) who
possesses a freehold to the value of forty shillings
per annum, has a right to a share in the legisla
ture ; which he exercises, by giving his vote in the
election of some person he approves of as his rep
resentative. " The true reason," says Blackstone, " of requi
ring any qualification, with regard to property in
voters, is to exclude such persons as are in so mean
a situation, that they are esteemed to have no will
of their own. If these persons had votes, they
would be tempted to dispose of them, under some
undue influence or other. This would give a great,
an artful, or a wealthy man, a larger share in elec
tions than is consistent with general liberty. If it
were probable, that every man would give his vote
freely, and without influence of any kind ; then,
upon the true theory and genuine principles of liber
ty, every member of the community, however poor,
should have a vote in electing those delegates, to
whose charge is committed the disposal of his pro
perty, his Uberty, and life. But since that can hard
ly be expected, in persons of indigent fortunes,
or such as are under the immediate dominion of
others ; all popular States have been obliged to es
tablish certain qualifications, whereby some, who
are suspected to have no wUl of their own, are ex-

THE FARMER REFUTED. 107
eluded from voting ; in order to set other individ
uals, whose wills may be supposed independent,
more thoroughly upon a level with each other."
Hence, it appears, that such " ofthe people as
have no vote in the choice of representatives, and,
therefore, are governed by laws to which they
have not consented, either by themselves or by their
representatives," are only those " persons, who are
in so mean a situation, that they are esteemed to
have no will of their own." Every free agent,
every free raan, possessing a freehold of forty
shillings per annum, is, by the British constitution,
entitled to a vote in the election of those who are
invested with the disposal of his Ufe, his liberty,
and property.
It is therefore evident, to a demonstration, that
unless every free agent in America be permitted to
enjoy the same privilege, we are entirely stripped
ofthe benefits of the constitution, and precipitated
into an abyss of slavery. For, we are deprived of
that immunity which is the grand pillar and sup
port of freedom. And this cannot be done without
a direct violation of the constitution, which decrees
to every free agent, a share in the legislature.
It deserves to be remarked here, that those very
persons in Great Britain, who are in so mean a
situation as to be excluded from a part in elec
tions, are in more eligible circumstances than they

108 THE FARMER REFUTED.
would be in who have every necessary qualifica
tion. They compose a part of that society to vvhose
governraent they are subject. They are nourished
and maintained by it ; and partake in every other
emolument for which they are qualified. They
have, no doubt, most of them, relations and con
nexions among those who are privileged to vote ;
and, by that means, are not entirely without influ
ence in the appointment of their rulers. They are
not governed by laws made expressly and exclu
sively for them ; but by the general laws of their
country, equally obligatory on the legal electors, and
on the law makers themselves. So that they have
nearly the same security against oppression, which
the body ofthe people have.
To this we may add, that they are only under a
conditional prohibition, which industry and good
fortune may remove. They may, one day, accu
mulate a sufficient property to enable them to
emerge out of their present state. Or, should they
die in it, their situation is not entailed upon their
posterity by a fixed and irremediable doom. They,
agreeably to the ordinary vicissitudes of human af
fairs, may acquire what their parents were deficient
in. These considerations plainly show, that the peo
ple in America, of all ranks and conditi9ns, opu
lent as well as indigent (if subjected to the British

THE FARMER REFUTED. 109
Parliament), would be upon a less favorable footing
than that part of the people of Great Britain, who
are in so mean a situation, that they are supposed
to have no will of their own. The injustice of
this, must be evident to every man of common sense.
I shall now proceed to take such a survey of
the political history of the colonies, as may be
necessary to cast a full light upon their present con
test ; and, at the same time, to give the public a
just conception of the profound and comprehensive
knowledge you have of the dispute ; the fairness
and candor with which you have represented facts ;
and the immaculate purity of your intentions.
But, previous to this, the following observations
may not be destitute of utility.
His Holiness the Pope, by virtue of being Christ's
Vicegerent upon earth, piously assumed to himself
a right to dispose of the territories of infidels as he
thought fit. And in process of time, all Christian
princes learned to imitate his example; very libe
rally giving and granting away the dominions and
property of Pagan countries. They did not seem
to be satisfied with the title which Christianity gave
them to the next world only ; but chose to infer
from thence, an exclusive right to this world also.
I must refer it to sounder casuists than I am, to de
termine concerning the consistency, or justice, of this
principle. It is sufficient for my purpose to observe,
that it is the only foundation upon which Queen

110 THE FARMER REFUTED.
Elizabeth, and her successors, undertook to dispose
of the lands in America. Whatever right, there
fore, we may suppose to have existed, it was vest
ed entirely in the crown : the nation had no con
cern in it. It is an invariable maxim, that every
acquisition of foreign territory is at the absolute
disposal of the king : and unless he annex it to
the realm, it is no part of it. And if it be once
alienated, it can never be united to it without the
concurrence of the proprietors.
Were there any room to doubt, that the sole
right of the territories in America was vested in
the crown, a convincing argument might be drawn
frora the principle of English tenure. By means
of the feudal system, the king became, and still
continues to be, in a legal sense, the original pro
prietor, or lord paramount, of all the lands in
England* Agreeably to this mle, he must have
been the original proprietor of all the lands in
America ; and was, therefore, authorized to dispose
of them in what manner he thought proper.
The great inquiry, therefore, is, concerning the
terms on which these lands were really dispensed.
"The first charter granted by the crown, for
the purpose of colonization, is" not " that of King
James the first, to the two Virginia companies," as
you assert. Previous to that, there was one from
* See Blackstone, volume 1.

THE PARMER REFUTED. Ill
Queen Elizabeth to Sir Walter Raleigh, for all the
territory he might discover and plant, between the
thirty-third and fortieth degrees of north latitude,
which was not actually possessed by any christian
prince, or inhabited by any christian people ; to
have, hold, occupy, and enjoy the same, to him, his
heirs and assigns forever, with all , prerogatives,
jurisdictions, royalties, privileges, franchises, there
unto belonging, by sea or land ; only reserving to
herself, her heirs and successors, the fifth part of
all gold and silver ore that might be acquired in
those regions.
By this grant. Queen Elizabeth relinquished the
whole legislative and executive power to Sir Wal
ter, upon no other condition than simple homage,
and the above mentioned fifth part of gold and sil
ver ore; which shows, that the crown considered
itself as invested with the absolute and entire dis
posal of the territories in America : and the pas
sive conduct of the nation, declares its acqui
escence in the same.
After raany successless efforts to plant a colony in
Virginia, this charter was forfeited and abrogated
by the attainder of Sir Walter Raleigh : and then
succeeded that of King James the first, to the two
Virginia companies, dated the 10th of April, 1606.
This was afterwards altered and improved, by a
second charter, issued in 1609. There was also a
third, dated March 12, 1611— 12. The mention

112 THE FARMER REFUTED.
of this last would not have answered your purpose,
and, therefore, you chose to pass it over in silence.
In neither of these three, is there the least reser
vation made of any authority to Parliament. The
colonies are considered in them, as entirely without
the realm, and, consequently, without the jurisdic
tion of its legislature.
In the first charter from King James, there are
the following clauses :
" We do ordain, establish, and decree, &c., that
each of the said colonies, shall have a council,
which shall govern and order all matters and all
causes, which shall arise, grow, or happen to,
or within the same ; according to such laws, or
dinances, and instructions, as shall be, in that be
half, given and signed with our hand, or sign
manual, and pass under the privy seal of our realm
of England."
" And that, also, there shall be a council estab
lished here in England, which shall consist of thir
teen persons, to be for that purpose appointed;
which shall have the superior managing and direc
tion only of, and for, all matters, that shall or raay
concern the government of the said several colo
nies." " Also, we do for us, our heirs, &c., declare, that
all and every the persons, being our subjects, which
shall dwell and inhabit within every, or any, the
said several colonies, and every of their children.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 113
which shall happen to be born within any of the
said several colonies, shall have and enjoy all liber
ties, franchises, and immunities, within any of our
other dominions-, to all intents and purposes, as if
they had been abiding and born within our realm of
England." This latter declaration (to which there is one
correspondent, or similar, in every American grant),
plainly indicates, that it was not the royal intention
to comprise the colonies within the realm of England.
The powers committed to the two councils, demon
strate the same ; for they would be incompatible
with the idea of any other than distinct States.
The King could neither exercise, himself, nor
empower others to exercise, such an authority as
was really vested in the council, without a breach
of the Constitution, if the colonies had been a part
of the realm, or within the jurisdiction of Parlia
ment. Such an exertion of power would have been
unconstitutional and illegal, and, of course, inad
missible : but we find it was never called in ques
tion by the legislature ; and we may conclude from
thence, that America was universally considered
as being without the jurisdiction of Parliament.
The second charter explains and amplifies the
privileges of the company, erecting them into " one
body or commonalty perpetual ;" and confirming
to them the property of their former territories,
with the addition of all the islands lying within
VOL. I. 15

114 THE FARMER REFUTED.
one hundred miles of the shores of both seas ; to
gether with all " commodities, jurisdictions, royalties,
privileges, franchises, Q.xid pre-eminences," to be held
by the king, his heirs and successors, " in free and
common soccage." They were only to pay one-fifth
part of all the gold and silver ore they might find,
in lieu of all services.
Their government was vested in a council, first
appointed by the king ; which, upon every necessa
ry occasion, was to be summoned together by the
company's treasurer. But immediately after the
persons appointed are named in the charter, it is
declared, that " the said council and treasurer, or
any of them, shall be henceforth "nominated, chosen,
continued, displaced, changed, altered, or supplied, as
death, or other several occasions shall require, out
of the company of the said adventurers, by the
voice of the greater part of the said company and
adventurers;" every member, newly elected, to be
sworn into office by the Lord Chancellor.
This council had " full power and authority to
make, ordain, and establish, all manner of orders,
laws, directions, instructions, forms and ceremonies, of
government and magistracy, fit, and necessary for,
and concerning, the government ofthe said colony ;
and the same to abrogate, revoke, or change, at all
times, not only within the precincts of the said
colony, but also on the seas, in going or coming,
to or from the said colony."

THE FARMER REFUTED. 115
TThis charter is also silent \v^ith respect to Parlia
ment ; the authority ©f which is evidently preclu
ded by the whole tenor of it.
You, sir, took no notice of the circumstance, that
the council was to be nominated, chosen, continued,
&C., out of the Virginia company itself, agreeably
to the voice of the majority. You omitted this,
and gave quite a different turn to the matter : but
herein you acted not at all discordant with your
usual practice. Nor did you esteem it politic to
transcribe the following clause : " that the said
company, and every of them, their factors and as
signs, shall be free of all subsidies and customs in
Virginia, for the space of one and twenty years;
and from all taxes and impositions forever, upon any
goods or merchandises, at any time or times here
after, either upon importation thither, or exportation
from thence."
The third charter is a still farther enlargement
of thefr territory and privileges, and is that by
which their present form of government is modelled.
The following extract will show the nature of it.
" We do hereby ordain and grant, that the said trea
surer and company of adventurers and planters afore
said, shall and may, once every week, and oftener,
at their pleasure, hold and keep a court or assem
bly, for the better order and governmeiit of the
said plantation ; and that any five persons of our
council for the time being, of which company the

116 THE FARMER REFUTED.
treasurer, or his deputy, to be always one, and the
number of fifteen persons, at the least, of the gene
raUty of the said company assembled together, in
such manner as hath been heretofore used and accus
tomed, shall be reputed to be, and shall be, a suffi
cient court for the handling, ordering, and despatch
ing of all such casual and particular occurrences,
as shall, from time to time, happen, touching and
concerning the said plantation. And, nevertheless,
for the handling, ordering, and disposing of the
matters and affairs of greater weight and impor
tance, such as shSll, in any sort, concern the weal
public, and the general good of the said plantation,
as, namely, the manner of government, from time to
time, to be used, the ordering and disposing of the
lands and possessions, and the settling and establish
ing of a trade there, or such like, there shall be held
and kept, every yew: forever, one great general and
solemn assembly. In all and every of which said
great and general courts, so assembled, our will
and pleasure is, and we do, for us, our heirs and
successors forever, give and grant to the said trea
surer and company, or the greater number of them,
so assembled, that they shall and may have full
power and authority, from time to time, and at all
times hereafter, to elect and choose discreet persons
to be of our said council, for the first colony of Vir
ginia ; and to nominate and appoint such officers,
as they shall think fit and requisite for the govern-

THE FARMER REFUTED. 117
ment, managing, ordering, and despatching of the
affairs of the said company; and Shall likewise have
full power and authority to ordain and make such
laws and ordinances for the good and welfare of
the said plantation, as to them, from time to time,
shall be thought requisite and meet; so always, as
the same be not contrary to the lavjs and statutes qf
this our realm of England,"
By this charter. King James divested himself
wholly both of the legislative and executite au
thority : but, for his own security, prescribed a
model for their civil constitution. Their laws were
not to be contrary to the laws and statutes of his
realm of England ; which restriction was inserted
into all the subsequent charters, with some little
variation, such as, that their laws should be " con
sonant to reason, and not repugnant, or contrary,
but as near as conveniently may be, agreeable to the
laws, statutes, and rights of this our kingdom of
England." This mode of expression, so indefinite in itself,
shows that the use made of the clause, by some
ministerial advocates, is by no means natural or
warrantable. It could only be intended to set forth
the British Constitution as a pattern for theirs : and
accordingly we find, that upon the arrival of Sir
George Yardly in Virginia, soon after this patent
was procured, the government was regulated upon
a new plan, that it might " resemble the British

118 THE FARMER REFUTED.
Constitution, composed of two Houses of Parlia
ment, and a sovereign. The number of the coun
cil was increased, intending this body should rep
resent the House of Lords, while the House of Com
mons was composed of burgesses, assembled from
every plantation and settlement in the country."
There might be a great dissimilarity between the
laws of Virginia and those of Great Britain, and
yet not an absolute contrariety ; so that the clause
in question is not explicit or determinate enough,
to authorize the conclusion drawn from it. Besides,
if the colonies were within the realm of England,
there would be no necessity for any provision in
favor of its laws : and if they were without (as is
clearly implied by the clause itself), it must be a
contradiction to suppose its jurisdiction could ex
tend beyond its own limits.
But the true interpretation may be ascertained,
beyond a doubt, by the conduct of those very
princes who granted the charters. They were cer
tainly the best judges of their own intention, and
they have left us indubitable marks of it.
In April 1621, about nine years after the third
Virginia charter was issued, a bill was introduced
into the House of Commons, for indulging the sub
jects of England with the privilege of fishing upon
the coast of America : but the House was informed
by the secretary of State, by order of his Majesty
King James, that " America ' -was not annexed to

THE FARMER REFUTED. 119
the realm; and tliat it was not fitting that Par
liament should make laws for those countries,"
In the reign of his successor, Charles the First
(who granted the Massachusetts and Maryland
charters), the same bill was again proposed in the
House, and was, in the like manner, refused the
royal assent; with a similar declaration, that "it
was unnecessary ; that the colonies were without
the realm and jurisdiction of Parliament,"
Circumstances which evidently prove, that these
clauses were not inserted to render the colonies
dependent on the Parliament ; but only (as I have
observed), to mark out a model of government for
them. If, then, the colonies were, at first, without
the realm and jurisdiction of Parliament, no human
authority could afterwards alter the case, without
their own voluntary, full, and express approbation.
The settlement of New England was the next in
succession, and was instigated by a detestation of
civil and ecclesiastical tyranny. The principal de
sign of the enterprize, was to be emancipated from
their sufferings, under the authority of Parliament
and the laws of England. For this purpose, the
Puritans had before retired to foreign countries,
particularly to Holland. But Sir Robert Naughton,
Secretary of State, haying remonstrated to his
Majesty, concerning the impolicy and absurdity of
dispeopling his own dominions, by means of reli
gious oppression, obtained permission for the Puri-

120 THE FARMER REFUTED.
tans to take up their abode in America, where they
found an asylum from their former misfortunes.
Previous to their embarkation at HoUand, they
had stipulated with the Virginia Company,* for a
tract of land in contiguity with Hudson's River :
but when they arrived in America (by some mis
conduct of the Pilot), they found themselves at
Cape Cod, which was without the boundaries _of
the Virginia Patent. There the season compeUed
them to remain ; and there they have prosecuted
their settlements.
They looked upon themselves as having reverted
to a state of nature ; but, being willing still to
enjoy the protection of their former sovereign, they
executed the following instrument.
" In the name of God, Amen ! We, whose names
are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread
Sovereign Lord, King James, of Great Britain, &c..
King,* defender of the faith, &c., having underta
ken, for the glory of God, and the advancement
of the Christian faith, and the honor of our King
and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in
the northern part of Virginia, do, by these presents,
mutually, in the presence of God and one anpther,
covenant and combine ourselves together, into a
civil body politic, for our better ordering and preser
vation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and
* This was after they had received their third charter.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 121
by virtue hereof, to enact, constitute, and frame,
such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, consti
tutions, and officers, from time to time, as shall be
thought most meet and convenient for the gene
ral good of the colony ; unto which we promise all
due submission and obedience.
" In witness whereof, we have hereunto sub
scribed our names, at Cape Cod, November 11,
1620."* This was the original constitution of New Ply
mouth. It deserves to be remarked here, that these
first settlers possessed their lands by the most equi
table and independent title, that of a fair and honest
purchase from their natural owners, the Indian
tribes. King James, soon after, erected a council
at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, "for the
planting, ruling, ordering, and governing, of New
England in America ;" and granted to " them, their
successors and assigns, all that part of America,
lying and being, in breadth, from forty degrees of
north latitude from the equinoctial line, to the for
ty-eighth degree of the said northerly latitude, in
clusively ; and in length of, and within aU the
breadth aforesaid, throughout all the main land,
• This ought to silence the infamous calumnies of those, who represent
the first settlers in New England, as enemies to kingly government ; and
who are, in their own opinions, wondrous witty, by retailing the idle and
malicious stories that have been propagated conceming them ; such as their
having erased the words Sing, Kingdom, and the like, out of their bibles,
and inserted in their stead. Civil Magistrate, Parliament, and Republic.
VOL. I. 16

122 THE FARMER REFUTED.
from sea to sea ; together with all the firm lands,
soils, grounds, havens, ports, rivers, waters, fishings,
mines, minerals, precious stones, quarries, and all
and singular other comn;iodities, jurisdictions, royal
ties, privileges, franchises, and pre-eminences, both
within the said tract of land upon the main, and
also within the islands and seas adjacent. — To be
held of his Majesty, his heirs and successors, in
free and common soccage : and the only considera
tion to be, the fifth part of all gold and silver ore,
for and in respect of all and all manner of duties, de
mands, and services,"
This council was vested with the sole power of
legislation ; the election and appointment of all
officers, civil and military ; authority to coin money,
make war and peace, and a variety of other signal
privileges. The colony of New Plymouth was com
prehended within the grant. In consequence of
which, its inhabitants, a few years after, purchased
the claim of the patentees, with all their rights and
immunities, and became an independent state by
charter. The same motives that induced the settlement
of New Plymouth, did also produce that of Massa
chusetts. It was first colonised by virtue of a
patent from the council at Plymouth; and in a year
after, by a charter from King Charles the First,
dated the 4th of March, in the fourth year of his
reign ; by which the adventurers and inhabitants

THE FARMER REFUTED. 123
were formed into " one body politic and corporate,
by the name of the Governor and Company of the
Massachusetts Bay, in New England," and clothed
with powers and privileges resembUng those of the
colony of New Plymouth.
It happened some time before this, that there
was a dissolution of the Virginia Company, by a
royal proclamation, dated 15th of July, 1624 ; by
which the colony became more immediately de
pendent on the king. The Virginians were great
ly alarmed at this, and forthwith presented a re
monstrance to the Throne ; in which they signified
an apprehension of " designs formed against their
rights and privileges." In order to banish their
fears, the Lords of the Council (in a letter dated
the 22d of July 1634), gave them an assurance, by
his Majesty's direction, " that all their estates, trade,
freedom, and privileges, should be enjoyed by them,
in as extensive a manner as they enjoyed them
before the recal of the company's patent." Agreea
bly to this, their former constitution was confirmed
and continued.
The Maryland charter is the next in order, of
which you, sir, have made no mention. It was grant
ed by King Charles the First to Lord Baltimore ¦
and contains such ample and exalted privileges,
that no man in his senses can read it, without be
ing convinced it is repugnant to every idea of
dependence on Parliament.

124

THE FARMER REFUTED.

It bestows on him, " all the coimtry of Maryland,
and the islands adjacent ; together with aU thefr
commodities, jurisdictions, privileges, prerogatives,
Toyod rights, &c. &c., of what kinds soever, as weU
by sea as land ; and constitutes him, his heirs and
assigns, true and absolute lords and proprietaries
of the said country, and of aU the premises afore
said ; saving always the faith and aUegiance, and
the sovereign dominion, due to himself Ius hefrs
and successors ; to be holden of the Kings of Eng
land, in free and common soccage, hj fealty only,
and not in capite ; paying two Indian arrows every
year, and also the fifth part of aU gold and silver
ore "which shaU from time to time happen to be
found : Granting also fuU and absolute power to the
said Lord Baltimore, his heirs, &c., to ordain, make,
enact, and publish, any lavjs whatsoever, by and with
the advice, assent, and approbation, of the freemen
of the said pro-rince, or the greater part of them ;
or of their delegates or deputies; whom, for the
enactinff of the said laws, when, and as often as
need shaU requfre, we wiU, that the said now Lord
Baltimore, and his heirs, shaU assemble in such
sort and form, as to him and them, shall seem best.
Provided, nevertheless, that the said laws be con
sonant to reason, and be not repugnant, or contrary,
but as near as convfaiently may be, agreeable to the
laws, statutes, and rights of this our kingdom of
England."

THE FARMER REFUTED. 125
In another place it is ordained, that he the " said
Lord Baltiraore, may from time to time for ever, have
and enjoy, the customs and subsidies, within the
said ports, harbors, &c., within the province afore
said, payable or due ior merchandises oxidwares, there
to be laden and unladen ; the said subsidies and
customs, to be reasonably assessed (upon any occa
sion), by themselves and the people there, as aforesaid ;
to whom we give power by these presents, for us,
our heirs and successors, upon just cause and in
due proportion, to assess and impose the same."
I confine myself to these extracts, to avoid
prolixity, and pass over the enumeration of those
many extensive prerogatives this charter confers;
such as the appointment of all officers, civil and
military ; the power of making war and peace ; the
establishment of boroughs and cities; with all neces
sary iimnunities, and the like.
In the fom-teenth year of Charles the Second,
the two colonies, Connecticut and New Haven, pe
titioned the King to unite them into one colony,
which was complied with. Privileges, as valuable
and extensive as any that had been before granted,
were comprised in their charter. There was only
a reservation of allegiance to the king, without the
smallest share of the legislative or executive power.
The next year. Providence and Rhode Island pro
cured a charter, with privileges exactly correspon
dent to those of Connecticut.

126 THE FARMER REFUTED.
You are pleased to assert, " that the charters of
Rhode Island and Connecticut are simply matters
of incorporation;" and produce an extract in con
firmation of this assertion.
I should be astonished at so extraordinary a de
viation from truth, if there were not many instan
ces similar to it. Not only the whole tenor of their
charters, but their constant practice and form of
government, hitherto, declare the reverse of your
assertion. But, that I may not unnecessarily pro
long this letter by a quotation of the different
parts of the respective charters, give me leave to
present you with an account of the constitution of
these colonies, which was laid before the House of
Lords in January 1734.
" Connecticut and Rhode Island," say the com
missioners of Trade and Plantations, " are charter
governments, where almost the whole power of
the crown is delegated to the people, who make
annual election of their Assembly, their Councils,
and their Govemors ; likewise to the majority of
which Assemblies, Councils, and Governors, res
pectively, being collective bodies, the power of
making laws is granted ; and, as their charters are
worded, they can, and do, make laws, even with
out the Governor's assent, no negative voice being
reserved to them, as Governors, in said charters.
These colonies have the power of raaking laws for
their better governraent and support; and are not

THE FARMER REFUTED. 127
under any obligation, by their respective constitu
tions, to return authentic copies of their laws to
the crown, for approbation or disallowance ; nor to
give any account of their proceedings ; nor are
their laws repealable by the crown ; but the va
lidity of them depends upon their not being con
trary, but as near as may be, agreeable to the laws
of England."
As to the expression, as other our liege people of
this our realm of England, or any other corporation
or body politic, within the same ; if any stress be
laid on the particle other, it will imply, not only that
the colonies were simple matters of corporation, but
that the inhabitants of them were considered as
being within the realm of England. But this can
not be admitted as true, without contradicting other
clauses of the same charters. Thus, in the pream
ble to that of Rhode Island, it is said, that the first
planters " did, by the consent of our royal pro
genitors, transport themselves out of this Kingdom
of England into America." And in each of the
charters, the King stipulates, that all the children
born in America, shall enjoy " all the liberties and
immunities of free and natural subjects, within any
of his dominions, as if they and every of them were
born within the realm of England."
The vague and iraproper manner, in which this
particle is used, in many other places of the seve
ral charters, will not allow it the least weight in

128 THE FARMER REFUTED.
the present instance. In the eleventh article of
the third Virginia charter, there is this expression :
" All such, and so many of our loving subjects, or
any other strangers that will, &c." The same rule
of inference that makes Rhode Island and Connec
ticut simple corporations, will also transform the
king's loving subjects into mere strangers ; which
I apprehend cannot be done, without some degree
of absurdity.
In the fifteenth year of Charles the Second, Caro -
Una was erected into a principality. A patent dated
March 24, 1663, was granted to eight lord proprie
tors, vesting them with all its rights, privileges, pre
rogatives, royalties, &c., and the whole legislative
and executive authority, together with the power of
creating a nobility. The form of government was
determined by a compact between the people and
the proprietors, which contained one hundred and
twenty articles; and "these were to be and re
main, the sacred and unalterable rule and form of
government in Carolina for ever." A Palatine was
to be erected from among the proprietaries, who
was to govern the principality during his life ; and
at his demise, the surviving lords were to succeed
him according to the order of seniority. The legis
lative power was to reside in the parliament of
that country, consisting of the Palatine as sovereign;
an upper House, in which the proprietors or their
deputies, the Governor and the Nobility, were -to

THE FARMER REFUTED. 129
sit ; and a lower House composed of the delegates
of the people. There was likewise a court estab
lished, the members of which were three proprie
taries, and the Palatine as president ; and in this
court, the whole executive authority was lodged.
There were also several other courts ; the Chief
Justice's, the High Constable's, the Chancellor's, and
High Steward's Court. The principal officers . of
the State, in number, titles, and power, resembled
those of the realm of England. The proprietors
of Carolina considered themselves as possessed of
every requisite towards forming a separate in
dependent State, and were always extremely
jealous of any encroachments. They even dispu
ted the King's authority to establish Courts of Vice
Admiralty within their precincts, though for the
examination and punishment of offences committed
without them ; and always appointed an Admiral
of their own. One of their governors was deposed,
for " accepting a commission under King William,
as Judge of the Admiralty, when he had, at the
same time, a commission from the Lords proprieta
ries, for the same office."
The Philadelphia charter was next granted, and
contained almost an equality of privileges with that
of Maryland. There was, indeed, a reserve in
favor of Parliament, perfectly singular and unpre
cedented in any foregoing charter ; and which must
either be rejected, or the general tenor of the grant
becomes unintelligible.
VOL. I. 17

130 THE FARMER REFUTED.
It happened that the charter of Massachusetts
Was vacated by a decision in Chancery, and a new
one was conferred by William and Mary. The
agents for that colony did not accept it, till they
had first consulted the most judicious civilians and
politicians upon the contents of it ; and then drew
up an instrument in which they assigned the rea
sons of their acceptance. The following extract
will serve to show their sense of it : " The colony,"
say they, " is now made a province; and the Gene
ral Court has, with the King's approbation, as much
power in New England, as the King and Parliament
have in England. They have all English privileges
and liberties, and can be touched by no law, and
by no tax, but of their own making. All the liber
ties of their reUgion are for ever secured."
You say, that " the power to levy taxes is res
trained to provincial and local purposes only ; and
to be exercised over such, only, as are inhabitants
and proprietors of the said province."
They are empowered " to levy proportionable
and reasonable assessments, rates, and taxes, for our
service in the necessary defence and support of the
government of the said province or territory ; and
the protection and preservation of the inhabitants
there." The defence and support of government, and
their own protection and preservation, are the pur
poses for which they are to raise supplies ; and, in my
humble opinion, there are no others to which any

THE FARMER REFUTED. 131
society is under an obUgation to contribute its
wealth or property.
I shall only make one more observation upon this
charter; which is, that there was a reservation in
it of liberty for the people of England to fish upon
their coasts, which would have been useless and
absurd, had that province been a part of the realm,
and within the jurisdiction of Parliament.
Were it necessary to elucidate, still more, a point
which is so conspicuous from the several charters
of the colonies, as well as the express declarations
of those princes by whom they were granted, to
wit, " that the colonies are without the realm and
jurisdiction of Parliament ;" I might enumerate
many striking circumstances besides those I have
already mentioned. But as the case is by this time
sufficiently clear, I shall confine myself to the re
cital of only one or two more transactions.
An act of the twenty-fifth of Charles the Second,
was the first that ever imposed duties on the colo
nies for any purpose ; and these, as the preamble
itself recites, were simply as a regulation of trade,
and were of a prohibitory nature. Notwithstand
ing this, it was the source of great dissatisfaction ;
and was one of the principal causes of the insur
rection in Virginia, under Colonel Bacon^ which,
after his death, subsided ; and then the province
sent agents to England, to remonstrate " against
taxes and impositions being laid on the colony, by

132 THE FARMER REFUTED.
any authority but that of the General Assembly."
In consequence of this, a declaration was obtained,
under the privy seal of King Charles, dated nine
teenth of April, 1676, to this effect : that " taxes
ought not to be laid upon the proprietors and in
habitants of the colony, but by the common con
sent of the General Assembly."
About three years after, when King Charles had
occasion to raise a permanent revenue for the sup
port of Virginia, he did not attempt to do it by
means of a parliamentary donation; but framed a
Bill, and sent it there by Lord Colepepper, who
was at that time governor, to receive the concur
rence of their legislature. It was there passed into
a law, and " enacted by the King's most excellent
Majesty, by and with the consent of the General As
sembly of the colony of Virginia." If the Virginians
had been subjects of the realm, this could not have
been done, without a direct violation of Magna
Charta; which provides, that no English subject
shall be taxed without the consent of Parliament.
Thus, sir, I have taken a pretty general survey of
the American charters ; and proved, to the satisfac
tion of every unbiassed person, that they are entire
ly discordant with that sovereignty of Parliament
for which you are an advocate. The disingenuity
of your extracts (to give it no harsher name), merits
the severest censure ; and will, no doubt, serve to
discredit all your former, as Well as future, labors
in your favorite cause of despotism.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 133
It is true, that New-York has no charter. But
if it could support its claim to liberty in no other
way, it might, with justice, plead the common prin
ciples of colonization : for it would be unreasona
ble to seclude one colony from the enjoyment of
the most important privileges of the rest. There
is no need, however, of this plea. The Sacred
Rights of Mankind are not to be rummaged for
AMONG OLD PARCHMENTS OR MUSTY RECORDS. ThEY
are written, AS WITH A SUNBEAM, IN THE WHOLE
VOLUME OF HUMAN NATURE, BY THE HaND OF THE
Divinity itself ; and can never be erased or
obscured by mortal power.
The nations of Turkey, Russia, France, Spain,
and all other despotic kingdoms in the world, have
an inherent right, whenever they please, to shake
off the yoke of servitude (though sanctified by the
immemorial usage of their ancestors), and to model
their government upon the principles of civil
liberty. I will now venture to assert, that I have demon
strated, from the voice of nature, the spirit of the
British constitution, and the charters of the colo
nies in general, the absolute non-existence of that
parliamentary supremacy for which you contend.
I am not apt to be dogmatical, or too confident of
my own opinions ; but, if I thought it possible for
me to be mistaken, when I maintain, that the Par
liament of Great Britain has no sovereign authority

134 THE FARMER REFUTED.
over America, I should distrust every principle of
my understanding, reject every distinction between
truth and falsehood, and fall into a universal scep
ticism. Hitherto, I have reasoned against the whole au
thority of Parliament, without even excepting the
right we have conceded, of regulating trade. I
considered it, in its original state, as founded in the
British constitution, the natural rights of society,
and the several charters of the colonies. The
power of regulating our trade, was first exercised
in the reign of Charles the Second. I shall not
examine upon what principle. It is enough, we
have consented to it. But I shall proceed to con
sider the argument you make use of, to establish
the propriety of allowing special duties to be im
posed by way of tribute, for the protection of our
commerce. You argue thus : " Notwithstanding the large
landed estates, possessed by the British subjects
in the different parts of the world, they must be
considered as a commercial, manufacturing people.
The welfare, perhaps the existence, of Great Britain,
as an independent or sovereign State, depends
upon her manufactures and trade ; and many peo
ple in America think, that her manufactures and
commerce depend, in a great measure, on her in
tercourse with her colonies ; insomuch, that if this
should be neglected, her commerce would decline

THE FARMER REFUTED. 135
and die away ; her wealth would cease ; and her
maritime power be at an end. If these observa
tions be just, they establish the right of the British
Parliament to regulate the commerce of the whole
empire, beyond possibility of contradiction : a denial
of it, would be a denial of a right in the British
empire to preserve itself. They prove, also, that all
parts of the empire must be subject to the British
Parliament ; for, otherwise, the trade of the whole
cannot be regulated. They point out, also, the
best mode of raising such a revenue as is necessa
ry for the support and defence of the government,
viz., by duties on imports and exports : because
these are attended with the least inconvenience to
the subject, and may be so managed, as to raise a
revenue and regulate the trade at the same time.
" When it is considered that Great Britain is a
maritime power ; that the present flourishing state
of her trade, and of the trade of her colonies, de
pends, in a great measure, upon the protection
which they receive from the navy; that her own
security depends upon her navy; and that it is,
principally, a naval protection we receive from her;
there will appear a peculiar propriety in laying the
chief burthen of supporting her navy, upon her
commerce ; and in requesting us to bear a part of
the expense, proportional to our ability, and to that
protection and security which we receive from it."
The supposition, that a cessation of commerce

136 THE FARMER REFUTED.
between Great Britain and the colonies, would be
ruinous and destructive to the former, is ushered
in, as the principal argument for her right to regu
late the commerce of the whole empire. I am
wilUng to allow it its full weight ; but I cannot con
ceive how you can pretend, after making such a
use of it, to deny it the force it ought to have, when
it is urged as affording a moral certainty that our
present measures will be successful. If you tacitly
adopt the principle, and reason from it, in one case,
with what propriety can you reject it in the other ?
If the preservation of the British empire depends,
in, any material degree, upon the right of Parliament
to regulate the trade of the colonies, what will be
the consequence if the trade ceases altogether 1
You must either acknowledge, that you have ad
duced a very weak and foolish argument, or that
the commercial connexion between Great Britain
and the colonies, is essential to her security and
prosperity. You have either failed in proving your
point, or you have furnished me with an ample con-
fiitation of all your reasoning against the probability
of success, from the restrictions laid on our com
merce. If our trade be necessary to the welfare
of Great Britain, she must, of course, be ruined by
a discontinuance of it.
But it is granted, that Great Britain has a right to
regulate the trade of the empire. The Congress
have acknowledged it, so far as concerned their con-

THE FARMER REFUTED. 137
stitueiits. You infer from thence, that all parts of
the empire must be subject to her. They need
only be so far subject, as is necessary for the end
proposed, that is, the regulation of their trade. If
you require any further subjection, you require
means that are disproportionate to the CTid, which
is unreasonable, and not at all allowable.
With respect to the justice of submitting to im
positions on our trade, for the purpose of raising a
revenue to support the navy by which it is pro
tected ; I answer, that the exclusive regulation of
our commerce for her own advantage, is a sufficient
tribute to Great Britain for protecting it. By this
means, a vast accession of wealth is annually thrown
into her coffers. It is a matter of notoriety, that
the balance of trade is very much against us. After
ransacking Spain, Portugal, Holland, the English,
French, Spanish, Dutch, and Danish plantations,
for Money and Bills of Exchange, as remittances
for the commodities we take from Great Britain ;
we are still always greatly in arrears to her. At
a moderate computation, I am well informed, that
the profits she derives from us every year, exceed
two millions and a half sterling ; and when we re
flect, that this sum will be continually increasing,
as we grow raore and more populous, it must be evi
dent, that there is not the least justice in raising a
revenue upon us, by the imposition of special duties.
The right of Gre^t Britain to regulate our trade
VOL. I. 18

138 THE FARMER REFUTED.
upon this plan, it is now acknowledged, is not an
inconsiderable raatter. It is as much as any free
people can concede, and as much as any just people
would require. We are not permitted to procure
manufactures any where else than from Great
Britain, or Ireland. Our trade is limited and pre
scribed, in every respect, as is most for her interest.
This is a plentiful source of wealth to her, as I have
heretofore shown, and shall hereafter confirm by
the testimony of some British writers.
But I have found out an argument, which, I
imagine, will go very near convincing yourself of
the absurdity of what you have offered on this
head. It is short, but conclusive . " The principal
profits of our trade centre in Great Britain,"* How
can you, my dear sir, after making this confession,
entertain a single thought, that it is incumbent upon
us to suffer her to raise a revenue upon our trade ?
Are not the principal profits a sufficient recompense
for protecting it 1 Surely you would not allow her
the whole. This would be rather too generous.
However ardent your affection to her, and however
much it may be your glory to advance her imperial
dignity, you ought to moderate it so far, as to per
mit us to enjoy some little benefit from our trade.
Only a small portion of the profits will satisfy us.
We are "willing to let her have the principal share,
and this you acknowledge she already has. But
• See Page 1.9 of your own letter.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 139
why will you advise us to let her exhaust the small
pittance we have reserved, as the reward of our
own industry, in burthensome revenues ? This
might be Uberality and generosity, but it would
not be prudence : and let me tell you, in this sel
fish, rapacious world, a little discretion is, at worst,
only a venial sin. It will be expedient to be more
cautious for the futiire. It is difficult to combat
truth ; and unless you redouble your vigilance, you
will (as in the present instance) be extremely apt
to ensnare yourself
I shall now briefly examine the excellent mode
you have proposed, for settling our disputes finally
and effectually. All internal taxation is to be vested
in our own legislatures ; and the right of regulating
trade, by duties, bounties, &c., to be left to the
Parliament, together with the right of enacting all
general laws for all the colonies. You imagine
that we should then " have all the security for our
rights, liberties, and properties, which human policy
can give us."
Here "we widely differ in sentiment. My opinion
is, that we should have no " security besides the
good will of our rulers ; that is, no security at all."
Is there no difference between one system of laws
and another 1 Are not some more favorable and
beneficial to the subject; better calculated to pre
serve his life and personal liberty than others ? It
is evident they are. Suppose, instead of the pre-

140

THE FARMER REFUTED.

sent system established among us, the French laws
were to be introduced, for the good of all the colo
nies : Should we have the same security for our
lives which we now have ? I presurae we should
not. I presume, also, that a revolution in our laws
might and would gradually take place.
A fondness for power is implanted in most men ;
and it is natural to abuse it, when acquired. This
maxim, drawn from the experience of all ages,
makes it the height of folly to entrust any set of
men with power, which is not under every possible
control : perpetual strides are made after more, as
long as there is any part withheld. We ought
not, therefore, to concede any greater authority to
the British Parliament, than is absolutely necessa
ry. There seems to be a necessity for vesting the
regulation of our trade there, because, in time, our
coraraercial interests might otherwise interfere
with her's. But with respect to making laws for
us, there is not the least necessity, or even propri
ety in it. Our legislatures are confined to our
selves, and cannot interfere with Great Britain.
We are best acquainted with our own circum
stances, and therefore best qualified to make suita
ble regulations. It is of no force to object, that no
particular colony has power to enact general laws
for all the colonies. There is no need of such
general laws. Let every colony attend to its own
intemal police, and all will be well. How have

THE FARMER REFUTED. 141
we managed heretofore ? The Parliament has
made no general laws for our good ; and yet our
affairs have been conducted rauch to our ease and
satisfaction. If any discord has sprung up among
us, it is wholly imputable to the incursions of
Great Britain. We should be peaceable and
happy, if unmolested by her. We are not so des
titute of wisdom as to be in want of her assistance,
to devise proper and salutary laws for us.
The legislative power of Parliament would at
any rate be useless to us ; and as utility is the
prime end of all laws, that power has no reason for
which it should exist. It is not even requisite for pre
serving the connexion between Great Britain and
the colonies; for that is sufficiently secured in two
ways : by being united under the same king ; and
by the important privilege of regulating our com
raerce, to which we have submitted.
That it might be prejudicial to us, no reasonable
man can deny. We may trace the evils of it
through the whole administration of justice. Judi
cial proceedings may be so ordered, as to render
our lives and properties dependent on the will and
caprice of court favorites and tools. A wide field
for bribery and corruption of every kind would be
opened ; and the most enormous exactions would
take shelter under the garb of law. It is unneces
sary to enter into a particular detail of the different
methods in which all this might be effected ; every

142 THE FARMER REFUTED.
man's own imagination will suggest to him a mul
tiplicity of instances.
Rigorous, oppressive, and tyrannical laws, raay
be thought expedient, as instruments to humble
our rebellious tempers, and oblige us to submit to
further exertions of authority, till the claim to bind
us, in all cases whatsoever, be fully complied with.
This, no doubt, would be a work of time. The
steps would be gradual, and perhaps imperceptible ;
but they would be sure and effectual. That thirst
of power, which influenced the Parliament to assert
an unlimited authority over us, without the least
plausible foundation for it (as I have clearly proved),
will authorize us to apprehend the worst.
The power of legislating for us, and of raising a
revenue upon the articles of commerce, would be
a sufficient degree of slavery. It is absurd to say,
that Great Britain could not impose heavy burthens
on our commerce, without immediately feeling the
effect herself She may enrich herself, by reducing
us to the most lamentable state of penury and
wretchedness. We are already forbid to purchase
the manufactures of any foreign countries. Great
Britain and Ireland must furnish us with the necessa
ries we want. Those things we manufacture among
ourselves may be disallowed. We should then be
compelled to take the manufactures of Great Bri
tain upon her own conditions. We could not, in
that case, do without thera. However excessive

THE FARMER REFUTED. 143
the duties laid upon them, we should be under an
inevitable necessity to purchase them. How
would Great Britain feel the effects of those impo
sitions, but to her own advantage ? If we might
vvithdraw our custora, and apply to other nations ;
if we might manufacture our own materials; those
expedients would serve as a refuge to us ; and
would indeed be a security against any immoderate
exactions. But these resources would be cut off.
There would be no alternative left us. We must
submit to be drained of all our wealth, for those
necessaries which we are not permitted to get
elsewhere. As to our trade with foreign countries, the bur
thens imposed on that, however grievous, would in
like manneraffect Great Britain, only by increasing
her public treasure. Her own inhabitants would
pay no part of them : they would fall solely upon
ourselves. There is no immediate connexion
between her trade and ours, of this kind : they are
separate and independent; and, of course, the in
cumbrances on the one would not injure the other.
The superfluity of our products must be exported,
to enable us to pay our debts to her; and we must
submit to be loaded at her discretion. If we look
forward to a period not far distant, we shall per
ceive, that the productions of our country wiU in
finitely exceed the demands which Great Britain
and her connexions can possibly have for them ;

144 THE FARMER REFUTED.
and, as we shall then be greatly advanced in pop
ulation, our wants will be proportionably increased.
These circumstances will open an ample field for
extortion and oppression.
The legislative authority of Parliament, would
always be ready to silence our murmurs by tyran
nical edicts. These would be enforced by a formi
dable army, kept up among us for the purpose. The
slightest struggles to recover our lost liberty, would
become dangerous, and even capital. Those hated
things. Continental Conventions, by which there
might be a communion of councils and measures,
would be interdicted. Non-importation and non-
exportation agreements, would, in effect, be made
seditious, illegal, and treasonable,* No remedy
would be left, but in the clemency of our oppres
sors ; a wretched one indeed, and such as no
prudent man would confide in ! In whatever light
we consider the matter, we shall find that we must
effectually seal our bondage by adopting the mode
you recommend.
Agreeably to your own concessions. Great Britain
is abundantly recompensed for the naval protection
she affords, by the principal profits of our trade. It
can, therefore, with no color of justice, be urged
upon us, to permit her to raise a revenue through
that channel.
* I believe these were the epithets bestowed upon them by General Gage.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 145
But, after all, let us suppose that the emolument
which arises from the simple and abstracted regu
lation of our trade, is inadequate to the protection
we derive from the parent State : does it follow,
that her just demands cannot be satisfied, unless
we put it in her power to ruin us ? When did
the colonies refuse to contribute their proportion to
wards defraying the expenses of government ? Du
ring the war, our contributions were so liberal and
generous, that we were thought to have done more
than our part ; and restitution was accordingly
made. Massachusetts, that injured, insulted, and
calumniated country, was foremost in displaying
its loyalty; and was parsimonious neither of its
men nor money. But, notwithstanding this, no
confidence, it seems, is due to our virtue or fidelity ;
but everything is to be trusted to the wisdom and
disinterestedness of a British Parliament.
We do not expect, nor require, that all should de
pend upon our integrity or generosity, but only a
part ; and this, every rule of equity entitles us
to. We have assented to the exercise of a power
which gives a certainty to Great Britain of a vast
annual income : any further aids that may be neces
sary, ought to be entrusted to our fidelity. When
the circumstances of two parties will not admit of
precise boundaries to the duty of each, it is not a
dictate of justice to put one entirely into the power
of the other. If the mother country would desist
VOL. I. 19

146

THE FARMER REFUTED.

from grasping at too much, and perrait us to enjoy
the privileges of freemen, interest would concur
with duty, and lead us to the perforraance of it.
We should be sensible of the advantages of a
mutual intercourse and connexion, and should
esteem the welfare of Britain as the best security
for our own. She may, by kind treatment, secure
our attachment in the powerful bands of self-in
terest. This is the conduct that prudence and
sound policy point out : but, alas ! to her own mis
fortune as well as ours, she is blind and infatuated.
If we take futurity into the account, as we no
doubt ought to do, we shall find, that in fifty or
sixty years, America will be in no need of protec
tion from Great Britain. She will then be able to
protect herself, both at home and abroad. She
will have a plenty of men, and a plenty of mate
rials, to provide and equip a formidable navy. She
will, indeed, owe a debt of gratitude to the parent
State for past services ; but the scale will then
begin to tum in her favor : and the obUgation for
future services will be on the side of Great Britain.
It will be the interest of the latter to keep us with
out a fleet, and, by this means, to continue to regu
late our trade as before. But, in thus withholding
the means of protection which we have within our
OAvn reach, she will chiefly consult her own advan
tage, and oblige herself much more than us. At
that era, to enjoy the privilege of enriching herself

THE FARMER REFUTED. 147
by the direction of our coramerce, and, at the same
time, to derive supports, from our youthful vigour and
strength, against all her enemies, and thereby to
extend her conquests over them, will give her rea
son to bless the times that gave birth to these colo
nies. By enlarging our views, and turning our thoughts
to future days, we must perceive, that the special
benefits we receive from the British nation, are of
a temporary and transient nature : while, on the
other hand, those it may reap from us, by an affec
tionate and parental conduct, will be permanent
and durable ; and will serve to give it such a de
gree of stability and lasting prosperity, as could not
be expected in the common fluctuating course of
human affairs. Such reflections will teach us, that
there is no propriety in making any concessions to
Great Britain, which may be at all inconsistent with
our safety.
You employ several conteraptible artifices to
varnish and recoraraend your scheme. Your con
duct, in every respect, affords a striking instance
of the depravity of human nature. You insinuate,
that the Pennsylvania Farmer admits the right of
Parliaraent to regulate our trade in the same sense
you do. The very letter your extracts are taken
from, is expressly levelled against the revenue act,
with regard to paper, glass, &c. The design of
that, and all his subsequent papers, is to prove, that

148

THE FARMER REFUTED.

all duties, imposed upon the articles of commerce,
for the purpose of raising a revenue, are to be con
sidered in the same Ught as what you call internal
taxes, and ought equally to be opposed.
By the "legal authority to regulate trade," he
means nothing more, than what the Congress have
allowed : an authority to confine us to the use of
our own manufactures ; to prescribe our trade with
foreign nations, and the like. This is the power he
speaks of as being " lodged in the British Parlia
ment." And as to general duties, he means such as
the people of Great Britain are to pay as well as
ourselves. Duties, for the purpose of a revenue
raised upon us only, he calls special duties ; and
says, " they are as much a tax upon us as those im
posed by the stamp act."
The following passage will show the sentiments
of this ingenious and worthy gentleman ; and, at
the same time, will serve to illustrate what I have
heretofore said.
" If you once admit," says he, " that Great Britain
may lay duties upon her exportations to w.s,for the
purpose of levying money on us. only, she will then
have nothing to do, but to lay duties on the articles
which she prohibits us to manufacture ; and the
tragedy of American liberty is finished. We have
been prohibited from procuring manufactures in all
cases, anywhere but from Great Britain (excepting
linens, which we are permitted to import directly

THE FARMER REFUTED. 149
from Ireland). We have been prohibited in some
cases from manufacturing for ourselves, and may
be prohibited in others. We are, therefore, ex
actly in the situation of a city beseiged, which is
surrounded by the besiegers in every part but one.
If that is closed up, no step can be taken, but to
surrender at discretirm. If Great Britain can order
us to come to her for the necessaries we want ; and
can order us to pay what taxes she pleases before
we take them away, or when we land thera here ;
we are as abject slaves as France and Poland can
show, in wooden shoes, and with uncombed hair.*
" Perhaps the nature of the necessities of depen
dent States, caused by the policy of a governing
one for her own benefit, may be elucidated by a
fact mentioned in history. When the Carthagi
nians were possessed ofthe island oi Sardinia, tliey
made a decree, that the Sardinians should not raise
corn, nor get it any other way than from the Car
thaginians, Then, by imposing any duties they
would upon it, they drained from the miserable
Sardinians any sums they pleased : and, whenever
that miserable and oppressed people made the least
movement to assert their Uberty, their tyrants
starved them to death or submission. This may
be called the most perfect kind of political neces
sity."
* The peasants of France wear wooden shoes ; and the vassals of Poland
are remarkable for matted hair which never cau be combed.

150 THE FARMER REFUTED.
You would persuade us, also, that Mr. Pitt's sen
timents accord with yours, about the regulation of
trade ; but this is as false as the other. When he
tells them " to exercise every power but that of
taking money out of our pockets," he does not
mean that they shall barely refrain from a manual
operation upon our pockets ; but that they shall
exact money from us in no way whatsoever. To
tax the commodities Great Britain obliges us" to
take from her only, is as much taking m6ney out
of our pockets as to tax our estates; and must be
equally excluded by Mr. Pitt's prohibition.
You all along argue upon a suppositious denial
of the right of Parliament to regulate our trade.
You tell us, " It will never give up the right of
regulating the trade of the colonies :" and, in ano
ther place, " If we succeed in depriving Great
Britain of the power of regulating our trade, the
colonies will probably be soon at variance with
each other. Their commercial interests will inter
fere ;* there will be no supreme power to interpose ;
and discord and animosity must ensue."
I leave others to determine, whether you are
most defective in memory or honesty : but in order
to show that you are starting difficulties where there
are really none, I will transcribe, for your perusal,
part of the fourth resolve of the Congress. After
* I do not see any reason to believe this would be the case ; but as it is of no
importance to controvert it, I shall pass it over.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 151
asserting the right of the several provincial legisla
tures to an exclusive power of legislation " in all
cases of taxation and internal policy," they con
clude thus : " But from the necessity of the case,
and a regard to the mutual interests of both coun
tries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of
such acts of the British ParUament, as are hona fide
restrained to the regulation of our external commerce,
for the purpose of securing the commercial advan
tages of the whole empire to the mother country,
and the commercial benefits of its respective mem
bers; excluding every idea of taxation, internal
or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects
in America without their consent."
It seems to me not impossible, that our trade
may be so regulated, as to prevent the discord and
animosity, at the prospect of which you are so ter
rified, without the least assistance from a revenue.
Thus have I not only disproved the existence of
that parUamentary authority of which you are so
zealoUs an abettor ; but also shown, that the mode
you have proposed for the accommodation of our
disputes, would be destructive to American free
dom. My next business is, to vindicate the Con
gress by a few natural inferences ; and such reflec
tions on the state of our commercial connexion with
the mother country, as are necessary to show the
insignificancy of your objections to my former ar
guments on this head.

152 THE FARMER REFUTED.
Since it has been proved, that the British Par
liament has no right, either to the legislation or
taxation of America ; and since neither could be
ceded without betraying our Uberties; the Congress
would have acted inconsistent with their duty to
their country had they done it. Their conduct,
therefore, so far from being reprehensible, was per
fectly justifiable and laudable.
The regulation of our trade, in the sense it is
now admitted, is the only power we can, with
justice to ourselves, permit the British Parliament
to exercise : and it is a privilege of so important a
nature, so beneficial and lucrative to Great Britain,
that she ought, in equity, to be contented with it,
and not attempt to grasp at anything more. The
Congress, therefore, have made the only conces
sion which the welfare and prosperity of America
would warrant, or which Great Britain, in reason,
could expect.
All your clamours, therefore, against them for not
having drawn some proper line, are groundless and
ridiculous. They have drawn the only line which
American freedom will authorize, or which the re
lation between the parent State andthe colonies
requires. It is a necessary consequence, and not an as
sumed point, that the claim of Parliament to bind
us by statutes in all cases 'whatsoever, is unconstitu
tional, unjust, and tyrannical; and the repeated at-

THE FARMER REFUTED. 153
tempts to carry it into execution, evince a fixed, in
veterate design to exterminate the liberties of
America. Mr. Grenville, during his administration, was the
projector of this scheme. His conduct, as a minis
ter, has been severely arraigned by his successors
in office, and by the nation in general : but, not
withstanding this, a measure which disgraces his
character more than anything else has been stea
dUy pursued ever since.
The Stamp Act was the commencement of our
misfortunes ; which, in consequence of the spirited
opposition made by us, was repealed. Th6 Rev
enue Act, imposing duties on paper, glass, &c,,
came next, and was also partly repealed on the
same account. A part, however, was left to be the
instrument of some future attack. The present
minister, in conjunction with a mercenary tribe of
merchants, attempted to effect, by stratagem, what
could not be done by an open, undisguised manner
of proceeding. His emi.ssaries, every-where, were
set to work. They endeavoured, by every possible
device, to allure us into the snare. The Act, passed
for the purpose, was misrepresented ; and we were
assured, with all the parade of pretended patriotisra,
that our liberties were in no danger. The advan^-
tage we should receive from the probable cheap
ness of English tea, was played off with every ex
aggeration of falsehood ; and specious declamations
VOL. I. 20

154 THE FARMER REFUTED.
on the criminality of illicit trade, served as a gild
ing for the whole. Thus, truth and its opposite
were blended. The men, who could make just
reflections on the sanctity of an oath, were yet base
enough to strike at the vitals of those rights which
ought to be held sacred by every rational being.
It so happened, that the first tea ship arrived at
Boston. The Assembly of that province, justly
alarmed at the consequences, made repeated appli
cations to the consignees for the East India Com
pany, requesting them to send back the tea. They
as often refused to comply. The ship was detained
till the time was clasped ; after which the tea must
have been landed, and the duties paid, or it would
have been seized by the Custom House. To pre
vent this, a part of the citizens of Boston assem
bled, proceeded to the ship, and threw the tea into
the river.*
The scheme of the ministry was disappointed on
all hands. The tea was returned from all the
colonies except South Carolina. It was landed
there ; but such precautions were taken, as equally
served to baffle their attempt.
This abortion of their favorite plan, inflamed the
ministerial ire. They breathed nothing but ven
geance against America. Menaces of punishment
resounded through both Houses of Parliament.
* I shall examine the justice and policy of this procedure in some future
publication.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 155
The Comraons of Great Britain spoke raore in the
supercilious tone of masters, than in the becoming
language of fellow-subjects. To all the judicious
reasonings of a Burke, or Barre, np other answer
was returned, than an idle tale of lenity and severi
ty. Much was said of their past forbearance, and
of their future resentment. This was the burthen
of the song. The Quixotte minister, too, promised
to bring America to his feet. Humiliating idea,
and such as ought to be spurned by every free-born
Araerican !
Boston was the first victim to the meditated ven
geance. An Act was passed to block up her ports
and destroy her commerce, with every aggravating
circumstance that can be imagined. It was not
left at her option to elude the stroke by paying for
the tea ; but she was also to make such satisfaction
to the officers of his Majesty's revenue, and others
who might have suffered, as should be judged rea
sonable by the governor.
Nor is this all. Before her comraerce could be
restored, she must have submitted to the authority
claimed and exercised by the Parliament.*
* This must be evident to every person who has reid the Act. The prefa
tory part of it, is in these words : " "Whereas, dangerous commotions aud in
surrections have been fomented and raised in the town of Boston, &e. ; in
which commotions and insurrections, certain valuable cargoes of tea, &c.,
were seized and destroyed : And whereas, in the present condition of the
said town and harbour, the commerce of his Majesty's subjects cannot be safe
ly carried on there, nor the customs payable to his Majesty, duly collected, &c."
The commotions specified, are those in which the tea was destroyed:
The commerce obstructed, was tbat of the East India Company : And the

156 THE FARMER REFUTED.
Had the rest of Araerica passively looked on,
while a sister colony was subjugated, the sarae fate
would gradually have overtaken all. The safety
of the whole depends upon the mutual protection
of every part. If the sword of oppression be per
mitted to lop off one limb without opposition ; re
iterated strokes will soon dismember, the whole
body. Hence, it was the duty and interest of all
the colonies to succour and support the one which
was suffering. It is sometimes sagaciously urged,
that we ought to commiserate the distresses of the
people of Massachusetts, but not intermeddle in
their affairs, so far as perhaps to bring ourselves
into like circumstances with them. This raight be
good reasoning, if our neutrality would not be more
dangerous than our participation : but I am unable
to conceive, how the colonies in general would
have any security against oppression, if they were
customs which could not be coUected, were those on the tea These are the
evils the Act is intended to punish and remove : and accordingly it provides,
that " whenever it shall appear to his Majesty, in his privy council, that
peace and obedience to the laws (i. e. the laws of Parliament) shall be so far
restored in the said town of Boston, that the trade of Great Britain may safely
be carried on there, and his Majesty's customs duly collected;" then, his
Majesty may, at his discretion, so far open the port, as to him seeras necessa-
sary. So that until the Bostonians shall submit lo let the trade of Great
Britain be carried on upon her own terms, and suft'er his Majesty's customs
(the duty upon tea, or Eny other the Parliament may impose) to be duly col
lected, they must remain in their present distressed situation : that is, unless
they resign their freedom, and put on the ignominious yoke tendered them
by Parliament, they are never to recover their lost trade. Hence it appears,
how weak, ungenerous, and contemptible, that objection is, which supposes
the Bostonians might have avoided their present calamities by paying for the
tea. The truth is, they had no alternative but submission to all the u-njuit
daima qf ParUametU.

THE PARMER REFUTED. 157
once to content themselves with barely pitying
each other, while Parliaraent was prosecuting and
enforcing its deraands. Unless they continually
protect and assist each other, they must all inevi
tably fall a prey to their enemies.
Extraordinary emergencies require extraordinary
expedients. The best mode of opposition was that
in which there might be a union of councils. This
was necessary to ascertain the boundaries of our
rights, and to give weight and dignity to our mea
sures, both in Great Britain and America. A Con
gress was accordingly proposed, and universally
agreed to.
You, sir, triumph in the supposed illegality of
this body : but granting your supposition were
true, it would be a matter of no real importance.
When the first principles of civil society are vio
lated, and the rights of a whole people are invaded,,
the common forms of municipal law are not to be
regarded. Men may then betake theraselves to
the law of nature ; and, if they but conforra their
actions to that standard, all cavils against thera be
tray either ignorance or dishonesty. There are
sorae events in society, to which human laws cannot
extend ; but, when applied to them, lose all their
force and efficacy. In short, when human laws contra
dict, or discountenance, the raeans which are neces
sary to preserve the essential rights of any society,

158 THE FARMER REFUTED.
they defeat the proper end of all laws, and so be
come null and void.
But you have barely asserted, not proved, this
illegality. If by the term, you mean a contrariety
to law, I desire you to produce the law against it.
I maintain there is none in being. If you mean
that there is no law, the intention of which may
authorize such a convention, I deny this also. It
has been always a principle of the law, that sub
jects have a right to state their grievances, and
petition the king for redress. This is explicitly
acknowledged by an Act of the first of William
and Mary : and " all prosecutions and commit
ments for such petitioning," are declared to be ille
gal. So far, then, the Congress was a body founded
in law ; for if subjects have such a right, they may
undoubtedly elect and depute persons from among
themselves to act for them.*
As to the particular agreements entered into,
with respect to our commerce, the law makes no
provision for or against them : they are perfectly
indifferent, in a legal sense. We may, or may not,
trade, as is most suitable to our own circumstances.
The deputies chosen in the several provinces,
raet at Philadelphia according to appointraent, and
• AU lawyers agree, that the spirit and reason of a law, is one ofthe prin
cipal rules of interpretation : if so, it cannot be doubted, that when a people
are aggrieved, and their circumstances wiU not aUow them unitedly to peti
tion in their own persons, they may appoint representatives to do it for them.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 159
fraraed a set of resolves, declarative of the rights
of Araerica : all which I have by general arguraents
proved, are consonant to reason and nature ; to the
spirit of the British Constitution ; and to the inten
tion of bur charters. They made the only conces
sion (as I have also shown) that their duty to
themselves and their country would justify, or
that the connexion between Great Britain and the
colonies demanded.
They solicited the King for a redress of griev
ances; but, justly concluding, from past experience ;
from the behaviour and declarations ofthe majority
in both Houses of Parliament ; and from the known
character and avowed designs of the minister ; that
little or no dependence was to be placed upon bare
entreaties; they thought it necessary to second
them by restrictions on trade.
In my former defence ofthe measures of the Con
gress, I proved, in a manner you never will be able
to invalidate, that petitions and remonstrances
would certainly be unavailing. I will now exam
ine your frivolous and prevaricating reply.
You answer thus : " In the commotions occa
sioned by the Stamp Act, we recurred to petitions
and remonstrances : our grievances were pointed
out, and redress solicited with temper and decency.
They were heard ; they were attended to ; and
the disagreeable Act repealed. The same mode
of application succeeded, with regard to the duties

160 THE FARMER REFUTED.
laid upon glass, painter's colours, &c. You say,
indeed, that our addresses on this occasion were
treated with contempt and neglect. But, I be
seech you, were not our addresses received, read,
and debated upon ? And was not the repeal of
those Acts the consequence ? The fact you know
is as I state it. If these Acts were not only disa
greeable to the Americans, but were also found to
miUtate against the coraraercial interests of Great
Britain, it proves what I asserted above ; that du
ties which injure our trade, will soon be felt in
England ; and then there will be no difficulty in
getting them repealed."
I entirely deny the fact to be as you state it ; and
you are conscious it is not. Our addresses were
not heard, attended to, and the disagreeable Act
repealed in consequence of thera. If this had been
the case, why was no notice taken of them in the
repealing Act ? Why were not our complaints as
signed as the inducement to it ? On the contrary,
these are the express words of the first repeal, to
which the second is also similar : " Whereas the
continuance of the said Act would be atttended
with many inconveniences, and may be productive of
consequences greatly detrimental to the commercial
interests of Great Britain : May it therefore please
your most excellent Majesty, by and with the ad
vice and consent, &c., that frora and after the first
day of May, 1766, the above mentioned Act, and

THE FARMER REFUTED. 161
the several matters and things therein contained,
shall be, and is, and are, hereby repealed and made
void, to aii intents and purposes whatsoever."
The inconveniences, and the ill consequences,
to Great Britain, are the only reasons given for the
revocation of the Act. How, then, can you pre
tend to say it was in compliance with our petitions ?
You must think the complaisance of your readers
very great, to imagine they will credit your asser
tions at the expense of their own understandintrs.
Neither is the use you make of the assigned rea
sons at all just. The consequences, so detrimental
to the commercial interests of Great Britain, are
not such as would have resulted from the natural
operation of the Act, had it been submitted to;
but from the opposition made by us, and the cessa
tion of imports which had taken place.
A non-importation (to which you have so violent
an aversion) was the only thing that procured us
redress on preceding occa.sions. We did not for
merly, any more than now, confine ourselves to
petitions only ; but took care to adopt a more pre
vailing method ; to wit, — a suspension of trade.
But what proves to a demonstration, that our
former petitions were unsuccessful, is, that the grand
object they aimed at was never obtained. This
was, an exemption from Parliamentary taxation.
Our addresses tumed entirely upon this point.
And so far were they from succeeding, that imme-
VOL. I. 21

162 THE FARMER REFUTED.
diately upon the repeal of the Stamp Act, a subse
quent Act was passed, declaring the right of Parlia
ment to bind us by statutes in all cases what
soever. This declaration ofthe unlimited, univer
sal authority of Parliament, was a direct denial of
the leading claim held up in our petition, and of
course a rejection ofthe petition itself
The same observations are applicable to the Re
venue Act, which, had our addresses been suc
cessful, would have been wholly, not partially,
revoked ; and we should not, at this time, have
had any occasion to renew our complaints ; but should
have been in a state of security and tranquillity.
In my former reflections on this head, I urged
many considerations to show, that there is less
reason now than ever, to expect deliverance by
raeans of remonstrance and entreaty. And, indeed,
if we consider the vindictive spirit diffused through
the words and actions of our oppressors, we must
be convinced of this. It impeaches the understand
ings of tlie ministry and the Parliament in the
grossest manner, to suppose they have renewed
their attempts, and taken such violent methods to
carry them into execution, merely to have the
pleasure of undoing the whole, in condescension
to our prayers and coraplaints. The taxation of
America is an object too near at heart to. be re
signed unless from necessity : and, if they would
not have abandoned the principle, there could be

THE FARMER REFUTED. 163
no reason to expect they would have desisted from
the exercise of it in the present instance . For the
duty upon tea is, in itself, very trifling ; and, since
that is opposed, they could not hope to vary the
mode in any way that would be less offensive and
less obnoxious to opposition.
In answer to the instance I produced froin the
unsuccessful application ofthe Boston Asserably,
you tell me, that "the Governor against whom the
complaint was made, was called to a public trial
before the only court where the cause was cog
nizable, the King in Council : but the Boston As
sembly could not support their charge ; and the
Governor was acquitted." The truth is, their
charge was extremely well supported in the eye
of strict justice ; but it was destitute of the mere
formalities of law, and, on this score, it was rejected.
They accused him of treachery and falsehood, and
produced his own letters against him. It was not
admitted as a legal charge, or crimen ; nor the par
ty's letters as an evidence, or testis ; and, by these
evasions, the criminal escaped the punishment he
deserved ; and, instead of it, has been advanced
to higher honours; while the complainants were
unrelieved and insulted. I remember when the
particulars of this transaction were first published,
there was this circumstance mentioned ; that the
petition in question, was pronounced at St. James',
to be " a seditious, vexatious, arid scandalous
libel."

164

THE FARMER REFUTED.

You tell me, " There is also this reason why we
should, at least, have tried the mode of petition
and remonstrance, to obtain a removal of the
grievances we complain of: The friends of America,
in England, have strongly recommended it as the
raost decent and probable means of succeeding."
I wish you had been so kind as to have particu
larized those friends you speak of I am inclined
to believe, you Would have found some difficulty
in this. There have been some publications in the
newspapers, said to be extracts of letters from
England : but who were the authors of them 1
How do you know they were not written in
America ? or, if they came from England, that the
writers of them were really sincere friends 1 I
have heard one or two persons named as the
authors of some of these letters : but they were
those whose sincerity we have the greatest reason
to distrust. The general tenour of advice, from
those with whose integrity we are, best acquainted,
has been, to place no dependence on the justice or
clemency of Great Britain ; but to work out our
deliverance by a spirited and self-denying opposi
tion. Restrictions on our trade, have been ex
pressly pointed out and recommended, as the only
probable source of redress.
You say, " If the information from England be
true, we have, by our haughty demands, detached
most of our friends there from our interest, and
forced them to take part against us." Pray, sir.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 165
where did you get this information 1 Is there any
inhabitant of the invisible world that brings intel
ligence to you in a supernatural way ? There have
been no arrivals from England, preceding the time
you wrote your letter, that have brought any ac
count of the proceedings of the Congress being re
ceived there, or of the consequences resulting from
them. Your information must have either come to
you in a miraculous manner, or it must be a fiction
of your own imagination.
But there are other powerful reasons against
trusting to petitions only, in our present circumstan
ces. The town of Boston is in a very critical situa
tion. Men, under sufferings, are extremely apt,
either to. plunge into desperation, or to grow dis
heartened and dejected. If the colonies, in gene
ral, appeared remiss, or unwilling to adopt vigorous
measures, in order to procure the most speedy relief,
the people of Massachusetts might perhaps have
been hurried on to a rash and fatal conduct, or they
might have become languid and lifeless. Delays
are extremely dangerous in affairs of such vast
consequence. The dispute might have been spun out by rainis
terial artifice, till the generality of the people be
came careless and negligent, and, of course, fitter
to be imposed upon, and less forward to assert their
rights with firmness and spirit. The hand of
BRIBERY might HAVE BEEN STRETCHED ACROSS THE

166 THE FARMER REFUTED.
Atlantic, and the number of domestic vipers in
creased among us. The ministry and their agents
here, are active and subtile : nothing would have
been neglected, that might have a tendency to de
ceive the ignorant and unwary, or to attract the dis
honest and avaricious. How great an influence,
places, pensions, and honours, have upon the minds of
men, we may easily discover, by contrasting the for
mer with the present conduct of some among our
selves. Many who, at the time of the Stamp Act,
were loudest in the cause of liberty, and the most ar
dent promoters of the spirited proceedings on that
occasion, have now, from patriots of the first magni
tude, dwindled into moderate men, friends to order
and good government, dutiful and zealous ser
vants to the ministry.
Had our petitions failed, we should have found
our difficulties multiplied much more than we can
imagine : and since there was the highest proba
bility of a failure, it would have been madness to
have hazarded so much upon so unpromising a
footing. It betrays an ignorance of human nature, to sup
pose, that a design formed and ripening for several
years, against the liberties of any people, might be
frastrated by the mere force of entreaty. Men
must cease to be as fond of power as they are, be
fore this can be the case.
I therefore infer, that if the Congress had not

THE FARMER REFUTED. 167
concerted other, more efficacious measures, they
would have trifled away the liberties of their coun
try, and merited censure instead of approbation.
Commercial regulations were the only peaceable
means, from which we could have the least hope
of success. These they have entered into ; and
these, I maintain, must succeed, if they are not
treacherously or pusillanimously infringed.
You tell me, " I over-rate the importance of
these colonies to the British empire ;" and proceed
to make such assertions, as must convince every
intelligent person, that you are either a mortal foe
to truth, or totally ignorant of tlie matter you un
dertake. The following extracts will show whether
my representations have been just or not.
" Our plantations spend mostly our English
manufactures ; and those of all sorts almost imagi
nable, in prodigious quantities; and employ near
two-thirds of all our English shipping ; so that we
have more people in England, by reason of our
plantations in America.*
"We may safely advance, that our trade anti
navigation are greatly increased by our colonies ;
and that they really are a source of treasure and
naval power to this kingdom, since they work for
us, and their treasure centres here. Before their
settlement, our manufactures vxre few, and those
but indifferent; the number of English merchants
* Postlethwait

168 THE FARMER REFUTED.
very small; and the whole shipping oi the nation,
much inferior to what now belongs to the northern
colonies only. These are certain facts. But since
their establishment, our condition has altered for
the better, almost to a degree beyond credibility. Our
manufactures are prodigiously increased ; chiefly
by the demand for them in the plantations, where
they at least take off one-half, and supply us with
many valuable commodities for exportation ; which
is as great emolument to the mother kingdom as
to the plantations themselves."*
The same author says, in another place, " Before
the settlement of these colonies, our manufactures
were few, and those but indifferent. In those days,
we had, not only our naval stores, but our ships,
from our neighbours."
" I shall sum up my whole remarks," says ano
ther writer, "on our American colonies, with this
observation: that, as they are a certain annual
revenue of several millions sterling to their mother
country, they ought carefully to be protected, duly
encouraged, and every opportunity that presents,
improved for their increment and advantage; as
every one they can possibly reap, must at last return
to us with inte-rest,"-\
These quotations clearly prove, that the colo
nies are of the last importance to Great Britain.
• Postlethwait. t Lex mercatoria.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 169
They not only take off vast quantities of her manu
factures, but furnish her with materials to extend
her trade with foreign nations. They also supply
her with naval stores, and, in a great raeasure,
with a navy itself. The present flourishing state
of her comraerce, is chiefly-^ to be attributed to the
colonies who work for her, and whose treasure cen
tres in her. How unjust, therefore, is it in her,
not to be satisfied with the advantages she has
hitherto received frora us, but to aim at depriving
us of our freedom and happiness! And what
ruinous consequences must flow from a cessation
of our trade, on which her manufactures so much
depend ! What prodigious numbers must be thrown
out of employ and reduced to beggary and misery !
" But she is a great nation : has vast resources :
may easily supply the want of our trade, by making
very small concessions to Portugal, Russia, Turkey,
&c. Should our non-importation distress her manu
factures, every man raay employ himself to labour
on a farm : and the price of grain would be much
advanced in France, Spain, and the Mediterranean.
Notwithstanding the present high cultivation of the
lands in England, that kingdom is capable of being
improved, by agriculture and commerce, so as to
maintain double the number of people that it does
at present. The iraproveraents in Scotland within
the last thirty years are araazing. The enterpris
ing spirit of the people, has opened an easy inter-
voL. I. 22

170 THE FARMER REFUTED.
course between all parts of the country ; and they
have been enriched by commerce to a surprising
degree." I can hardly prevail upon myself to give a se
rious answer to such ridiculous rant : but it may
be requisite for the sake of the uninformed ; and
of course it would be improper to decline it.
The national debt is now about one hundred and
forty millions sterling ; a debt unparalleled in the
annals of any country besides. The surplus of the
annual revenues, after paying the interest of this
debt, and the usual expenses of the nation, is, upon
an average, about one million and a quarter ster
ling;* so that, with all their present resources,
they would not be able to discharge the public
debt in less than one hundred and twelve years,
should the peace continue all that time. It is well
known that most of the necessaries of life are, at
present, heavily taxed in Great Britain and Ireland.
The common people are extremely impoverished,
and find it very difficult to procure a subsistence.
They are totally unable to bear any new imposi
tions ; and of course there can be no new internal
sources opened. These are stubborn facts, and
notorious to every person that has the least ac
quaintance with the situation of the two kingdoms.

•See a calculation made by Blackstone. He says, the year '65, two mil
lions were paid, and three millions in the succeeding years ; i. c, fire mil
lions in four years.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 171
Had there been the vast resources you speak of,
why have they not been improved to exonerate the
people, and discharge the enormous debt of the
nation ? The guardians of the State have been a
supine, negligent, and stupid pack indeed, to have
overlooked, in the raanner they have done, those
nuraerous expedients they raight have fallen upon
for the relief of the public. It cannot be ex
pected, but that a war will take place in the course
of a few years, if not iraraediately; and then,
through the negligence of her rulers. Great Britain,
already tottering under her burthens, will be
obliged to increase thera, till they become alto
gether insupportable, and she must sink under the
weight of them. These considerations render it
very evident, that the mighty resources you set
forth, in such pompous terms, have nothing but an
imaginary existence ; or they would not have been
left so uncultivated in such necessitous and press
ing circurastances.
You think you have nothing to do, but to men
tion the names of a few countries, Portugal, Russia,
Turkey, &c., and you have found out an easy
remedy for the inconveniences flowing from the
loss of our trade. Yet, in truth. Great Britain
carries on as extensive a commerce with those
countries, and all others, as their circumstances
will perrait. Her trade is upon the decline with
raany of thera. France has, in a great raeasure.

172 THE FARMER REFUTED.
supplanted her in Spain, Portugal, and Turkey ;
and is continually gaining ground. Russia is in
creasing her own manufactures fast; and the de
mand for those of Great Britain must decrease in
proportion. " Most of the nations of Europe have interfered
with her, more or less, in divers of her staple manu
factures, within half a century ; not only in her
woollen, but in her lead and tin manufactures, as
well as her fisheries."*
A certain writer in England, who has written
on the present situation of affairs with great tera
per, deliberation, and apparent integrity, has these
observations : " The condition of the great staple
manufactures of our country is well known : those
of the linen and the silk are in the greatest distress :
and the woollen and the linen are now publicly ban
died, and contending against one another. One part
of our people is starving at horae on the alms of their
parishes ; and another running abroad to this very
country that we are contending with. The produce
of North America, that used to be sent yearly to
Great Britain, is reckoned at about four millions
sterling: the manufactures of Great Britain, and
other comraodities returned from hence, at nearly
the same sum : the debts due from America to the
British merchants here, at about six millions, or a
year and a half of that commerce. Supposing,
' Postlethwait.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 173
therefore, the Americans to act in this case as they
did in the time of the Stamp Act; we shall then
have yearly, until the final settlement of this affair,
manufactures, to the value of four millions sterling,
left and heaped on the hands of our merchants and
master manufacturers : or we shall have workmen
and poor people put out of employ and turned
adrift in that proportion. There will likewise be
drawn from our home consumption, and out of
our general trade and traffic. North American com
modities to the same value : and debts, to the im
mense sum above-mentioned, will be withheld from
private people here. What effects these things will
produce, considering the present state of our trade,
manufactures, and manufacturers, the condition of
our poor at home, and the numbers of people running
abroad, it do n't want many words to explain and
set forth. They were before severely felt for the
time that they lasted ; and it is apprehended, that
the present situation ofthe public is yet raore liable
to the irapression. These are some of the difficul
ties and distresses which we are, for a trial of
«kill, going to bring on ourselves ; and which will
be perpetually magnifying and increasing as long
as the unnatural contest shall continue."
From these facts and authorities it appears un
questionable, that the trade of Great Britain,
instead of being capable of improvement among
foreign countries, is rather declining : and instead

174 THE FARMER REFUTED.
of her being able to bear the loss of our commerce,
she stands in great need of raore colonies to con
surae her manufactures.
It is idle to talk of employing those who might
be thrown out of business upon farms. All the
lands in England, of any value, have been long
ago disposed of, and are afready cultivated as high
as possible. The laborious farmers find it an ex
ceeding difficult task to pay their yearly taxes, and
supply thefr families with the bare necessaries of
life : and it would be impracticable to give era
ployraent in agriculture to any more than are
already engaged. We can have no doubt of this,
if we consider the small extent of territory of Great
Britain, the antiquity of its settlement, and the
vast number of people it contains. It is rather
overstocked -with inhabitants : and were it not for
its extensive comraerce, it could not maintain near
the number it does at present. This is acknow
ledged on all hands. None but yourself would
hazard the absurdity of a denial. The eraigrations
frora Great Britain, particularly frora the north part
of it, as -well as the most authentic accounts, prove
the contrary of your representations. Men are .
generaUy too much attached to their native coun
tries to leave it, and dissolve all their connexions,
unless they are driven to it by necessity. The
swarms that every year come over to Amer
ica, wiU never suffer any reeisonable man to

THE FARMER REFUTED. 175
believe, upon the strength of your word, that the
people in Scotland, or Ireland, are even in tolera
ble circumstances.
I cannot forbear wondering, when you talk of the
price of grain being advanced in France, Spain, and
the Mediterranean, and insinuate that Great Bri
tain raay be able to supply thera. It will be well
if she can raise grain enough for herself, so as not
to feel the want of those considerable quantities
she frequently gets frora us. I am apt to think she
will experience some inconveniences on this ac
count. With respect to Ireland, you think yourself un
der no obligation to point out where she may find
purchasers for her linens so nuraerous and wealthy
as we are : but unless you could do this, you must
leave that country in very deplorable circura
stances. It is not true, that she may do just as
well with her linens upon her hands, as we can
with our flax seed upon ours. Linen is a staple
manufacture of hers, and the sole means of subsist
ence to a large part of her inhabitants. Flax seed,
as an article of commerce, is comparatively of little
importance to us : but we shall stand in need of all
the flax we can raise, to manufacture linens for
ourselves; and therefore shall not lose our seed
by ceasing to export it. I shall say more of this
hereafter. Nor is it by any means a just inference, that be-.

176 THE FARMER REFUTED.
cause Ireland formerly subsisted without a linen
manufactory, she would not, therefore, severely feel
any present obstruction to the sale of the article
in question. Her burthens are now much more
grievous than they formerly were ; and of course
her resources ought to be proportionably greater,
or she must sink under the pressure of them. The
linen manufactory is, at this time, one of her most
valuable resources, and could not be materially in
jured, or impeded, without producing the most
melancholy effects. The distressed condition of
Ireland will not admit of any diminution of her
means, but pressingly demands an enlargement of
them. It is of little moment to contest the possibility
that that country might procure a sufficiency of flax
elsewhere than from us, till it can be shown
where she may find a mart for her linens equal to
the American : and this you are not willing even
to attempt. Yet I have credible inforraation that
she could not obtain from Holland much more than
usual (for the reasons I before assigned) ; and that
she has always had as rauch frora the Baltic as she
could conveniently get. M'^ith regard to Canada,
any considerable supply frora thence would be a
work of time, and no relief to her imraediate
exigencies. I observed, in ray forraer paraphlet, that " the
Dutch may withhold their usual suppUes: They

THE FARMER REFUTED. 177
may choose to improve the occasion for the ad
vancement of their own trade : They may take
advantage of the scarcity of materials in Ireland,
to increase and put off their own manufactures."
You answer it by saying, "You never yet knew
a Hollander who would withhold anything that
would fetch him a good price." The force of
my observation turns upon its being his interest to
do it. You should have shown, that it would be
more profitable to him to sell it to the Irish than
to retain it for the purposes mentioned ; otherwise,
that very avarice you ascribe to him, will operate
as I supposed.
You are unmercifully witty upon what I said
concerning the West Indies : but the misfortune
of it is, you have done nothing else than " blun
der round about my meaning." I will endeavour
to explain myself in a manner more level to your
capacity. The lands in the West Indies are extremely
valuable, because they produce the sugar cane,
which is a very lucrative plant ; but they are small
in quantity, and therefore their proprietors appro
priate only sraall portions to the purpose of raising
food. They are very populous, and therefore the
food raised among themselves goes but little way.
They could not afford sufficient sustenance to their
inhabitants, unless they were chiefly or entirely
appUed to the production of necessaries ; because
VOL. h 23

178 THE FARMER REFUTED.
they are so small in quantity, and so thickly in
habited. These are truths which every person acquainted
with the West Indies must acquiesce in : and
should they be deprived of external succours, they
must either starve, or suspend the cultivation of
the sugar cane. The last is the best side of the
dilemma ; but that would cut off an annual income
of several millions sterling to Great Britain ; for it
cannot admit of a doubt, that the chief part of the
profits of the English West Indies, ultimately cen
tres there.
But, in order to disappoint my malice, you tell
me that Canada raises four hundred thousand
bushels of wheat a year ; and this, you imagine,
will pretty well supply the wants of the West
Indians : but give me leave to inform you, that it
would not satisfy a tenth part of them. The sin
gle Island of Jamaica would require much more.
At a moderate computation, I believe there are
four hundred thousand people in the British West
Indies only. Let us allow a pound of wheat a day
upon an average, to each,* and make a calcula
tion accordingly.
At a pound a day, every person must be supposed

•This allowance cannot be thought too much, if we consider that the ne
groes live chiefly upon grain ; and must continue to do so ; because the quan
tity of flesh and fish would be proportionably diminished when our supplies
failed.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 179
to consume three hundred and sixty-five pounds a
year ; that is, about twelve bushels. Now, as there
are as many people as there are bushels of wheat
raised in Canada ; and as each person would con
sume twelve bushels, it follows, that the quantity
you mention, would not be above a twelfth part
sufficient. But can we imagine, that all the wheat of
Canada would be devoted to the use of the British
West Indies ? If our ports were to be blocked up,
would not the French and Spanish islands be in
great distress for provisions ? And have not the
Canadians any near connexions among them ?
Would they not naturally sympathize with them,
and do all in their power to afford relief? And
could they find no means to accomplish their in
clinations ? The answer to these questions is easy.
The islands belonging to the French and Spaniards
will be greatly distressed:. The Canadians will be
very ready and desirous to assist them : And they
will contrive some expedients to coraraunicate a
large share of what their country yields.
What you say conceming the lumber exported
from Canada is totally false. That country labours
under many inconveniencies which have hitherto
prevented the exportation of that article, but in
very small quantities, and of a particular kind. The
places where the lumber grows, are so far distant
from the seaports, that the expense of transporta-

180 THE FARMER REFUTED.
tion is too great to make it worth while to ship
any other than butt staves, and these must be
brought quite from Lake Champlain. This disad
vantage, together with the number of hands it
would require, and the time necessary to enter ex
tensively into any branch of trade, and to remove
all the impediments naturally in the way, would
render the situation of the West Indians truly
pitiable, were they once necessitated to depend
upon Canada only, for supplies of lumber.
The attention of Mississippi is entirely engrossed
in raising corn and indigo. The advantage arising
from these articles, is much greater than would re
sult from lumber ; and of course the people of that
country will never attend to the latter in prefer
ence to the former.
Thus have I proved, in a full, clear, and conclusive
manner, that a cessation of our trade with Great
Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, would be
productive of the most fatal consequences to them
all ; and that, therefore, the peace, happiness, and
safety, of the British empire, are connected with
the redress of our grievances ; and, if they are at
all consulted, our measures cannot fail of success.
As to the justice of proceeding in the manner
we have done, it must depend upon the necessity
of such a raode of conduct. If the British Parlia
ment are claiming and exercising an unjust authori
ty, we are right in opposing it, by every necessary

THE FARMER REFUTED. 181
means. If reraqnstrances and petitions have been
heretofore found ineffectual (and we have no rea
sonable ground to expect the contrary at present),
it is prudent and justifiable to try other methods,
and these can only be, restrictions on trade. Our
duty to ourselves and posterity, supersedes the du
ties of benevolence to our fellow-subjects in Great
Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies.
You can never confute the arguments I before
made use of on this head, unless you can prove the
right of Parliament to act as it has done ; or the
likelihood of succeeding by petitions. Your feeble
endeavours to effect this, I have sufficiently baffled.
You must now collect new forces, and make a more
vigorous effort, or you must quit the field in dis
grace. Such vociferation as this is not to be admitted
instead of argument : " Are the Irish and West
Indians accountable for our mad freaks ? Do you
expect to extend the tyranny of the Congress over
the whole British empire, by the legerdemain of
calling it American freedom ? Do you think that
the Irish and West Indians are in duty bound to
enter into our non-importation, non-consumption,
and non-exportation agreements, till our griev
ances, real or pretended, are removed ? And that
they deserve to be starved if they do not ? Enjoy
your folly and malevolence if you can."

182 THE FARMER REFUTED.
The resistance* we are making to Parliamenta
ry tyranny, cannot wear the aspect of mad freaks
to any, but such mad imaginations as yours. It
will be deemed virtuous and laudable by every
ingenuous mind. When I said that the people of
Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, w^ere
to be considered as jjolitically criminal, for remain
ing neutral while our privileges were attacked ; I
did not mean that they ought to enter into any of
the above mentioned agreements ; but that it was
their duty to signify, in a public manner, their dis
approbation of the measures carrying on, and to
use all their influence to have them laid aside. Had
they interested themselves in the affair, with any
degree of zeal and earnestness, we should not,
probably, have had occasion to act as we do ; and
they would not have been in danger of their pre
sent calamities. Their obUgation to assist us in
the preservation of our rights, is of the very same
nature with ours, to carry on a trade with them.
But you insist upon it, we should not be able to
live without the manufactures of Great Britain;
and that we should be ruined by a prohibition of
our exports. "The first winter after our English
goods are consumed, we shall be starving with
cold :" after all our endeavours, " the requisite
* 1 mean the general resistance. That there have been some irregularities
committed in America, I freely confess. It would be miraculous and incon
sistent with human nature, for a people in such critical and trying circum
stances, to act perfectly right.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 183
quantity of wool to clothe the inhabitants of this
continent, could not be obtained in twenty years."
As to cotton, it " must come from the southern
colonies ; and the expense of bringing it by land.
Would be too great for the poor. Besides, we have
nobody to manufacture our materials after we have
got them." All these, you think, are insuperable
obstacles ; and would, if duly considered, induce
us to bend our necks tamely and quietly to the
proffered yoke, as much less dreadful than the
evils attendant upon our measures will inevitably be.
Nature has disseminated her blessings variously
throughout this continent. Some parts of it are
favorable to some things, others to others ; some
colonies are best calculated for grain ; others for
flax and hemp ; others for cotton ; and others for
live stock of every kind. By this means, a mutu
ally advantageous intercourse may be established
between them all. If we were to turn our atten
tion from external to internal commerce, we should
give greater stability, and more lasting prosperity,
to our country, than she can possibly have other
wise. We should not then import the luxuries and
vices of foreign climes ; nor should we make such
hasty strides to public corruption and depravity.
Let all those lands, which are rich enough to
produce flax and hemp, be applied to that purpose :
and let such parts as have been a long time settled,
still continue to be appropriated to grain, or other

184 THE FARMER REFUTED.
things they are fit for. We shall want as much of
the former articles as can be raised ; and perhaps
as much of the latter, as may be requisite towards
the due improvement of the poorer part of our soil.
Let it be considered, that the colonies which are
adapted to the production of materials for manu
factures, will not be employed in raising grain, but
must take what they use, chiefly from the other
colonies ; and, in return, supply their materials.
By this means, and by dedicating no more of our
land to the raising of wheat, rye, corn, &c., than is
incapable of producing other things, we shall find
no superfluity of those articles ; and shall make a
very beneficial use of all our lands. This is practi
cable : difficulties may be started, but none which
perseverance and industry may not overcome.
The clothes we already have in use, and the
goods at present in the country, will, with care,
be sufficient to last three years.* During that time,
we shall be increasing our sheep as much as possi
ble. It is unfair to judge of the future from the
past. Hitherto we have paid no great attention to
them : we have killed and exported as fast as we
could obtain a sale. When we come to attend
properly to the matter, to kill but few, and to ex-
* I may bethought hereto contradict my former assertion, to wit, that in
eighteen months, all the goods we have among us will be consumed ; but I
only meant, that all the goods in the hands of the merchants would be pur
chased and taken off.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 185
port none, we shall, in the course of two or three
years, have large numbers of sheep ; and wool
enough to go a considerable way towards clothing
ourselves. Flax and hemp we should undoubtedly have in
abundance. The immense tracts of new rich land,
which may be planted with these articles, would
yield iraraense quantities of them. What large
supplies of seed do we annually export to Ireland !
When we come to withhold these, and raake the
cultivation of flax and herap a raatter of serious
attention, we shall soon procure a plenty of them.
In speaking of this matter, you confine your views
to the single small province of New- York. You
say, " We sow already as much flax as we can
conveniently manage. Besides, it requires a rich
free soil ; nor will the sarae ground in this country
produce flax a second tirae, till after an interval of
five or six years. Ifthe measures of the Congress
should be carried into full effect, I confess we raay,
in a year or two, want a large quantity of herap
for the executioner. But I fear we raust import it.
It exhausts the soil too much to be cultivated in
the old settled parts ofthe province."
There is land enough in the other provinces,
that is rich, free, and new ; nor is it at all liable to
the objections you raake. As to this particular
province, and any others in the same circumstances,
VOL. I. 24

186

THE FARMER REFUTED.

let only such parts as are fit, be planted with the
articles in question ; and let the rest be managed
as before. Much more may be produced in this,
than has been hitherto ; but if it could not afford
a sufficiency for itself, let it exchange its grain with
other colonies that superabound with such mate
rials. If we sow already as much flax as we can con
veniently manage, it is because the chief of our
attention is engrossed by other things : but the sup
position is, that there will be less demand for them,
and more for flax ; and, by attending less to present
objects, we shall have it in our power for the fti
ture to sow and manage much more flax than in
the time past.
With respect to cotton, you do not pretend to deny
that a sufficient quantity of that might be produced.
Several of the southern colonies are so favorable to
it, that with due cultivation, in a couple of years,
they would afford enough to clothe the whole con
tinent.* As to the expense of bringing it by land, the best
* When it is recollected, that when this was written, cotton
(the great staple of the South), was almost unknown as an
article of commerce; the far-reaching anticipations of the author,
in this respect, which, in our own day, are so completely fiilfiUed,
evince powers of mind, certainly remarkable in a stripling of
eighteen. — [Editor.]

THE FARMER REFUTED. 187
way will be, to manufacture it where it grows,
and afterwards transport it to the other colonies.
Upon this plan, I apprehend, the expense would
not be greater than to build and equip large ships
to import the raanufactures of Great Britain frora
thence. The difficulty of transportation would be attended
with one great advantage. It would give employ
ment and bread to a number of people ; and would,
among other things, serve to prevent there being
those terrific bands of thieves, robbers, and high
waymen, which you endeavour to draw up in such
formidable array against the Congress.
It would, however, be hardly possible to block
up our ports in such a manner as to cut off all
communication between the colonies by water.
There would remain sorae avenues, in spite of all
that could be done ; and we shpuld not be idle in
raaking proper use of them.
I mentioned before the vast quantities of skins
in America, which would never let us want a warm
and comfortable suit. This is one of our principal
resources ; and this you have passed over in silence.
A suit made of skins would not be quite so elegant
as one of broadcloth ; but it would shelter us frora
the inclemency ofthe winter full as well.
Upon the whole, considering all the resources we
have, and the time we shall have to prepare them
before we are in actual want^ there can be no

188 THE FARMER REFUTED.
room to doubt, that we raay live without the man
ufactures of Great Britain, if we are careful, frugal,
and industrious.
But it is said, we have no persons to manufacture
our raaterials after we have provided thera.
Among the swarms of emigrants that have, within
these few years past, come to the continent, there
are numbers of manufacturers in the necessary
branches. These, for want of encouragement in
their own occupations, have been obliged to apply
themselves to other methods of getting a living,
but would be glad of an opportunity to return to
them. Besides these, we should soon have a
plenty of workmen from Great Britain and Ireland.
Numbers who would be thrown out of eraploy
there, would be glad to flock to us for subsistence.
They would not stay at home and be miserable,
while there was any prospect of encouragement
here. Neither is there any great difficulty in ac
quiring a corapetent knowledge of the manufac
turing arts. In a couple of years, many of our own
people raight becorae proficient enough to raake
the coarser kinds of stuffs and linens.
But, if it should be necessary, we have other re
sources besides all these. It will be impossible
for the ships of Great Britain to line the vast ex
tended coast of this continent, in such a manner as
to preclude the admission of foreign aids and sup
plies. After every possible precaution against it.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 189
we shall still be able to get large quantities of
goods frora France and Holland.*
I shall conclude this head with one more obser
vation, which is this : That all such as may be
deprived of business by the operation of our mea
sures in America, may be employed in cultivating
lands. We have enough and to spare. It is of no
force to object, that " when our exports are
stopped, our grain would become of little worth."
They can be occupied in raising other things that
will be more wanted, to wit, materials for manu
factures ; and only a sufficiency of provisions for
their own use. In such a country as this, there can
be no great difficulty in finding business for all its
inhabitants. Those obstacles which, to the eye of
timidity, or disaffection, seem like the Alps, would,
to the hand of resolution and perseverance, be
come mere hillocks.
Once more I insist upon it, that Great Britain can
never force us to submission by blocking up our
ports ; and that the consequences of such a proce
dure to herself, Ireland, and the West Indies,
would be too fatal to admit of it. If she is deter
rained to enslave us, it raust be by force of arms;
and to attempt this, I again assert, would be
* You may perhaps tell me here, that I contradict the sentiments I formerly
delivered, respecting unlawful trade. But it is by no means the case. I de
spise the practice of avaricious smugglers very heartily ; but when a whole peo
ple are invaded, there can be no law of any force against their procuring every
needful succour.

190 THE FARMER REFUTED.
nothing less than the grossest infatuation, madness
itself. Whatever may be said of the disciplined troops
of Great Britain, the event of the contest must be
extremely doubtfol. There is a certain enthusiasra
in liberty, that makes human nature rise above
itself in acts of bravery and heroism. It cannot be
expected that Araerica would yield, without a mag
nanimous, persevering, and bloody struggle. The
testimony of past ages, and the least knowledge of
mankind, must suffice to convince us of the con
trary. We have a recent instance in Corsica, to
what lengths a people will go in defence of its
Uberties : and if we take a view of the colonies in
general, we must perceive that the pulse of Araer
icans beats high in their country's cause. Let us,
then, suppose the arms of Great Britain triumphant,
and America mutilated, exhausted, and vanquish
ed. What situation will Great Britain then be in ?
What laurels will she reap from her conquests 1
Alas, none ! Every true friend to that deluded
country, must shudder at the prospect of her self-
destroying success. The condition we should be
left in, would disable us from paying the six rail
lions sterling, which is due for the manufactures of
Great Britain. Instead of the present millions de
rived annually from our trade, we should be so
distressed and reduced, as to be, for many years to
come, a burthen, and not an advantage. Millions

THE FARMER REFUTED. 191
are soon dispensed in supporting fleets and armies.
Much British treasure and blood would be ex
pended in effecting our ruin.
This, then, would be the situation of Great Bri
tain. Her public debt would be augmented sev
eral millions. Her merchants, who are one of the
principal sources of her opulence, would, many of
them, become bankrupt, by the loss ofthe vast sums
due them in America. Her manufactures would
stagnate and decay, and her revenues would be
considerably diminished. This continent, which
is now a rich source of wealth and strength, would
be debilitated and depressed.
Would the ancient rivals and enemies of Great
Britain be idle at such a conjuncture as this ?
Would they not eagerly seize the opportunity to
recover their former losses, and revenge the evils
they have sustained on former occasions ? It will
be said. This is possible, but it may not happen.
I answer. Causes must fail of their usual effects if
it does not. Princes and nations must cease to be
ambitious and avaricious. The French, from be
ing a jealous, politic, and enterprizing people, must
be grown negligent, stupid, and inattentive to their
own interest. They never could have a fairer op
portunity, or a greater teraptation to aggrandize
theraselves, and triumph over Great Britain than
would be here presented. Let us iraagine England
immersed in a war with France, Spain, or any

192 THE FARMER REFUTED.
other potent neighbour ; with her public debt in
creased ; some of her best springs dried upi; and
America ruined : not only unable to, afford her any
assistance, but, perhaps, fired with resentment,
and a sense of accumulated injuries, ready to
throw itself into the arms of her enemies. In these
circumstances, what would be the fate of this un
happy kingdom ? Every' man of discernment must
be convinced that ruin would be unavoidable.
But what reason have we to believe the arms of
Great Britain would prevail ? It will be repUed,
Because she can send against us some of the best
troops in the world, either with respect to valour
or discipline ; and because we have only a raw,
unexperienced militia to oppose them with. Dis
cipline and military skill are certainly matters of
great importance, and give those to whom they
belong, a vast superiority; but they do not render
them invincible. Superior numbers, joined to
natural intrepidity, and that animation which is
inspired by a desire of freedom, and a love of one's
country, may very well overbalance those advan
tages. I imagine, it will be readily allowed, that Great
Britain could not spare an army of above fifteen thou
sand men to send against the colonies. These would
have to subdue near six hundred thousand. The
established rule of computing the number of men
capable of bearing arms in any nation, is by taking

THE FARMER REFUTED. 193
a fifth part ofthe whole people. By the best cal
culations, we are supposed, in America, to exceed
three millions. The fifth part of three millions is
six hundred thousand. But in order to be certain
of our computation, let us suppose there are only
five hundred thousand fighting men in the colo
nies. Then there will be upwards of thirty
Americans to one British soldier. A great dispa
rity indeed ! And such as never can be compen
sated by any discipline or skill whatever ! It will
be objected, that these five hundred thousand
cannot act together. I grant it : nor is there any
occasion that they should. Forty thousand will
be a sufficient number to make head at a time ; and
these must be kept up by fresh supplies as fast as
there is any diminution.
Let it be remembered, that there are no large
plains for the two armies to meet in, and decide
the contest by some decisive stroke ; where any
advantage gained by either side, might be prose
cuted till a-complete -victory was obtained. The
circumstances of our country put it in our power
to evade a pitched battle. It will be better policy
to harass and exhaust the soldiery, by frequent
skirmishes and incursions, than to take the opeji
field with them, by which means they would have
the full benefit of their superior regularity and
skill. Americans are better qualified for that
kind of fighting, which is raost adapted to this
VOL. I. 25

194 THE FARMER REFUTED.
country, than regular troops. Should the soldiery
advance into the country, as they would be
obliged to do if they had any inclination to subdue
us, their discipline would be of little use to thera.
We should, in that case, be at least upon an
equality with them, in any respect ; and as we
should have the advantage, on many accounts,
they would be likely to gain nothing by their at
tempts. Seveval ofthe colonies are now making prepa
ration for the worst (and indeed the best way to
avoid a civil war, is to be prepared for it). They
are disciplining men as fast as possible ; and, in a
few months, will be able to produce many thou
sands, not so much inferior in the essentials of
discipline as may, perhaps, be imagined. A little
actual service will put them very nearly upon a
footing with their enemies. The history of the
Swedes and Russians, under Charles XIL, and Peter
the Great, will teach us how soon a people, pos
sessed of natural braA^ery, may be brought to equal
the most regular troops. The Swedes, at first,
obtained very signal advantages; but, after a while,
the Russians learned to defeat them with equal
numbers. It is true, there was one of the greatest
men the world has seen, at the head of the latter ;
but there was one who emulated the Macedonian
conqueror, at the head of the former. Charles
was, perhaps, never surpassed by any man in eou-

THE FARMER REFUTED. 195
rage, or skill : and his soldiers were well worthy
of such a general. There is also this important
circumstance in our favour, when compared with
the Russians. They were barbarous and untracta
ble. We are civilized and docile. They were
ignorant even ofthe theory of war. We are well
acquainted with it ; and, therefore, should more
easily be brought to the practice of it, and be
sooner taught that order and method which we are
deficient in.
It is sometimes urged, that we have no experi
enced officers to command us. We labour under
some disadvantage in this respect, but not so great
as is believed. There are many who have served in
the last war with reputation, dispersed throughout
the colonies. These inight have the superior direc
tion of matters : and there are men enough of known
sense and courage, who would soon make excel
lent officers. During the disputes between the un
fortunate Charles and the Parliament, many coun
try gentlemen served in the armies of the latter,
and signalized themselves for their military virtues.
It is worthy of observation, that the present state
of the army is not the most favorable. As is always
the consequence of a long peace, there are many
effeminate striplings among the officers, who are
better calculated to marshal the forces of Venus,
than to conduct the sturdy sons of Mars. There
are, comparatively, but few veterans, either among
the leaders, or the common soldiers.

196 THE FARMER REFUTED.
You ask me. What resources have the colonies
to pay, clothe, arra, and feed their troops ? I refer
you to the accounts from Virginia and Marblehead,
for an answer to this question. Our troops, on the
spot with us, will be much more easily maintained,
than those of Great Britain at such a distance. We
are not so poor and encumbered, as to be unable to
support those who are immediately employed in
defending our liberties. Our country abounds in
provisions. We have already materials enough
araong us, to keep us in clothes, longer than Great
Britain would have any appetite to continue her
hostilities. Several of the colonies are pretty well
stored with araraunition. France, Spain, and Hol
land, would find means to supply us with whatever
we wanted.
Let it not be said, that this last is a bare possi
bility : that France and Spain have promised not
to interfere in the dispute; and that Holland has
long been a faithful ally to the British nation.
There is the highest degree of probability in the
case. A more desirable object to France and
Spain, than the disunion of these colonies from
Great Britain, cannot be imagined. Every dictate
of policy and interest, would prompt- them to for
ward it by every possible means. They could not
take any so effectual method to destroy the grow
ing power of their great rival. The promises of
princes and statesmen are of little weight. They
never bind longer, than till a strong teraptation

THE FARMER REFUTED. 197
offers to break them : and they are frequently
raade with a sinister design. If we consult the
known character of the French, we shall be dis
posed to conclude, that their present seemingly
pacific and friendly disposition, is merely a piece of
finesse, intended to dupe administration, into some
violent measures with the colonies, that they may
improve them to their own advantage. The most
that can be expected, is, that they would refrain
from an open rupture with Great Britain. They
would undoubtedly take every clandestine method
to introduce among us, supplies of those things
which we stood in need of to carry on the dispute.
They would not neglect any thing in their power,
to make the opposition on our part as vigorous and
obstinate as our affairs would admit of.
With respect to Holland, notwithstanding ex
press engagements to the contrary, her merchants,
during the last war, were constantly supplying the
French and Spaniards with military stores, and
other things they had occasion for. The same, or,,
perhaps, more powerful motives, would influence
them to assist us in a like manner.
But it seems to me a mark of great creduUty to
believe, upon the strength of their assurance, that
France and Spain would not take a still more in
teresting part in the affair. The disjunction of
these colonies from Great Britain, and the acquisi
tion of a free trade with them, are objects of too

198 THE FARMER REFUTED.
inviting a complexion, to suffer those kingdoms to
remain idle spectators of the contention. If they
found us inclined to throw ourselves upon thefr
protection, they would eagerly embrace the op
portunity to weaken their antagonist, and strength
en themselves. Superadded to these general and
prevailing inducements, there are others of a more
particular nature. They would feel no small in
convenience in the loss of those supplies they an
nually get from us ; and their islands in the West
Indies would be in the greatest distress for want
of our trade.
From these reflections it is more than probable,
that America is able to support its freedom, even
by the force of arms, if she be not betrayed by
her own sons. And, in whatever Ught we view
the raatter, the consequences to Great Britain
would be too destructive to permit her to proceed
to extremities, unless she has lost aU just sense
of her own interest.
You say, "The grand Congress, the piddling
committees, through the continent, have all dis
claimed their subjection to the sovereign authority
of the empire. They deny the authority of Par
liament to make any laws to bind them at all.
They claim an absolute independency. Great
Britain has no choice, but to declare the colo-
^^esindependent States, or to try the force of arms,
order to bring them to a sense of their duty."

THE FARMER REFUTED. 199
It is the coraraon trick of ministerial writers, to
represent the Congress as having made some new
deraands, which were unknown to former times ;
whereas, in truth, they have, in substance, ac
knowledged the only dependence on Parliament
which was ever intended by their predecessors.
Nor is it true, that they have claimed an absolute
independency. It is insulting common sense to say
so, when it is notorious that they have acknow
ledged the right of Parliament to regulate the
trade of the colonies. Any further dependence
on it, is unnecessary and dangerous. They have
professed allegiance to the British King, and have
bound themselves, on any emergency, to contri
bute their proportion of men and money, to the
defence and protection of the whole empire. Can
this be called absolute independency 1 Is it better
for Great Britain to hazard the total loss of these
colonies, than to hold them upon these conditions ?
Is it preferable to make eneraies of the people of
America, instead of being connected with them,
by the equal tie of fellow-subjects % Is it not
madness, to run the risk of losing the trade of
these colonies, from which the mother country
drew* " more clear profit than Spain has drawn
from all her mines," because they insist only
• See Shipley's Speech.

200 THE FARMER REFUTED.
upon all the essential rights of freeraen ? You
raay call it effrontery, consummate assurance, or
what you please, to say so : but every man, capa
ble of taking a full prospect of all the probable
mischiefs which may result from an open rupture
between Great Britain and the colonies, will coin
cide with me, when I affirm, that nothing but the
most frantic extravagance, can influence administra
tion to attempt the reduction of America by force
of arms.
It is sufficiently evident, from the respective
charters, that the rights we now claim, are coeval
with the original settlement of these colonies.
These rights have been, at different times, stren
uously asserted, though they have been suffered
to be violated in several instances, through inat
tention, or, perhaps, an unwillingness to quarrel
with the mother country, vl shall decline pro
ducing any other proofs of the sense of the other
provinces than those already liientioned, and shall
confine myself to a few extracts from the resolves
of some assembUes of this province.
In 1691, there was an Act passed by the Gene
ral Assembly, which contained the following
clauses. t
" Be it enacted, by the Governor, Council, and
t This Act is very remarkable. It was drawn up by Messrs. Tazewell and
Emmett, two gentlemen appointed by the governor for the purpose, and re
mained six years in Eugland before there was a negative put upon it.

THE FARMER REFUTED. 201
Representatives, met in General Assembly, and it
is hereby enacted and declared by the authority
of the sarae, that the supreme legislative povjer
and OM^AonVy,'under their Majesties, Williara and
Mary, King and Queen of England, &c., shall, for
ever be, and reside, in a Governor-in-Chief and
Council, appointed by their Majesties, their heirs
and successors, and the people, by their represen
tatives raet and convened in General Asserably.
" That no freeraan shall be taken or iraprisoned,
or be deprived of his freehold, or life, or liberty,
or free customs, or outlawed, or exiled, or any
otherways destroyed ; nor shall be passed upon,
adjudged, or condemned, but by the lawful judg
ment of Ms peers, and by the law of the province.
" That no aid, tax, tallage, custom, loan, benevo
lence, gift, excise, duty, or imposition whatsoever, shall
be laid, assessed, iraposed, levied, or required of,
or on, any of their Majesties subjects within this
province, &c., or their estates, upon any manner of
colour or pretence whatsoever, but by the act and
consent of the Governor and Council, and Repre
sentatives of the people, in General Asserably raet
and convened."
This Act shows clearly, the sense of his Majesty's
representative, his Council, and the Asserably of
this Province, above eighty years ago, which was,
that the suprerae legislative authority, and the ex
clusive power of taxation, should for ever be, and
VOL. I. 26

202 THE FARMER REFUTED.
reside, in a Governor-in-Chief and Council, ap
pointed by their Majesties, their heirs and succes
sors ; and the people, by their representatives, met
and convened in General Assembly.
We may also infer from hence, that the other
colonies actually enjoyed similar privileges at that
time : for it would have been the height of pre
sumption, in this province, to claim such important
immunities, had not the others been in possession
of the like.
This Act, of itself, confutes all that has been said
concerning the novelty of our present claims ; and
proves, that the injurious reflections on the Con
gress, for having risen in their demands, are
malicious and repugnant to truth.
You have produced some expressions of the
Congress and Assembly of this province, in 1765,
which you lay great stress upon. The true mean
ing of them may be gathered from the following
passage, which is taken from the same piece that
contains the expressions in question. The Con
gress speak thus : " It is humbly submitted,
whether there be not a material distinction, in
reason and sound policy at least, between the
necessary exercise of parliamentary jurisdiction,
in general Acts for the amendment of the common
law, and the regulation of trade and comraerce
through the whole empire ; and the exercise of
that jurisdiction by imposing taxes on the colonies."

THE FARMER REFUTED. 203
They allow only a power of making general Acts
ior the araendraent of the common law, and for the
general regulation of trade. As to any special
laws to bind the colonies, in particular, they never
intended submission to these : nor could they in
tend a right to impose special duties, of any kind,
for the purpose of raising a revenue ; which is, to
all intents and purposes, a species of taxation.
The Resolves of our Assembly, the last day of
December, 1771, about three years afterwards,
will serve as a full explanation. " As it is, not
only the common birthright of all his Majesty's
subjects, but is also essential to the preservation
of the peace, strength, and prosperity of the
British empire, that an exact equality of constitu
tional rights, among all his Majesty's subjects, in
the several parts of the empire, be uniformly and
invariably maintained and supported ; and as it
would be inconsistent with the constitutional
rights of his Majesty's subjects in Great Britain,
to tax them, either in person, or estate, without
the consent of their representatives, in Parliament
assembled ; It is therefore
Resolved, nemine contradicente :
" That it is the opinion of this Committee, that
no tax under any name, or denomination, or on any
pretence, or for any purpose whatsoever, can or ought
to be imposed, or levied, upon the persons, estates,
or property, of his Majesty's good subjects within

204 THE FARMER REFUTED.
this colony, hut of their free gift, hy their represen
tatives lawfully convened in General Assembly.
"That it is the opinion of this Coraraittee, that
this colony lawfully and constitutionally has, and
enjoys, an internal legislature, in which the Crown
and the people of this colony, are constitutionally
represented : and that the power and authority of
the said legislature cannot lawfully or constitutionally
be suspended, abridged, abrogated, or annulled, by any
power or prerogative whatsoever ; the prerogative of
the Crown, ordinarily exercised for prorogations
and dissolutions, only excepted."
A suprerae authority, in the Parliament, to make
any special laws for this province, consistent with
the internal legislature here claimed, is impossible,
and cannot be supposed, without falling into that
solecism in politics, of imperium in imperio.
I imagine, sir, I have, by this time, pretty fully
and satisfactorily answered every thing contained
in your letter of any consequence. The parts I
have left unattended to, are such as cannot ope
rate, raaterially, to the prejudice of the cause I
espouse ; but I should not have neglected thera,
had it not been, that I have already taken a very
araple range ; and it would, perhaps, be iraprudent
to delay a conclusion.
Whatever opinion raay be entertained of my
sentiraents and intentions, I attest that Being,
whose all-seeing eye penetrates the inmost recesses

THE FARMER REFUTED. 205
of the heart, that I am not influeiiced (in the part
I take) by any unworthy motive. — That, if I am
in an errour, it is my judgment, not my heart, that
errs.^That I earnestly lament the unnatural quarrel
between the parent State and the colonies ; and
raost ardently wish for a speedy reconciliation — a
perpetual and mutually beneficial union. — That I
ara a warra advocate for liraited monarchy, and an
unfeigned well-wisher to the present Royal Family.
But, on the other hand, I am inviolably attached
to the essential rights of mankind, and the true
interests of society. I consider civil liberty, in a
genuine, unadulterated sense, as the greatest of
terrestrial blessings. I am convinced, that the
whole human race is entitled to it ; and that it
can be wrested from no part of them, without the
blackest and raost aggravated guilt.
I verily believe, also, that the best way to secure
a permanent and happy union between Great
Britain and the colonies, is to permit the latter to
be as free as they desire. To abridge their liber
ties, or to exercise any power over them, which
they are unwilling to submit to, would be a per
petual source of discontent and animosity. A con
tinual jealousy would exist on both sides. This
would lead to tyranny on the one hand, and to
sedition and rebellion on the other. Impositions,
not really grievous in theraselves, would be thought
so : and the murmurs arising from thence, would

206 THE FARMER REFUTED.
be considered as the effect of a turbulent, un
governable spirit. These jarring principles, would
at length throw all things into disorder, and be
productive of an irreparable breach, and ' a total
disunion. -'
That harmony and rautual confidence may spee
dily be restored between all the parts of the
British empire, is the favourite wish of one ^ who
feels the warmest sentiraents of good will to raan
kind ; who bears no enmity to you ; and who is
A Sincere Friend to America.

1775.] REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 207

" In June, seventeen hundred and seventy-five, with a view to
confirm the opinion, that the English ministry had abandoned
every regard to the principles of her constitution, he published a
series of "Remarks on the Quebec Bill," a measure which had
been resisted in the British Parliament by the whole force of the
opposition. * * # *
" The " Remarks" were published in two numbers. The first
on the fifteenth of June, 1775, in a brief, but close examination
of the terms of the Act. * * # #
" The purport of the second number, was to prove that the
Church of Rome had the sanction of a legal establishment in that
province. It is an able refutation of an essay, which professed to
show, that by this Act, the catholic religion was merely tolerated;
and, giving a very precise and accurate definition of an established
religion, it deduces clearly, from the terms of the Act, that the
Catholic religion is placed on the footing of a regular establish
ment ; while the Protestant is " left entirely destitute and unbe-
friended." " These essays are an interesting specimen of the early* reach
of thought, and precision of language, which were afterwardsi
disclosed by him in so remarkable a degree." — Life of Hamilton,
by his Son. — p. 45-6, vol. 1.
* Hamilton was barely more than eighteen years and six months old when
these "Remarks" were written by him: the "Full Vindication," and the
" Farmer Refuted," he produced, the former six, and the latter four, montha
previously .—[Editor. ]

208 REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL.

NO. I,

In compUance with ray proraise to the pubUc,
and in order to rescue truth from the specious dis
guise with which it has been clothed, I shall now
offer a few remarks on the Act, entitled " An Act
for making more effectual provision for the govern
ment of the province of Quebec in North Ameri
ca:" whereby I trust it will clearly appear, that
arbitrary power, and its great engine, the Popish
religion, are, to all intents and purposes, estab
lished in that province.
While Canada was under the dorainion of
France, the French laws and custoras were in
force there ; which are regulated in conforraity to
the genius and complexion of a despotic constitu
tion ; and expose the lives and properties of sub
jects to continual depredations, frora the raalice
and avarice of those in authority. But when it
fell under the dominion of Great Britain, these
laws, so unfriendly to the happiness of society, gave
place, of course, to the railder influence of the
English laws : and his Majesty, by proclaraation,
promised to all those who should settle there, a
full enjoyraent of the rights of British subjects.
In violation of this proraise, the Act before us de
clares, " That the said proclamation, and the com
mission under the authority whereof the govern
ment of the said province is at present adminis-

REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 209
tered, be, and the sarae are, hereby revoked, an
nulled, and raade void, from and after the first day
of May, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-
five." This abolition of the privUeges stipulated
by the proclamation, was not inflicted as a penalty
for any crime by which a forfeiture had been in
curred; but merely on pretence of the present
form of government having been found by expe
rience to be inapplicable to the state and circura
stances of the Province.
I have never heard any satisfactory account con
cerning the foundation of this pretence : for it does
not appear, that the people of Canada, at large,
ever expressed a discontent with their new estab
lishment, or solicited a restoration of their old.
They were, doubtless, the most proper judges of
the raatter, and ought to have been fully consulted
before the alteration was made. If we may credit
the general current of intelligence which we have
had respecting the disposition of the Canadians,
we must conclude they are averse to the present
regulation of the Parliaraent, and had rather con
tinue under the forra of governraent instituted by
the Royal proclamation.
However this be, the French laws are again re
vived. It is enacted, " That in all raatters of con
troversy relative to property and civil rights, resort
shall be had to the laws of Canada, as the rule for
the decision of the sarae : and all causes that here-
voL. r. 27

210 remarks on the QUEBEC BILL.
after shall be instituted in any of the Courts of
justice, shall, with respect to such property and
rights, be determined agreeably to the said laws
and customs of Canada, until they shall be varied
and altered by any ordinances that shall, from time
to time, be passed in the said province, by the
Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or Commknder-in-
Chief for the time being, by and with the advice
and consent of the Legislative Council of the
same." Thus the ancient laws of Canada are res
tored, liable to such variations and additions as
shall be deemed necessary by the Governor and
Council : and as both the one and the other are to
be appointed by the King during pleasure, they
will be all his creatures, and entirely subject to his
will, which is thereby rendered the original foun
tain of law : and the property and civil rights of
the Canadians are made altogether dependent
upon it : because the power communicated, of
varying and altering, by new ordinances, is indefi
nite and unUmited. If this does not make the
king absolute in Canada, I am at a loss for any
tolerable idea of absolute authority ; which I have
ever thought to consist, with respect to a monarch,
in the power of governing his people according to
the dictates of his own will. In the present case,
he has only to inform the Governor and Council,
what new laws he would choose to have passed,
and their situation wUl ensure their compUance.

REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 211
It is further provided, " That nothing contained
in the Act, shall extend, or be construed to extend,
to prevent or hinder his Majesty, his heirs and suc
cessors, from erecting, constituting, and appoint
ing, from time to time, such courts of criminal,
civil, and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, within and for
the said province of Quebec, and appointing, from
time to time, the judges and officers thereof, as
his Majesty, his heirs and successors, shall think
necessary for the circuinstances of the said pro
vince." Here a power of a most extraordinary and dan
gerous nature is conferred. There must be an end
of all liberty where the prince is possessed of such
an exorbitant prerogative as enables him, at plea
sure, to establish the most iniquitous, cruel, and
oppressive courts of criminal, civil, and ecclesias
tical jurisdiction ; and to appoint temporary judges
and officers, whom he can displace and change as
often as he pleases. For what can more nearly
concern the safety and happiness of subjects, than
the wise economy, and equitable constitution of
those courts in which trials for life, liberty, proper
ty, and religion, are to be conducted ? Should it
ever comport with the designs of an ambitious and
wicked rainister, we may see an Inquisition erected
in Canada; and priestly tyranny hereafter find as
propitious a soil in America, as it ever has in Spain
or Portugal.

212 REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL.
But in order to varnish over the arbitrary com
plexion of the Act, and to conciliate the minds of
the Canadians, it is provided, " That whereas, the
certainty and lenity of the criminal law of England,
and the benefits and advantages resulting frora the
use of it, have been sensibly felt by the inhabitants,
frora an experience of more than nine years :
Therefore, the same shall be administered, and shall
be observed as law, in the province of Quebec, to
the exclusion of every rule of criminal law which
did, or might, prevail in said province before the
year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-four."
As " it is in the goodness of criminal laws, that
the liberty of ihe subject principally depends,"*
this would have been an important privilege, had
it not been rendered uncertain and alienable by
the latter part of the same clause, which raakes
them " subject to such alterations and amendraents,
as the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and Com
raander-in-Chief for the tirae being, by and with
the advice and consent of the Legislative Council
of the sarae, shall, frora tirae to tirae, cause to be
raade therein."
Under the notion of necessary alterations and
araendraents, the King, through the raediura of his
creatures, the Governor and Council, raay entirely
new mould the criminal laws of Canada, and make
* Montesquieu.

REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 213
them subservient to the raost tyrannical views.
So that, in this respect, also, the principle of arbi
trary power, which is the soul of the Act, is uni
formly maintained and preserved, in full vigour,
without the least real or effectual diminution.
It has been denied, with the raost palpable ab
surdity, that the right of trial by juries is taken
frora the Canadians. It is said, that the provincial
legislature of Canada raay introduce them as soon
as they please : and it is expected that they will,
" as soon as the inhabitants desire them," or " the
state of the country will admit of them."
A civil right is that, which the laws and the
constitution have actually conferred ; not that
which raay be derived frora the future bounty and
beneficence of those in authority. The possibility
that the Legislature of Canada raay hereafter in
troduce trials by juries, does not iraply a right in
the people to enjoy thera. For in the same sense
it may be said, that the inhabitants of France,
or Spain, have a right to trial by juries, because it
is equally in the power of their legislatures to es
tablish them.
Since, therefore, it is apparent, that a systera of
French laws has been established in the province
of Quebec ; and an indefinite power vested in the
King, to vary and alter these laws ; as also to con
stitute such courts of crirainal, civil, and ecclesias
tical jurisdiction ; and to introduce such a form of

214 remarks on THE QUEBEC BILL.
criminal law as he shall judge necessary : I say,
since all this is deducible from the express letter
of the Act; or, in other words, since the whole
Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary powers, are
ultimately and effectually, though not immediately,
lodged in the King ; there can be no room to
doubt, that an arbitrary government has been
really instituted throughout the extensive region
now comprised in the province of Quebec.
NO. II.
Having considered the nature of this Bill with
regard to civil government, I ara next to exaraine
it with relation to religion ; and to endeavour to
show, that the Church of Rome has now the sanc
tion of a legal establishment in the province of
Quebec. In order to do this the raore satisfactorily, I beg
leave to adopt the definition given of an established
religion, by a certain writer who has taken great
pains to evince the contrary. "An established
reUgion," says he, "is a religion which the civil
authority engages, not only to protect, but to
support." This Act raakes effectual provision, not
only for the protection, but for the permanent sup
port of popery ; as is evident from the following
clause : " And for the raore perfect security and
ease of the rainds of the inhabitants of the said

REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 215
province, it is hereby declared, that his Majesty's
subjects, professing the religion bf the Church of
Rome, in the said province, may have, hold, and
enjoy, the free exercise of the religion of the
Church of Rome, subject to the King's supremacy,
&c.; and that the clergy of the said Church, may
hold, receive, and enjoy, their accustomed dues
and rights, &c."
This is represented as a bare permission to the
clergy, to enjoy the usual emoluments of their
functions, and not as a legal provision for their
support. Much stress seems to be laid on the
word " may," which is commonly italicised. But
though the phraseology be artful, yet it is easy to
perceive, that it operates to the same effect as if
it had been more positive and emphatical.
The clergy " may hold, receive, and enjoy,
their accustomed dues and rights." They may if
they please. It is at their option, and must depend
upon their will ; and, consequently, there must be
a co-respondent obligation upon their parishioners
to comply with that will, and to pay those dues
when required. What the law gives us an un
conditional permission to enjoy, no person can
legally withhold from us. It becomes our proper
ty, and we can enforce our right to it. If the
Legislature of this colony were to decree, that
the clergy of the different denominations, may
hold, receive, and enjoy, tithes of their respective

216 REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL.
congregations ; v^e should soon find that it would
have the same efficacy as if it were decreed, that
the several congregations should pay tithes to their
respective clergy. For, otherwise, the Legislature
raight confer a right which had no correlative
obligation ; and which must, therefore, be void
and inefficacious. But this is contradictory and
irapossible. " Tithes in Canada," it is said, " are the proper
ty of the Roraan Church : and perraitting a tole
rated Church to enjoy its own property, is far
short of the idea of an establishraent." But I
should be glad to know, in the first place, how
tithes can be the property of any but of an es
tablished church? And in the next, how they
came to be the property of the Romish Church
in Canada, during the intermediate space between
the surrender of that province to the English, and
the passing of this Act ? Nothing can be deemed
my property, to which I have not a perfect
and uncontrollable right by the laws. If a church
have not a similar right to tithes, it can have no
property in thera : and if it have, it is plain the
laws raust have raade provision for its support, or,
in other words, must have established it.
Previous to the surrender of Canada, the Catho
lic religion was established there by the laws of
France ; and tithes were, on that account, the
legal property of the Church of Rome ; and could

REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 217
not be withheld by the laity, though ever so much
disposed to it. But after the surrender, this cir
cumstance took a different turn. The French
laws being no longer in force, the establishment
of the Romish Church ceased of course; and with
it, the property -which it before had in tithes.
It is true, the clergy may have continued to re
ceive and enjoy their customary dues, tithes, and
other perquisites : but they were not, for all that,
the property of the Church ; because it had lost
its legal right to them, and it was at the discretion
of the laity to withhold them, if they had thought
proper ; or to abridge them, and place them upon
a more moderate footing. Their voluntary concur
rence was necessary to give their priests a right
to demand them as before. But by the late Act,
this matter is again put into its forraer situation.
Tithes are now becorae the property of the Church,
as formerly ; because it again has a legal claim to
them ; and the conditional consent of the people
is set aside. Thus we see, that this Act does not,
in fact, permit a tolerated church to enjoy " its
own property," but gives it a real and legal proper
ty in that which it before held from the bounty
and liberality of its professors ; and which they
inight witjihold, or diminish, at pleasure : and this,
in the most proper sense, converts it into an estab
lishraent. The characteristic difference between a tolera-
voL. I. 28

218 REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL.
ted and established religion, consists in this : With
respect to the support of the former, the law is
passive and improvident, leaving it to those who
profess it, to make as much, or as little, provision
as they shall judge expedient ; and to vary and
alter that provision, as their circumstances may re
quire. In this manner, the Presbyterians, and other
sects, are tolerated in England. They are allowed
to exercise their religion without molestation, and
to maintain their clergy as they think proper.
These are wholly dependent upon their congrega
tions, and can exact no more than they stipulate
and are satisfied to contribute. But with respect
to the support of the latter, the law is active and
provident. Certain precise dues, (tithes, &c.), are
legally annexed to the clerical office, independent
on the liberal contributions of the people; which
is exactly the case with the Canadian priests ; and
therefore, no reasonable, impartial man, will doubt
that the religion of the Church of Rorae is estab
lished in Canada. While tithes were the free,
though customary, gift of the people, as was the
case before the passing of the Act in question,
the Roman Church was only in a state of tolera
tion : but when the law came to take cognizance
of them, and, by deterraining their perraanent ex
istence, destroyed the free agency of the people,
it then resuraed the nature of an establishraent,

REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 219
which it had been divested of at the tirae of the
capitulation. As to the Protestant religion ; it is often asserted
that araple provision has been raade by the Act, for
its future establishraent : to prove which, the writer
before mentioned, has quoted a clause in the fol
lowing rautilated raanner : " It is provided," says
he, "that his Majesty, his heirs or successors, raay
raake such provision out of the accustomed dues,
or rights, for the encouragement of the Protestant
religion, and for the maintenance of a Protestant
clergy within the said province, as he or they shall,
from time to tirae, think necessary and expedient."
It raust excite a raixture of anger and disdain
to observe the wretched arts to which a designing
adrainistration, and its abettors, are driven, in or
der to conceal the enormity of their measures.
This whole clause, in its true and original con
struction, is destitute of raeaning; and was evi
dently inserted for no other end than to deceive by
the appearance of a provident regard for the Pro
testant religion. The Act first declares, " That
his Majesty's subjects, professing the religion of
the Church of Rorae, raay have and enjoy the
free exercise of their religion ; and that the cler
gy of the said church, raay hold, receive, and
enjoy their accustomed dues and rights." Then
follows this clause : " Provided, nevertheless, that
it shall be lawful for his Majesty, his heirs and

220 REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL.
successors, to make such provision out of the rest
of the said accustomed dues and rights, for the
encouragement of the Protestant religion, for the
raaintenance and support of a Protestant clergy
within the said province, as he or they shall, frora
tirae to time, think necessary and expedient."
Thus we see, the Romish clergy are to have,
hold, and enjoy, their accustomed dues and rights ;
and the rest and remainder of them, isto be applied
towards the encouragement of the Protestant reli
gion : but when they have had their wonted dues, I
fancy it will puzzle administration, by any effort of
political chemistry, to produce the rest, or remain
der. Suppose, for instance, A. had made an ac
tual settlement of a hundred pounds on B. ; and, by
a subsequent act, should declare, that B. should
continue to hold and enjoy his accustoraed and
annual bounty; and that the rest ofthe said bounty
should be given to C. : it is evident that C. would
have nothing, because there would be no rest
whatever. Exactly parallel and analogous is the
case in hand. The Roraish priests are to have their
accustoraed dues and rights ; and the rest of the
said dues and rights, is to be dedicated to the en
courageraent of the Protestant religion. In the
above recited quotation, there is a chasra : the
words " the rest of," being artfully omitted, to give
the passage some meaning which it has not in it
self. With this amendment, the sense must be.

REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 221
that his Majesty raight appropriate what portion of
the customary revenues of the Romish clergy he
should think proper, to the support and main
tenance of Protestant churches. But, according to
the real words ofthe Act, he can only devote "the
rest," or remainder, of such revenues to that pur
pose ; which, as I have already shown, is nothing.
So that the seeming provision in favour of the Pro
testant religion, is entirely verbal and delusory.
Excellent must be the encouragement it will derive
from this source. But this is not all. Had there
been really provision made, to be applied at the
discretion of his Majesty, I should still consider
this Act as an atrocious infraction^ on the rights of
Englishmen, in a point of the most delicate and
momentous concern. No Protestant Englishman
would consent to let the free exercise of his reli
gion depend upon the mere pleasure of any man,
however great or exalted. The privilege of wor
shipping the Deity, in the manner his conscience
dictates, which is one of the dearest he enjoys,
must, in that case, be rendered insecure and pre
carious. Yet this is the unhappy situation to
which the Protestant inhabitants of Canada are
now reduced.
The will ofthe king must give law to their con
sciences. It is in his power to keep them for ever
dispossessed of all religious imraunities ; and there
is too much reason to apprehend, that the sarae

222 REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL.
motives which instigated the Act, would induce
him to give thera as little future encourageraent as
possible. I iraagine it will clearly appear, from what has
been offered, that the Roman Catholic religion,
instead of being tolerated, as stipulated by the
Treaty of Peace, is established by the late Act;
and that the Protestant religion has been left en
tirely destitute and unbefriended in Canada. But
if there should be any who think that the indul
gence granted, does not extend to a perfect estab
lishraent; and that it raay be justified by the
terras of the treaty, and the subsequent conduct of
the Canadians ; and if they should alsd be at a loss
to perceive the dangerous nature of the Act, with
respect to the other colonies ; I would beg their
further attention to the following considerations.
However justifiable this Act raay be, in relation
to the province of Quebec, with its ancient liraits,
it cannot be defended by the least plausible pre
text, when, it is considered as annexing such a
boundless extent of new territory to the old.
If a free form of government had " been found
by experience to be inapplicable to the state and
circurastances of the province ;" and if " a tolera
tion less generous, although it raight have flilfilled
the letter of the articles of the treaty, would not
have answered the expectations of the Canadians,
nor have left upon their rainds favourable impres-

REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 223
sions of British justice and honour :" if these
reasons be admitted as true, and allowed their
greatest weight, they only proved that it might be
just and politic to place the province of Quebec,
alone, with its former boundaries, in the circum
stances of civil and religious government which are
established by this Act. But when it is deraanded.
Why it has also added the immense tract of coun
try that surrounds all these colonies, to that pro
vince, and has placed the whole under the same
exceptionable institutions, both civil and religious ?
— the advocates for adrainistration raust be con
founded and silent.
This Act developes the dark designs of the mi
nistry more fully than any thing they have done ;
and shows that they have formed a systematic pro
ject of absolute power.
The present policy of it is evidently this. By
giving a legal sanction to the accustomed dues of
the priests, it was intended to interest thera in be
half of the adrainistration ; and by raeans of the
dorainion they possessed over the minds of the
laity, together with the appearance of good will
towards their religion, to prevent any dissatisfac
tion which might arise from the loss of their civil
rights ; and to propitiate them to the great pur
poses in contemplation ; first, the subjugation of
the colonies ; and afterwards, that of Great Britain
itself. It was necessary to throw out some such

224 REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL,
lure to reconcile thera to the exactions of that
power which has been coraraunicated to the King,
and which the eraergency of the times may re
quire in a very extensive degree.
The future policy of it demands particular at
tention. The nature of civil government will
hereafter put a stop to emigrations from other
parts of the British dominions thither, and from
all other free countries. The pre-eminent advan
tages secured to the Roman Catholic religion, will
discourage all Protestant settlers, of whatever
nation ; and on these accounts, the province wUl
be settled and inhabited by none but Papists. If
lenity and moderation are observed in administer
ing the laws ; the natural advantages of this fertile
infant country, united to the indulgence given to
their religion, will attract droves of emigrants
from all the Roman Catholic States in Europe :
and these colonies, in time, will find themselves en
compassed with innumerable hosts of neighbours,
disaffected to them, both because of difference in
religion and governraent. How dangerous their
situation would be, let every raan of common
sense judge.
What can speak, in plainer language, the cor
ruption of the British Parliaraent than this Act,
which invests the King with absolute power over
a little world (if I may be allowed the expres
sion), and makes such araple provision for the

REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 225
Popish religion, and leaves the Protestant in such
a dependent, disadvantageous situation ; that he
is like to have no other subjects in this part of
his domain, than Roman Catholics, who, by reason
of their implicit devotion to their priests, and the
superlative reverence they bear those who coun
tenance and favour their religion, will be the
voluntary instruraents of arabition, and will be
ready, at all tiraes, to second the oppressive de
signs of adrainistration against the other parts of
the erapire.
Hence, while our ears are stunned with the
disraal sounds of New England's Republicanisra,
bigotry, and intolerance ; it behooves us to be
upon our guard, against the deceitful wiles of
those who would persuade us, that we have
nothing to fear from the operation of the Quebec
Act. We should consider it as being replete
with danger to ourselves, and as threatening ruin
to our posterity. Let us not, therefore, suffer
ourselves to be terrified at the prospect of an
imaginary and fictitious Scylla; and, by that
means, be led blindfold into a real and destruc
tive Charybdis.

VOL. 1. 29

MILITARY LIFE.
[1776.]
" Hamilton, during the previous winter, foreseeing that the
course of events must soon lead to an open rupture, determined to
apply himself to the study of arms : and before any steps were
taken to organize a regular force, had, by great assiduity, made
such progress as books, and the instruction of a British bombardier,
could give him, in pyrotechnics and gunnery." — Life of Hamilton,
by his Son : p. 51, vol. 1.
In introducing the papers connected with the Military life of
General Hamilton, we make no apology for commencing with a
rough draught, by him, on " Tactical Experiments relative to the
Step:" because (trifling as the subject may seem) we think this
single paper furnishes evidence of a remarkable mind, in the com
pactness ofhis style, the comprehensiveness ofhis ideas, and the
characteristic readiness ofhis faculty, in seizing the cardinal points
of any subject, whenever he had onee deemed it worthy of his
consideration. — [Editor.]

GUIDE IN MAKING TACTICAL EXPERIMENTS
RELATIVE TO THE STEP.
Tacticians agree, that a proper regulation of the
length and speed of the step, is of priraary irapor
tance in a system of tactics. Upon this depends
essentially the exactness of all evolutions ; the at
tainment of the best results with the least incon
venience to the soldier. Yet, in the theories of
railitary writers, and in the establishments of mili
tary nations, there is great diversity in this important

228 TACTICAL EXPERIMENTS
article. For exaraple : While our step is two feet
EngUsh, that of France (and it is believed of Prus
sia) is two feet French, or about twenty-six inches
English : that of Great Britain, two feet six inches
English. There is also sorae, though less, differ
ence as to the velocity of the step : that of France
being 76 — 100, and 120 in a rainute : that of Great
Britain, 75 — 108, and 120 in a rainute.
This diversity is a reason against adopting ira-
plicitly any foreign standard, and a raotive to in
vestigation of the principles on which the step
ought to be predicated. It is desirable, if possible,
to find a standard in nature.
As to length, the step ought to be accoraraodated
to men of the smaller sizes. A tall raan can
abridge, easier than a short raan extend, his natural
pace. And yet, perhaps, neither extrerae ought to
govern. A short raan raay, by habit, soraewhat
lengthen his usual step without fatigue; while a
tall raan raay be too rauch constrained, if obliged
to contract his step to the raeasure of a very short
man. The raan of raiddle stature, raay be the pro
perest criterion : or, perhaps, the average step of a
nuraber of raen, of different sizes, raarching to
gether, raay furnish a still better rule. In such
case a kind of coraproraise naturally takes place,
by the rautual effort of all to raove in unison.
But to arrive at a just result, it is necessary that
the experiraents should be raultiplied; should be
by individuals of different sizes, and by bodies of

RELATIVE TO THE STEP. 229
different numbers, from fe-W to raany ; and es
pecially, that they should be in different sorts of
ground, rough as well as smooth, unequal as well
as plain. By this diversification of the experi
ments, it raay be possible to discover sorae raedium,
which, being adopted as a standard, and made
habitual to troops, will best accommodate itself to
the variety of circurastances which occur.
It is a fact, which in this investigation deraands
particular attention, that the length of the step
naturally increases with its speed or velocity. In
a slow raoveraent, the body is nearly perpendicu
lar, and the leg kept back: in a rapid one, the
body is impelled forward, and with it the leg;
which, without effort, takes a greater distance in
this than in the former case.
Hence a question, whether the length of the
step ought not to be proportioned to the speed ?
And whether, instead of that uniformity which
seems to have been preferred, it ought not to be
less in the slower, and greater in the quicker steps ?
'T is evident, that by lengthening the step with
the speed, a greater quantity of ground will be
passed over in a given time, and perhaps with less;
fatigue from the raen being less constrained.
The varieties in the speed of the step, deraand
careful exaraination. A slow, cadenced, majestic
step has been adopted, especially in reference to,
manoeuvres of parade, and the raarch in line.
From seventy-five to eighty in a minute, have been

230 TACTICAL EXPERIMENTS, ETC.
latterly deemed an eUgible standard. For occa
sions which require greater celerity, about one
hundred in a minute has been adopted ; to be in
creased, in particular cases, to one hundred and
twenty. These questions arise : Are all these varieties
desirable as fundamental rules ? If not, what
ought to be substituted ? Is the slowest of these
steps ever useful in the actual service of the field ?
If not, ought it to obtain for any, and for what,
collateral reasons 1 To what kind of moveraents
is each variety applicable ? In fine, what ought
to be established as to the speed of the step ?
Respect for the institutions of nations who have
arrived at considerable perfection in. the art of
war, is a dictate of good sense : but when we con
sider the influence of the spirit of imitation, and
how liable men, habituated to routine, are to be
trammelled by that to which they have been ac
custoraed, we shall find good reason not to follow
those institutions implicitly.
In the particular affair of the length and speed
of the step, there is room to suspect, that princi
ples have not been sufficiently consulted ; and that
real improvements may be made. This, however,
is to be carefoUy examined, with a teraper no less
remote from the love of innovation, than from a
spirit of blind deference to authority and prece
dent.

Military correspondence. 231
" The convention of New- York having determined to aug
ment its military establishment, among other arrangements, or
dered a company of artillery to be raised. Hamilton seized this
opportunity to enter the service, and was recommended to the
convention by his friend McDougal, who had been appointed
colonel of the first regiment raised in the province. A doubt
having been intimated of his knowledge of that branch of arms,
McDougal proposed that he should undergo an examination ; and
on a certificate being given of his competency, he was appointed,
on the fourteenth day of March, seventeen hundred and seventy-
six, " Captain of the Provincial Company of Artilery ;" and within
a short time after, was directed to guard the records of the
colony." — Life of Hamilton, by his Son: p. 52, Vol. L
HAMILTON TO THE PROVINCIAL CONGRESS.
New- York, May 26, 1776.
Gentlemen ;
I take the liberty to request your attention to
a few particulars, which will be of considerable
importance to the future progress of tlie company
under my command : and I shall be much obliged
to you for as .speedy a determination concerning
them as you can conveniently give. The most
material is respecting the pay. Our company, by
their articles, are to be subject to the same regu
lations, and to receive the same pay, as the Con
tinental Artillery. Hitherto I have conformed to
the standard laid down in the Journal of the Con
gress, published the 10th May, 1775 ; but I am
well informed that, by some later regulation, the

232

military correspondence'.

pay of the Artillery has been augmented, and
now stands according to the following rates : Cap
tain, £10. 13. 4. Captain-Lieutenant, £8. Lieu-
tenants,'each, £7. 6. 8. Sergeants, £3. 6. 8. Cor
porals, £3. 1. 4. Bombardiers, £3. 1. 4. Gunners,
£3. Matrosses, £2. 17. 4. Druraraers and Fifers, £3.
By coraparing these with ray pay-rolls, you will
discover a considerable difference ; and I doubt
not you will be easily sensible that such a differ
ence should not exist.
I am not personally interested in having an aug
mentation agreeably to the above rates, because
my o-wn pay will remain the same as that it now
is : but I make this application on behalf of the
company ; as I am fully convinced such a disad
vantageous distinction will have a very pernicious
effect on the minds and behaviour of the raen.
They do the sarae duty with the other corapanies,
and think themselves entitled to the same pay.
They have been already comparing accounts ;
and many marks of discontent have lately ap
peared on this score. As to the circumstance
of our being confined to the defence of the colony,
it will have Uttle or no weight ; for there are but
few in the company, who would not as willingly
leave the colony on any necessary expedition, as
stay in it : and they will not, therefore, think it
reasonable to have their pay curtailed on such a
consideration. Captain Beauman, I understand.

military correspondence. 233
enlists all his men on the above terms ; and
this makes it difficult for me to get a single recruit :
for men will naturally go to those who pay them
best. On this account, I should wish to be imme
diately authorized to offer the same pay to all who
may incline to enlist. The next thing I should
wish to know, is, whether I must be allowed any
actual expenses that might attend the enlistment of
raen, should I send into the country for that pur
pose. The expense would not be great ; and it
would enable me to complete my company at once,
and bring it the sooner into proper order and dis
cipline. Also, I should be glad to be informed, if my com
pany is to be allowed the frock which is given to
the other troops as a bounty ? This frock would
be extremely serviceable in summer, while the
men are on fatigue ; and would put it in their pow
er to save their uniform much longer. I am, gen
tlemen, with the greatest respect,
Your most obedient servant,
Alexander Hamilton, Captain.

HAMILTON TO THE PROVINCIAL CONGRESS.
July 26, 1776.
Gentlemen :
I ara obliged to trouble you, to remove a diffi-
voL. I. 30

234 military correspondence.
culty which arises respecting the quantity of sub
sistence which is to be allowed my men. En
closed you have the rate of rations, which is the
standard allowance of the whole continental, and
even the provincial, army ; but it seeras Mr. Cur
tenius cannot afford to supply us with raore than
his contract stipulates; which, by comparison,
you will perceive is considerably less than the
fore mentione d rate .
My men, you are sensible, are, by their articles,
entitled to the sarae subsistence with the conti
nental troops : and it would be to them an insup
portable discrimination, as well as a breach of the
terras of their enlistment, to give thera alraost a
third less provisions than the whole array besides
receives. I doubt not you will readily put this
matter upon a proper footing.
Hitherto, we have drawn our full allowance
from Mr. Curtenius; but he did it upon the sup
position that he would have a farther considera
tion for the extraordinary supply.
At present, however, he scruples to proceed in
the sarae way, till it can be put upon a raore cer
tain foundation. I am, gentlemen.
With the utmost esteem and respect.
Your raost ob't. and raost hurable serv't,
A. Hamilton,
Captain of New- York Artillery.

military correspondence. 235
[1777.]
" He continued with his company, which, from the severity of
the weather, and its exposure in the brilliant enterprises of Tren
ton and Princeton, was reduced to a fragment of five-and-twen-
ty men, until the establishment of head quarters at Morristown ;
when, at the invitation of General Washington, on the first of
March, seventeen hundred and seventy-seven, he was appointed
his aid-de-camp, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel." — Life of
Hamilton, by his Son: vol. I, p. 57.

HAMILTON TO THE PROVINCIAL CONGRESS.
Morristown, March 6, 1777.
Gentlemen :
It is necessary I should inform you of the changes
which have happened in your Company of Artil
lery, which should have been done long ago, had
I not been prevented by sickness, from which I
ara but lately recovered.
General Washington has been pleased to ap
point me one of his Aids-de-Camp. Captain-Lieu
tenant Jaraes Moore, a proraising officer, and who
did credit to the State he belonged to, died about
nine weeks ago. Lieutenant James Gilleland,
some tirae before that, resigned his coraraission,
prompted by domestic inconveniences and other
raotives best known to himself There remain
now only two officers. Lieutenants Bean and

236 military correspondence.
Thompson, and about thirty men. The reason
that the number of men is so reduced, besides
death and desertions, was owing to a breach of
orders in Lieutenant Johnson, who first began the
enlistment of the company; and who, instead of
engaging them during the war, according to the
intention of the State, engaged them for the
limited term of a twelvemonth. The time of
those enlisted by him has expired ; and for want
of powers to re-engage them, they have mostly
entered into other corps.
I have to request you will favour me with in
structions as to your future intentions. If you
design to retain the company on the particular es
tablishment of the State, it will be requisite to
complete the number of officers, and make pro
vision to have the company filled by a new en
listment. In this case, I should beg leave to re
commend to your notice, as far as a Captain-Lieu
tenancy, Mr. Thompson. Mr. Bean is so incurably
addicted to a certain failing, that I cannot, in jus
tice, give my opinion in favour of his preferment.
But if you should determine to resign the compa
ny, as I expect you will, considering it as an ex
traordinary burthen, without affording any special
advantages^ the Continent will readily take it off
your hands, so soon as you shall intimate your de
sign to relinquish it. I doubt not you will see the

military correspondence. 237
propriety of speedily deciding on the raatter,
which the good of the service requires.
I ara, withthe sincerest respect, gentleraen.
Your most ob't and most humble servant,
Alex. Hamilton.

THE COMMITTEE OF CONVENTION TO HAMILTON.
Kingston, March 17, 1777.
Dear Sir :
We are to inform you, that Robt. R. Livingston
is, with us, a committee appointed by Convention
to correspond with you at Head Quarters. You
will give us pleasure in the information that His
Excellency is recovered from the illness which
had seized him the day before Messrs. Cuyler and
Taylor left Head Qu.arters. Any occurrences in
the army which may have happened, you will
please to communicate.
In answer tb your letter to the Convention, of
the sixth of March instant, we are to inforra you,
that it is determined to permit that company to
join the Continental Arttiy, for which you will
take the necessary steps. At the same tirae, you
will take some notice of the disposition of our
guns, which, as you well know, are all in the Con
tinental service ; and unless some little attention

238 military correspondence.
is paid to them, we may, perhaps, never see them
again. We are, sir.
Your most obe't. and humble servants,
Gouv. Morris,
Wm. Allison.
Colonel Alexander Hamilton, Aid-de-Camp
to His Excellency Gen'l. Washington.

GOUVERNEUR MORRIS TO HAMILTON.
Kingston, 26 March, 1777.
Sir:
By unavoidable incidents, this letter is delayed
beyond the usual tirae ; for which I assure you I
am extremely sorry. Your favour gave great
pleasure, as well to the coraraittee, as to several
members of the House, who are much pleased
with your judicious caution, to distinguish between
what you sport as your private opinions, and the
weighty sentiments ofthe General.
No circumstance could have more contributed
to our happiness, than to hear of the General's re
covery ; which, believe me, gave universal joy.
Be pleased to make my most respectful corapli
raents to his lady.
That the enemy are willing to desert, can
hardly be doubted; and a variety of sufficient
reasons raay easily be assigned.
Want of success is not among the least consi-

military correspondence. 239
derable : add also the want of pay, the want of
plunder. I think the situation of the enemy clearly
demonstrates the want of political wisdom, and
knowledge of war, at the fountain head. To pass
over the succession of other blunders they com
mitted, from their attempt on Long Island to
thefr present disposition, their treatment of the
soldiery is a monument of folly. First, to pre
vent their foreign mercenaries from deserting,
they kept back arrearages of pay. And second
ly, to prevent mutiny, and silence murmurings,
they allowed the plundering of a country they
intend to conquer. Here common sense alone
would have informed them, had they listened
to her dictates, that by irritating they would never
subdue ; and that an indulgence in excesses would
relax all discipline. Taught by experience, they
begin now to wind up the cords ; but as it was said
of James the First, they are always either too high
or too low. Instead of liberal discipline, they ask
servile obedience. Would it not be wise to meet
this with taunting insult ? To encourage our men
in abuse of them, as poor slaves, hired without
pay, yet not daring to vent a complaint ; and con
trast the different situations : at the same tirae in-
vitinof them to corae and taste the air of freedom.
The English are the proudest people on earth.
You i-vill hear more of a little expedition against
Peekskill at Head Quarters than I can tell you. I

240 military correspondence.
suppose it is intended as a diversion ; if so, it is a
ridiculous one. I am, &c.
Gouv. Morris.
Col. Alex. Hamilton.

THE COMMITTEE OF CONVENTION TO HAMILTON.
Kingston, April 2d, 1777.
Sir:
We received yours of the 29th ultirao, and are
extra sorry to hear of your indisposition.
In our last we expressed an apprehension that
the eneray might possibly make Hudson's river
their fiirst object; not only because they could
open their campaign there earlier than they could
go to Pennsylvania (as in one case their army
would move by land, and in the other by water) ;
but because, having the comraand of the river,
by taking the advantage of a southerly wind, they
would have it in their power to run up in a few
hours ; and, by destroying the boats that are along
its banks, render it irapossible for General Wash
ington's array to cross till they have marched to
Albany ; a thing almost impracticable at this sea
son of the year, considering the distance, and bad
ness of the roads. This would enable them, not
only to ravage all this State, but to enter Connect
icut on its western side, where the disaffection of
the people will ensure them many friends. We
have strained every nerve to prepare for their re-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 241
ception, having vested a power in General George
Clinton to make whatever draughts he may think
necessary from the militia : in consequence of
which, every third man is ordered to be drawn
from the southern, and every fifth man frora the
northern counties. We are not without apprehen
sions that these heavy draughts will be dreadfully
felt, in the want of the necessary supplies for the
array and inhabitants, which can hardly be raised
under such circumstances in this State : but more
remote evils must yield to the pressures of neces
sity. We enclose you, by direction of Convention,
some resolutions lately passed, in ofder to render
the laws against spies, and secret enemies, more
effectual. You will be pleased to deliver them,
with our respectful compliments, to His Excellency
the General.
We are happy to hear of the arrival of the ves
sel with arms from France, as no supplies can be
more necessary.
We flatter ourselves that it will shortly be in
our power to communicate more important intelli
gence from that quarter.
We are, with great respect. Sir,
Your most obedient and humble servants,
Wm. Allison,
Robt. R. Livingston,
GouvR. Morris.
Col. Alex. Hamilton.
VOL. I. 31

242 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 11,
HAMILTON TO A COMMITTEE OF THE PROVINCIAL
CONGRESS.
Head-Quarters, Morristown, April 5, 1777.
Gentlemen :
Since my last, I have had the pleasure of re
ceiving your reply to my two favours of the 29th
ultimo and 2d current. I am happy enough to be
able to inform you, that my indisposition, which
was the occasion of my brevity when I last wrote,
is now removed.
The opinion I advanced respecting the enemy's
not moving before the beginning of May, seems to
be shaken, though not entirely overthrown, by
some present appearances. We have received in
formation that they are embarking about three
thousand men on board of transports, which are
lying at the Hook, by way of Staten Island. This,
it is conjectured, is with a view to the Delaware ;
and the supposition is confirmed, by the circum-
st-ance of a confederacy lately detected at Phila
delphia, who, among other things, were endea
vouring, by the temptation of fifty pounds, to
engage persons as pilots up that river. The ex
treme difficulties they must labour under for want
of forage, and the infinite hazard they must run
by moving with a small body of about five thou
sand men, with an enemy in the rear, incapable
of sparing any considerable body of troops to form

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 243
a post behiiM, and be an asylum to them in case
of accident, — these circumstances will hardly al
low rae to tliink they will be daring enough to
make the attempt at this time. But on the other
hand, as they know we are in a progressive state as
to numbers, and other matters of importance, and
as they have no prospect of early reinforcement,
and are in a state of uncertainty as to any, from
the bustling aspect of European affairs, it is pro
bable they may conceive a necessity of making a
push at all risks. Perhaps, however, this embar
kation is intended for some other purpose ; to
make a diversion, or execute some partisan ex
ploit elsewhere. On the whole, I find it difficult
to believe they are yet ready for any capital
operation. As to your apprehensions of an attempt up the
North river, I imagine you may discard any un
easiness on that score, although it will be at all
times advisable to be on the watch against such
a contingency. It is alraost reduced to a certainty,
that the principal views of the eneray, in the en
suing campaign, will be directed towards the
southward, and to Philadelphia more immediate
ly ; of which idea, the discovery before mention
ed, with respect to pilots, is no inconsiderabl<3 con
firmation. Philadelphia is an object calculated to
strike and attract their attention. It has all along
been the main source of supplies towards the war;

244 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
and the getting it into their possession, would de
prive us of a wheel we could very badly spare, in
the great political and military machine. They
are sensible of this, and are equally sensible, that
it contains, in itself, and is surrounded by, a pro
digious number of persons attached to them, and
inimical to us, who would lend them all the assis
tance they could, in the further prosecution of
their designs. It is also a common and well
grounded rule in war, to strike ffrst and princi
pally, at the capital towns and cities, in order to
the conquest of a country.
I must confess I do not see any* object equally
interesting to draw their efforts to the northward.
Operations merely for plundering and devastation
can never answer their end ; and if they could,
one part of the continent would do nearly as well
as another. And as to the notion of forming a
junctfon with the northern army, and cutting off
the communication between the northern and
southern States, I apprehend it will do better in
speculation than in practice. Unless the geogra
phy of the country is far different from anything I
-Qan conceive, to effect this would require a chain
of posts, and such a number of men at each, as
would, never be practicable or raaintainable, but
to an iraiaense army. In their progress, by hang
ing upon thfcir rear, and seizing every opportuni
ty of skirmishing, their situation raight be ren
dered insupportably uneasy.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 245
But for fear of mistake, the General has deter
mined to collect a considerable body of troops at
or about Peekskill, which will not be drawn off
till the intentions of the enemy have acquired a
decisive complexion. These will be ready, accord
ing to conjunctures, either to proceed northerly or
southerly, as may be requisite. Every precaution
should be taken to prevent the boats from being-
destroyed, by collecting them, at the first move
ment of the enemy, under cover of one of the
forts, or into some inlet, difficult of access, and
easily defensible with a small number of men.
The loss of them would be an irreparable disad
vantage. The enemy's attempt upon Peekskill is a demon
stration of the folly of having any quantity of stores
at places so near the water, and so much exposed
to a sudden inroad. There should never be more
there than sufficient to answer present demands.
We have lost a good deal in this way at different
times, and I hope experience will at last make us
wiser. His Excellency lately had a visit from the Onei
da Chief and five others. He managed them with
a good deal of address, and sent them away per
fectly satisfied. He persuaded them to go to
PhUadelphia, but they declined it, alleging their
impatience to return, and reraove the erroneous

246 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
opinions of their countryraen, frora the misrepresen
tations of British emissaries, which they were appre
hensive raight draw them into some rash proceed
ings. They parted, after having made the most sol
emn protestations of friendship and good will. His
Excellency has been very busy all day in despatch
ing the southern post, which has prevented me giv
ing him your resolve. It will, no doubt, be very ac
ceptable ; and it is with pleasure I inform you, that
the zeal and abilities of the New- York Convention
hold the first rank in his estimation.
No news from France, save that the Congress
have obtained a credit there, for which they can
draw bills to the araount of £100,000 sterling. This
will be extreraely serviceable in carrying on a trade
with the French. The new troops begin to come
in. If we can shortly get any considerable acces
sion of strength, we may be able to strike some
brilliant stroke.
I am. Gentlemen, with the greatest respect.
Your most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.
P. S. We have been some time endeavouring to
negotiate a regular cartel ; but it has been lately
broken off, principally on account of Major Gene
ral Lee. General Howe will not allow him to be
cottiprehended under the general idea of Ameri
can prisoners.

military correspondence. 247
THE COMMITTEE OF CONVENTION TO HAMILTON.
Kingston, Sth April, 1777.
Sir:
Yours of the third came safe to hand this day,
and gave us ^reat pleasure by certifying your
health. The smallness of our nurabers will not
permit the loss of one useful citizen. It is, there
fore, a determined point, that, sick or well, you
are by no means to die.
At this distance, it is impossible to determine
what the enemy can, or what they cannot, do.
But, certainly, if we can bring a respectable force
into the field previous to their movements, it must
be extremely difficult for them to advance or re
treat. The latter, indeed, may be assisted by the
works they are throwing up.
Their attempt upon the Delaware is far from im
probable. Howe is certainly a stupid fellow: but
if he reasons so far, the taking of Philadelphia
would give a splendid sight to their manceuvres in
the eyes of Europe. This would be productive
of advantage. The seizing that large city, would
also afford him much benefit in the several ways
which you suggest. But would it not be wise to
permit his force to be thus divided, that one part
after another might be cut to pieces ?
Since the affair at Peekskill, their views this
way seem to be less probable. It was, doubtless,
unmilitary to warn us of our danger. They will

248 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
also soon learn that we are in this quarter, in a
decent posture of defence ; and that may decide
their fluctuating councils.
Perhaps, after all, they will find it more conve
nient to keep post at Amboy, with an advanced
party at Brunswick, secure New-York, and carry
on a kind of naval partisan war, till the further
aid and order of their masters.
You will take care, whenever you write to us
matters which ought not to be seen by all, to di
rect to one of us only in a separate letter : while
that which is merely indifferent, comes under your
usual direction. The reason is, that sometimes,
when we do not happen to be immediately in the
way, your letters are opened by the President;
and although no evil consequences haye accrued
from this as yet, it is nevertheless proper to guard
against it.
What you say relative to a cartel, reminds us of
the case of Major Edminston, who was taken by
General Schuyler at the same time with Sir John
Johnson. This gentleman, as His Excellency will
recollect, was sent into the enemy's quarters, with
a letter to negotiate an exchange for one of three
Majors, prisoners in their hands. He hath since
returned, with a letter from Howe to General
Schuyler, purporting that one of those Majors shall
be exchanged for him, he being permitted to join
his regiment in Canada. He was three weeks, or

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 249
thereabouts, travelling from New- York to Albany;
of which the Convention being informed, caused hira
to be raade prisoner, and intend sending him to Head
Quarters. He is well acquainted with the face of
this country, and the disposition of its several in
habitants. He has sufficient interest with the In
dians to accomplish an escape. Upon the whole
(as it will not be prudent to confine him within
this State), it is subraitted, whether it would not
be proper to secure him elsewhere until the close
of the present campaign ?
We are. Sir,
Your raost ob't. ahd humble servants,
Robt. R. Livingston,
Gouv. Morris.
Colonel Hamilton.

THE COMMITTEE OF CONVENTION TO HAMILTON.
Kingston, 16th April, 1777.
Sir:
We are directed by Convention, to enclose a
Resolution passed this day, in addition to that of
the 1st of April, which we before did ourselves
the honour to transmit to His Excellency, by which
we hope to put an effectual stop to any further de
sertions to the eneray ; as the disaffected have
been hitherto greatly eraboldened by their having,
for the want of courts, escaped the punishment
they deserved. It frequently happens, that igno-
voL. I. 32

250

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.

rant young lads are seduced to enlist with the
enemy, and are taken in their way to them. We
have sometimes thought that such might safely be
admitted to enlist in our regiments (which they
are generally inclined to do), as a change of com
pany will often make an alteration in their senti
ments, in which case a useful nuraber may be pre
served to the community. We wish you to con
sult the General on this subject, and to favour us
with his opinion, by which we shall regulate our
future conduct relative to such persons.
We are obliged to you for communicating, by
Mr. Troop, an account of the engagement on Sun
day, in which we equally admire the extreme cau
tion of the enemy, and the spirit of that handful
of men by whom they were opposed. The same
bravery will, we hope, prove as fortunate, when a
fairer occasion offers for its exertion. We have
daily information of plots that are forraed in this
State ; and a few days ago apprehended a Colonel
who was raising a regiment for the service of the
enemy. We hope, by a seasonable severity, to
prevent this evil from becoming very extensive.
We are. Sir, &c.

HAMILTON TO LIVINGSTON.
Head Quarters, Morristown, April 29, 1777.
Sir:
The enclosed was intended to be sent with

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 251
the prisoners mentioned in the list; but before
this could be conveniently done, Mr. Sims, one of
the Chief Justices of the State, carae to this town,
and informed me, that the Govemor and Council
were upon the point of adjourning ; and that the
sending of the prisoners to thera, would only be
an erabarrassraent, without answering, at present,
any valuable purpose. He considered himself au
thorized to take the matter under his direction,
and desired a sight of the papers relating to it.
After perusing them, he determined it was best
the prisoners should reraain here, until he should
receive your further orders on the subject; and
delivered me a letter for you, containing a repre
sentation of their cases, as they appear to him, in
order to know your sense, in what manner they
shall be disposed of
He admits two of them, Woolverton and Silas
Howel, to baU.
In addition to the former, I send you a second
list of four others that have been lately coraraitted
to jail. These are high offenders, and among the
number of those who it were to be wished could
have an imraediate trial and punishment. Isaac
Ogden, in particular, is one of the raost barefaced
impudent fellows that ever came under my ob
servation. He openly acknowledged himself a
subject of the King of Great Britain ; and flatly
refiised to give any satisfaction to sorae questions

252 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
that were put to hira respecting one Moses Nichols,
an eraissary frora the eneray ; assigning no other
reason for his refusal, than that he had given his
word to be silent.
A spirit of disaffection shows itself with so
rauch boldness and violence in different parts of
this State, that it is the ardent wish of His Excel
lency, no delay, which can be avoided, might be
used in making examples of sorae of the raost
atrocious offenders. If soraething be not speedily
done, to strike a terror into the disaffected, the
consequences must be very disagreeable.
Among others, all security to the friends of the
American cause will be destroyed; and the natural
effect of this, will be an extinction of zeal in
seconding and promoting it. Their attachment, if
it reraain, will be a dead, inactive, useless princi
ple. And the disaffected, eraboldened by irapu
nity, will be encouraged to proceed to the raost
dangerous and pernicious lengths.
I have the honor to be, with great respect.
Your Excellency's most ob't servant,
A. Hamilton, A. D. C,
To Gov. Livingston.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 253
HUGH KNOX* TO HAMILTON.
St. Croix, April 31st, 1777.
My Dear Friend :
A pretty fair opportunity just offering for Phila
delphia, I could not omit acknowledging the re
ceipt of your very circumstantial and satisfactory
letter of the 14th February. The thing has hap
pened which I wished for. We have been araazed
here by vague, iraperfect, and very false accounts
of raatters frora the Continent ; and I always told
my friends, that if you survived the campaign, and
had an hour of leisure to write to me, I expected
a more true, circumstantial, and satisfactory ac
count of matters in your letter, than by all the
public papers and private intelligence we had re
ceived here. I have but a moment to comraand
at present, and have not tirae to remark upon your
letter. I can only inform you, that it has given
high satisfaction to all friends here. We rejoice
in your good character and advancement, which is,
indeed, only the just reward of raerit. May you
still live to deserve more and more frora the friends
of Araerica, and to justify the choice, and merit the
approbation, of the GREAT AND GOOD GENE
RAL WASHINGTON— a name which will shine
with distinguished lustre in the annals of history —
a name dear to the friends of the Liberties of

* Mr. Knox was a physician in the West Indies, and one of Hamilton's
friends there.— [Editor.]

254 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
Mankind ! Mark this : You must be the Annalist
and Biographer, as well as the Aid-de-Camp, of
General Washington — and the Historiographer of
the AMERICAN WAR ! I take the liberty to in
sist on this. I hope you take rainutes and keep a
Journal ! If you have not hitherto, I pray do it
henceforth. I seriously, and with all my little in
fluence, urge this upon you. This may be a new
and strange thought to you : but if you survive the
present troubles, / aver — ^fe w raen will be as well
qualified to write the history of the present glori
ous struggle. God only knows how it raay termi
nate. But however that may be, it will be a raost
interesting story.
I congratulate you on your recovery frora a long
and dangerous illness. It is ray own case — I ara
just convalescent, after the severest attack I ever
had in ray life. I hope to write you raore at large
soon, and reraain, with the tender of every kind
and friendly wish. My Dear Sir,
Your affectionate Servant,
Hugh Knox.

HAMILTON TO WILLIAM DUER.
Head Quarters, Morristown, 6th May, 1777.
Sir:
The bearer of this, is Mr. Malmedi, a French
gentleraan of learning, abilities, and experience.
I beUeve he thinks hiraself entitled to preferment.

military correspondence. 255
and comes to Congress for that purpose. At the
recoraraendation of General Lee, he was made
Brigadier General by the State of Rhode Island ;
and filled the station to the satisfaction of his em
ployers, as appears by a letter from Governor Cook,
speaking of liim in the highest terras of approba
tion. This has led hira to hope, that he should be
adopted by the Continent on an equal footing. But
in this he will, no doubt, be raistaken, as there are
many insuperable objections to such an event.
Among others, it would tend to raise the expecta
tions of the Frenchmen in general, already too
high, to a pitch which it would be impossible to
gratify or endure. It might not, however, be
amiss, to do whatever propriety would warrant, to
keep hira in good huraour, as he is a man of sense
and merit. I think policy would justify the advan
cing him a step higher than his forraer Continental
rank. Congress, in the beginning, went upon a very
injudicious plan with respect to Frenchmen. To
every adventm'er that came, without even the
shadow of credentials, they gave the rank of Field
officers. Thiscircumstance, seconding the aspiring
disposition natural to those people, carried the ex
pectations of those who had really any pretensions
to the character of officers, to a length that exceed
all the bounds of moderation. As it was impossible
to pursue this impolitic plan, the Congress have be-

256 military correspondence.
gun to retrench their excessive liberality ; and the
consequence has been, universal disgust and dis
content. It would, perhaps, be injurious, as the French
are much addicted to national punctilio, to run into
the opposite extrerae to that first embraced, and,
by that raean, create a general clamour and dis
satisfaction. Policy suggests the propriety of dis
criminating a few of the most deserving, and en
deavouring to keep them in teraper, even by grati
fying thera beyond what they can reasonably pre
tend to. This will enable us to shake off the
despicable part with safety, and to turn a deaf ear
to the exorbitant deraands of the raany. It will
be easily believed in France, that their want of
raerit occasioned their want of success, from the
extraordinary marks of favour that have been con
ferred on others : whereas, the united voice of
complaint from the whole, might raake ill irapres
sions in their own country, which it is not our in
terest should exist.
We are already greatly erabarrassed with the
Frenchraen araong us ; and, from the genius of the
people, shall continue to be so. It were to be
wished, that our agents in France, instead of
courting them to come out, were instructed to give
no encouragement but where they could not help
it ; that is, where applications were made to thera
by persons countenanced and supported by great

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 257
raen, whora it would be impolitic to disoblige.
Be assured. Sir, we shall never be able to satisfy
thera; and they can be of no use to us, at least
for sorae tirae. Their ignorance of our language ;
of the disposition of the people ; the resources
and deficiencies of the country ; their own habits
and tempers : all these are disqualifications that
put it out of their power to be of any real service
to us. You will consider what I have said en
tirely as my own sentiraents, and
Believe me, with great regard, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.
William Duer, Esq.

GOUVERNEUR MORRIS TO HAMILTON.
Kingston, 16th May, 1777.
Sir:
I had the pleasure of your two favours within
two days of each other, and am very happy to
find that our form of government meets with your
approbation. That there are faults in it is not to
be wondered at, for it is the work of men, and
of men, perhaps, not the best qualified for such
undertakings. I think it deficient, for the want
of vigour in the executive ; unstable, from the very
nature of popular elective governments ; and dila
tory, from the complexity of the legislature.
For the first, I apologize by hinting the spirit
VOL. I. 33

258 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
which now reigns in America, suspiciously cau
tious. For the second, because unavoidable. For
the third, because a siraple legislature soon pos
sesses itself of too much power for the safety of
its subjects. God grant it raay work well, for
we must live under it.
I cannot persuade myself that Howe will either
go to Philadelphia or come hither. In either case.
General Washington can hang upon his rear, and
place him in the light rather of a fugitive than a
conqueror. If he bends his efforts this way, the
Council of Safety, you raay depend upon it, will
exert theraselves to raake his situation as uneasy
as he would wish ; probably raore so. The spirit
of the Tories, we have great reason to believe,
is entirely broken in this State. If it is not, it
will soon be so ; for they shall have a few raore
executions, than which nothing can be more effi
cacious. I speak from experience : but then it is
necessary to disperse the victims of public justice
throughout different parts of the several States ;
for nothing but ocular demonstration can convince
these incredulous beings that we do really hang
them. I wish the several States would follow our
example. Pennsylvania, in particular, would ex
perience many good effects from a vigorous raanly
executive. Adieu.
Your raost obedient and hurable servant,
Gouv. Morris.
Col. Hamilton.

military correspondence. 259
GOUV. MORRIS TO HAMILTON.
Kingston, 24th May, 1777.
Dear Sir:
You certainly had no reason to complain of me,
for not informing you of the destruction of the
stores at St. John's. True it is, we had a vague
report of such a transaction ; and we had also an
account, from private persons, that the report was
confirmed at Albany : but General Gates has
never done us the honour to make us acquainted
with his intelligence upon that subject ; and
therefore I was not really warranted to say any
thing about it. Apropos, I shall lose two beaver
hats if our troops are not in possession of New-
York by the first day of July next. If the eneray
expect reinforcements, prudence will dictate to
us to do something offensive as soon as possible.
Would it not be prudent to make several attacks
at the same time ? For instance, about Hacken
sack, Bergen, or wherever else the eneray are in
that quarter: upon Brunswick, by way of Round
Brook, Bonumtown, and from the southward :
upon Fort Independence in Westchester county,
or against Harlaem : and upon Long Island, by
throwing over some of the eastern troops. If
only one should prove successful, it would give
splendour to our arms, and disraay the eneray.
But our numbers, etc., etc., must govern these
things. Howe certainly cannot raean to come

260 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
this way, unless he is considerably reinforced.
He will, unless he is to act on the defensive. I
hope that our Generals are very busy fortifying
the passes in the Highlands. I fear we shall
destroy many men by it when the weather
grows warm. Much fatigue prevents that atten
tion to cleanliness which is essential to the health
of soldiery. Soldiers should, in my opinion, be
as much exercised in the use of arms, and the
various evolutions, as is necessary to preserve
their bodies in a state of strength and elasticity.
The rest of their time may be usefully employed
in the care of their clothes, and collecting refresh
ments. I seriously believe, that if two armies of
thirty thousand men each, were to take the field
in May, and the one be employed in building
fortifications for three months, which the other
should storm at the expiration of that term;
the odds would be in favour of the assailants,
that the campaign would not cost them as many
as the enemy. But a ttuce to idle speculation.
Be pleased to direct your next letter to Robert
R. Livingston and Christopher Taffin, Esqrs., as I
shall not myself be in the way to receive it. We
have no news here but this, that the Tories are
much humbled, and will, I believe, be more so.
Adieu. Yours, Gouv. Morris.
Col. Hamilton.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 261
HAMILTON TO A FRIEND.
Head Quarters, Smith's Clove, July 22, 1777.
Dear Sir :
Your favour of the eighteenth, from Saratoga,
reached me yesterday. Your pronouncing Fort
Edward, among the other forts, indefensible, sur
prises me a little, as it is entirely contrary to the
representations of several gentlemen of judgment,
who have had an opportunity of seeing and con
sidering its situation ; by whom we have been
taught to believe that it would be an excellent
post, at least for checking and retarding Burgoyne's
progress. I agree with you that our principal
strength in the quarter you are, will be in the
forests and natural strength of the country, and
in the want of forage, provisions, carriages, &c.,
in which the enemy may easily be thrown, by ta
king away what there are of those articles, which,
you observe, have never been in great abundance.
I am doubtful whether Burgoyne will attempt
to penetrate far, and whether he will not content
himself with harassing our back settlements by
parties assisted by the savages, who, it is to be
feared, will pretty generally be tempted, by the
enemy's late successes, to confederate in hostili
ties against us.
This doubt arises from some appearances that
indicate a southern movement of General Howe's
army, which, if it should really happen, will cer-

262 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
tainly be a barrier against any further irapressions
of Burgoyne ; for it cannot be supposed he would
be rash enough to plunge into the bosom of the
country without an expectation of being met by
General Howe. Things raust prove very adverse
to us indeed, should he raake such an atterapt and
not be ruined by it. I confess, however, that the
appearances I allude to, do not carry a full evi
dence in my mind ; because they are opposed by
others of a contradictory kind ; and because I can
not conceive upon what principle of coraraon
sense, or railitary propriety, Howe can be running
away frora Burgoyne to the southward.
It is ranch to be wished he raay, even though
it should give him the possession of Philadelphia,
which, by our remoteness from it, may very well
happen. In this case, we raay not only, if we
think proper, retaliate, by aiming a stroke at New-
York ; but we may come upon him with the great
est part of our collective force, to act against that
part which is under him. We shall then be cer
tain that Burgoyne cannot proceed, and that a
small force of continental troops will be sufficient
for that partisan war which he raust carry on the
rest of the carapaign.
A sraall force will also be sufficient to garrison
the posts in the Highlands, and prevent any dan
ger there ; so that we shall be able to bring near
ly the whole of the continental array against Mr.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 263
Howe. The advantages of this are obvious.
Should he be satisfied with the splendour of his
acquisition, and shut hiraself up in Philadelphia,
we can ruin hira by confineraent. Should he leave
a garrison there, and go forward, we can either
fall upon that or his raain body, dirainished as it
will be by such a measure, with our whole force.
There will, however, be many disagreeable con
sequences attending such an event; araongst
"which, the foremost is, the depreciation of our cur
rency, which, from the iraportance in which Phila
delphia is held, cannot fail to ensue.
I ara, dear Sir,
Your raost obedient servant,
Alex. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO DR. KNOX.
" A ' fragment of a letter written by him about this time to his
venerable friend Doctor Knox, who warmly espoused the Ameri
can cause, will be read with interest, as exhibiting more at. large,
the prospects and views of policy which he entertained." — Life
of Hamilton, by his Son: vol. I, p. 97.
This event [the evacuation of Ticonderoga*],
redounds very little to our credit. For if the
post was untenable, or required a larger nuraber
of troops to defend it than could be spared for the
purpose, it ought long ago to have been foreseen
and given up. Instead of that, we have kept a
• July 5, 1777.

264 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
large quantity of cannon in it, and have been
heaping up very valuable magazines of stores and
provisions, that, in the critical moment of defence,
are abandoned and lost. This affair will be at
tended with several evil consequences ; for be
sides the loss of our stores, which we cannot well
afford, it opens a new and easy door by which to
penetrate the northern States. It will fix the
hitherto fluctuating disposition of the Indians in
that quarter, in their favour, and expose the fron
tiers of the adjacent country to their depredations.
But though it is a misfortune we have reason to
lament, I dare say it will be regarded with you
as much more iraportant than it really is, and as
materially endangering the success of our cause,
which is by no raeans the case. Our opposition
is at this tirae too well matured, and has too great
stability, to be shaken by an accident of that kind.
While we have a respectable army in the field,
and resources to feed, clothe, and arm them, we
are safe. We have had a force sufficient for the
foregoing part of the campaign, to maintain such
a superiority" over the main army of the enemy as
effectually to hinder them from attaining any of
their purposes. And, to the northward, with the
reinforcements sent up to succour the retreating
garrison of Ticonderoga, and the militia flocking
in from New England, I think there is little doubt
we have by this time a force adequate to give

military CORRESPONDENCE. 265
Mr. Burgoyne a seasonable check. One good ef
fect will result from the misfortune, which is, that
it will stimulate the eastern States to greater exer
tions than they raight othejwise raake.
By our last advices, the eneray were in posses
sion of all the country between Ticonderoga and
Fort George ; and our array, nearly equal in num
ber to them, were about to take post somewhere
between Fort Edward and Saratoga.
The consequences of this northem affair will de
pend much upon the part that Howe acts. If he
were to co-operate with Burgoyne, it would de
mand our utmost efforts to counteract them. But
if he should go towards the southward, all or most
of the advantages of Burgoyee's success will be
lost. He will either be obUged to content himself
Tsvith the possession of Ticonderoga, and the de
pendent fortresses, and with carrying on a partisan
w^ar the rest of the carapaign ; or he must precipi
tate hiraself into ceistain ruin, by attempting to ad
vance into the country with a very incompetent
force. Appearances lead us to suppose that Howe is
fool enough to meditate a southern expedition ; for
he has now altered his station at Staten Island,
mentioned above, and has fallen down to the Hook.
Judging it morally certain that there would be a
co-operation of the two arraies, we thought it ex
pedient to march northerly ; and had accordingly
VOL. I. 34

266 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
reached within fourteen miles of New Windsor,
the place where we could cross the North River
without danger of interruption. But this new
movement of the enemy's fleet, has induced us to
return a few miles, and make a disposition for
marching southerly. We shall, however, be cau
tious how we proceed on that course, lest nothing
more than a feint is intended, to divert us frora the
real object.
If they go to the southward in earnest, they
must have the capture of Philadelphia in view; for
there is no other sufficient inducement. We shall
endeavour to get there in time to oppose thera ; and
shall have the principal part of the continental
force, and a large body of spirited militia, many of
them, from their services during the last campaign,
pretty well inured to arras, to make the opposition
with. Yet I would not have you to be rauch sur
prised if Philadelphia should fall ; for the enemy
will doubtless go there with a determination to
succeed at all hazard ; and we shall not be able to
prevent thera, without risking a general action, the
expediency of which will depend upon circum
stances. If the militia turn out with that zeal we
have a right to expect, from their conduct when
the eneray made their last experiment in the Jer-
sies, and were supposed to be going to Philadel
phia, we may do it without rauch inconvenience.
If they fall raaterially short of it, we shall be

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 267
obliged to confine ourselves to a skirraishing oppo
sition, which we cannot expect will be effectual.
It raay be asked. If, to avoid a general engageraent,
we give up objects of the first importance, what
is to hinder the enemy from carrying every impor
tant point, and ruining us ? My answer is, that
our hopes are not placed in any particular city or
spot of ground, but in the preserving a good army,
furnished with proper necessaries, to take advan
tage of favourable opportunities, and waste and
defeat the enemy by piecemeal. Every new
post they take, requires a new division of their
forces, and enables us to strike with our united
force against a part of theirs : and such is their
present situation, that another Trenton affair will
amount to a coihplete victory on our part ; for they
are at too low an ebb to bear another stroke of
the kind. Perhaps, before I may have an oppor
tunity of sending this, facts will unfold what I am
now endeavouring to anticipate by conjecture.
You will expect some aniraadversions on the
temper and -views of the French nation. I pre
sume you are nearly as well acquainted with the
assistance they are giving us as I am, both by
their intrigues in foreign courts, and by supplies
of every kind of warlike stores and apparatus.
It does not admit of a doubt that they are in
terested to wish us success; and their conduct
plainly shows, they are wilUng to give us every

268 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
aid essential to our preservation. But it is natu
ral they should desire to do it with as much con
venience to theraselves as they can. I apprehend
they are not overfond of plunging theraselves into
a war with England if they can avoid it, and still
answer the end they have to pursue : and, indeed,
frora the evident reluctance shown on the part of
the latter, to do anything that may bring about
such an event, it becomes extremely difficult to
draw her into it. The conclusion we may make,
is, that France will not wish to force England into
a war, unless she finds our affafrs require it abso
lutely ; and England will not enter into one, till
she is corapelled to do it.
My best respects to all friends ; and I beg you
will believe rae to be, with unabated regard.
Dear Sir,
Your raost obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

TO THE HONOURABLE JOHN HANCOCK, PRESIDENT
OF CONGRESS.
September 18., 1777. 9 o'clock at night.
Sir :
I did rayself the honour to write you a hasty
line this evening, giving it as ray opinion, that the
city was no longer a place of safety for you. I
write you again, lest that letter should not get to
hand. The enemy are on the road to Swedes

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 269
Ford, the raain body about four railes frora it.
They sent a party this evening to Daviser's ferry,
which fired upon rae and sorae others in crossing it,
killed one raan, wounded another, and disabled my
horse. They carae on so suddenly, that one boat was
left adrift on the other side, which will of course
fall into their hands ; and, by the help of that, they
will get possession of another, which was aban
doned by those who had the direction of it, and
left afloat, in spite of every thing that I could do to
the contrary. These two boats will convey fifty
raen across at a tirae, so that in a few hours they
may throw over a large party, perhaps sufficient to
overmatch the railitia who raay be between thera
and the city. This renders the situation of Con
gress extremely precarious, if they are not on their
guard : ray apprehensions for thera are great,
though it is not improbable they may not be real
ized. The most cogent reasons oblige rae to join the
array this night, or I should have waited upon you
rayself I am in hopes our army will be up with
the enemy before they pass SchuylkUl : if they are,
something serious will ensue.
I have the honour to be.
With rauch respect.
Sir, your raost obedient,
A. Hamilton.

270 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
HAMILTON TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, 22d September, 1777.
Sir:
I left carap last evening, and came to this city
to superintend the collection of blankets and
clothing for the army. Mr. Lovell sends to in
forra rae there is an express going off to Congress ;
and I do rayself the honour to coraraunicate a
brief state of things when I left camp. The ene
my raoved yesterday, frora where they lay oppo
site to Valley Forge, &c., higher up the river, on
their old scherae of gaining our right. I do n't
know precisely where they halted ; but our array
was preparing to raove up also, to counteract them.
I am this morning told, they raarched about
twelve o'clock at night for that purpose. The
general opinion was, that the eneray would at
tempt crossing this day : every appearance justi
fied the supposition.
We had intelligence that the enemy had, the
night before last, surprised Generals Sraallwood
and Wayne, and consequently dispersed them,
after a small opposition. The loss, it is said, was
not great ; and our troops were re-assembling fast
at the Red Lion. Tliis seems to have been a bad
look out, and is somewhat disconcerting.
By a letter from General McDougal, received
this morning, it appears he was, on the twentieth,
in the raorning, at Second River, just setting out

military CORRESPONDENCE. 271
on his march toward Woodbridge. He is press
ing forward with all possible expedition. The
troops were pretty well refreshed, and in good
spirits. I have, &c., A. Hamilton.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.
Head Quarters, Philadelphia County, SOth Oct., 1777.
Dear Sir :
It having been judged expedient by the mem
bers of a council of war, held yesterday, that one
of the gentlemen of my family should be sent to
General Gates, in order to lay before him the state
of this army, and the situation of the eneray; and
to point out to liim the many happy consequences
that will accrue from an imraediate reinforceraent
being sent frora the northern army; I have thought
it proper to appoint you to that duty, and desire
that you will iraraediately set out for Albany ; at
which place, or in the neighbourhood, I iraagine
you will find General Gates.
You are so fully acquainted withthe principal
points on which you are sent, naraely, the state
of our array, and the situation of the eneray, that
I shall not enlarge on those heads. What you are
chiefly to attend to, is, to point out, in the clearest
and foUest raanner, to General Gates, the absolute
necessity that there is for his detaching a very
considerable part of the army at present under

272 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
his comraand, to the reinforcement of this ; a mea
sure that wUl, in all probabiUty, reduce General
Howe to the same situation in which General Bur
goyne now is, should he attempt to remain in
Philadelphia without being able to reraove the
obstructions in the Delaware, and open a free cora
raunication with his shipping. The force which
the raerabers of the council of war judge it safe
and expedient to draw down at present, are the
three New Hampshire and fifteen Massachusetts
regiraents, with Lee's and Jackson's two of the
sixteen, additional. But it is raore than probable,
that General Gates raay have detained part of
those troops to the reduction of Ticonderoga,
should the eneray not have evacuated it; or to the
garrisoning of it. If they should, in that case the
reinforceraent will be according to circurastances;
but, if possible, let it be raade up to the same
number out of other corps. If, upon your meet
ing with General Gates, you should find that he
intends, in consequence of his success, to employ
the troops, under his command, upon some expe
dition, by the prosecution of which the comraon
cause will be raore benefitted than by their being
sent down to reinforce this array, it is not my wish
to give any interruption to the plan. But if he
should have nothing more in conteraplation than
those particular objects which I have mentioned
to you, and which it is unnecessary to commit to

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 273
paper ; in that case you are to inforra hira, that it
is ray desire that the reinforcements before men
tioned, or .such part of thera as can be safely spared,
be iraraediately put in niotion to join the array.
I have understood that General Gates has al
ready detached Nixon's and Glover's brigades to
join General Putnam ; and General Dickinson in
forms me. Sir Henry Clinton has come down the
river with his whole force : if this be a fact, you
are to desire General Putnam to send the two
brigades forward with the greatest expedition, as
there can be no occasion for them there.
I expect you will raeejt Colonel Morgan's corps
upon their way down : if you do, let thera know
how essential their services are to us ; and desire
the Colonel, or coraraanding officer, to hasten their
raarch as rauch as is consistent with the health of
the raen after their late fatigues. G. W.
P. S. I ordered the detachraent belonging to
General McDougal's division to come forward. If
you jneet them, direct those belonging to Greene's,
Angel's, Chandler's, and Duryee's regiraents, not
to cross Delaware, but to prpceed to Red Bank.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
Fishkill, Nov. 2., 1777.
Dear Sir:
I lodged last night in the neighbourhood of New
VOL. I. 35

274 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
Windsor. This raorning early, I raet Colonel Mor
gan with his corps> about a raile frora it, in march
for head quarters. I told hira the necessity of
raaking all the despatch he could, so as not to
fatigue his raen too rauch, which he has proraised
to do.
I understood frora Colonel Morgan, that all the
northern array were raarching down on both sides
the river, and would, probably, be to-morrow at
New Windsor and this place ; and that General Put
nam had held a council for the general disposition of
them, in which it was resolved to send you four
thousand men, and to keep the rest on this side the
river. I came here in expectation that matters were
in such a train as to enable me to accomplish my er
rand without going any farther, unless it should be
to hasten the troops that were on their march : but
on my arrival, I learned frora Mr. Hughes, an Aid-
de-Carap of General Gates, that the following dis
position of the northern army had taken place.
General Patterson's, Glover's, and Nixon's bri
gades, and Colonel Warner's mountain boys, to re
main in and about Albany : barracks building for
thera. General Poor's brigade, marching down
this side of the river to join General Putnam, will
be here probably to-raorrow. General Learned's
brigade, Morgan's corps, Warner's brigade of Mas
sachusetts raUitia, and some regiments of New
York militia, oh thei?' march on the west side of
the river.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 275
I have directed General Putnara, in your narae,
to send forward, with all despatch, to join you, the
two continental brigades, and Warner's railitia
brigade : this last is to serve till the latter end of
this raonth. Your instructions did not comprehend
any militia : but as there are certain accounts here,
that most of the troops from New York are gone
to Teinforce General Howe ; and as so large a pro
portion of continental troops have been detained
at Albany ; I concluded you would not disapprove
of a raeasure calculated to strengthen you, though
but for a small time, and have ventured to adopt it
on that presumption.
Being inforraed by General Piitnam, that Gene
ral Wynds, with seven hundred Jersey railitia, was
at King's Ferry, with intention to cross to Peeks-
kill, I prevailed upon hira to relinquish that idea,
and send off an iraraediate arder for them to march
towards Red Bank. It is pos.sible, however, unless
your Excellency supports this order by an applica
tion from yourself, he may march his men horae,
instead of raarching thera to the place he has been
directed to repair to.
Neither Lee's, Jackson's regiraents, nor the de-
tachraents belonging to General McDougal's di
vision, have yet raarched. I have urged their be
ing sent ; and an order has been despatched for
their instantly proceeding. Colonel Hughes is
pressing some fresh horses for me. The moraent

276 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
they are ready, I shall recross the river, in order
to fall in with the troops on the other side, and
make all the haste I can to Albany, to get the three
brigades there sent forward.
Will your Excellency permit me to observe, that
I have some doubts, under present circumstances
and appearances, of the propriety of leaving the
regiraents proposed to be left in this quarter ? But
if ray doubts on this subject were stronger than
they are, I ara forbid, by the sense of council,
frora interfering in the raatter.
General Poor's brigade is just arrived here : they
will proceed to join you with all expedition. So
strongly ara I impressed with the importance of
endeavouring to crush Mr. Howe, that I am apt to
think it would be advisable to draw off all the con
tinental troops. Had this been deterrained on.
General Warner's sixteen hundred militia niight
have been left here.
I have the honour to be.
With the warmest esteera and respect.
Your Excellency's raost obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
Albany, November, 1777.
Dear Sir.
I arrived here yesterday at noon, and waited
upon General Gates iraraediately, on the business

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 277
of my mission ; but was sorry to find his ideas did
not correspond with yours, for drawing off the
number of troops you directed. I used every ar
guraent in ray power, to convince hira of the pro
priety of the raeasure ; but he was inflexible in
the opinion, that two brigades, at least, of conti
nental troops, should remain in and near this place.
His reasons were, that the intelligence of Sir
Henry Clinton's having gone to join HoWe, was
not sufficiently authenticated to put it out of doubt;
that there was, therefore, a possibility of his re
turning up the river, which might expose the finest
arsenal in America (as he calls the one here) to
destruction, should this place he left so bare of
troops as I proposed; and that the want of con
veniences, and the difficulty of the roads, would
make it irapossible to remove artillery and
stores for a considerable time; that the New
England States would be left open - to the de
predations and ravages of the eneray; that it
would put it out of his power to enterprise any
thing against Ticonderoga, which he thinks might
be done in the winter, and which he considers it
of importance to undertake.
The force of these reasons did by no raeans
strike rae ; and I did every thing in ray power to
show they were unsubstantial : but all I could
effect, was to have one brigade despatched, in ad
dition to those already raarched. I found rayself

278 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
infinitely erabarreissed, and was at a loss how to
act. I felt the iraportance of strengthening you as
rauch as possible : but, on the other hand, I found
insuperable inconveniences, in acting diaraetrically
opposite to the opinion of a gentleman, whose suc
cesses have raised him to the highest iraportance.
General Gates has won the entire confidence of
the Eastern States. If disposed to do it, by ad
dressing hiraself to the prejudices ofthe people, he
would find no difficulty to render a raeasure odious,
which it might be said, with plausibiUty enough
to be believed, was calculated to expose them to
unnecessary dangers, notwithstanding their exer
tions, during the campaign, had given them the
fullest title to repose and security. General Gates
has influence and interest elsewhere: he might
use it, if he pleased, to discredit the measure there
also. On the whole, it appeared to rae dangerous,
to insist on sending raore troops frora hence, while
General Gates appeared so warmly opposed to it.
Should any accident, or inconvenience, happen in
consequence of it, there would be too fair a pretext
for censure : and many people are too well dis
posed to lay hold of it. At any rate, it raight be
considered as using him ill, to take a step so con
trary to his judgment, in a case of this nature.
These considerations, and others which I shall be
more expUcit in when I have the pleasure of
seeing you, determined me not to insist upon

MILtTAR-Y CORRESPONDENCE. 279
sending either of the other brigades remaining
here. I ara afraid what I have done, raay not
meet with your approbation, as not being perhaps
fully warranted by your instructions : but I ven
tured to do what I thought right, hoping that, at
least, the goodness of my intention will excuse
the errour of my judgment.
I was induced to this relaxation the raore readily,
as I had directed to be sent on, two thousand raili
tia, which were not expected by you ; and a thou
sand continental troops out of those proposed to be
left with General Putnara, which I have written to
him, since I found how matters were circumstanced
here, to forward to you with all despatch. I did this
for several reasons : because your reinforcement
would be more expeditious from that place than
from this : because two thousand continental
troops at Peekskill will not be wanted in its present
circumstances ; especially as it was really necessa
ry to have a body of continental troops at this
place, for the security of the valuable stores here :
and I should not, if I had my wish, think it expe
dient to draw off raore than two of the three bri
gades now here. This being the case, one of the
ends you proposed to be answered, by leaving the
ten regiraents with General Putnara, will be
equally answered by the troops here ; I raean that
of covering and fortifying the Eastern States : and
one thousand continental troops, in addition to the
miUtia coUected, and that may be collected, here.

280 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
will be sufficient, in the Highlands, for covering
the country down that way, and carrying on the
works necessary to be raised for the defence of
the river.
The troops gone, and going, to reinforce you, are
near five thousand rank and file, continental troops ;
and two thousand five hundred Massachusetts and
New Hampshire railitia. These, and the seven
hundred Jersey militia, will be a larger reinforce
ment than you expected, though not quite an equal
number of continental troops ; nor exactly in the
way directed. General Lincoln tells rae, the rai
litia are very excellent; and though their tirae
will be out by the last of this raonth, you will be
able, if you think proper, to order the troops still
reraaining here, to join you by the tirae their terra
of service expires.
I cannot forbear being uneasy, lest ray conduct
should prove displeasing to you ; but I have done
what, considering all circumstances, appeared to
me most eligible and prudent.
Vessels are preparing to carry the brigade to
New Windsor, which will erabark this evening.
I shall, this afternoon, set out on ray return to
carap ; and on ray way, shall endeavour to hasten
the troops forward.
I have the honour to be.
With great esteera and respect.
Your Excellency's raost ob't,
Alex. Hamilton.

Sir:

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 281
HAMILTON TO GATES.
Albany, November 5., 1777.

By inquiry, I have learned that General Patter
son's brigade, which is the one you propose to send,
is by far the weakest of the three now here, and
does not consist of raore than about six hundred
rank and file fit for duty. It is true, that there
is a railitia regiraent with it of about two hundred;
but the tirae of service for which this regiraent
is engaged, is so near expiring, that it would be
past by the time the raen could arrive at their
destinatipn. Under these circumstances, I cannot consider it
either as compatible with the good of the service,
or my instructions frora His Excellency General
Washington, to consent that that brigade be se
lected frora the three to go to him ; but I am under
the necessity of desiring, by virtue of ray orders
from him, that one of the others be substituted
instead of this ; either General Nixon's, or General
Glover's ; and that you wiU be pleased to give
iraraediate orders for its erabarkation.
Knowing that General Washington wished rae
to pay the greatest deference to your judgraent,
I ventured so far to deviate frora the instructions
he gave rae, as to consent, in corapliance with
your opinion, that two brigades should remain
VOL. I. 36

282 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
here instead of one. At the sarae tirae perrait
me to observe, that I am not myself sensible of
the expediency of keeping raore than one, with
the detached regiraents in the neighbourhood of
this place ; and that ray ideas coincide with those
gentlemen whom I have consulted on the occasion,
whose judgment I have much more reliance upon
than on my own, and who must be supposed to
have a thorough knowledge of all the circurastan
ces. Their opinion is, that one brigade, and the
regiments before mentioned, would amply answer
the purposes of this post. When I preferred your
opinion to other considerations, I did not imagine
you would pitch upon a brigade little more than
half as large as the others : and finding this to be
the case, I indispensably owe it to ray duty, to de
sire, in His Excellency's narae, that another raay
go instead of the one intended, and without loss
of tirae. As it may be conducive to despatch,
to send Glover's brigade, if agreeable to you,
you will give orders accordingly.
I have the honor to be.
With real respect and esteem.
Sir, your most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.
General Gates.

military CORRESPONDENCE. 283
HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
New Windsor, November 10., 1777.
Dear Sir:
I arrived here last night frora Albany. Hav
ing given General Gates a little time to recol
lect himself, I renewed my remonstrance on the
necessity and propriety of sending you raore than
one brigade of the three he had detained with
hira; and finally prevaUed upon him to give orders
for Glover's, in addition to Patterson's brigade, to
march this way.
As it was thought conducive to expedition, to
send the troops by water, as far as it could be done,
I procured all the vessels that could be had at Al
bany, fit for the purpose ; but could not get more
than sufficient to take Patterson's brigade. It was
erabarked the seventh instant ; but the wind has
been contrary : they must probably be here to-day.
General Glover's brigade marched at the sarae
tirae, on the east side of the river, the roads being
rauch better than on this side. I am this raoment
inforraed, that one sloop, with a part of Patterson's,
has arrived, and that the others are in sight. They
will iraraediately proceed, by water, to King's Fer
ry, and thence take the shortest route.
I am pained beyond expression to inform your
Excellency, that on ray arrival here, I find every
thing has been neglected and deranged by Gene-

284 military correspondence.
ral Putnara ; and that the two brigades. Poor's and
Learned's, still remain here and on the other side
of the river at Fishkill. Colonel Warner's militia,
I am told, have been drawn to Peekskill, to aid in
an expedition against New York, which, it seems, is,
at this time, the hobby-horse with General Putnara.
Not the least attention has been paid to my order,
in your name, for a detachment of one thousand
men from the troops hitherto stationed at this post.
Everything is sacrificed to the whim of taking
New York.
The two brigades of Poor and Learned, it ap
pears, would not raarch for want of raoney and
necessaries; several of the regiments having re
ceived no pay for six or eight months past. There
has been a high mutiny araong the forraer on this
account, in which a captain killed a raan, and was
hiraself shot by his corarade. These difficulties,
for want of proper raanageraent, have stopped the
troops frora proceeding, Govemor Clinton has
been the only raan who has done anything towards
reraoving them ; but for want of General Putnam's
co-operation, has not been able to effect it. He
has only been able to prevail with Learned's
brigade, to agree to raarch to Goshen; in hopes, by
getting them once on the go, to induce them to
continue their march. On coming here, I irarae
diately sent for Colonel Bailey, who now com
mands Learned's brigade, and persuaded him to

military correspondence. 285
engage to carry the brigade on to head quarters
as fast as possible. This he expects tp effect by
raeans of five or six thousand dollars, which
Governor Clinton was kind enough to borrow for
rae, and which Colonel Bailey thinks will keep the
raen in good huraour till they join you. They
marched this morning towards Goshen.
I shall, as soon as possible, see General Poor,
and do everything in my power to get him along ;
and hope I shall be able to succeed.
The plan I before laid, having been totally de
ranged, a new one has becora^ necessary. It is
now too late to send Warner's militia: by the
time they reached you, their term of service
would be out. The motive for sending them,
which was to give you a speedy reinforcement,
has, by the past delay, been superseded.
By Governor Clinton's advice, I have sent an
order, in the most emphatical terms, to General
Putnam, iraraediately to despatch all the continen
tal troops under hira to your assistance ; and to de
tain the railitia instead of thera.
My opinion is, that the only present use for
troops in this quarter, is, to protect the country
frora the depredations of little plundering parties;
and for carrying on the -vyorks necessary for the
defence of the river. Nothing more ought to be
thought of 'T is only wasting time, and raisap-
plying iTien, to employ them in a suicidal parade

286 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
against New York : for in this it will undoubted
ly terminate. New York is no object, if it could
be taken : and to take it, would require more men
than could be spared from more substantial pur
poses. Governor Clinton's ideas coincide with
mine. He thinks that there is no need of more
continental troops here, than a few to give a spur
to the militia in working upon the fortifications.
In pursuance of this, I have given the directions
before mentioned. If General Putnam attends to
them, the troops under him may be with you
nearly as early as any of the others (though he has,
unluckily, marched them down to Tarrytown);
and General Glover's brigade, when it gets up,
will be more than sufficient to answer the true
end of this post.
If your Excellency agrees with me in opinion,
it will be well to send instant directions to Gene
ral Putnam, to pursue the object I have mentioned :
for I doubt whether he will attend to anything I
shall say, notwithstanding it comes in the shape
of a positive order. I fear, unless you interpose,
the works here will go on so feebly, for want of
men, that they will not be completed in time:
whereas, it appears to me of the greatest impor
tance they should be pushed with the utmost
vigour. Governor Clinton will do everything in his
power. I wish General Putnam was recalled from
the command of this post, and Governor Clinton

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 287
would accept it : the blunders and caprices of
the forraer are endless. Believe rae. Sir, nobody
can be raore irapressed with the iraportance of
forwarding the reinforceraents coraing to you, with
all speed ; nor could anybody have endeavoured
to proraote it raore than I have done : but the
ignorance of sorae, and the design of others, have
been alraost insuperable obstacles. I am very
unwell ; but I shall not spare myself to get things
iraraediately in a proper train ; and for that pur
pose intend, unless I receive other orders frora
you, to continue with the troops in the progress
of their raarch. As soon as I get General Poor's
brigade in march, I shall proceed to General Put
nam's at Peekskill. I have, &c., Alex. Hamilton.
His Excellency General Washington.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
New Windsor, November 12., 1777.
Dear Sir:
I have been detained here these two days.by a
fever, and violent rheumatic pains throughout my
body. This has prevented my being active, in per
son, for promoting the purposes of my errand ; but
I have taken every other method in ray power, in
which Governor Clinton has , obligingly given rae
all the aid he could. In answer to my pressing

288 military correspondence.
application to General Poor, for the immediate
raarching of his brigade, I was told they were
under an operation for the itch ; whicli made it im
possible for thera to proceed till the effects of it
were over. By a letter, however, of yesterday,
General Poor informs me, he would certainly
march this raorning. I must do him the justice to
say, he appears solicitous to join you ; and that I be
lieve the past delay is not owing to any fault of
his, but is wholly chargeable on General Putnam.
Indeed, Sir, I owe it to the service to say, that
every part of this gentleman's conduct is marked
with blunder and negligence, and gives general
disgust. Parson's brigade will join you, I hope, in five or
six days from this. Learned's may do the same.
Poor's will, I am persuaded, make all the haste they
can for the future. And Glover's may be expected
at Fishkill to-night ; whence they will be pressed
forward as fast as I can have any influence to make
them go. But I am sorry to say, the disposition
for marching, in the officers and men in general, of
these troops, does not keep pace with my wishes,
or the exigency of the occasion. They have, un
fortunately, imbibed an idea, that they have done
their part of the business of the campaign, and are
now entitled to repose. This, and the want of pay,
make tliem averse to a long raarch at this advanced
season.

ivnLiTARy correspondence. 289
* * * In a letter from General Putnam, just
now received by Governor Clinton, he appears to
have been, the 10th instant, at King's Street, at the
White Plains. I have had no answer to ray last
applications. The enemy appear to have stripped
New York very bare. The people there, that is,
the tories, are in a great fright : tliis adds to my
anxiety, that the reinforcements from this quarter
to you, are not in greater forwardness and more
considerable. I have written to General Gates, informing him
ofthe accounts ofthe situation of New York with
respect to troops, and the probability of the force
gone to Howe being greater than was at first ex
pected ; to try if this will not extort from him
a further reinforcement. I don't, however, ex
pect much from him ; as he pretends to have in
view an expedition against Ticonderoga, to be
undertaken in the winter : and he knows that,
under the sanction of this idea, calculated to catch
the eastern people, he may, without censure, re
tain the troops. And as I shall be under a neces
sity of speaking plainly to your Excellency,
when I have the pleasure of seeing you, I shall
not hesitate to say, I doubt whether you would
have had a man from the northem army, if the
whole could have been kept at Albany with any
decency. Perhaps you will think me blameable
in not having exercised the powers you gave me,
VOL. I. 37

290 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
and given a positive order. Perhaps I have been
so : but, deliberately weighing all circumstances, I
did not, and do not, think it advisable to do it.
I have the honour to be.
With unfeigned esteem and regard.
Your Excellency's raost ob't. serv't.,
A. Hamilton.
His Excellency General Washington.

HAMILTON TO GATES.
Fishkill, November 12, 1777.
Sir:
Ever since my arrival in this quarter, I have
been endeavouring to collect the best idea I could,
of the state of things in New York, in order the
better to forra a judgraent of the probable rein
forcement gone to General Howe. On the whole,
this is a fact well ascertained, that New York
has beeh stripped as bare as possible : that in con
sequence of this, the few troops there, and the in
habitants, are under so strong apprehensions of an
attack, as alraost to araount to a panic ; that to
supply the deficiency of raen, every effort is mak
ing to excite the citizens to arms for the defence
of the city. For this purpose, the public papers
are full of addresses to thera, that plainly speak
the apprehensions prevailing on the occasion.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 291
Hence I infer, that a formidable force is gone to
General Howe. The calculations raade by those
who have had the best of opportunities of judging,
carry the nuraber frora six to seven thousand. If
so, the nuraber gone, and going, to General
Washington, is far inferior; five thousand at the
utraost. The railitia were all detained by General
Putnara till it becarae too late to send thera.
The state of things I gave you when I had the
pleasure of seeing you, was, to the best of my
knowledge, sacredly true. I give you the present
information, that you may decide, whether any
further succour can with propriety come from you.
The fleet, with the troops on board, sailed out
of the Hook on the fifth instant. This circura
stance deraonstrates, beyond a possibility of doubt,
that it is General Howe's fixed intention to en
deavour to hold Pliiladelphia at all hazards; and
removes all danger of any further operations up
the North River this winter. Otherwise, Sir
Henry Clinton's movement, at this advanced sea
son, is altogether inexplicable.
If you can, with propriety, afford any further as
sistance, the most expeditious manner of convey
ing it, will be to acquaint General Putnam of it ;
that he may send on the troops with him, to be re
placed by them. You, Sir, best know the uses to
which the troops with you are to be appUed, and
wiU determine accordingly. Iam certain it is not

292 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
His Excellency's wish, to frustrate any plan you
raay have in view for the benefit of the service,
so far as it can possibly be avoided, consistent with
a due attention to more important objects.
I ara, with respect. Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
Alex. Hamilton, A. D. C.
To General Gates.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
Peekskill, Nov. 15, 1777.
Dear Sir:
I arrived at this place last night, and unfortu
nately find myself unable to proceed any further.
Imagining I had gotten the better of my complaint,
which confined me at Governor Clinton's, and
anxious to be about attending- to the march of the
troops, the day before yesterday I crossed the ferry,
in order to fall in with General Glover's brigade,
which was on its march from Poughkeepsie to
Fishkill. I did not, however, see it myself, but
received a letter from Colonel Shepherd, who com
mands the frigate, informing me he would be last
night at Fishkill, and this night at King's ferry.
Waggons, &c., are provided on the other side for
his accommodation ; so that there need be no de
lay but what is voluntary ; and I beUeve Colonel
Shepherd is as well disposed as could be wished,
to hasten his raarch. General Poor's brigade

military correspondence. 293
crossed the ferry the day before yesterday. Two
York regiments, Courtland's and Livingston's,, are
with thein : they were unwilling to be separated
from the brigade, and the brigade from thera.
General Putnam was unwilling to keep them with
him ! and if he had consented to do it, the regi
ments to displace them, would not join you six days
as soon as these. The troops now remaining with
General Putnam, will amount to about the number
you intended, though they are not exactly the
same. He has detached Colonel Charles Webb's
regiment to you. He says the troops with hira are
not in a condition to raarch, being destitute of
shoes, stockings, and other necessaries : but I be
lieve the true reasons of his being unwilling to
pursue the mode pointed out by you, were his
aversion to the York' troops, and his desire to re
tain General Parsons with him.
I ara, with much respect and esteem.
Your Excellency's most ob't. serv't.,
A. Hamilton.
To Geiieral Washington.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.
Head Quarters, November 15, 1777,
Dear Sir:
I have duly received your several favours, from
the time you left me to that of the twelfth instant.
I approve entirely of all the steps you have taken ;
and have only to wish, that tlje exertions of those

294 MILITARY correspondence.
you have had to deal with, had kept pace with
your zeal and good intentions. I hope your health
will, before this, have perraitted you to push on
the rear of the whole reinforceraent beyond New
Windsor. Sorae of the eneray's ships have ar
rived in the Delaware ; but how many have troops
on board, I cannot exactly ascertain. The eneray
have lately daraaged Fort Miflin considerably :
but our people keep possession, and seera deter
rained to do so to the last extremity. Our loss in
men has been but small. Captain Treat is unfor
tunately araong the killed. I wish you a safe
return. And ara, dear Sir,
Your raost obedient servant,
G. Washington.
Lt. Col. Harailton.

HUGH KNOX TO HAMILTON.
St. Croix, December 10, 1777.
Dear Hamilton :
The fine, irapartial, laconic, and highly descrip
tive account you favoured me with of the last
year's campaign, in your letter of March last, ex
cited in rae, and many of your other friends here,
an earnest desire of further accounts from your pen,
of the succeeding fortunes of the Great American
War: a war which will, one day, shine more il
lustriously in the historic page, than any which
has happened since the tiraes of Nirarod and the

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 295
Giants ; and deservedly, on account of the goodness
of the cause, the grandeur of the object, the eclat
of the Generals, the bravery of the troops — and
(alas ! that I should be obliged to add) of the cruel
ty and ferocity which has marked the route of your
enemies ; and the tons of brothers' blood which
have been shed on the unhappy occasion !
I wrote two answers to your obliging letter, both
of which I hope have reached you ; and in both
of which I have urged it upon you, to make and
collect such memoirs as the urgency of your affairs
will permit you ; which may furnish materials for
an accurate history of the war, when you shall
have leisure to fill up and embellish such a skele
ton, with all that elegance and dignity of which
your fine pen is capable.
The honorable post you hold under the great
General Washington, and so near his person, will
give you a peculiar advantage for delineating his
character, both in his amiable private virtues, and
military abilities. And depend upon it, the very mi
nutiae of that incomparable man will be read with
avidity by posterity. You know me too well, I hope,
to suspect me of superstition ; yet I feel myself, at
tiraesj under a strong impulse to prophesy, that Wash
ington was bom for the deliverance of America —
that that Providence who has raised and trained hira
up for that v^ery purpose, will watch over his sacred
life with a paternal and solicitous care ; will shield

296 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
his head in every day of battle — will give him to
see Araerica free, flourisMng, and happy — and ivill
adorn his farae, among latest posterity, with a Gar
land of Laurel, more verdant, blooming, and en
viable, than ever adorned the brow of a Marl
borough !
The bearer of this line (if he shall be indeed so
fortunate as to put it into your hand), is our wor
thy friend, Mr. Cornelius Durant, who is posse.ssed
of an ardent desire of having the honour of a short
interview with General Wa.shington ; principally,
that he may have it to say, that he has seen and
spoken to the greatest man of this Age : and, in
deed, considering Mr. Durant's personal worth ;
his uncommon zeal for, and attachment to, the
Araerican cause ; the losses he has sustained in
attempting to assist ber ; and his extraordinary ad
miration of, and love to, the General's character
and person; few men more richly merit this indul
gence. If you still exist, and exist near the Gen
eral's person (and I have not yet seen your name
araong the lists of the slain or the disgraced), you
can easily procure him this honour— and I trust
you will.
We are now blessed with, and certified of, the
glorious news of Burgoyne's surrender to the im
mortal Gates ; another bright star in the Constel
lation of American Heroes : and we are momently
expecting to hear, that General Washington has

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 297
done something like the same by General Howe !
But we yet trerable in suspense — and it is indeed a
painful one. Probably before this letter, goes, we
shall hear raore of the raatter. Our general ac
counts are favourable : and while the Chevaux de
frize are defended, we have no fears about Phila
delphia. May this carapaign decide the matter!
By the time this reaches you, you will be (if you
are at all) in winter quarters; and perhaps may be
at leisure to write me a half folio, of which Mr.
Durant will take care to write me duplicates or
triplicates, for fear of miscarriage.
A piece of. mine, entitled " An Address to
America, by a friend in a foreign government,"
has been sent to the Congress for publication (if
approved). I know not yet its fate. It is, at least,
an honestly designed and animating piece, but
written incorrectly, and in a hurry. If you have
seen it, pray give me your sentiments about it; but
let it be on a loose paper enclosed in your letter ;
for the knowledge of ray being the author must
be a profound secret here.
My wishes are, that the God of Armies may
defend and protect you, and cause you happily to
survive, and to hand down to posterity the present
important scenes. Numbers here esteem you, and
would join me in declaring themselves, as I do.
Dear Harailton,
Your ever affectionate friend and servant,
Hugh Knox.
VOL. I. 38

298 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
[1778.]
HAMILTON TO DUER.
Head Quarters.
Dear Sir :
I take the liberty to trouble you with a few
hints on a matter of some iraportance. Baron
Steuben, who will be the bearer of this, waits on
Congress to have his office"' arranged upon some
decisive and permanent footing. It will not be
amiss to be on your guard. The Baron is a gen
tleman for whom I have a particular esteem; and
whose zeal, intelligence, and success, the conse
quence of both, entitle him to the greatest credit.
But I am apprehensive, with all his good quaUties,
a fondness for power and importance, natural to
every man, may lead him to wish for more exten
sive prerogatives in his department than it will
be for the good of the service to grant. I should
be sorry to excite any prejudice against him on
this account : perhaps I may be mistaken in my
conjecture. The caution I give will do no harm
if I am : if I am not, it may be useful. In either
case, the Baron deserves to be considered as a
valuable man, and treated with all the deference
which good policy will warrant.
On the first mstitution of this office, the General
.allowed him to exercise more araple powers than
* Inspector-General of the Army.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 299
would be proper for a continuance. They were
necessary in the commencement, to put things in
a train with a degree of despatch which the exi
gency of our affairs required : but it has been
necessary to restrain them, even earlier than was
intended. The novelty of the office excited ques*-
tions about its boundaries : the extent of its ope
rations alarmed the officers of every rank for their
own rights. Their jealousies and discontents were
rising fast to a height that threatened to overturn
the whole plan. It became necessary to apply a
remedy. The General has delineated the func
tions of the Inspectorship in general orders, a copy
of which will be sent to Congress. The plan is
good, and satisfactory to the army in general.
It may be iraproved, but it will be unsafe to de
viate essentially from it. It is of course the
General's intention, that whatever regulations are
adopted by hiin, should undergo the revision, and
receive the sanction, of Congress : but it is indis
pensable, in the present state of our army, that
he should have the power, from time to time, to
introduce and authorize the reformations necessa
ry in our system. It is a work which raust be
done by occasional and gradual steps ; and ought
to be entrusted to a person on the spot, who, is
thoroughly acquainted with all our defects, and
has judgraent sufficient to adopt the progressive
reraedies they require. The plan established

300 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
by Congress, on a report of the Board of War
when Conway was appointed, appears to me ex
ceptionable in many respects. It makes the In
spector independent of the Coraraander-in-Chief ;
confers powers which would produce universal
opposition in the army ; and, by making the pre
vious concurrence of the Board of War requisite
to the introduction of every regulation which
should be found necessary, opens such a continual
source of delay as would defeat the usefulness of
the institution. Let the Commander-in-Chief in
troduce, and the legislature afterwards ratify, or
reject, as they shall think proper. Perhaps you
will not differ much from me, when I suppose,
that so far as relates to the Board of War, the for
mer scheme was a brat of faction, and therefore
ought to be renounced.
There is one thing which the Baron has much
at heart, which, in good policy, he can by no
means be indulged in : it is the power of en
forcing that part of discipline which we under
stand by subordination, or an obedience to orders.
This power can only be properly lodged with the
Comraander-in-Chief, and would inflame the whole
army if put into other hands. Each Captain is
vested with it in his company: each Colonel in
his regiment : each General in his particular com
mand: and the Commander-in Chief in the whole.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 301
When I began this letter, I did not intend.
to meddle with any other subject than the In
spectorship ; but one just comes into my head
which appears to me of no small importance.
The goodness, or force, of an army, depends as
much, perhaps raore, on the composition of the
corps which form it, as on its collective number.
The composition is good or bad, not only according
to the quality of the men, but in proportion to the
completeness or incompleteness of a corps in res
pect to numbers. A regiment, for instance, with a
full complement of officers, and fifty or sixty men,
is not half so good as a company with the same num
ber of nien. A Colonel will look upon such a com
mand as unworthy his ambition, and will neglect
and despise it:, a Captain would pride himself in
it, and take all the pains in his power to bring it
to perfection. In one case we shall see a total
relaxation of discipUne, and negUgence of every
thing, that constitutes military excellence : in the
other, there will be attention, energy, and every
thing that can be wished. Opinion, whether well
or ill-founded, is the governing principle of human
affairs. A corps much below its establishment,
comparing what it is with what it ought to be,
loses all confidence in itself; and the whole army
loses that confidence and emulation which are es
sential to success'. These, and a thousand other

302 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
things that will occur to you, make it evident,
that the most important advantages attend the
having complete corps, and proportional disadvan
tages the reverse. Ten thousand men, distribu
ted into twenty imperfect regiments, wUl not have
the efficiency of the sarae number in half the
number of regiments. The fact is, with respect
to the American army, that the want of discipline,
and other defects we labour under, are as much
owing to the skeleton state of our regiments as
to any other cause. What then ?
Have we any prospect of filling our regiments ?
My opinion is, that we have nearly arrived to our
ne plus ultra. If so, we ought to reduce the
number of corps, and give them that substance
and consistency which they want, by incorporating
them together, so as to bring them near their es
tablishment. By this measure the army would be
infinitely improved ; and the State would be saved
the expense of maintaining a number of super
fluous officers.
In the present condition of our regiments, they
are incapable even of performing their comraon
exercises without joining two or raore together :
an expedient reluctantly subraitted to by those offi
cers who see theraselves raade second in command
of a batallion, instead of first, as their comrais
sion iraports ; which happens to every younger

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 303
Colonel whose regiraent is united with that of an
elder. What would be the inconveniencies, while the
officers who remain in command, and who might
be selected from the others on account of superior
merit, would applaud themselves in the preference
given them, and rejoice at a change which confers
such additional consequence on themselves ?
Those who should be excluded by the measure,
would return home discontented, and make a
noise, which would soon subside and be forgotten
among matters of greater moment. To quiet
them still more effectually, if it should be thought
necessary, they might be put upon half-pay for a
certain time.
If, on considering this matter, you should agree
with rae in sentiment, it were to be wished the
scheme could be iraraediately adopted, while the
arrangement now in hand is still unexecuted. If
it is made, it will be rather inconvenient, imme
diately after, to unhinge and throw the whole sys
tem again afloat.
When you determined on your last arrange
ment, you did not know what success the
different States might have had in draughting and
recruiting. It would then have been impro
per to reduce the number of corps, as pro
posed. We have now seen their success : we

304 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
have no prospect of seeing the regiments filled ;
we should reduce them.
Believe me to be.
With great esteem and regard.
Dear Sir, your obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.
25th June, 1778.
Sir:
We find, on our arrival here, that the intelli
gence received on the road is true. The enemy
have all filed off from Allen Town, on the Mon
mouth road. Their rear is said to be a niile
westward of Lawrence Taylor's tavern, six miles
from Allen Town. General Maxwell is at Hyde's
Town, about three miles from this place. , General
Dickinson is said to be on the eneray's right flank ;
but where, cannot be told. We can hear nothing
certain of General Scott; but, from circumstances,
"he is probably at Allen Town. We shall, agree
ably to your request, consider ahd appoint some
proper place of rendezvous for the union of our
force, which we shall communicate to Generals
Maxwell and Scott, and to yourself In the mean
time, I would recommend to you to raove toward
this place as soon as the convenience of your raen
wiU permit. I am told that Colonel Morgan is on

military correspondence. 305
the eneray's right flank. We had a slight skirmish
with their rear this forenoon, at Robert Montgo
mery's, on the Monmouth road, leading from Allen
Town. We shall see General Maxwell immedi
ately, and you will hear from us again. Send this
to the General after reading it.
I am, your ob't. serv't.,
Alex. Hamilton.
Doctor Stile's house, Cranbury Town, 9 o'clock.
We are just informed, that General Scott passed
by Haoper's tavern, five miles from Allen Town,
this afternoon at five o'clock.
M. De La Fayette.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
Robin's Tavern, 8 miles from Allen Town, 12 o'clock
June 26, 1778.
Sir:
We have halted the troops at this place. The
enemy, by our last reports, were four miles from
this (that is, their rear), and had passed the road
which turns off toward South Amboy, which de
termines their route toward Shrewsbury. Our
reason for halting, is the extreme distress of the
troops for want of provisions. General Wayne's
detachment is alraost starving, and seeras both un
willing and unable to raarch further tUl they are
supplied. If we do not receive an immediate sup-
voL. I. 39

306 MILITARY correspondence.
ply, the whole purpose of our detachraent must
be frustrated.
This morning we missed doing anything, from a
deficiency of intelligence. On ray arrival at Cran
bury yester-evening, I proceeded, by desire of the
Marquis, immediately to Hyde's Town and Allen
Town, to take measures for co-operating with the
different parts of the detachment, and to find what
Avas doing to procure intelligence. I found every
precaution was neglected ; no horse was near the
enemy, nor could be heard of till late inthe morn
ing : so that before we could send out parties and
get the necessary inforraation, they were in full
march : and as they have marched pretty expedi
tiously, we should not be able to corae up with
them during the raarch of the day, if we did not
suffer the impediment we do, on the score of pro
visions. We are entirely at a loss where the
army is, which is no inconsiderable check to our
enterprise. If the army is wholly out of supporting
distance, we risk the total loss of the detachraent
in making an attack.
If the army will countenance us, we may do
something clever. We feel our personal honour,
as well as the honour of the army, and the good
of the service, interested ; and are heartily desirous
to attempt whatever the disposition of our men
will second, and prudence authorize. It is evident
the enemy wish to avoid, not to engage us.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 307
Desertions, I iraagine, have been pretty conside
rable to-day. I have seen eight or ten deserters,
and have heard of many more. We have had
sorae little skirmishing by detached parties : one
attacked their rear guard with a degree of success,
killed a few, and took seven prisoners.
An officer is just come in, who informs that he
left the enemy's rear five mUes off, still in march,
about half an hour ago. To ascertain still more
fiiUy their route, I have ordered a fresh party on
their left, toward the head of their column. They
have three brigades in rear of their baggage.
I ara, with great respect and regard. Sir,
Your obedient servant, A. Hamilton.
His Excellency General Washington.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
June 28, 1778.
Sir :
The result of what I have seen and heard, con
cerning the eneray, is, that they have encamped
with their van a little beyond Monraouth Court
House, and their rear at Manalapan's river, about
seven railes from this place. Their march to-day
has been very judiciously conducted ; — their bag
gage in front, and their flying army in the rear,
with a rear guard of one thousand men about four

308 military correspondence.
hundred paces from the raain body. To attack
them in this situation, without being supported by
the whole army, would be folly in the extreme. If
it should be thought advisable to give the necessary
support, the army can move to some position near
the enemy's left flank, which would put them in a
very awkward situation, with so respectable a
body in their rear; and it would put it out of their
power to turn either flank, should they be so dis
posed. Their left is strongly posted, and I ara
told their right also. By some accounts, one part
of their army lies on the road leading from the Mon
mouth road to South Amboy. It is not improba
ble that South Amboy may be the object.
I had written thus far when your letter to the
Marquis arrived. This puts the matter on a totally
different footing. The detachment will march
to-morrow morning at three o'clock to English
Town. I am, with great regard and esteem.
Your ob't. serv't., A. Hamilton,
His Excellency Gen. Washington. -

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
Ulack Point, July 20, 1778.
Sir:
Enclosed I transmit your Excellency a letter from
Count. D'Estaing. He has had the river sounded.

military correspondence. 309
and finds he cannot enter. He will sail for Rhode
Island to-morrow evening. In the mean time, he
is raaking deraonstrations to deceive the eneray,
and beget an opinion that he intends to operate
in this quarter. He would sail iraraediately, but he
waits the arrival, or to hear, of a frigate which
carried Mr. Gerard to Delaware, and which he
appointed to raeet him at Sandy Hook; so that he
fears his sudden and unexpected departure, before
she arrives, might cause her to be lost. He will
not, however, wait longer than till to-raorrow
evening. We have agreed, that five cannon, fired
briskly, shall be a signal of his arrival by day, and
the same number, with five sky rockets, a signal
by night. In communicating this to General Sulli
van, the Count wishes not a moraent may be lost;
and that he raay be directed to have persons sta
tioned on the coast, and intermediate expresses, to
facilitate the communication between them. Pi
lots will be a raaterial article. He begs every
thing raay be forwarded as rauch as possible ; and
as raany troops collected as raay be. He would
be glad if a detachraent could march from your
army, or could be sent by water ; for which pur
pose he would send covering ships, and some ves
sels he has taken, by way of transports ; but he
cannot think of losing so much time as seems ne
cessary. Ifthe water scheme could shorten it, it
would be a happy circumstance. He recommends

310 military correspondence.
it to your attention ; and that you would take
measures, if the end can be better answered in
this way, and meet him with information of the
part he raay have to act to execute the plan. I
perceive he can, with difficulty, debark four thou
sand troops ; but he will try to do it.
I hope your Excellency will excuse my not
being myself the bearer of these particulars ; the
end may be answered by letter. Mr. Neville is
anxious to get on. I just have heard of despatches
arrived from you. I don't know but they may
contain something new which may make the Count
to wish a good conveyance to return an answer.
My stay till to-raorrow morning may answer that
end. I shall not delay coming forward.
I am. Sir, your most respectful
And obedient servant,
Alex. Hamilton.
His Excellency General Washington.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
Newark, July 23, 1778, one o'clock.
Sir:
I wrote to your Excellency the evening of the
20th, by Major NeviUe. I remained in the neigh
bourhood of Black Point tiU the afternoon foUow
ing. The Count had received his expected des
patches from Congress, and was to sail, as I raen-

military correspondence. 311
tioned before, the first fair wind. At Brunswick,
yesterday, Mr. Caldwell joined rae. He was ira
raediately from the Point, and brought intelli
gence that the fleet got under way yesterday
moming. The wind, unfortunately, has been
much against thera; which is so rauch the raore
to be regretted, as they are rather in want of
water. I need not suggest to your Excellency, that an
essential part of the Rhode Island plan, is to take
every possible raeasure to watch the eneray's
raotions, and to establish expresses frora place to
place, to give the Count instant inforraation of any
raoveraent araong their fleet. This will enable
hira to be in tirae to intercept them, should they
attempt to evacuate New York, while he is at
Rhode Island ; and will, in general, facilitate the
intercourse and co-operation between him and
your Excellency.
I have nothing new to communicate, beside
what was sent by Major Neville, and what I now
send. All the ideas interchanged between the
Count and rayself, were such as were familiar be
fore I left Head Quarters. He was to go to Rhode
Island, and, in conjunction with General Sullivan^
endeavour to possess himself of the enemy's ships
and troops there ; if, on his arrival, he had good
reason to think it could be effected without further
assistance. If not, he will be glad of a reinforce-^

312 MILITARY CORRESPONDDNCE.
ment from you in the most expeditious manner
possible. What manner you think will be raost
expeditious, you will adopt ; and if his aid raay be
useful, he will afford it as soon as he is informed of
it. This being the case, ray iraraediate presence at
Head Quarters is the less necessary as to this
business; and I hope your Excellency will in
dulge rae, if I do not make all the despatch back
which a case of emergency would require ; though
I do not mean to delay, more than a moderate at
tention to my frail constitution may raake not ira
proper. I have, &c., A. Hamilton,
His Excellency Gen. Washington.

LAURENS TO HAMILTON.
My Dear Hamilton :
You have seen, and by this time considered,
General Lee's infamous publication. I have col
lected some hints for an answer ; but I do not
think, either that I can rely upon my own know
ledge of facts and style to answer him fully, or
that it would be prudent to undertake it without
counsel. An affair of this kind ought to be passed
over in total silence, or answered in a raasterly
manner. The ancient secretary is the Recueil of modern
history and anecdotes, and will give thera to us

military correspondence. 313
with candour, elegance, and perspicuity. The pen
of Junius is in your hand; and I think you will,
without difficulty, expose, in his defence, letters, and
last production, such a tissue of falsehood and in
consistency, as will satisfy the world, and put him
for ever to silence.
I think the affair will be definitively decided in
Congress this day. He has found raeans to league
hiraself with the old faction, and to gain a great
raany partisans.
Adieu, my dear boy. I shall set out for camp to
morrow. John Laurens.

HAMILTON TO BARON STEUBEN.
Head Quarters, 19th Dec, 1778.
I snatch a hasty moraent, ray dear Baron, to
acknowledge the receipt of your obliging favour
of the sixth. It came here while I was absent
in an interview with some British Commissioners
on the subject of an exchange of prisoners, and
was not delivered to me till two days ago. I am
sorry that your business does not seem to make
so speedy a progress as we all wish ; but I hope
it will soon come to a satisfactory termination. I
wish you to be in a situation to employ yourself
usefully and agreeably, and to contribute to giving
our railitary constitution that order and perfection
it certainly wants. I have not time now to enter
VOL. I. 40

314 military correspondence.
upon sorae raatters which I shall take another
opportunity to give you ray sentiments concern
ing. I have read your letter to Lee with plea
sure. It was conceived in terms which the offence
raerited; and if he had had any feeling, raust have
been felt by him. Considering the pointedness
and severity of your expressions, his answer was
certainly a very modest one, and proved that he
had not a violent appetite for so close a tete a tete as
you seem disposed to insist upon. This evasion,
if known to the world, would do him very little
honour. I do n't know but I shall be shortly at
Philadelphia : if so, I shall have the honour of
personally assuring you of the perfect respect and
esteem with which I am.
My Dear Baron,
Your raost obedient servant,
Alex. Hamilton-

military correspondence. 315
ARMY REGULATIONS.
[.SUGGESTED BY HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.]
There are still existing in the army so many abu
ses absolutely contrary to the military constitu
tion, that, without a .speedy stop is put to thera, it
will be impossible even to establish any order or
discipline among the troops.
I would, therefore, propose the following Regu
lations; submitting to His Excellency the Comman
der-in-Chief, to distinguish such as may be publish
ed under his own authority in General Orders, and
such as will require the sanction and authority of
the committee of Congress now in camp.
Istly. — Every officer or soldier who acts contra
ry to the Regulations for the order and discipline
of the array, established by Congress, shall be tried
and punished for disobedience of orders.
2ndly. — Every officer who absents himself from
his regiment without leave, shall be tried and
punished. If he remain absent three weeks, he
shall be ordered to join by a notification in General
Orders, and in the public newspapers. And in case
of his absence three weeks afterward, such noti
fication shall be repeated. And should he not re
turn in three weeks from the last notification, he
shall, by the sentence of a court martial, be
cashiered and rendered incapable of ever holding

316 military correspondence.
a coraraission in the arraies of the United States.
3rdly. — Every officer on furlough, who remains
absent ten days longer than the time allowed
him, shall be tried by a court martial. And in case
of his being, by sickness or any other cause, de
tained from his regiment six days above the time
allowed in his furlough, he shall inform the com
manding officer of his regiment of the reasons that
prevent his returning. In default of such infor
mation, he shall be notified, tried, and punished,
agreeably to the second article.
4thly. — Tt being permitted, for the care and con
venience of the Generals, and other officers of the
army, to take servants from the regiraents, raany
abuses have resulted therefrom. To remedy which,
the following Regulations are to take place for the
future :
Each Major-General is permitted to take from
the division which he commands, four men. Each
Brigadier-General, three men. Each Colonel, or
Lieutenant-Colonel-Commandant, two men. Each
Lieutenant-Colonel, or Major, one raan, and a
second raan, who is to be exerapted frora ordinary
duty, but to turn out in time of action. Each
Captain, two men, to be exempted from ordinary
duty only. Each Subaltern, one man, who is to
mount guard with the officer he serves. Those
Generals, and other officers, who are not attached
to any particular division or brigade, to take their
servants from the line.

military correspondence. 317
No officer in a civil departraent, shall be per
mitted to take a soldier from any regiment to serve
him : nor is any Colonel, or commanding officer, to
suffer a soldier of their regiment to be detained by
any such officer.
Those who may be permitted to have servants
from the line, are to apply to the Quarter-Master-
General, who will take them from the regiments,
and distribute them to whom he thinks proper.
5thly. — Great quantities of arms and ammunition
have been destroyed, by being in the po.ssession
of men who do not use them in time of action.
To prevent this, for the future, no arms, accoutre
ments, or araraunition, is to be delivered to those
under the following description, viz : General and
staff officers, waiters, waggoners, carap colour men,
and all those who do not bear arms in time of ac
tion. Such of those as have arms, are immediate
ly to deliver them to their Captains, who will de
liver thera to the Conductor, that they may be re
turned to the Field Commissary.
6thly. — Abolition of standing guards, though of
great consequence to the order and discipline of
the army, has not yet taken place. The soldiers
on these guards, being separated from their regi
ments, are often eraployed as servants. They be
corae ignorant of the service, and lose and destroy
their arras and clothing. Therefore, for the future,
no standing guard shall be perraitted to any Gene
ral, or other oflicer, on any pretence whatever.

318 military correspondence.
Those guards which cannot be relieved every
twenty-four hours, raust be relieved at least every
three days ; for which the Inspectors and Majors
of Brigade are to be answerable. All guards or
pickets, for raore than three days, shall be called
detachments. 7thly. — The multiplicity of small guards, for the
stores and baggage of the array, being unnecessary,
and diminishing the strength of the regiraents; it
will be necessary to repeat the order given at
Sraith's Clove, the 25th of June last, relative to
this object. It should therefore be ordered, that
The order given at Sraith's Clove the 25tli of
June last, relative to the guard usually furnished for
the Quarter-Master's, and other stores, is to be
carried into execution with the greatest rigour, and
is to be regarded as a standing order.
8thly. — It being very improper and hurtful to the
service, that guards should be sent too far from
the corps to which they belong ; it is ordered,
That the general officers shall have their guard
from the divisions and brigades to which they be
long : and those who have no division or brigade,
shall be furnished with a guard from the line, by
detail from the Adjutant-General.
No General shall take his guard above ten railes
frora camp, without the express leave of the Com
mander-in Chief
9thly. — Nothingbeing raore disgracefiilto the ser-

military correspondence. 319
vice, nor dangerous for the array, than for the ad
vanced posts to be surprised by the enemy ; it is
necessary that every possible precaution should
be taken, to prevent an accident so dishonourable
to the officer who commands at such a post. And
as the instruction given in the chapter on the ser
vice of the guard, in the Regulations, is not full and
explicit, it is thought necessary to add the follow
ing article :
As soon as an officer, commanding a detachment,
arrives at the post he is to occupy, he raust en
deavour to procure sorae inhabitant on whom he
can depend, to show him all the roads, footpaths, and
other avenues leading to the post. These he must
hiraself reconnoitre, and then deterraine the nura
ber of guards necessary for his security, as well in
front, as on the flanks and in the rear of the post.
He raust then divide his detachraent into three
parts, one of which raust be always on guard;
another, act as reserve picket ; and the third, be
off duty.
The part destined for guard, must be divided into
as many guards as the officer raay think necessary :
always observing, that, the guards are so propor
tioned as that one-third of each guard may always
be on sentry at the same time.
These guards should be posted at three or four
hundred paces frora the raain post, and the senti
nels forra a chain round' it. They must be within

320 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
sight of each other during the day, and within
call during the night.
The coraraanding officer having hiraself posted
these guards and sentinels, and well instructed the
officers and sergeants in their duty, will fix the
place where he raeans to defend himself in case
of an attack ; as a house, a height, or behind
some bridge or fence, which he will strengthen as
much as possible, by an abatis ditch, or anything
his genius raay direct hira for that purpose.
The reserve pickets are on no account to stir
from the raain post, or take off their accoutreraents ;
but must be ready to parade under arms at any
raoment of the day or night ; though, during the day,
they may be permitted to lay down and sleep. Eve
ry man must have his haversack under his head ;
and if the post is dangerous, his arms in his hand.
The Reserve will furnish a guard of a sergeant
and from six to twelve raen, to furnish frora two
to four sentinels round the house, or wherever
they are posted, to give notice of all that approach,
or of any alarm. One of these sentries must al
ways be before the arms.
That part of the detachment off duty, may un
dress and repose themselves. They must cook for
the guard and picket, and fetch the wood and
water necessary for the post ; but they raust not
do this before the roll-call in the raorning, when
the commanding officer receives the reports of all
the guard. If the post is near the enemy, this

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 321
part of the detachment must not undress during
the night.
As the guard forra a chain of sentinels round the
post, no soldier raust pass the chain without a non
commissioned officer; nor any stranger be permit
ted to enter, without being conducted to, and ex
amined by, the coraraanding officer.
After roll-call in the evening, no soldier raust
be perraitted to go more than forty paces from the
place of arms. The officers, it is expected, always
reraain with their raen.
As soon as a sentry perceives the eneray, he
must fire his piece to alarm the other guards and
the raain body. The guards immediately parade,
and follow the rules prescribed in the Regulations.
The picket parades immediately, and the other
part joins it as fast as it can get ready. The com
manding officer will immediately detach one-third
of the picket, with orders to march toward the
guard attacked, and lay in ambuscade behind some
house, barn, or in a wood on the road leading from
them to the raain post. And when the guard at
tacked, retreat, and are followed by the enemy,
they raust fall in the rear of the enemy, and keep
up a scattered fire. This manoeuvre, especially in
the night, will not fail to disconcert the enemy,
and cause a failure of their enterprise.
The guard are, in every respect, to observe the
rules laid down in the Regulations.
The part on guard is to be reUeved by the
VOL. I. 41

322 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
part off duty ; and the guard take the reserve
picket. No part of the service is more important, nor
more neglected, than this of the guard ; notwith
standing the duties are so particularly described in
the Regulations.
It is very seldom a guard tum out for a
General officer of the day ; and even when they
tum out, they are seldom or ever drawn up
in the order prescribed. Therefore, for the future,
the Generals, and Field officers of the day, are or
dered to pay the greatest attention, that the service
of the guard is performed strictly conformable to
the Regulations. For which purpose, they raust
visit the guards of sentinels at different hours, and
arrest or confine any officer, or non-commissioned
officer, whose guard is not already paraded in or
der at his arrival. A guard which is surprised by
an officer of the day, may, with the same facility,
be surprised by the eneray. If the sentinel before
the guard-house, is not sufficient, others must be
added, who can see around the environs of the
post, and give notice of all that approach.
For the more effectual preservation of the arms,
accoutrements, and ammunition, each regiraent
shall be charged with the arms, &c., now in their
possession, agreeably to the returns made at the
last inspection. And for the future, none of those
articles shall be drawn from the Field Coraraissary,
but by returns signed by the Inspector of the Di-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 323
vision, or, in his absence, by the Major of
Brigade, doing his duty. And the Inspector and
Major of Brigade, are to pay the strictest attention,
that the Regulations, with respect to this object,
are strictly carried into execution ; exaraining and
coraparing the Regiraental Returns with those of
the Conductors.
In the Returns of the army, a great nuraber of
raen are reckoned, who have been sick, or other
wise absent, a long tirae, without any account of
thera having been sent to their regiments.
Orders must be given to the officers superintend
ing the hospitals, to send their Returns regularly
every raonth ; and the Majors of Brigade must take
an extract of those of their Brigades returned in
the several hospitals, to compare with the Re
turns of the inspection.
For those raen who are sick in the country at
private houses, certificates raust be produced every
two raonths, signed by a justice of the peace : and
without such certificates, the raen raust no longer
be returned ; though the regiraent may keep an ac
count of thera, that they be reclaimed if ever found.
The array, even at this day, is rauch reduced, by
a considerable number of men being permitted to
retire on furlough and extra service. I would
therefore recoraraend the following Regulations :
That frora the first of May till the carapaign
closes, no officer have leave of absence for more

324 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
than eight days, unless by perraission from the
Commander-in Chief, or officer commanding at a
separate post : and that no non-commissioned offi
cer, nor soldier, be furloughed, during the aforesaid
period, unless by his Major-General, or officer cora
raanding at a separate post ; and that, for only six
days, and on the most special account. That
during the army's continuance in winter quarters,
not more than six raen of a hundred, be absent on
furlough at the same time ; these to have leave of
absence from the officers commanding the regi
ments to which they belong.
That every officer, non-commissioned officer, and
soldier, now on furlough, or on the recruiting ser
vice, be ordered to join their respective corps, by
the first of June ; the commanding officers of regi
ments to be answerable that they be notified of
this order.
Notwithstanding the General Order lately issued,
respecting men on extra service,, many are still im
properly absent. It is therefore ordered, that they
join by the first of June ; the coraraanding officers
of the regiraents to which they respectively be
long, to be answerable that they be notified of this
order. That for the future, none be suffered to go
on such employ, except by order of the Comman
der-in-Chief, officers commanding at a separate
post, or the Quarter-Master-General.
The Marechaussie Corps, though raised at a great

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 325
expense, has been found not to answer the purpose
for which it was. raised : and as, by its composition,
it is not fit to be eraployed on the lines ; in order
that they raay not be useless to the array, I would
propose the following
Arrangeraent for the Marechaussie.
That the narae they at present bear, be changed
into that of General-Staff-Dragoons ; and that they
be eraployed in the following manner :
To furnish a guard for the Commander-in-Chief,
of such a number as he shall please to order.
To furnish Orderly dragoons to Major-Generals
and Brigadiers; when their divisions and brigades
are separated from the army, or when the Com
raander-in-Chief shall think them necessary. To
furnish, also, Orderly dragoons to the Quarter-Mas
ter-General, and Inspector-General of the Army,
and commanding officers of separate departments.
The Inspector who has the department of the
Cavalry, to have the direction of this corps; to
furnish the guards and Orderly dragoons, agreea
bly to the orders he may receive from the Com
mander-in-Chief, without whose orders no dragoons
shall be detached from the troop.
To prevent the abused which have arisen, with
respect to Orderly dragoons, the following Order
should be rigorously observed :
No Orderly dragoons to be employed on any but
military duty, nor sent express more than twenty

326 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
miles ; their duty being only to carry the orders
of the General in writing, whenever they may
be ordered : nor are they to follow the Aids,
or any other officer, but the General to whora they
are Orderly; who will himself consult the preser
vation of the horses as much as possible, by era
ploying them only in cases of necessity.
No person whatever is to ride the dragoon
horses but the dragoons theraselves : and any
dragoon is to inforra the Inspector, of any breach
of this order ; and the Inspector will iraraediately
inforra the Inspector-General thereof; that the
person who made use of the horse,' may be pun
ished. And in case any dragoon neglects to inform
the Inspector as aforesaid, he shall receive one
hundred lashes for such neglect.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 327
[1779.]
HAMILTON TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Head Quarters, March 14, 1779.
DEAR SIR :
Colonel Laurens, who will have the honour of
delivering you this letter, is on his way to South
Carolina, on a project which I think, in the pre
sent situation of affairs there, is a very good one,
and deserves every kind of support and encou
rageraent. This is, to raise two, three, or four
battalions of negroes, with the assistance of the
governraent of that State, by contributions from
the owners, in proportion to the number they pos
sess. If you should think proper to enter upon
the subject with him, he will give you a detail of
his plan. He wishes to have it recoraraended by
Congress to the State; and, as an inducement, that
they would engage to take their battalions into
Continental pay.
It appears to me, that an expedient of this kind,
in the present state of Southern affairs, is the most
rational that can be adopted, and proraises very
iraportant advantages. Indeed, I hardly see how
a sufficient force can be collected in that quarter
without it : and the eneray's operations there, are
growipg infinitely serious and forraidable. I have
not the least doubt, that the negroes will raake
very excellent soldiers, with proper raanageraent :
and I will venture to pronounce, that they cannot

328 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
be put in better hands than those of Mr. Laurens.
He has all the zeal, intelligence, enterprise,
and every other qualification, requisite to succeed
in such an undertaking. It is a maxim with sorae
great railitary judges, that, with sensible officers,
soldiers can hardly be too stupid : and, on this
principle, it is thought that the Russians would
make the best soldiers in the world, if they were
under other officers than their own. The King of
Prussia is among the number who maintains this
doctrine, and has a very emphatic saying on the
occasion, which I do not exactly recollect. I
mention this, because I have frequently heard it
objected to the scheme of embodying negroes,
that they are too stupid to make soldiers. This is
so far from appearing to me a valid objection, that
I think their want of cultivation (for their natural
faculties are as good as ours), joined to that habit
of subordination which they acquire from a life of
servitude, will enable thera sooner to becorae
soldiers than our white inhabitants. Let officers
be raen of sense and sentiment; and the nearer
the soldiers approach to machines, perhaps the
better. I foresee that this project will have to combat
rauch opposition frora prejudice and self-interest.
The conterapt , we have been taught to entertain
for the blacks, raakes us fancy raany things that
are founded neither in reason nor experience ; and

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 329
an unwillingness to part with property of so valua
ble a kind, will furnish a thousand arguments to
show the impracticability, or pernicious tendency,
of a scheme which requires such sacrifices, But
it should be considered, that if we do not make
use of them in this way, the enemy probably will ;
and that the best Avay to counteract the tempta
tions they will hold out, will be, to offer them our
selves. An essential part of the plan is, to give
them their freedom with their swords. This will
secure their fidelity, animate their courage, and, I
believe, will have a good influence upon those
who reraain, by opening a door to their emanci
pation. This circumstance, I confess, has no
small weight in inducing me to wish the success
of the project ; for the dictates of humanity, and
true policy, equally interest me in favour of this
unfortunate class of men.
While I am on the subject of southern affairs,
you will excuse the liberty I take in saying, that
I do not think measures sufficiently vigorous are
pursuing for our defence in that quarter. Except
the few regular troops of South Carolina, we seem
to be relying wholly on the militia of that and
the two neighbouring States. These will soon
grow impatient of service, and leave our affairs in
a miserable situation. No considerable force can
be uniformly kept up by militia ; to say nothing
of the many obvious and well-known inconve
niencies that attend this kind of troops. I would
VOL. I. 42

330 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
beg leave to suggest. Sir, that no tirae ought to be
lost in raaking a draught of raiUtia to serve a twelve
raonth, frora the States of North and South Caro
lina and Virginia. But South CaroUna, being very
weak in her population of whites, may be excused
frora the draught, on condition of furnishing the
black battalions. The two others raay furnish about
three thousand five hundred raen, and be exerapted,
on that account, from sending any succours to this
army. The States to the northward of Virginia,
will be fully able to give corapetent supplies to
the army here ; and it will require all the force and
exertions of the three States I have mentioned, to
withstand the storm which has arisen, and is in
creasing in the South. .
The troops draughted, must be thrown into bat
talions, and officered in the best possible manner.
The supernumerary officers raay be made use of
as far as they will go. If arms are wanted for
their troops, and no better way of supplying them
is to be found, we should endeavour to levy a
contribution of arms upon the militia at large.
Extraordinary exigencies demand extraordinary
means. I fear this southern business will become
a very grave one.
With the truest respect and esteera,
I ara. Sir, your most obedient servant,
Alex. Hamilton,
His Excell'y John Jay, President of Congress.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 331
HAMILTON TO LAURENS.
Cold in ray professions — warm in my friend
ships — I wish, my dear Laurens, it were in my
power, by actions, rather than words, to convince
you that I love you. I shall only tell you, that
till you bid us adieu, I hardly knew the value
you had taught my heart to set upon you. Indeed,
my friend, it was not well done. You know the
opinion I entertain of mankind ; and how much
it is my desire to preserve myself free from par
ticular attachraents, and to keep my happiness in
dependent of the caprices of others. You should
not have taken advantage of my sensibility, to
steal into my affections without my consent. But
as you have done it, and as we are generally in
dulgent to those we love, I shall not scruple to
pardon the fraud you have committed, on one
condition ; tliat for my sake, if not for your own,
you will continue to merit the partiality which
you have so artfully instilled into me.
I have received your two letters: one from
Philadelphia, the other from Chester. I ara
pleased with your success so far ; and I hope the
favourable omens that precede your application
to the Assembly, may have as favourable an issue ;
provided the situation of affairs should require it,
which I fear will be the case. But, both for your
country's sake, and for ray own, I wish the eneray

332 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
may be gone from Georgia before you arrive ; and
that you may be obliged to retum, and share the
fortunes of your old friends. In respect to the
commission which you received from Congress,
all the world must think your conduct perfectly
right. Indeed, your ideas upon this occasion, seem
not to have their wonted accuracy ; and you have
had scruples, in a great measure, without founda
tion. By your appointment as Aid-de-Camp to
the Commander-in-Chief, you had as much the
rank of Lieutenant-Colonel as any officer in the
line. Your receiving a commission as Lieutenant-
Colonel, from the date of that appointment, does
not, in the least, injure or interfere with one of
them; unless, by virtue of it, you are introduced
into a particular regiment, in violation of the
right of succession, which is not the case at pre
sent, neither is it a necessary consequence. As
you were going to command a battalion, it was
proper you should have a commission ; and if this
commission had been dated posterior to your ap
pointment as Aid-de-Camp, I should have con
sidered it derogatory to your former rank, to mine,
and to that of the whole corps. The only thing
I see wrong in the affair is this : Congress, by their
conduct, both on the forraer and present^occasion,
appear to have intended to confer a privilege, an
honour, a raark of distinction, a soraething upon
you, which they withheld from other gentlemen

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 333
of the family. This carries with it an air of
preference, which, though we can all truly say
we love your character and admire your miUtary
merit, cannot fail to give some of us uneasy sen
sations. But in this, ray dear, I wish you to un
derstand me well. The blame, if there is any,
falls wholly upon Congress. I repeat it, your con
duct has been perfectly right, and even laudable.
You rejected the offer when you ought to have
rejected it; and you accepted it when you ought
to have accepted it; and let me add, with a de
gree of over-scrupulous ^ delicacy. It was neces
sary to your project. Your project was the pub
lic good; and I should have done the same. In
hesitating, you have refined on the refinements of
generosity. There is a total stagnation of news here. Gates
has refused the Indian command. Sullivan is
come to take it. The former has lately given a
fresh proof of his impudence, his folly, and his
*********_ 'Tis no great raatter; but a pecu
liarity in the case prevents my saying what.
Fleury shall be taken care of All the family
send love. In this, join the General and Mrs.
Washington ; and what is best, it is not in the
style of cereraony, but sincerity.

334 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.

COLONEL BROOKS TO HAMILTON.
West Point, July 4, 1779.
DEAR SIR :
Those who, under the sacred pretence of serv
ing their country, are endeavouring to subvert its
happiness, I consider equally dangerous to society
with those who can tax a faithful servant of the
public with acting that inconsistent part.
To hear the character of a gentleraan, whom
we suppose deserving, traduced and villified, and
his reputation cruelly stabbed, silently and with
out emotion, must be attended with as great, or
greater, degree of criminality, than to reraain the
unfeeling, unmoved spectator of the most base
and villainous murder. The bystander, in either
case, becomes an accessary.
Upon these principles, I found the propriety, nay,
necessity, of giving you a piece of intelligence,
which affects many, in some degree ; but you. Sir,
most intimately.
Being in company with Mr. Dana, meraber of
Congress, some time since, it was observed by that
gentleman, that many persons in the army, were
acting under a cloak of defending their country,
from principles totally incompatible with its safety.
Upon its being demanded who those characters
were ; after declining an ecclaircissement of so
vague arid undeterminate a charge for some tirae.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 335
he fixed at length on Colonel Hamilton ; who, he
asserted, had declared in a public coffee house in
PhUadelphia, that it was high time for the people
to rise, join General Washington, and turn Con
gress out of doors. To render this account in the
highest degree probable, he further observed, that
Mr. Hamilton could be no ways interested in the
defence of this country; and, therefore, was most
likely to pursue such a line of conduct as his great
ambition dictated.
As this representation gave me real pain, I was
determined to raake such inquiry as to satisfy my
own doubts about the matter. The consequence,
in either case, whether true or false, was disagree
able. If true, it would be a sad proof of the fal
lacy of appearances, and the impropriety of
making either words or actions the criterion of
forming a judgment of characters ; and, conse
quently, the impossibility of ever knowing a man's
real character at all. If false, the idea of the
charge that must necessarily fall upon a person of
so highly dignified a station, must be greatly raor-
tifying — as it would afford an instance of a want
of that honour and regard to truth, so erainently
necessary in the patriot and statesraan. As it is
of the highest iraportance that, at this period, all
characters, in public life especially, should be in
dubitably and decidedly fixed, I shall contribute
my share towards bringing this affair to a proper

336 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE,
issue. And should this letter be of any service to
you for this end, you have ray full permission to
raake such use of it as you raay judge proper. I
could wish an avowal or disavowal of Mr. Dana's
charge, when convenient for you ; as it raay ena
ble me to place the matter in a more just point of
light than it stands in at present, among the cir
cle of officers who have been raade acquainted
with it frora hira.
I ara, dear Sir,
Your most ob't. humble serv't.
J. Brooks.
Colonel Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO FRANCIS DANA.
New Windsor, July 11, 1779.
Sir:
I have received a letter from Colonel Brooks, of
which the enclosed is a copy. In my reply to
him, I pronounced the whole affair to be absolute
ly false and groundless, and pledged myself to
raake it appear so. The intention of this letter is
to inquire, whether you avow oy disavow the con
versation he relates ; and if the forraer, to deraand,
in explicit and direct terras, your authority. You
raust be sensible. Sir, that the charge is too inter
esting to ray feelings and reputation to allow rae
to suffer its being protracted to a tedious and inde
cisive issue ; and I must expect that, as a man of

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 337
honour, your answer will be imraediate and unre
served. Ifthe observations you are said to have thrown
out, to enforce the probability of the declaration
ascribed to rae, were really raade use of; they
are of so personal and illiberal a complexion, as
will oblige me to raake them the subject of a very
different kind of discussion from the present, at
sorae convenient season.
I have requested Colonel Henley, to whora I
have coraraunicated the nature of its contents, to
deliver you this letter, and to receive your answer
and forward it to rae.
I have the honour fo be. Sir,
Your raost ob't. servant, A. Hamilton,
Francis Dana, Esquire.

HAMILTON TO COLONEL HENLEY.
Head Quarters, New Windsor, July 12, 1779.
Dear Sir :
I take the liberty to trouble you with a letter
for Mr. Dana, which I have left open for your pe
rusal; and I request it as a favour, which I hope I
may claira from your friendship, to deliver it to
him, and press for a speedy answer. I think you
sufficiently know ray character and way of think
ing, to be convinced I could never have expressed
VOL. I. 43

338

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.

sentiments of the kind iraputed to rae ; and you
wiU therefore be the raore ready to afford rae your
good offices upon this occasion. There is no other
gentleraan in Boston, whose friendship I could so
far intrude upon.
I am, with great regard, dear Sir,
Your most ob't. serv't, A. Hamilton.
Colonel David Henley.

DANA TO HAMILTON.
Cambridge, July 25, 1779.
Sir :
Your letter of the tenth instant, enclosing one
from Col. Brooks, of the fourth, was put into ray
hands the day before yesterday by Colonel Hen
ley, at Boston. I shall notice such parts only of
Colonel Brooks' as immediately respect you. I
have a full recollection of expressing myself in
part of you, but little variant in terms, though es
sentially so in substance, from what Colonel Brooks
has mentioned in his letter. A conversation ari
sing concerning the discontents of the army ; in the
course of it I spoke as follows: "I have heard
Colonel Hamilton should have said, that it was
high time for the people to rise, join General
Washington, and turn Congress out of dOors. How
true it is, I know not ; but it can easily be ascer-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 339
tained whether true or not, because it is said to
have been spoken openly in the public coffee
house in Philadelphia." And I subjoined, " If true,
that, or any other officer who should express him
self so, ought to be broke, whatever his particular
services may have been ;" but that " to render this
in the highest degree probable," I further ob
served, " that Mr. Hamilton could be no way in
terested in the defence of this country, and there
fore was mo,st likely to pursue such a line as his
great ambition dictated." I do not recollect, or
imagine, but I do beUeve an observation somewhat
similar was made in the company immediately upon
my mentioning the declaration above. I suppose
Colonel Brooks has unintentionally blended con
versation had at different times, and imputed to me
what was said in part by others. As to the authori
ty upon which I mentioned the above declaration,
I had it from the Reverend Doctor ******, of
Jamaica Plain. I could give a more minute de
tail of circumstances, but think it no way neces
sary ; and as Col. Hamilton will know the au
thority upon which I mentioned the declaration,
so I presume he will be satisfied I did not fabricate
it ; as I am, from his denial of it, that he never
made it. I have the honour to be. Sir,
Y6ur most obedient servant,
Fra. Dana.
Colonel Alexander Harailton.

340 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
HAMILTON TO BROOKS.
West Point, August 6, 1779.
Dear Sir:
I enclose you the copy of a letter which I re
ceived by the last post frora Mr. Dana. You will
perceive, he says he does not recollect, or iraagine,
that he threw out the observation raentioned by
you, respecting the probability of ray having raade
the declaration with which I ara charged ; but be
lieves it was used by sorae other person in com
pany, and that you had unintentionally blended
the conversation. As I am anxious to have this
affair developed in all its circurastances, in a clear
and unequivocal raanner, I request you will do rae
the favour to inforra rae, whether your raeraory, in
this particular, is distinct and positive ; or whether
it is probable you raay have coraraitted the mis
take which Mr. Dana supposes. In the last case,
I shall be obliged to you to endeavour to recol
lect the real author of the insinuation. Any
other remarks which Mr. Dana's state of the
matter may appear to you to require, will add to
the obligation you have already conferred on. Sir,
Your raost obedient hurable servant,
Alex. Hamilton.
P. S. I shall thank you for your answer to-raor
row, that I raay have tirae to take the necessary
raeasures before the next post sets out.
Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks.

military CORRESPONDENCE. 341
BROOKS TO HAMILTON,
West Point, August 8, 1779.
Dear Sir:
I received yours of the 6th instant, enclosing one
frora Mr. Dana, yesterday, but was unable, on ac
count of duty, to answer it till to-day. In cora
pliance with your request, I raust inforra you, that
my recollection of the whole affair in question, is
clear and full. Mr. Dana, as I observed in ray
other letter, was declaring that there were dan
gerous, designing raen in the army ; and after he
had related what was said to have passed in the
coffee house at Philadelphia, he not only subjoined
what he raentions in his letter, but previously
declared he believed it to be true. He then added
what he excepts against in ray letter.
That I expressed what he said, verbatira, I da
not pretend ; but the ideas are the sarae. I rather
represented the matter favourably on Mr. Dana's
side than otherwise. The words desperate for
tune, which I oraitted in ray other letter, were,
more than once, applied to you.
Mr. Dana might have saved hiraself the trouble
of supposing I had " unintentionally blended con
versation had at different times," if he had but re
collected, that the tirae referred to, was the only
one that I ever conversed with hira upon the sub
ject. I am so far frora agreeing with hira, in supposing

342 military correspondence.
that I iraputed to hira what was in part said by
others, that I positively declare Mr. Dana to be the
only person who made an unfavourable represen
tation of your character. He cannot have forgot
his holding up you, and persons of the same stamp,
as dangerous, and pressing upon the officers to
watch and guard against such. He cannot deny
saying, the plan in which you were engaged,
would be fatal to the liberties of this country —
that it was a plan pleasing to the Tories, in which
they would readily engage.
As there was a possibility of my memory's failing
rae, I have inquired of Colonels Marshall and Wes
son, who were present, and are as full and positive
upon every circumstance as I am. I do not won
der at your being anxious to have the matter de
veloped. I wish it, too. And should this contri
bute in any degree to the end proposed, it will be
an additional happiness to. Sir,
Your most ob't. serv't..
Colonel Hamilton. J. Brooks.-

HAMILTON TO DANA.
West Point, August 10, 1779.
Sir:
The last post brought me your letter of the 25th
of July, which I transmitted to Colonel Brooks, ac
companied by some inquiries that appeared to rae
necessary. A copy of ray letter to hira, and of his

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 343
answer, are enclosed. You will see that he insists
positively on your having raade the offensive ob
servation before iraputed to you ; adds several ag
gravating particulars to his first relation ; and ap
peals to two other gentleraen who were present,
and agree with him in all the circumstances. The
affair now stands on such a footing, that nothing
less than a pereraptory denial of the exceptionable
facts alleged by Colonel Brooks, will permit me to
act otherwise than on the presumption of their
reality. I have written to Doctor ******
by this opportunity. I have the honour to be.
Sir, your most ob't. servant,
Francis Dana, Esq. A. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO DOCTOR ,******.
West Point, August 10, 1779.
Sir:
You will find, by the enclosed copy of a letter of
the 25th of July, frora Mr. Dana, that he raentions
you as his author for a charge of a very singular na
ture, that has been brought against me, relative to
a declaration which I ara said to have made in the
public coffee house at Philadelphia. Conscious
that this charge is totally destitute of foundation, I
owe it to myself to investigate its source, and
evince its falsehood. And as I cannot but believe,
that you have too great a regard to the interests of

344 military correspondence.
truth and justice, to withhold your aid in detect
ing the inventor of a calurany ; I persuade rayself
you will cheerfully disclose the authority on which
your inforraation to Mr. Dana was founded. This
I now call for ; and you will no doubt consider it
a duty, as well to yourself as to rae, to give an ira
raediate, directj and explicit answer ; sensible that
the least hesitation, or reserve, may give room for
conjectures, which it can be neither your wish nor
raine to excite. Colonel Henley will do me the fa
vour to receive and forward your letter.
I am, with due respect. Sir,
Your raost ob't. hurable serv't.,
A. Hamilton.
Doctor •*****.

DOCTOR ****** TO HAMILTON.
Jamaica Plain, August 25, 1779.
Sir :
Upon my retum home from a visit on Monday
evening, I received yours without a date.
However common the principle may be, on which
you urge rae to an immediate, direct, and explicit
ansvjer ; as though the least hesitation, or reserve,
might give room for conjectures, which it can he nei
ther your vjish nor mine to excite ; it is certainly a
false one.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 345
In raany cases, a gentleman may receive infor
mation from persons of indisputable character,
which it raay be highly proper for hira to corarau
nicate, without discovering the informer ; and I
am convinced you will think with me, when you
have been more conversant with the world, and
read mankind more. Neither will such gentleman,
when conscious of his own integrity, and of es
tablished character, regard the conjectures of those
who are almost, or altogether, strangers to him.
I do not mean, by advancing these sentiments,
to refuse you any aid in detecting the inventor of
a calurany. Mr. Dana raentions his having the de
claration, alluded to in his letter, from me. He
coraraunicated to me Colonel Brooks' letter to you,
and yours to himself, and the substance of what he
intended to write. I objected to nothing regard
ing myself, excepting its being said public coffee
house, in which I supposed hira mistaken. I un
derstood it was a public house, but rather thought
it was not the coffee house. That excepted, and
the sentiment was as he hath represented, whether
the words were identically the same or not.
I am glad to find, by what you have wrote, that
you have lost all remembrance of it; as it serves
to show, that it was the effect of a sudden trans
port, and not of a depraved judgment. You will
infer frora hence, that I suppose the sentiment to
have been spoken. I do : upon the belief that
VOL. I. 44

346 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
my informer was a person of veracity, and could
not be mistaken. The reasons are these : His
general character, and his declaring that it was
uttered in his hearing. I saw him in his way from
Philadelphia. He left the city soraetirae after the
inhabitants had been inflaraed and divided by Mr.
Dean's iraprudent address, in which he proraised
us great discoveries, though he hath raade none ;
and by which he raised a jealousy of Congress, and
put raany upon claraouring against thera. In this
crisis, and I conjecture through conversation lead
ing to it, you was betrayed into a speech tanta-
raount to the representation raade rae. You was
not the only one that spake unguardedly at this
season. Persons of equal, or even superior, rank ,
are known to have done it; and raany in the raili
tary department, having been soured by the hard
ships they had undergone, and an apprehended
neglect of their grievances, and, on the part of
Congress, backwardness to redress thera, seeraing-
ly took a part with Mr. Dean ; and the unguarded
expressions that fell from thera, then and after
wards, proved alarraing to weak but good rainds.
I was much hurt in my own feelings, because of
the wrong, I am convinced, it led some to do His
Excellency, in fearing that such sentiments were
dropt in his presence without raeeting with a
proper check.
My informer told me, that he took notice to you

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 347
of the unsuitableness of such like expressions, with
which you was rather displeased ; but that he in
sisted further upon it, and that there it ended. I
should infer from the representation given rae, that
there were others in corapany. I have not raen
tioned his narae ; but if you cannot possibly recol*
lect having said anything like what he reported ;
continue to view it as a calumny ; and insist upon
knowing hira ; I do not iraagine he would object
to it. But, whether he doth or not, shall raention
hira ; upon your assuring rae, upon your honour, that
you will neither give nor accept, cause to be given
nor accepted, a challenge upon the occasion, nor
engage in any rencounter that may produce a duel.
For though duels do not, in general, produce more
than the honourable settleraent of a dispute ; yet
they raay be the unhappy cause of the public's
losing good and useful raembers: and upon the
principles of religion I am totally averse to them.
You must further assure rae, that you will admit
of the matter's being thoroughly exarained into by
Congress, or individuals of the first character.
The oversights of individuals too often raise pre
judices against a whole body. It is coraraon, and
yet coraraonly conderaned. I ara convinced, that
notwithstanding the natural tendency of raartial
manners, there are as good citizens in the military
line, as out of it : and I hope that the event will
ever show, that by far the majority of our officers

348 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
love the liberties of citizens more than any earth
ly coraraand whatsoever. I as earnestly wish^
that the citizens of the United States may do jus
tice to the army, and their own engagements, by
keeping up to the spirit of thera, wherein it is possi
ble, that so our brave troops raay not have any
just cause of coraplaint, when affairs are brought
to a settleraent. Sir, your raost obedient humble servant,
William ****«*.

DANA TO HAMILTON.
Boston, August 25, 1779.
Sir:
I received your letter of the 10th instant, last
Sunday evening, at Cambridge, by the hand of Co
lonel Henley, enclosing a copy of your letter ofthe
6th, to Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, and his answer
to the same. I should have earlier acknowledged
the receipt of them, but I thought proper to accom
pany such acknowledgement with such evidence
as I could collect frora one ofthe corapany present
with Colonels Marshall, Wesson, and Brooks, at
the tirae the conversation alluded to was had. For,
till the receipt of your last, I had not corarauni
cated the subject of our correspondence to any one,
except to Doctor ******^ heing unwilling to narae
hira as my author, before I had seen hira, and ob-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 349
tained his consent, which he readily gave. The
account given you in my first letter, was from my
own memory, whicli I have not yet seen cause to
believe hath failed me.
Your several letters, together with all their en
closures, and also my letter of the 25th ultimo, in
answer, I have shown to General Ward, who has
a good recollection ofthe conversation in question,
and concurs with rae in the representation I have
raade of it; and particularly remembers that what
you distinguish as " the offensive observation,"
was not made by me; but that one in nearly simi
lar terms was raade by another gentleman in com
pany. I have little doubt, but it is in my power
to produce further evidence of the same sort from
one other gentleman, who is now at a considerable
distance frora hence ; and as soon as it can conve
niently be done, I shall endeavour to obtain it, if it
be only to balance this dispute in point of nura
bers at least. At present there are three to two :
perhaps I may be able to throw the balance on the
other side. I must be excused taking notice of
any new raatter thrown out by Colonel Brooks in
his last letter, for the present. I am. Sir, &c.,
Fra. Dana.
P. S. Perhaps it may occur to Colonel Brooks,
upon recollection, that we had some conversation
respecting the array and sorae characters in it, on
our passage over Charles' river, from Boston to
Charlestown, which was occasioned by a report.

850 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
that two regiraents in Glover's brigade, at Rhode
Island, had thrown down their arras and disbanded
theraselves ; and soraebody's saying " that the
array would, by and by, turn their arras upon the
country, and do theraselves justice." If he should
recollect this, he will, at the sarae time, recollect
that Colonels Marshall and Wesson were not pre
sent. N. B. Mr. Dana has shown me the whole corre
spondence between Colonel Hamilton and himself,
respecting a certain conversation raentioned in it,
at which I was present : and I do concur with hira
in the representation he has raade of it ; particu
larly that he did not raake the observation re
specting Colonel Hamilton, now in question ; but
that that, or one nearly in like terms, was raade
by another gentleraan then present. Artemas Ward,
Col. Alex. Harailton.

HENLEY TO HAMILTON.
Boston, 1st September, 1779.
Dear Sir:
The enclosed is Mr. Dana's letter in answer to
your last. The long detention of this, is occasioned
for this gentleraan to procure and support any evi
dence in favour of hiraself, to confute sorae part
of Colonel Brooks' charge.
I do think, upon exaraination, you wiU find Doc-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 351
tor ****** the cause of this mischievous and false
report. The other day he was proved a liar in
the public street ; and had it not been for his
cloth, I am sure would have been most severely
dealt with. He more than once has occasioned
quarrels by his conduct. I congratulate you upon
the success of Powles Hook. Major Lee has given
proof of his bravery and enterprise, as likewise
upon the arrival of eight fine Jaraaica ships, with
five to six hundred hogsheads of rura and sugar.
But to counterbalance these clever acquisitions,
Penobscot is a raost sharaeful instance of want of
counsel, wisdora, and exertion. We have lost
near twenty sail of our best vessels of war, besides
a nuraber of others— the array and the continent
will feel this blow, for the difference is great in
losing thera ; as, on the contrary, had they been
to sea on their cruizes, it is raore than probable,
a vast nuraber of prizes would have raade their
appearance into our ports. However, we are en
deavouring, fast as possible, to replace thera, and
near as raany ships are now set up at the different
ship yards.
Please to raake ray respectful corapliraents to
the General and the faraily, and believe rae, with
sincere regard, dear Sir,
Your hurable servant, David Henley.
Alex. Hamilton, Esq.

352 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
HAMILTON TO DOCTOR ******.
West Point, September 5, 1779.
Sir:
I have received your letter of the 25th of
August, which you will probably not be surprised
to hear is by no raeans satisfactory. Instead of
giving up the author of the accusation, you chari
tably suppose me guilty ; and amuse yourself in a
strain of conjecture (which, whatever ingenuity it
raay have, was certainly unnecessary) about the
manner in which the affair happened, and the mo
tives that produced it. Your entering a volunteer
to apologize for rae, is no doubt a raark of your
condescension and of your benevolence ; and
would raake it ungrateful, as well as indecent, to
suspect, that the conditions with which you fetter
a corapliance with my request, proceed frora any
other cause than a laudable, though, perhaps, in
this instance, an officious, zeal for the interests of
religion, and for the good of society. It shall
never be said, that you had recourse to a pitiful
evasion, and atterapted to cover the dishonour of
a refusal under a specious pretence of terms,
which you knew, as a gentleman, I should be
obliged to reject. I venture, however, with every
allowance for the sanctity of your intentions, and
with all possible deference for your judgment, to
express my doubts of the propriety of the conces
sions you require on my part, as preliminaries to

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 353
a discovery, which I still think you are bound to
make as an act of justice. This is a principle
frora which I can never depart : and I ara con
vinced I shall have the common sense and feel
ings of mankind on my side. An opinion of ray
inexperience seeras to have betrayed you into mis
takes. Whatever you may imagine. Sir, I have
read the world sufficiently to know, that though it
raay often be convenient to the propagator of a
calumny, to conceal the inventor, he will stand
in need ,of no small address, to escape the sus
picions, and even the indignation, of the honest
and of the disinterested. Nor can I but per
sist in belieying that, notwithstanding the con
fidence which, from a very natural partiality,
you place in your own character, the delicacy of
your sentiments will be alarmed at the possibility
of incurring this danger, and will prevent your
exposing yourself to it, by refusing, or delaying,
any longer to comply with so reasonable a demand.
It often happens, that our zeal is at variance
with our understanding. Had it not been for this,
you might have recoUected, that we do not now
live in the days of chivalry ; and you would have
then judged your precautions, on the subject of
duelling, at least useless. The good sense of the
present times has happily found out, that to prove
your own innocence, or the malice of an accuser,
the worst raethod you can take, is to run hira
VOL. I. 45

354 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
through the body, or shoot him through the head.
And permit me to add, that while you felt an aver
sion to duelling, on the principles of religion, you
ought, in charity, to have supposed others pos
sessed of the sarae scruples ; of whose impiety
you had had no proofs. But whatever raay be
ray final determination on this point, ought to
be a matter of indifference. 'Tis a good old
maxim, to which we raay safely adhere in raost
cases, that we ought to do our duty, and leave the
rest to the care of heaven. The crirae alleged to
rae, is of such enormity, that, if I am guilty, it
ought not to go unpunished ; and, if I am innocent,
I should have an opportunity of vindicating my
innocence. The truth, in either case, should ap
pear ; and it is incurabent upon you. Sir, to afford
the means, either by accusing me to ray civil or
railitary superiors, or by disclosing the author of
the information.
Your anxiety to engage me "to admit ofthe
matter's being thoroughly examined into by Con
gress, or individuals of the first character," was
equally superfluous. I am at all times amenable
tb the authority of the State and of the laws : and
whenever it should be the pleasure of Congress,
the raeans of bringing rae to justice for any crirae
I raay have comraitted, are obvious and easy,
without the assistance of a forraaf stipulation on
my side. I shall not expose myself to the ridicule

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 355
of self iraportance, by applying to Congress for an
inquiry ; nor shall I invite the charge of imper
tinence, by proraising to do what I have no power
to refuse. I shall only declare, for my own satis
faction, that so far as concerns myself, nothing
would give rae greater pleasure, than to undergo
the strictest scrutiny, in any legal raode, into the
rectitude of my conduct on this, and on every other,
occasion, as a soldier or as a citizen. With res
pect to an examination by individuals of charac
ter; whenever I have it in my power to confront
my accuser, I shall take care to do it in presence
of witnesses of the first respectability, who will
be able, frora what they see and hear, to tell the
world that I ara innocent and injured, and that he
is a conteraptible defaraer.
It is, no doubt, unfortunate for me that you have
prejudged the case, and are of a different opinion.
You profess to give credit to the story, because,
you say, your informer " is a man of veracity, and
could not be mistaken." Frora this description, he
is probably not a soldier, or you would have been
more inclined to suppose hira fallible. But who
ever he raay be, you have certainly shown a fa
ciUty in believing that he does honour to your
credulity, at the expense of your candour. I pro
test, Sir, this is the first tirae I have heard ray
own veracity called in question. Had you not
given a sanction to the contrary by your example,

356

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.

I should have indulgently flattered rayself, that I
had as rauch right to be believed as another ; and
that ray denial was a counterbalance to the asser
tion of your inforraant, and left the affair in sus
pense, to be decided by the future circurastances.
You pursue a different line; and, in the overflow
ing of your pious hatred to political heresy, have
deterrained that I raust be guilty at all events.
You ascribe the denial to a defect of meraory ; and
pretend to think it more likely that I should have
lost all recollection of the fact, than that you
should have been misinformed. Far from accept
ing, I absohitely reject the apology you raake
for rae, and continue to believe it impossible I
could have raade a declaration sirailar to the one
reported. For I abhor the sentiment it contains,
and am confident it never could have had a mo
mentary place in ray raind, consequently never
could have dishonoured ray lips. The supposi
tion is absurd, that I could have used the expres
sions, when I cannot recognise the remotest trace
of an idea, at any period, that could possibly have
led to them.
In this consciousness I again appeal to you ; and
deraand, by all the ties of truth, justice, and
honour, that you immediately give up your author.
I stake my life and reputation upon the issue ; and
defy all the craft of malevolence, or of cabal, to
support the charge. If you decline a discovery.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 357
I shall then not have it in my choice to make any
other than one conclusion.
You have blended several raatters, foreign to
the purpose, which raight as well have been
Omitted. I shall only answer in general, that I
religiously believe the officers of the array are
among the best citizen.s in America, and invio
lably attached to the liberties of the community ;
infinitely more so than any of those splenetic pat
riots out of it, who endeavour, for sinister pur
poses, to instil jealousies and alarms, which they
themselves know to be as groundless as they are
irapolitic and ridiculous. But if any individuals
have been imprudent, or unprincipled, let them
answer for theraselves. I ara responsible only
for my own conduct. Your fears for the injury
which the indiscretions of such persons might do
to the General, were kind, but I hope unnecessary.
The decided confidence of Congress, and the
hearts of the people of America, are the witnesses
to his integrity. The blarae of the unraeaning
petulance of a few irapatient spirits will never
rest upon hira ; for whoever knows his character,
will be satisfied, that an officer would be ashamed
to utter, in his hearing, any sentiments that would
disgrace a citizen.
I am. Sir, your raost obedient servant,
Alex. Hamilton.
The Reverend Doctor ******.

358 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
HAMILTON TO BROOKS.
Head Quarters, September 10, 1779.
Dear Sir :
I send you, merely by way of information, the
copy of a letter of the 25th of August, which I yes
terday received from Mr. Dana. I have only to
request, that you will be good enough to inform
me of the names of all the gentlemen that com
posed the company, before which I had the honour
of being exhibited on the occasion in question.
I ara, dear Sir,
Your friend and serv't.,
Alex. Hamilton.
Col. Brooks.

HENLEY TO HAMILTON.
Boston, September 22, 1779.
Dear Sir :
Yesterday I delivered your letter to Doctor
******, and hope you will receive such sa
tisfaction as is due to you, either in wounding him
in his honour, or by treating the raan with con
terapt that has endeavoured to injure your repu
tation. You have, enclosed, a Uttle anecdote of
the Doctor's conduct, in an affair that happened
not long since, handed me by a gentleman. The
bearer of this is Mr. Hitchborn, a gentleraan 'of

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 359
character and notice in the town. Any civiUties
shown hira, will much oblige. Sir,
Your hmnble serv't., David Henley.
Col. Hamilton.

DOCTOR ****** TO HAMILTON.
Jamaica Plain, September 23, 1779.
Sir:
Though, from the expressions and inuendoes in
yours of the 5tli instant, which I received frora
Colonel Henley the last Tuesday, I cannot appre
hend rayself treated with due respect; yet I shall
not be thereby drove either to reply with asperity,
or to quit ray own plan of conduct. Said one of
the greatest soldiers of the age in which he lived,
" The business of a general is not to fight, but to
overcorae." When I had answered your first let
ter, I inquired for an opportunity of conveying the
account of what had passed, to my informer — his
residence being far distant, and destitute of a
stated intercourse with Boston. The last week,
to iny great satisfaction, an unexpected opportu
nity offered. I sat down immediately, transcribed
your letter and my answer, and forwarded thera
by a person whora I prevailed with to tarry till I
could do it ; as he was going to the very town.
Suppose I shall receive an answer by the first
trusty conveyance. My inforraer raay probably

360 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
raake no objection to my giving you his name, as
he pretends to be a man of spirit, and was, or is
still, in the railitary Une, I think in the pay of the
Continent. Should he deny his having inforraed
rae, I will then give it you of ray own accord. At
present, I have as much reason to believe his in
formation as Colonel Hamilton's assertion. Shall
keep my mind in proper poise, and leave it to pre
ponderate as evidence offers. Should you be im
patient, I am ready to send all that has passed be
tween you and ine, to be laid before Congress, and
so leave it with them to determine upon the point;
which, ifl do, I shall, at the same tirae, give di
rections for my correspondent to mention the narae
of ray informer, should Congress think it a raatter
of sufficient consequence for them to take up — but
not otherwise. Sir, your most ob't. serv't., William ******,
Col. Hamilton.

DOCTOR ****** TO HAMILTON.
Jamaica Plain, November 15, 1779.
Sir:
In my last, of Septeraber 23, I raentioned my
having sent to my informer. I have received an
answer from hira, wherein he writes, " As to ^;he
subject of your letter (for which I have now an
opportunity to return my thanks), what was said.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 361
was very confidential, and influenced by nothing
but an anxious regard and attachment to our pub
lic cause. To affect the character of any one from
a malignant principle, is unbecoming the title of a
gentleman : nor do I know when I have been in
duced to make any unfavourable representation
from personal prejudice. Your sense and delicacy
will point out the propriety of prudence in an affair
of this nature."
Should you be inclined to pursue the matter
further, I will be at the trouble of transcribing all
that hath passed between us, and of sending it to
Congress, with direction to my correspondent, to
mention the name of my informer (who is known
to several of the delegates), should Congress con
clude upon examining into the affair. '
I am, Sir, Your most ob't. serv't.,
William *****?_
Col. Hamilton,

HAMILTON TO DOCTOR ***** ^
December 10, 1779.
Sir:
As your letter of the 23d of September offered
nothing conclusive, I delayed acknowledging it
till I should receive the result of your pretended
application to your informer. This is contained
in your last of the 15th of November, which ar-
voL. I. 46

362 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
rived while I was absent frora head quarters.
The unravelraent of the plot in the ridiculous
farce you have been acting, proves, as I at first
suspected, that you are yourself the author of the
calurany. Such I consider you, and such I shall
represent you. The representation, I ara sure, will
find credit with all who know rae ; and the noto
rious bias of your disposition to duplicity and slan
der, will give it sanction with all who are ac
quainted with you. I shall use the less ceremony,
as I ara well informed you have established a cha
racter, which, in the opinion of every raan of
sense, has forfeited all title to the delicacy of
treatraent usually attached to your function. I
only laraent, that respect to myself obliges me to
confine the expression of my contempt to words.
The feint you make, of involving Congress in a
business little worthy of their attention, I regard
as a mere trick to elude my demands for a disco
very which you are unable to raake. And as I
have no hope of bringing the affair to a more satis
factory issue, I now put an end to the correspond
ence on my part. I shall only add a repetition of
what I before said, that I have no objection to any
part of ray conduct being canvassed before any
tribunal whatever. I ara, &c., Alex. Hamilton.
Doctor ******.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 363
HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
Morris Town, May 2, 1780.
Dear Sir :
I am extremely sorry your Excellency has been
troubled with the affair to which the papers trans
mitted in your letter of this morning relate. Ad
raitting the possibility of Doctor ***** *'s
not being the author of what I raust always call a
calumny; and had he not been an irreconcileable
eneray^ to plain dealing ; the raatter raight have
been brought to a very easy is,sue, without the ne
cessity of an appeal to you.
My deterraination, however, on the contents of
his letter, will be a very summary one. I shall
not follow him in his laboured digressions, because
the scope of sorae of thera is to me unintelligible,
and the rest do not merit an answer.
So far from being disposed to coraply with the
Doctor's conditions to avoid an inquiry, I consider
the proposal he raakes, as a finishing stroke to that
display of absurdity, littleness, and effrontery, which
characterizes the whole proceeding on his part:
and I defy the utraost extent of his raalignity and
intrigue.. I shall ever continue to hold hira in the
highest conterapt; to believe hira to be the con
triver ofthe charge against me, till he gives up some

364

military correspondence.

other person as the author; and to represent him
as such to all those with whom I have occasion to
converse on the subject. I shall always speak of
him in those terms which a sense of injury, and a
conviction of his worthlessness, dictate.
I hope your Excellency will excuse the asperity
of my expressions, which my respect for you would
induce me to suppress, did I not owe it to my sen
sibility, wounded by the most barbarous attack up
on my reputation and principles, to speak without
reserve. I flatter myself, you. Sir, are too well ac
quainted with my way of thinking, to entertain the
least doubt of my innocence ; and I beg leave to as
sure you, nothing will give me greater pleasure than
to have the matter properly investigated. I am only
apprehensive, that the Doctor will so manage it,
as that it will be found inexpedient to bring it to
a public discussion ; and that the knowledge of cir
cumstances will be confined to a few, to be handed
about, as may best suit his purposes, to the prejudice
of my character. Your Excellency, too, I trust,
will see the propriety of that deUcacy, by which
I am withheld from making any formal appeal to
public authority, in my own justification. It is the
business of my accuser to bring rae to justice ; and
by anticipating hira, I should not faU to incur the

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 365
iraputation of self-importance. I return your Ex
cellency the papers from Doctor ******.
I have the honour to be,
Your Excellency's
Most obedient and
Humble servant,
Alex. Hamilton.*
His Excellency Gen. Washington,

HAMILTON TO BARON STEUBEN.
Head Quarters, September 7, 1779.
My Dear Baron :
The General, on reflection, is a little uneasy
about the route you intend to take. He thinks it
not quite safe, as the eneray leave troops on Long
Island, and may easily throw a party across the
Sound, so that you would be in danger of having
your agreeable dreams interrupted, if you should
sleep anywhere frora New Haven to Fairfield. It
is probable, one of the Count's raotives, in coraing
this way, may be to see the ruins of those places.
And if he could do it without risk, it would be de-
* The reader will perceive, that the foregoing letters are not
arranged with those that follow, in exact chronological order :
the departure from it, however, is but slight. Our desire to
place the whole of the above interesting correspondence before
the reader's view at one glance, rendered this arrangement expe
dient. — [Editor.]

366 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
sirable ; but he would not probably be altogether
at his ease, if, in consequence of it, he should be
obliged to attend the levee of Sir Henry Clinton.
This may happen, if he continues his intention,
unless very good precautions are taken to avoid
the danger. The General recomraends it to you,
at least to be very vigilant upon your post, and not
to suffer yourself to be surprised. You will be so
good as to let us have tiraely notice of your ap
proach, as we shall, at least, raeet you at Fishkill
Landing, with boats to take you down to Head
Quarters. I hope your escort will arrive in
tirae. I have the honour to be.
Your affectionate and
Respectful servant, A. Hamilton.
Baron Steuben.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM WASHINGTON TO
COUNT D'ESTAING.
" I have therefore appointed Brigadier-General Du Portail, and
Colonel Hamilton, to wait upon your Excellency as speedily
as possible, and explain to you fully, my ideas of the pro
posed co-operation ; the means we shall be able to employ ; the
obstacles we shall have to encounter on our side ; the plans which
it may be proper to pursue; and the measures which are
taking, and may be taken, by the enemy to counteract them."—
Life of Hamilton, by his Son, vol l,p. 226-7.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 367
WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON AND DU PORTAIL.
Head Quarters, West Point, Oct. IS, 1779.
Gentlemen :
I have been favoured with Colonel Hamilton's
letter, mentioning your arrival early on the 11th,
at Philadelphia, and your being about to set off for
Lewistown the morning on which it was written.
I have attentively considered the object to
which you more particularly refer, and ara now
to authorize you (provided the Count will not de
terraine on a co-operation to the full extent of ray
instructions), to engage the whole force described
in rayletters to hira, comprehending the Continen
tal troops and militia, in such an enterprise against
the enemy's shipping, as the Count and you may
agree to undertake. In a word, I will aid him in
every plan of operations against the enemy at
New York, or Rhode Island, in the raost effectual
manner that our strength and resources will ad
mit. He has nothing raore to do, therefore, than
to propose his own plan, if tirae will not adrait
himto accede to ours; weighing thoroughly, conse
quences of expense and disappointment.
Enclosed is some intelligence received from
Elizabethtown since your departure. You will
observe the preparations of the eneray for throwing
every possible obstruction in the Count's passage.
A chain of alarm ships are stationed in the Sound,

368 military correspondence,
to coraraunicate the first approach of the Count's
fleet to the Garrison at Rhode Island. This they
can propagate in a few rainutes by signal guns.
In a letter frora General Gates of the 13th instant,
he advises me of the arrival of the fleet, which
some time ago sailed frora New York. It araounts
to fifty six sail, and appeared to be only in a set
of ballast. This was confirraed by one of the
vessels which fell into our hands for a few hours.
The opinion is, that it is designed to take off the
Garrison. General Gates raakes the Marine force at New
port, one fifty, and a thirty two gun frigate. The
Refugee and Wood fleet, about thirty seven sail,
mostly armed, at the head of which is the Resto
ration, late the Oliver Crorawell, of twenty two
guns. One frigate is also taken notice of in the
fleet frora New York.
Should the operations against New York, in
either case, be undertaken, it will be of the ut
raost consequence to block up the Garrison at
Rhode Island. You will consider the propriety
of suggesting to the Count, the detaching of a
superior sea force for this purpose, previous to his
approaching the Hook. For, should the raeasure
be deferred till his arrival there, it may not then
be possible to prevent their junction with the
army at New York, as the notice can be so very
suddenly transmitted by means of the signals
which they have estabUshed.

military correspondence. 369
Every proper attention has been given to pre
paring the necessary number of fascines, and such
other materials as raay be requisite in this quarter.
Fascines, gabions, etc., are also held in readiness
at Providence in case of an operation against
Newport. I had thought of the fire ships, and
have taken order in the raatter. I do not, how
ever, choose to go to the great expense they raust
run us into, till something is decided with His
Excellency Count D'Estaing ; but everything rela
tive shall be provided, so as to occasion no delay
when such matters become necessary.
I am. Gentlemen,
Your most obedient servant,
G. Washington,
Brigadier-General Du Portail.
Lieutenant-Colonel Harailton.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON AND DU PORTAIL,
West Point, October 21, 1779.
Gentlemen :
In ray letters of the tenth and eighteenth, I
transraitted all the intelligence I had obtained
respecting the eneray, from the time of your de
parture to those two periods : and by the present
conveyance, I enclose you an extract of a letter
from Major-General Gates, of the I5th. By this you
will perceive, he was fully persuaded that the enemy
VOL. I. 47

370 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
are now preparing to evacuate Rhode Island ; and
he expected, from his advices, they would do it on
Monday or Tuesday last.
Whether the event has taken place, or not, as
yet, is a matter I cannot deterraine, having re
ceived no information since upon the subject.
But admitting it has not, there is no roora to doubt
that they have all things in a condition to do it,
on the shortest notice, whenever they shall think
the exigency of their affairs requires it. It is also
equally certain, that they continue to carry on their
fortifications for the defence of New York with
the utmost industry and perseverance ; and appear
to be providing for the most obstinate resistance.
Indeed, as their reduction would be attended with
the most alarming and fatal consequences to their
nation, nothing else can be reasonably expected.
The moment I hear the troops have left Rhode
Island, I will advise you.
The Garrisons at Verplanck's and Stony Points,
still remain ; but from the concurring accounts of de
serters, the heavy baggage and stores, except about
eighteen or twenty rounds for each cannon, are em
barked, and all raatters are putting in train for an
evacuation, in case events make it necessary. The
deserters add, as a circumstance of confirmation,
that Sir Henry CUnton was up at the posts about
eight days ago ; and that, from that time, they have
totally declined carrying on any works.
Having given you the substance of the intelli-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 371
gence received since my last, I am led (frora the
vast raagnitude of the object which carried you
frora Head Quarters, and the very interesting con
sequences it raay involve, all of which I am per
suaded will occur to your consideration) to remark,
that the Count's entering New York Bay with
his fleet, must be the basis and groundwork of any
co-operation that can be undertaken by us, either
for the reduction of the enemy's whole force, or
the destruction of their shipping only. Every
thing will absolutely depend upon it, in either
case ; as, without it, and a free and open communi
cation up and down the rivers, and in the Sound,
which cannot be effected and raaintained in. any
other way, we could not possibly undertake any
operations on Long Island, as our supplies of pro
visions and stores could only be obtained by water.
This point, I am certain, would have your due
consideration ; but it appearing to me the hinge,
the one thing upon which all others must rest, I
could not forbear mentioning it. The circum
stance of the season now, the expenditure of wood,
and the necessity of supplying it, etc., will of
course be fully attended to, according to their
importance : and I have only to add, from a desire
of preventing a misconception by either side, if
any co-operation is agreed on, that the terms and
conditions may be explicitly understood. And
whether it shall extend to an attempt to re-

372

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.

duce the enemy's whole force, or only to the
destruction of their shipping ; your engagements
will provide for the continuance of the Count's
fleet, to secure our retreat, and the reraoval of our
stores frora Long and York Islands, if, unhappily, it
should be found, on experiment, that neither is
practicable^ and we should be obliged to abandon
the enterprise. I am. Gentlemen,
With great regard and respect.
Your most obedient servant,
G. Washington.
P. S. 1-4 after three, P. M. Three deserters
have just come in, who left Verplanck's Point last
night. They all corroborate the accounts, by a de
tail of circumstances, of the preparations to evacu
ate both that and Stony Point. I have no doubt
that things will at least be held in readiness.
G. Washington.
After despatching the above, I received a letter
from Major-General Heath, of which the following
is a copy.
"I now have the pleasure to acquaint your Ex
cellency, that the eneray have left both Points,
having burnt and destroyed their works."
MandeviUd's, Oct. 21, 1779.
4 o'clock, P. M.
General Du Portail, and Colonel Harailton.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 373
WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON AND DU PORTAIL.
Head Quarters, West Point, October 25, 1779.
Gentlemen :
I have just now received a letter frora Colonel
Harailton, raentioning your having changed your
position, at Lewistown, for that of Little Egg Har
bour; and that you would write rae raore fully dn
your arrival at the Furnace.
In roy last I informed you that the enemy had
evacuated both their posts at King's Ferry ; since
which, no alteration has taken place that has come
to ray knowledge. Things at Rhode Island re
raain in the sarae situation ; at least I have re
ceived no accounts, either conffrraing or contra
dicting ray forraer intelligence.
1 am. Gentlemen, your most ob't.,
Hurable servant, G. Washington.
Gen. Du Portail.
Colonel Harailton.

DU PORTAIL AND HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
Great Egg Harbour Landing, October 26, 1779.
Sir:
We are honoured with two letters frora your
Excellency, of the 10th and 21st. ; to the contents
of which we beg leave to assure you of our strict
est attention.

374 iteiLiTARY correspondence.
That of the 18th is not yet corae to hand. It is
not iraprobable, it has gone round by Lewistown,
which has occasioned the delay.
Colonel Harailton wrote to your Excellency
from Philadelphia, acquainting you with our arrival
there, and our intention to proceed to Lewistown,
Cape Henlopen, and from Great Egg Harbour,
coraraunicating our progress since, and our deter
mination to establish ourselves at Bat Stove Fur
nace. We have since fbced on this place, about
forty four railes from the extremity of Cape May
(eighteen railes short of the Furnace, which we
found to be more reraote than had been represent
ed), and, as far as we have been able to learn,
frora 100 to 110 railes of Sandy Hook, and about
50 frora Philadelphia. Your Excellency will
easily perceive the reason of our choosing this
station. It did not appear to us, frora our inquiries
in Philadelphia, to be a point well ascertained, that
the fleet would stop at the Delaware ; and the
time which had elapsed, raade it raore possible, if
the Count should be deterrained to prosecute any
further operations on the continent, that he would
not lose time by a procedure of this sort, but might
content himself with sending some transports, un
der escort of a few frigates, to receive the provi
sions for the fleet, and proceed himself directly on
to the Hook. On this supposition, our position at
Lewistown was entirely ineligible. The distance

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 375
at whieh we were from the city, as well as from
the Hook ; the delays that would consequently at
tend our intelligence from every quarter ; the dif
ficulty and impossibility, sometimes, of traversing
the Bay ; made our first situation inconvenient in
every respect, in the event of the fleet's proceed
ing immediately to the Hook. These considera
tions induced us to cross the Delaware, and take
the position at which we now are ; where, or in the
vicinity, we propose to remain till the arrival of the
Count; till intelligence from him decides the in
utility of a longer stay-; or till we receive your Ex
cellency's orders of recall.
We have now a better relation to the different
points in which we are interested, and have taken
the necessary precautions to gain the earliest no
tice of whatever happens. We have stationed
expresses at the pitch of the Cape, and have esta
blished a regular communication with Major Lee,
and with the city. If the fleet should appear off
the Delaware, we can be there in twelve hours
after its first appearance ; and if at the Hook, in
less than four days; provided Major Lee is punctual
in conveying the intelligence, and the expresses,
frora either side, in bringing it.
By recent inforraation from Philadelphia (though
not quite so distinct and accurate as we could
wish), we find, that so late as the fourth of this
raonth, the Count, as yet, was to open his batteries
against the enemy at Savannah. The time that

376 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
will probably intervene between this and the final
reduction; the re-embarkation of the Count's
troops ; the dispositions for sailing, and his arrival
on this coast ; may, we fear, exhaust the season too
much to perrait of the co-operation to which our
mission relates.
We do not, however, despair; for if the Count
has been fully successful to the southward, and
should shortly arrive (which may be the case), the
enterprise may possibly go on.
In a letter from Major Lee, of the 22d., he in
forms us, that a vessel from Georgia arrived on the
16th ; since which, the two sixty-fours, and the
Renown, which were at the Hook, had fallen
down towards New York ; and the troops at the
Hook had embarked and gone to the city. At
first sight, this account alarmed us, and made us
apprehensive that the eneray had received sorae
favourable advices from the southward, which put
them out of danger, and superseded the necessity
of continuing their preparations for defence. But,
on further reflection, we think it more probable,
that this is only a change of disposition; and that
finding, on closer examination, they would be una
ble to defend the Hook, they had determined to
relinquish the atterapt.
This seeras the raore likely, as Major Lee raen
tions, that a part of the hulks, sunk in the channel,
had gotten afloat and drifted ashore.
To this experience of the difficulty of obstruct-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 377
ing the channel, may, perhaps, be attributed the
change we suppose. And we are confirmed in
this conjecture, by the evacuation of the two
posts at King's Ferry, which appears, by your Ex
cellency's letter, to have taken place on the 21st.,
five days after the supposed arrival of the vessel
from Georgia ; a proof that they had not received
inforraation of any decisive good fortune on their
side, or ill fortune on ours ; and that they persisted
in their defensive plan. We are persuaded, too,
that their exultation would have given wings to
any good news they might have received, and that
it would have reached us before this. Were the
season less advanced, we should regret this change
of disposition; because we believe the attempt to
defend the entrance of the Hook, would have been
fruitless ; and it raight have thrown a part of their
ships, and of their troops, into our hands, in the
first instance. Which could not fail to facilitate the
successive operations*
But, at this late period, it raay rather be an ad
vantage. To force the passage, raight have required
land operations against the Hook, which would
lose time and expose the fleet to the hazard of
winds, which would have rendered its situation
critical. Now> the fleet raay probably enter the
Bay, on its first approach, and be in security : and
the whole operation will be brought to a pointy
VOL. I. 48

378 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
and may demand less time for its accorapUshraent.
As a large number of fascines, ready for use,
appear to us essential to any operations that may
be undertaken, we presume your Excellency has
been preparing, and will continue to prepare, as
many as possible. We beg leave to suggest the
utility of having, at the same time, a suflUcient
number of gabions and sand bags. Ofthe former,
Colonel Gouvion, if your Excellency thinks pro
per, may be charged with the constructing : the
latter may be made under the care of the Quarter-
Master at Philadelphia. Several thousands may be
necessary. The usual dimensions are fifteen or
eighteen inches long, and twelve wide. If, not
withstanding the advices from Major Lee, any
thing by land is to be attempted against the Hook,
these will be peculiarly useful on such a flat, sandy
spot; and, indeed, it would be impracticable to
construct batteries, in any reasonable time, with
out them. We have the honour to be.
Sir, your most obedient, and
Humble servants, A. Hamilton,
Du Portail^
His Excellency Gen. Washington.

military correspondence. 379
WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON AND DU PORTAIL.
Head Quarters, West Point, November 1, 1779.
Gentlemen :
I have this day been favoured with yours of
twenty-sixth ultimo, informing rae of your re
raoval to Great Egg Harbour. My letter of the
eighteenth, which had not reached you, went, as
you supposed, by way of Philadelphia ; and, lest
any accident raay have happened to it, I enclose
you a duplicate. Mine of the thirtieth ultimo,
which went through Major Lee, inforraed you of
the evacuation of Rhode Island. I have since re
ceived a letter of the twenty-first ult., from ray
confidential correspondent in New York. He in
forms me, that Rawdon's Corps, the 57th, and
some of the Artillery, were then embarked : and
it was said, and generally believed, that they
were bound to Halifax. That the Robuste, of
seventy four guns, had arrived the twentieth, from
Halifax; and that a number of transports were
taking in water and ballast. He gave me noth
ing further worth communicating.
You will find, by the letter of the 18th, that a
provision of fascines and gabions was raaking ;
and I shall give directions to the Quarter-Master-
General, to provide a quantity of sand bags.
I am sorry to inform you, that Colonel La

380 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
Rodiere died on Saturday last. He is to be buried
this day with the honours due to his rank.
I am, with great esteem, Gentlemen,
Your raost obedient servant,
G. Washington.
P. S. Upon a presumption that Colonel Laurens
will be on board the fleet, the enclosed are sent
to you.
Brigadier General Du Portail.
Colonel Hamilton.

WASHINGTON TO DU PORTAIL AND HAMILTON.
Head Quarters, West Point, November 2, 1779.
Gentlemen :
Since mine of yesterday, I have received ano
ther letter from my confidential correspondent in
New York, dated the twenty-ninth ultimo. He
informs me, that the fifty-seventh regiment, Raw
don's Corps, and the Artillery mentioned in his last,
were to sail on that day for Halifax ; and with
them, all the heavy ships of war, except the Euro-
pa. The Daphne frigate, with Sir George Collier
and Colonel Stewart on board, was to sail for
England the same day. He says the pilots re
ported, that it was now difficult to bring a vessel
into the Hook, on account of the hulks sunk there,
(By this it Avould seem that sorae of them still re
mained upon the shoals.) He says the transports

military correspondence. 381
mentioned in his last, as taking in water and bal
last, only carried it down to the ships at the Hook.
The Rainbow, of forty guns, had arrived from
Halifax. He informs rae of no other cir
curastances that raaterially relate to affairs in
New York. He says a packet arrived frora Eng
land on the twenty-third October. The accounts
brought by her, seemed to alarm the tories very
rauch. It was reported, that the Ardent, of sixty
four guns, had been taken, and the English fleet
chased into Portsmouth by the combined fleet,
which remained off that place several days. He
raentions these raatters as current reports, and
adds, that a fleet of victuallers were to saU from
Cork the latter end of September, and another of
store ships and merchantmen, from Spithead, about
the same tirae.
I am, with great regard, Gentleraen,
Your most obedient servant,
G. W"ashington.
The capture of the Ardent, is confirraed by a
New York paper of the twentieth ultimo.
General Du Portail and Colonel Hamilton.

LAURENS TO HAMILTON.
Philadelphia, December" 12, 1779,
My Dear Hamilton:
Upon my arrival here yesterday evening, I com'

382

military correspondence.

municated the intelligence received from Gene
ral Wayne, to the President of Congress and the
French rainister. The latter surprised me greatly,
by informing me, that only one 74 gun ship of the
Count De Grasse 's division, and the Fier Rodrigue,
had arrived at Chesapeake. I am at a loss how
to account for the absence of the rest. They
have not been within the reach of a superior ene
my's force : no storm has happened, within our
knowledge, to drive them to any considerable dis
tance from the coast. It cannot rationally be sup
posed that the Count has received countermanding
orders, and that a capital ship of the Une, together
with a very valuable warlike merchantman, is to
be sacrificed. Be the case as it may, all hopes of
passing our reinforcement for the southern de
partment, by sea, are out of the question. The
North Carolina Brigade, after profiting by the navi
gation of the Delaware as far as it would serve
them, marched to the Head of Elk. Thence they
proceed, by water, across the Chesapeake, and up
to Petersburgh, where they are to be overtaken
by their waggons, and pursue the rest of their way
by the middle road to Charlestown. This is the
route marked by the Board of War, and a Commit
tee of Congress appointed to confer with them ;
and I believe it was recommended by Doctor
Burke, one of the North Carolina delegates late
ly from that country. It is intended that the Vir-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 383
ginians should pursue the same as far as Peters
burgh, where they are to take an upper road. In
this route we do not avail ourselves of Albermarle
Sound. The going up the river to Petersburgh
will certainly be tedious ; and four hundred railes
land march is to be executed frora thence. I
comraunicated these objections to Mr. Matthewes,
and proposed the route which the General pointed
out ; but the poverty of the country in provision,
and the means of transporting the baggage of the
troops, he said, would outweigh the advantages of
the water carriage and direct road. I am by no
means satisfied with the present arrangement,
when I reflect how much more rapidly the British
may convey their reinforcements : but all the in
quiries I have made hitherto, have produced noth
ing favourable to our plan. Indeed, in the present
unguarded state of the Chesapeake, the British
might render the passage even of that ineligible.
Mr. Serle, a member of Congress, who arrived
in town last night from the neighbourhood of Major
Leigh's post, asserts, that no transports were at
the Hook on Wednesday. Whether the British
operations are delayed by false rumours of Count
De Grasse's division ; or whether they have heard,
as we have here, that Count D'Estaing was still
on the coast the twentieth of November, I cannot
decide : but one would be inclined to think, that
they are disconcerted, either by false intelUgence,

384 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
or a total defect of it. I entreat you, my dear
friend, to transmit rae the earliest and most accu
rate relation that can be obtained, of the British
moveraents ; and enlighten rae with your observa
tions upon thera. Present ray respects and love
to our exceUent General and the faraily. May
you enjoy all the pleasure, raoral and physical,
which you promise yourself in winter quarters,
and be as happy as you deserve.
Tell the Doctor I shall commit his darling to
the press this morning. Yours ever,
John Laurens.
Colonel Hamilton.

LAURENS TO HAMILTON.
Philadelphia, December 18, 1779.
My Dear Hamilton:
On my arrival in town, I was informed by the
President, that Congress had suspended the busi
ness of appointing a secretary to their minister
plenipotentiary at Versailles, until ray return, in
hopes that I might still be prevailed upon to ac
cept the office. I repUed, that I thought ray letter
upon the subject sufficiently explicit ; and assured
hira of ray sincere desire to be excused frora
serving in that capacity at the present juncture
of our affairs.
He urged the unanimity of the choice with re-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 385
spect to rae ; the difficulty of uniting the suffrages
of all parties, in case of a new nomination ; and the
advantages of this union. Several delegates of
Congress declared to rae the erabarrassraent of
Congress since I had declined. One, in particu
lar, suggested to me his apprehension of interest
being made for a late delegate of New York, who
is candidate for the office, and to whom the
world, in general, allows greater credit for his abil
ities than his integrity ; and said, " he was deter
mined to oppose him with all his influence."
When I quitted town the sixteenth, these mat
ters crowded into my mind. I fell into a train of
serious reflections and self-examination; endea
voured to investigate whether I had acted conso
nantly to the i"'^"" '"" oyaOox, and fulfilled the duties of
a good citizen in this transaction. In fine, I agi
tated the grand question. Whether a citizen has a
right to decline any office to which his country
men appoint him ; upon what that right is found
ed ; and whether it existed in my case.
After undergoing the severest conflict that ever
I experienced ; sometimes reproaching, sometimes
justifying myself; pursuing my joumey, or turning
retrograde ; as the arguments on the one side or
the other appeared to prevail ; I determined that I
had been deficient in the duties of a good citizen.
I returned to Philadelphia; communicated my sen
timents to the President and two other members ;
voLi I. 49

386 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
and declared to thera, that I thought it incumbent
on rae, in the first place, to recoraraend a person
equally qualified in point of integrity, and rauch
better in point of ability. That if, unhappily,
they could not agree upon Colonel Harailton, and
that I was absolutely necessary to exclude a dan
gerous person, or to prevent pernicious delays, I
should think it ray duty to obey the orders of Con
gress. The persons now in noraination, are. Colo
nel Hamilton, Mr. Lovell, Mr. G. Morris, Major
Stewart. I am sorry that you are not better
known to Congress. Great stress is laid upon the
probity and patriotism ofthe person to be eraploy
ed in this commission. I have given ray testi
raony of you in this, and the other equally essen
tial points.
I am sorry to inform you, that the North Caroli
na brigade had not quitted Elk the sixteenth;
having been detained by the ice.
I am sorry to write you, just as I am on the
wing. Be so good as to thank Tilghman for his
letter. Inform him, from Mr. Mitchell, that his
habiliments are making.
My love as usual. Adieu.
John Laurens.
Colonel Hamilton.

388 3IILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
[1780.]
HAMILTON TO ROBERT MORRIS.
[suggestions on the currency, and a bank of the
UNITED states.]
Sir:
The present conjuncture is by all allowed to
be peculiarly critical. Every man of reflection,
eraploys his thoughts about the reraedies proper to
be applied to the national disorders; and every
one, frora a partiality to his own ideas, wishes to
convey them to those who are charged with the
manageraent of affairs. The channel of the pub
lic papers, commonly made use of for the purpose,
appears to me exceptionable on several accounts.
It not only restrains a freedom of discussion, from
the extreme delicacy of the subject; but the dis
cussion itself increases the evil, by exposing our
weak sides to the popular eye, and adding false
terrors to those well-founded apprehensions which
our situation authorizes.
Instead of pursuing this raethod, I prefer ad
dressing myself to a member of that body, in
whose power alone it is, by well-digested system,
to extricate us from our embarrassments. I have
pitched upon you, from a personal knowledge of
your abilities and zeal. If I offer any thing new
and useful, I am persuaded you will endeavour to
turn it to advantage. If the contrary is the case, I
am, at least, doing no harm. I shall only have had

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 389
the trouble of writing, and you of reading, a few
useless pages.
The object of principal concern, is the state of
our currency. , In my opinion, all our speculations
on this head have been founded in errour. Most
people think, that the depreciation might have
been avoided, by provident arrangements in the
beginning, without any aid from abroad: and a
great many of our sanguine politicians, till very
lately, imagined the money might still be restored
by expedients within ourselves. Hence the de
lay in attempting to procure a foreign loan.
This idea proceeded frora an ignorance of the
real extent of our resources. The war, particu
larly in the first periods, required exertions beyond
our strength, to which neither our population nor
riches were equal. We have the fullest proof of
this, in the constant thinness of our armies ; the
impossibility, at this time, of recruiting them
otherwise than by compulsion; the scarcity of
hands in husbandry, and other occupations; the
decrease of our staple comraodities; and the diffi
culty of every species of supply. I am aware
that the badness of the money has its influence ;
but it .was originally an effect, not a cause, though
it now partakes of the nature of both. A part of
those evils would appear, were our finances in a
more flourishing condition. We experienced
them before the money was materially depre-

390 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
ciated ; and they contributed to its depreciation.
The want of men soon obliged the public to pay
extravagant wages for them in every department.
Agriculture languished from a defect of hands.
The mechanic arts did the same. The price of
every kind of labour increased : and the articles
of foreign commerce, from the interruption it re
ceived, more than kept pace with other things.
The relative value of money being determined
by the greater or less portion of labour and com
modities which it will purchase ; whatever these
gained in price, that, of course, lost in value.
The public expenditures, from the dearness of
every thing, necessarily became immense ; greater
in proportion than in other countries ; and much
beyond any revenues which the best concerted
scherae of finance could have extracted frota the
natural funds of the State. No taxes, which the
people were capable of bearing, on that quantity
of money which is deemed a proper medium for
this country (had it been gold instead of paper),
would have been sufficient for the current exigen
cies of Government.
The raost opulent States of Europe, in a war of
any duration, are commonly obliged to have re
course to foreign loans or subsidies.* How, then.

* France owes a debt of near two hundred millions of pounds sterling ; of
which about twenty eight millions is due to Governments and individuals in
the United Provinces.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 391
could we expect to do without them, and not aug
ment the. quantity of our artificial wealth beyond
those bounds which were proper to preserve its
credit ? The idea was chimerical.
The quantity of raoney formerly in circulation
among us, is estimated at about thirty millions of
dollars. This was barely sufficient for our interior
coramerce. Our exterior commerce was chiefly
carried on by barter. We sent our commodities
abroad, and brought back others in return. The
balance of the principal branch was against us;
and the little specie derived from others, was trans
ferred directly to the payment of that balance,
without passing into home circulation. It would
have been impracticable, by loans and taxes, to
bring such a portion of the forementioned sum into
the public coffers as would have answered the
England owes a debt not much shorti of which about thirty millions is like..
wise due in the United Provinces.
The United Provinces, themselves, owe a debt of the generality, of fifty
millions sterling, besides the particular debts of each province. Russia,
Prussia, Denmark, Sweden, all owe money to the United Provinces, notwith.^
standing the assistance of their mines. These Governments, too, are patterns
of economy. Sweden receives a constant supply from France. The House
of Austria is also to be included inthe catalogue, ^pain is almost the only
considerable European power to be excepted ; but this is to be attributed to that
inexhaustible fund of treasure which she possesses in the mines of South
America. The King of Prussia is one of those potentates the least in debt ; notwith..
standing he has a longtime made a figure in Europe, much above what the
comparative strength and resources of his kingdom entitled him to expect.
This his superior genius has etFected. By » wise administration, he main^
tains an army of one hundred and fifty thousand men, nearly equal to that ot
France, with one third of its people, and less than a third of its riches. This
he does by judicious arrangements; by a rigid economy; and by a species of
commerce, which is carried on, on account of the State. There are several
public manufactories, from which the army is supplied ; and by the help of
which, the money paid out with one hand is taken in by the other.

392 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
purposes of the war : nor could it have spared so
considerable a part, without obstructing the ope
rations of domestic commerce. Taxes are limited,
not only by the quantity of wealth in a State, but
by the temper, habits, and genius of the people;
all which, in this country, conspired to render
them moderate : and as to loans, men will not be
prevailed upon to lend money to the public when
there is a scarcity, and they can find a more pro
fitable way of employing it otherwise, as was our
case. The ordinary revenues of the United Provinces,
amount to about twenty five millions of guil
ders ; or two millions two hundred and fifty thou
sand pounds sterling per annum. This is, in pro
portion to its territory and numbers, the richest
country in the vv'orld ; and the country where the
people sustain the heaviest load of taxes. Its
population is about equal to ours, two millions of
souls. The burthens on the subject are so great,
that it is by some held almost impracticable, even
on extraordinary emergencies, to enlarge the reve
nues by new impositions. It is maintained, their
dependence, in these cases, must be on the extra
ordinary contributions of wealthy individuals;
with the aid of which, in some of their wars, they
have raised four millions sterUng a year. In a
country possessed of so vast a stock of wealth,
where taxes are carried to such a height ; and
where the means of paying them, so infinitely ex-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 393
ceed those in our power ; if the national revenues
only amount to the sum I have stated, how inade
quate must have been the product of any taxes we
could have levied, to the demands of the service !
Loans, for the reason before hinted, would have
been out of the question ; at least, they would
have been so trifling as to be an object of little
importance. Suppose we should have been able
to raise a million sterling, annually ; a sum that
probably Would have exceeded our ability ; how
unequal would this have been to our wants !*
No economy could have made it bear any propor
tion, especially if we recur to the causes already
Cinumerated, by which the currency depreciated
inits first stages.
Frora these reasonings it results, that it was not
in the power of Congress, when their emissions
had arrived at the thirty millions of dollars, to put
a stop to them. t They were obUged, in order to
keep up the supplies, to go on creating artificial
revenues by new emissions ; and as these multi
plied, their value declined. The progress of the
depreciation raight have been retarded, but it

* This will appear, by recurring to our expenses in the commencement of
the war, before the money was depreciated. In '75, which was only three
fourths of a year, the emissions amounted to seven millions of dollars : in '76,
to fourteen millions. The war did not begin, in earnest, till '76.
t This is meant, without employing the assistance of a foreign loan, and of
other expedients beside borrowing and taxing.
VOL. I. 50

394 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
could not have been prevented. It was, in a
great degree, necessary.
There was but one reraedy; a foreign loan.
All other expedients should rather have been con
sidered as auxiUary. Could a loan have been ob
tained, and judiciously appUed, assisted by a vi
gorous system of taxation, we might have avoided
that excess of emissions which has ruined the pa
per. The credit of such a fimd would have pro
cured loans from the monied and trading men
within ourselves; because it inight have been so
directed, as to have been beneficial to them in
thefr commercial transactions abroad.*
The necessity for a foreign loan is now greater
than ever. Nothing else will retrieve our affairs.
The wheels of Govemment, avithout it, cannot
much longer be kept in motion. Including Loan-
office certificates, and State emissions, we have
about four hundred miUions of dollars in cfrcula-
tion. The real value of these, is less tlian seven
millions, which is the true circulating medium of
these States : for though the price of specie is
and the rate of exchange for sterUng bills
the nominal value of every commodity is at least
sixty to one, on an average. All the reasonings
against the possibiUty of raising the current ex
penses on the foundation of thirty milUons, apply
* This will appear from the plan which will be proposed.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 395
to our present situation in the ratio of thirty to
seven ; that is, it is as thirty to seven less practica
ble now than when our emissions amounted to only
thirty millions. Could every dollar in circulation
be brought annually into the treasury, which never
was effected in any country, and is poUtically im
possible, the revenue would not be equal to the
yearly expense.
The hope of appreciating the money, by taxes
and doraestic loans, is at an end. As fast as it
could be received, it raust be issued in the daily
expenditures. The raomentary interval between
its being drawn out of circulation and returning
into it, would prevent its receiving the least ad
vantage. These reasonings may appear useless, as the ne
cessity of a foreign loan is now acknowledged,
and measures are taking to procm'e it. But they
are intended to establish good principles ; the want
of which has brought us to the desperate crisis
we are arrived at, and may still betray us into
fatal mistakes.
How this loan is to be employed, is now the
question ; and its difficulty equal to its importance !
Two plans have been proposed: One, to purchase
up at once, in specie, or sterling bills, all super
fluous paper ; and to endeavour, by taxes, loans,
and econoray, to hinder its returning into circula
tion. The reraainder, it is supposed, would then

396

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.

recover its value. This, it is said, will reduce our
pubUc debt to the sterUng cost of the paper.
Suppose two hundred millions were to be pur
chased, and the rest called in by taxes. At
this would require bills to the amount of
of dollars. But I doubt whether four
times this sum would be sufficient. The raoraent
it was known such purchases were to be made,
the avarice of speculators would begin to operate :
the demand would immediately occasion an arti
ficial appreciation ; each successive million would
cost more than the preceding. But this appre
ciation would be more relative to the purchasing
medium than to the prices of commodities. The
raising the value of the paper relative to the for
mer, would depend on the combination of a few
artful individuals, and would be easily accomplish
ed. The diminution of prices must be slow, as
it implies a change in the sentiments of the body
of the people with respect to the money. A sud
den revolution in the general rates of all the neces
saries of life is not to be expected. The prices
of these, as they have reached their present sum
mit by degrees ; must, by degrees, revert to their
former station. The minds of the people will not
readily admit impressions in favour of the curren
cy. All their past experience has given a habit
of diffidence ; and the epidemical spirit of extor
tion, will maintain a violent struggle with what-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 397
ever has a tendency to produce a fall of prices.
A perraanent reduction of the quantity of circu
lating cash, will alone gradually effect it. But
this will not happen on the present plan.
The necessity of continuing the supplies at
nearly the same rates now given (which would
be the case if my reasonings are true), would have
nearly the same effect mentioned with respect to
taxes and domestic loans. The money would re
turn into circulation almost as fast as it was drawn
out : and at the end of the year we should find
our treasury empty; our foreign loan dissipated;
and the state of our finances as deplorable as ever.
At a moderate calculation, we should have spent ten
or twelve millions of real dollars, for the sole pur
pose of carrying on the war another year. It would
be much better, instead of purchasing up the paper
currency, to purchase the supplies out of our
specie or bills. In the first instance, the public
would suffer a direct loss of the artificial apprecia
tion, relative to the purchasing mediura : in the
last, it would buy at the value of the commodities
in specie or bills.
A great source of errour in disquisitions of this
nature, is the judging of events by abstract calcu
lations ; which, though geometrically true, are
false as they relate to the concerns of beings
governed more by passion and prejudice, than by
an enlightened sense of their interests. A degree

398 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
of illusion mixes itself in all the affairs of society.
The opinion of objects has more influence than
their real nature. The quantity of money in cir
culation is certainly a chief cause of its decline :
but we find it is depreciated more than five tiraes
as much as it ought to be by this rule. The ex
cess is derived from opinioD ; a want of confi
dence. In like manner we deceive ourselves,
when we suppose the value will increase in pro
portion as the quantity is lessened. Opinion will
operate here also ; and a thousand circumstances
may promote or counteract the principle.
The other plan proposed, is to convert the loan
into merchandise, and import it on public account.
This plan is incomparably better than the forraer.
Instead of losing on the sale of its specie or bills,
the public would gain a considerable profit on the
coramodities imported. The loan would go much
further this way, in supplying the expenses of the
war ; and a large stock of valuable commodities,
useful to the army and to the country, would be
introduced. This would affect the prices of things
in general, and assist the currency. But the arts
of monopolizers would prevent its having so exten
sive and durable an influence as it ought to have.
A great impediment to the success of this, as
well as the former scheme, will be the vast sums
requisite for the current expenses. The arguments
adduced in the forraer case, are applicable here

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 399
also, though not with equal force. The necessity
the pubUc will be under of parting with its stock
to defray the daily demands, will give designing
men an opportunity, by combinations not to pur
chase, to oblige it to sell at a rate below the real
value of money. This they may the more easily
effect, as the demand for foreign commodities is
much less than formerly, on account of the gene
ral spirit of parsimony which has obtained from
necessity, and the manufactures carried on in pri
vate families for their own use. The greatest
part of the country people now almost entirely
clothe themselves.
The public must either sell very cheap, to col
lect rapidly the superfluous paper in hopes of
raising the value of the reraainder ; or it must
sell very slow, to preserve the due proportion be
tween the articles it has for sale and those it wants
to buy. By pursuing the ffrst raethod, it will soon
exhaust its stock at a very considerable loss, and
only give teraporary relief to the currency. Ac
cording t,o ray pirincipfo, though it sells cheap, it
must still buy dear ; and, consequently, the money
collected cannot remain in the treasury long
enough to preserve the rise in its appreciated state.
If it pursues the second method, the expenditures
will be equal to the income ; and though the pub
lic will raake the natural profits on its goods, as it

400 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
will lay up nothing, it will do nothing toward the
appreciation.* The farmers have the game in their own hands,
and will make it very difficult to lower the prices
of their commodities. For want of labourers, there
is no great superfluity of the most essential arti
cles raised. These are things of absolute necessi
ty, and must be purchased, as well by the other
classes of the society as by the public. The far
mers, on the contrary, if they do not like the
price, are not obliged to sell ; because they have
almost every necessary within themselves ; salt,
and one or two more, excepted ; which bear a
small proportion to what is wanted from them ; and
which they can obtain, by barter, for other articles
equally indispensable. Heavy taxes, it may be
said, will oblige them to sell ; but they can pay,
* To form an idea of the eflFect of this plan, let it be supposed, that the
goods imported, amount to two millions of pounds sterling, and that these sell
at one hundred and fifty pounds in paper, for each pound sterling. The whole
proceeds will be eight hundred millions of dollars : to these add two hundred
millions, raised in taxes. There will then be in the hands of the public, one
thousand millions of dollars ; which, at sixty to one, gives sixteen millions
six hundred and sixty six thousand, six hundred and sixty six, and two-thirds
of real dollars. Take the year '76 for a standard, and suppose fourteen miUions
of dollars to be the proper annual expense of the war, which is only two mil
lions six hundred and sixty six thousand, six hundred and sixty six, and two
thirds less than the whole amount of the goods and taxes. At this rate, the
plan would do little more than defray the expenses of the war for one year.
But this calculation is not exactly true ; because the money would certainly
appreciate, in some degree, by the reduction of its quantity : yet, as this re
duction would not last, at least in the same extent, to preserve the apprecia
tion ; and, as in proportion to the appreciation, the price of goods must fall,
and bring less money in; it is difiicult to say, whether it would not ultimately
come to the same thing.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 401
with a sraall part of what they have, any taxes
our legislatures will venture to impose, or would
be able to enforce.
One measure, alone, can counterbalance these
advantages of the farmers, and oblige them to con
tribute their proper quota to the support of Govern
raent ; a tax in kind.
This ought instantly to begin throughout the
States. The present quantity of cash, though
nominally enormous, would, in reaUty, be found
incompetent to domestic circulation, were it not
that a great part of our internal coramerce is car
ried on by barter. For this reason, it is impossi
ble, by pecuniary taxes, to raise a sum proportion
ed to the wants of the State. The money is no
longer a general representative ; and when it ceases
to be so, the State ought to call for a portion of
the thing represented ; or, in other words, to tax
in kind. This will greatly facilitate whatever plan
of finance is adopted ; because it will lessen the
expenditures in cash, and make it the easier to
retain what is drawn in.
I said the demand for foreign goods is less than
it formerly was. I mean there is not a demand
for so large a quantity, which the reasons already
assigned, clearly demonstrate ; nor are the exorbi
tant rates now given any objection to this doc
trine. There is an absolute scarcity even in cora
parison of the present consuraption ; and, of course,
VOL. I. 51

402 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE,
a deraand for what there is. But should an ira-
portation of two raillions sterling take place, the
raarket would be glutted ; and there would be no
way of keeping up the price, but by making' very
slow sales. A less quantity would stand no chance
of calling in the money, and keeping it in long
enough to effect anything in favour of its credit.
I say nothing about the risk of importation. I
do not believe we could obtain a convoy sufficient
to justify our hazarding it without the precaution
of insurance. But with this expedient we are safe ;
and raust be satisfied with smaller profits for the
sake of security.
This is a plan not altogether to be rejected.
With prudent management it might enable us to
carry on the war two or three years (which, per
haps, is as long as it may last) ; but if we should ex
pect raore from it, the restoration of the currency,
we should be disappointed.
The only plan that can preserve the currency,
is one that will raake it the immediate interest of
the raonied men to co-operate with Government
in its support. This country is in the same pre
dicament in which France was previous to the
famous Mississippi scheme, projected by Mr. Law.
Its paper money, like ours, had dwindled to no
thing ; and no efforts of the Government could
revive it, because the people had lost all confi
dence in its ability. Mr. Law, who had much

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 403
more penetration than integrity, readily perceived,
that no plan could succeed which did not unite
the interest and credit of rich individuals with
those of the State ; and upon this, he framed the
idea of his project, which, so far, agreed in princi
ple with the Bank of England. The foundation
was good, but the superstructure too vast. The
proprietors aimed at unlimited wealth, and the
Government itself expected too much ; which was
the cause of the ultimate miscarriage of the
scheme, and of all the mischiefs that befel the
kingdom in consequence.
It will be our wisdom to select what is good
in this plan, and in any others that have gone be
fore us ; avoiding their defects and excesses.
Something on a similar principle in America, will
alone accomplish the restoration of paper credit,
and establish a permanent fund for the future
exigencies of Governraent.
Article I. The plan I would propose, is that
of an Araerican Bank, instituted by authority of
Congress for ten years, under the denoraination
of The Bank of The United States.
II. A foreign loan raakes a necessary part
of the plan ; but this I am persuaded we can ob
tain, if we pursue the proper measures. I shall
suppose it to amount to two millions of pounds
sterling. This loan to .be thrown into the Bank
as a part of its stock.

404 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
HI. A subscription to be opened for two hun
dred millions of dollars ; and the subscribers
erected into a Company, to be called The Company
OF THE Bank of the United States.
IV. The Government to guarantee this sub
scription money to the proprietors, at the rate of
one for twenty; that is, to engage, at the dissolu
tion of the Bank, to make good to them the sum
of ten millions of dollars, in lieu of the two hun
dred raillions subscribed, payable in Spanish
rallied dollars, or a currency bona fide equivalent
to thera.
V. The taxes raised in raoney annually, to
be thrown into stock.*
VI. All the remaining paper to be called in
(at the option of the possessor), and bank notes
issued in lieu of them, for so much sterUng, paya
ble to the bearer in three months from the date,
at two per cent, per annum interest. A pound
sterling to be estimated at two hundred and six
ty-six, and two-thirds, of the present dollars.f The
interest to be punctually paid in specie at the end
of the three raonths ; when it shall be at the

* The taxes are made to increase every year, for the three years; because
the money in circulation increases, and, 'Consequently, the people can afford
to pay more.
t This is sixty paper dollars to one dollar of four shillings and sixpence
sterling ; which is the real value ofthe money. But if it is apprehended that
this may meet with opposition, let the valuation of the bank notes be the
same as the price of European Bills of Exchange. Other operations must be
regulated accordingly.

military correspondence. 405
choice of the possessor to have the bank notes
renewed, or to receive the sura deposited, in the
old paper.
VII. AU the money issued from the Bank, to be
of the same denomination, and on the same terras.*
VIII. The Bank to furnish Congress with an
annual loan of two millions sterling, if they have
occasion for it, at four per cent, interest.
IX. The whole, or such part of the stock as
is judged necessary, to be employed in commerce,
in the manner, and on the terms, which shall be
agreed upon, from time to time, between the Com
pany, and a Board of Trade to be appointed by
Congress. X. The Bank to issue occasionally, by per
mission of Congress, such sums as may be thought
safe and expedient, in private loans, on good
securities, at six per cent, interest.
XI. The Government to share half the whole
stock and profits of the Bank.

• The reason of this is, to preserve the idea of a stock, and make it seem
that the old paper is still in existence. But there is danger, notwithstanding
the reasons to the contrary, that there may be a run upon the Bank, from par
ticular causes, which may embarrass it. It is not probable the old paper will
be entirely, though nearly, called out of circulation : what remains, will ap
preciate : this may tempt those who have bank notes, to demand payment on
the terms of the original deposit ; without considering that, by bringing .too
great a quantity again into circulation, it will again depreciate. The Bank
may be pushed to a very disagreeable extremity by this means. I do not
know whether it may not be advisable to confine the privilege of repayment
to the lenders to the Bank, and make the bills bear interest, payable every
three months, without making the principal demandable. Much may be said
for and against. It is well worth consideration.

406 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
XII. The Bank to be managed by the trustees
ofthe Corapany, under the inspection ofthe Board
of Trade,* who may have recourse to the Compa
ny books whenever they think proper, to exaraine
the state of its affairs. The same is done in Eng
land, and in other countries where Banks are esta
blished, and is a privilege which the Government
has a right to deraand for its own security. It is the

* This Board ought immediately to be established, at all events. The
Royal Council of Commerce, in France, and the subordinate Chambers iu each
province, form an excellent institution, and may, in many respects, serve as a
model. Congress bave too long neglected to organize a good scheme of ad
ministration, and throw public business into proper executive departments.
For commerce, I prefer a Board ; but for most other things, single men.
We want a Minister of War, a Minister of Foreign Affairs, a Minister of Fi
nance, and a Minister of Marine. There is always more decision,
more despatch, more secrecy, more responsibility, where single men, than
where bodies are concerned. By a plan of this kind, we should blend the ad.
vantages of a Monarchy and of a Republic, in a happy and beneficial union.
Men will only devote their lives and attentions to the mastering a profession,
on which they can build reputation and consequence which they do not share
with others.
If this plan should be approved. Congress ought immediately to appoint a
Minister of Finance, under whatsoever title they think proper, and charge
him with its execution. He ought to be a man of ability, to, comprehend it in
aU its consequences ; and of eloquence, to make others comprehend and relish
it. He ought, beside, to have some general knowledge of the science. This
man ought immediately to address himself to some of the most sensible mo
nied men ; and endeavour to convince them of the utility of the project.
These must engage others, and so on, till a sufficient number is engaged.
Then Congress must establish the Bank, and set it agoing. 1 know of no
man that has better pretensions than yourself ; and I shall be very happy to
hear that Congress have said, " Thou art the man."
1 had like to have omitted one remark, which is, that the subscription money
may be guaranteed, ifnecessary,atlO tol, as a greater inducement. This will
only be twenty millions of dollars, or five millions of pounds sterling ; a cheap
bargain to get rid ofthe perplexities we labour under, and convert the torrent
of ideal money into a moderate, but sufficient, stream, to supply the real wants
ofthe State. Congress, no doubt, would be able to borrow enough abroad to
pay this debt, if it should not find better means within itself. But I shall be
much mistaken, if the proprietors will desire to be repaid, and not prefer
continuing the loan to Government on reasonable terms.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 407
more necessary in this case, from the commercial
nature of the Bank.
To give an idea of the advantages
[Here apart of the ma-nuscript is -missing.]
which, having all the operation of raoney, and of
a raore advantageous kind than that which the
lenders have parted with, will have all the effi
cacy of a payraent. It is for this reason they are
raade to bear interest : and there can be no doubt,
that every raan will prefer a species of money
which answers all the purposes of a currency, and
even, when lying idle, brings in a profit to the
possessor. The same consideration will prevent
the lenders recalling the old paper, at the quarter
ly payments; because they hold a more valuable
property instead of it. The interest is to be paid
in specie, as a further temptation, for which a small
sura will suffice. The denomination of the money
is altered ; because it will produce a useful illu
sion. Mankind are much led by sounds and ap
pearances ; and the currency having changed, its
name wiU seem to have changed its nature.
The Bank wUl advance bills to the araount of
two millions of pounds sterling to Congress ; and,
in addition to its stock, wiU now have a debt due
it of this sum, which is to be considered as so much
gained.
[Here a part of the ma-nuscript is missing.]

408 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
Brought over, . . 7,075,000
To be deducted.
Drawn out of circulation, by the
sale of goods imported, 4,000,000
By governraental taxes,
supposed to be, 1,000,000—5,000,000

Reraaining in circulation the
fourth year, £2,075,000
This will be less than the preceding, which is
occasioned by the million supposed to be drawn
in by taxes.
The national debt, on this plan, will stand thus,
at the end of three years :
Foreign loan, . . . 2,000,000
Domestic loan, at two raillions per
annum, . . . 6,000,000
Interest, at four per cent., . 320,000

8,320,000
Half the value of the Bank, . 7,900,000

Balance against the United States, £420,000
We may, therefore, by means of this establish
ment, carry on the war three years, and only in
cur a debt of four hundred and twenty thousand
pounds over and above the guarantee of the sub
scription money ; which, however, is not to be
paid tUl the end often years.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 409
I have said, in one place, that abstract calcula
tions, in questions of finance, are not to be relied
on : and as the complex operations of trade are
involved in the present plan, I am, myself, diffi
dent of those flattering results which it presents
at every step. I ara aware how apt the iraagina
tion is to be heated in projects of this nature, and
to overlook the fallacies which often lurk in first
principles. But when I consider, on the other
hand, that the scherae stands on the firm footing
of public and private faith ; that it links the inter
ests of the State in an intimate connexion with
those of the rich individuals belonging to it ; that
it turns the wealth and influence of both into a
commercial channel, for mutual benefit, which
raust afford advantages not to be estimated ; that
there is a defect of circulating mediura, which this
plan supplies, by a sort of creative power ; con
verting what is so produced into a real and effica
cious instruraent of trade : I say, when I consider
these things, and many more that might be added,
I cannot forbear feeling a degree of confidence in
the plan ; and, at least, hoping that it is capable
of being improved into something that will give re
lief to our finances.
I do not believe, that the advantages will be so
great in fact, as they seem to be in speculation.
They will be liraited by the means of commerce
which the States produce ; and these may not be
VOL. I. 52

410 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
SO extensive in the beginning as the plan supposes.
Beside this, the profits of the coraraerce will not
be so large, in proportion, after the first or second
year, as during those years : neither will it be pos
sible to increase the paper credit in the same de
gree. But the Bank of England is a striking ex
ample, how far this may be carried, when support
ed by public authority and private influence. On
the other hand, a variety of secondary expedients
may be invented, to enlarge the advantages of the
Bank. The whole system of annuities, as prac
ticed in England, may be engrafted upon it, with
such differences as are proper to accommodate it
to our circumstances. The European loan may
also be converted into a European Bank, the in
terests of which, being interwoven with the
American Bank, may engage rich individuals there
in promoting and extending the plan.
Very beneficial contracts may be made between
Government and the Corapany, for supplying the
array, by which money may be saved to the pub
lic, the army better furnished, and the profits of
the Bank extended.
I have confined the Bank to the space of ten
years ; because this will be long enough to judge
of its advantages and disadvantages : and the lat
ter raay be rectified by giving it a new form. I
do not suppose it will ever be discontinued ; be
cause it seeras to be founded on principles that

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 411
raust always operate well, and raake it the inter
est, both of Government and the Company, to up
hold it. But I suppose the plan capable of ira
proveraent, which experience will suggest.
I give one half the whole property of the Bank
to the United States ; because it is not only just,
but desirable, to both parties. The United States
contribute a great part of the stock ; their authorir
ty is essential to the existence of the Bank ; their
credit is pledged for its support. The plan would
ultimately fail, if the terms were too favourable to
the Company, and too hard upon Govemment. It
might be encumbered with a debt which it could
never pay, and be obliged , to take refuge in a
bankruptcy. The share which the State has in
the profits, will induce it to grant more ample
privileges, without which the trade of the Com
pany raight often be under restrictions injurious
to its success.
It is not, perhaps, absolutely necessary that the
sum subscribed should be so considerable as I have
stated it, though the larg-er the better. It is only
necessary it should be considerable enough to en
gage a sufficient number of the principal monied
men in the scheme. But Congress must take
care to proportion the advantages they give and
receive. It may be objected, that this plan will be preju
dicial to trade, by raaking the Governraent a par-

412 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
ty with a trading Company ; which may be aterap-
tation to arrogate exclusive privileges, and thereby
fetter that spirit of enterprise and corapetition, on
which the prosperity of comraerce depends. But
Congress raay satisfy the jealousies on this head,
by a soleran resolution not to grant exclusive
privileges, which alone can make the objection
valid. Large trading Companies raust be bene
ficial to the coramerce of a nation, when they are
not invested with these, because they furnish a
capital with which the most extensive enterprises
may be undertaken. There is no doubt the es
tablishment proposed, would be very serviceable
at this juncture, merely in a commercial view ;
for private adventurers are not a match for the nu
merous obstacles resulting from the present pos
ture of affairs.
The present plan is the product of some reading
on the subjects of commerce and finance, and of
occasional reflections on our particular situation :
but a want of leisure has prevented its being ex
amined in so many lights, and digested so mate
rially, as its importance requires. If the outlines
are thought worthy of attention, and any difficul
ties occur which demand explanation : or if the
plan be approved, and the further thoughts of the
writer are desired ; a letter directed to James
Montague, Esquire, lodged in the post office at
Morristown, will be a safe channel of any cora-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 413
raunications you may think proper to raake ; and
an iraraediate answer will be given. Though the
writer has reasons which raake hira unwilling to
be known ; if a personal conference with hira
should be thought raaterial, he will endeavour to
coraply. You will consider this as a hasty production,
and excuse the incorrectnesses with which it
abounds. I am. Sir, very respectfully.
Your most obedient and humble servant.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
Amboy, March 17, 1780.
Dear Sir :
I duly received your letter of the fourteenth,
and shall not fail, in conjunction with General St.
Clair, to attend to the military object of it. I am
much obliged to your Excellency for the commu
nication of your Southern advices. The enemy
are still in the dark about their fleet and army
gone that way, as we gather from the commission
ers. They pretend to have little European news,
though a vessel arrived two or three days since
from England, after ten weeks passage. We send
you sorae late New York papers.
The commission has been several days at an end.
The eneray, as was supposed, had no idea of treat-

414 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
ing on national ground. We are now in private
conversation, and so far not without hopes that
the liberation of our prisoners will be effected on
admissible terras. Two or three days raore will
probably put an end to the interview. General
St. Clair and Colonel Carrington, beg their respects
raay be presented to your Excellency.
I have the honour to be,
Very respectfully and affectionately.
Your Excellency's rao.st ob't servant,
Alex. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO BAEON STEUBEN.
May 10, 1780.
Dear Baron:
General Knox, in conversation, has observed to
the General, that instead of sending to Philadel
phia for the fifteen hundred arras raentioned in
your letter of the sixth, and sending those here
to that place to be fitted, it would be a great sav
ing of expense, in the article of transportation, to
have the bayonets and accoutreraents brought on
without the arras, and fitted to those now here ;
which can easily be done at the Park. The ques
tion is, if the arras here have no other defect than
want of bayonets. The General will be glad to
know what you think of General Knox's proposal.
It seeras to him eligible, unless there are reasons
he is not acquainted with.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 415
If there are any other articles you wish to have
sent for (the General thinks you mentioned sorae
thing of the kind to hira), he will be glad to know
what they are.
We have heard from the Marquis. He will be
here at dinner. Will you dine with us also ? The
General requests it.
I have the honour to be, dear Baron,
Your very hurable servant,
Alex. Hamilton, A. D. C.

HAMILTON TO BARON STEUBEN.
Dear Baron :
I am commanded by the General to inforra you,
that the eneray are out in considerable force ; and,
by the last advice, were advancing this way. We
are going to raeet thera. The General is just set
out for Chatham, and will be happy to meet you
there. Yours respectfully,
A. Hamilton, A. D. C,

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
June 8, 1780.
Sir:
I have seen the eneray. Those in view I calcu
late at about three thousand : there raay be, and

416 military CORRESPONDENCE.
probably enough are, others out of sight. They
have sent all their horse to the other side, except
about fifty or sixty. Their baggage, it is agreed
on all hands, has also been sent across, and their
wounded. It is not ascertained that any of their
infantry have passed to the other side. There
are four or five hundred on the opposite point ;
but it is uncertain whether they are those who
went from this side, or those who were on Staten
Island. I rather suppose the former.
Different conjectures may be made. The pre
sent raoveraent raay be calculated to draw us
down and betray us into an action. They raay
have desisted from their intention of passing till
night, for fear of our falling upon their rear. I be
lieve this is the case : for as they have but few
boats, it would certainly be a delicate manoeuvre
to cross in our face. We are taking measures to
watch their raotions to-night, as closely as possi
ble. An incessant but very light skirraishing.
Very few boats, not raore than enough to carry
three or four hundred raen at a tirae. It is likely
more will come down this evening.
I have the honor to be,
Your Excellency's most obedient servant,
Alex. Hamilton.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 417
HAMILTON TO BARON STEUBEN.
Whippany, June 25, 1780.
Dear Baron :
The eneray, the day before yesterday, made a
forward raovement to Springfield, which they
burnt, and retired to Elizabethtown Point. The
same evening they crossed over to Staten Island ;
and there are a great many concurring circura
stances which raake it probable we shall next
hear of them on the North River. As you are
at West Point, the General wishes you to reraain
there until the present appearances corae to sorae
result. He has confidence in your judgraent, and
wishes you to give your advice and assistance to
the coraraanding officer. As you have no cora
mand in the post, you can only do this in a pri
vate friendly way : but I dare say General Howe
will be happy to consult you. You will consider
this as a private letter in which I rather convey
you the General's wishes than his coraraands.
All the array is in raarch toward you, and will
be at Pumpton this evening.
I have the honor to be,
Very respectfully and affectionately.
Your hurable servant,
Alex. Hamilton.
VOL. I. 53

418 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
HAMILTON TO BARON STEUBEN.
Head Quarters, Ramapo, June 30, 1780.
Agreeably to your request, my dear Baron, I
coraraunicated your project to the General. Hap
pily the inactivity of the eneray has given us tirae
to raake dispositions which render the calling out
the militia unnecessary ; and the whole has been
accordingly countermanded.
The General requests that when you have com
pleted the object of your errand in your depart
raent, and put things in train, you will rejoin the
array. I wrote you a line frora Whippany, of which
you raade no raention.
I have the honour to be, yours,
A. H.

HAMILTON TO BARON STEUBEN.
Head Quarters, July 23, 1780.
I have received, ray dear Baron, your two letters
ofthe sixteenth and eighteenth. On the forma
tion of the Light Infantry, the General has already
written to you. I presume it will be, ultimately,
nearly as you have proposed.
Sraith set out, sorae days since, to join you.
Bradford, I ara told, is undecided about entering
into the office. Col. Scararael has promised to bring
bim to me ; and if he accepts, we will forward

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 419
him. I believe Prescott will be appointed in the
Light Infantry. Entre nous, 't is not easy to find good
Majors for this corps in the Massachusetts Line ;
and as it will act a good deal with the French troops,
we wish it (for this additional reason) to be well
officered. Prescott will answer the purpose: but
he is not yet to know that he is in conteraplation.
We shall not long continue in our present position.
The distinctions of departraents are an old story,
which now do not exist except with respect to
South Carolina. You are with a detachraent
of the raain array.
I dare say all you are doing will be found right.
I shall join ray heau-pere to save you frora the
cord. The arrangeraent for your departraent was
unfortunately sent to Congress soon after you went
frora here ; with the raost pressing instances to deter
raine upon it without delay. We have heard nothing
of it since. We have repeated onr prayers and ex
hortations. If we get no answer in three or
four days, we raust determine for ourselves.
Major Francis is returned from Philadelphia ; but
I have not seen him since the arrival of your let
ters. I will move the inquiry you wish, when I
see hira. Can you do anything for hira in your
department ?
A severe stroke upon us, is, that our arms, ex
pected from France, are not arrived. I do not
know how we shall be able to arm our recruits.

420 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
Graves sailed frora the Hook the nineteenth.
We had been playing off and on two days.
Adieu, ray dear Baron, and believe rae always,
with the raost respectfol attachment.
Your humble servant, A. II.

BAUMAN TO HAMILTON.
West Point, August 13, 1780.
Dear Sir:
I cannot help laying before you a few of my
thoughts, which lately have engrossed ray whole
attention, on the review of our changeable Govern
raent at West Point. However, I hope you will
make no other use of them but such as may
be of advantage ; and whatever may be iraproper,
or iraproperly stated, irapute to my inability only :
and there you will please to let it rest, and take
in good part what I shall say, as it proceeds from a
zeal of affection to you, and from a regard to the
cause I am engaged in. On this consideration
you will excuse me, if anywhere I should seem
to exceed those bounds which custom has pre
scribed to subalterns, when they treat of any
thing, or adopt modes, to their superiors.
A continual change of commanding officers, or
Commandants, is, in my humble opinion, injurious
to this post, and hurtful to the military duty, so
absolutely requisite to be performed, and pre-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 421
served, in a garrison. As there is no nation at
war which pursues the like raode excepting us ;
I ara therefore induced, not only from this con
sideration, but from weighty experience during
ray station at this post, to offer an opinion of
its irapropriety, and bad consequences. The visi
ble ill it creates ; the daraage to innuraerable
things ; the irregularity it continually causes ; and
lastly, the total loss of the raany thousands which
have been, and daily are, expended on this na
tional fabric, which inevitably raust fall to pieces,
unless an officer is fixed to this post (and who
ought to be a corapetent judge of fortifications, and
a military man), are matters which, I think, de
mand consideration.
A Town-Major, and a good Barrack-Master, are
as necessary here, as the necessaries of life are.
The former to regulate the duty and to keep up
discipline in this jurisdiction : the latter to take
care of the buildings, which must otherwise be des
troyed. The next thing which falls to our atten
tion, is the public provision, which has been, and
daily is, exposed here to be lost, to be stolen, and
to be damaged, for want of sufficient shelter and
proper repositories. The troops have suffered, and
still suffer, from these and other causes. They have
been cheated in weights, in raeasure, and in their
scanty allowance of fatigue rura ; which I can at
test, by being appointed, after ray having repre-

422 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
sented the raatter to General M'Dougall, to in
spect into sorae of those abuses. Notwithstanding
the raany thousands of boards which came here,
there are not sufficient for barracks, bunks, etc. For
as fast as one thing is built up, another is torn
down again. There is not, in all this garrison, a
proper guard-house for the conveniency of soldiers,
nor for the security of the criminals. No powder
magazine, nor a store for the reception and re
serve of the impleraents of war. In short, the
whole appears, at present, under the care of un
governable and undisciplined railitia, like a wild
tartar's carap, instead of that shining fortification
all Araerica thinks not only an insurraountable
barrier against the incursion of its eneray, but
likewise an easy defence in case of an unforeseen
disaster of its array.
However, to return to ray subject. The irapor
tance of those heads already raentioned, and their
connexion with those preceding, will, I hope,
obtain your pardon for the digression into which
they have led me ; and to your discretion I shall
leave what I state.
In a letter I wrote to General Knox sorae
tirae last winter, araong raany things I had to say
concerning the ordnance and myself, I made
this reraark, to wit : " That relieving of an officer
frora a garrison, is not like a relieve in the field ;
for an officer who knows himself to be relieved.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 423
will leave raany things undone for the next to
do ; which I have seen, heard, and experienced.
Beside, after once everything is to rights, the
men then ought to desist from labour, and exercise
the guns. But new commanding officers have
chiefly new systeras of defence, which add la
bour to labour, and nothing will be formed sys
teraatically." I have already stated these and raore things
rainutely to the general officers here, who all
agreed in their validity and propriety. But they,
being all liable to iraraediate reraoval, there
cannot be anything forraed into a perraanent
and regular systera. Moreover, I have been
inforraed, that owing to the raisraangement of
their predecessors, they were obliged, after
they had taken the comraand, to hunt for raate
rials in order to build their own systeras ; and
to issue orders upon orders, to acquaint thera
selves with those persons who have, as it were, in
keeping, the several branches which flow into this
departraent. And let rae once more, in confidence, assure you,
that I suffer incessant pain from the sad state
this garrison is in. To rectify defects, ray dear Sir,
when roused to arras, can never be attainable.
Therefore let rae beg you to assist in adopting
sorae plan which raay be soldiery, for the good of
the service : which, however, can be done in no

424 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
other raanner, but such as I have hinted to you.
For let General Arnold have all the sagacity iraagi-
nable, it will take hira sorae tirae to get hiraself well
acquainted with the position and defence of this
post ; especially as there is not one single Conti
nental officer left here who can any way assist
hira. Everything seeras new here ; and the very
engineer is transferred from hence, on whom he,
in some measure, could have depended for infor
mation, with regard to the weakest and strongest
parts of this fortress. And I have not yet told
you the one hundredth part of what I have to say
upon some of these subjects; but I shall finish
with prognosticating, that should ever capricious
ness hold sway here, it may prove fatal to this post.
I am, with due respect. Sir,
Your raost hurable servant, S. Bauman,
Major of Artillery.

WILLIAMS TO HAMILTON.
HiUsborough, August 30, 1780.
Dear Hamilton:
About the twenty-third instant, I wrote ray
friend Harrison frora Salisbury, giving hira a very
hasty particular account of the defeat of General
Gates' array at Sutton's, near Carapden, the six
teenth instant. We were truly unfortunate, and

military correspondence. 425
completely routed. The infamous cowardice of the
railitia of Virginia and North CaroUna, gave the
eneray every advantage over our few regular troops,
whose firra opposition and gallant behaviour have
gained therti the applause, as well of our successful
foes, as of our runaway friends. If I raentioned
to Col. Harrison the loss of two howitzers, I was
raistaken. We had eight pieces of light artillery,
with six ammunition waggons, which, with the
greatest part of our baggage, were lost.
Our retreat was the raost mortifying that could
have happened. Those who escaped the dangers
of the field, knew not where to find protection :
the wounded found no relief from the inhabitants,
who were iraraediately in arms against us ; and
raany of our fugitive officers and raen were dis
arraed by those faithless villains, who had flattered
us with proraises of joining us against the eneray.
The tories are now asserabling in different parts
of the country; and there is actually a sort of par
tisan war waged between them and the whigs of
this country.
The greatest part of our baggage was plundered
by those who first left the field. The enemy took
a part ; and much of what escaped them, has been
pillaged by the inhabitants on the retreat. The
waggon horses have been stolen, and frequently
taken frora the drivers; and some of those desperate
rascals have been daring enough to fire upon par-
voL. I. 54

426 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
ties of our regular troops raany miles from the
place of action.
General Gates used the utmost expedition in get
ting frora the lost field to this place. As this step
is unaccountable to rae, you raust expect to know
the reason another tirae, and frora better authori
ty. An unfortunate General usually loses the con
fidence of his array; and this is rauch the case
with us at present. However, I suppose every
thing necessary will be done, in justification of the
steps that have been taken, and then all will be
understood. Beside my ignorance, there is ano
ther reason for my silence on this subject. The
General is extremely raortified at the disappoint-
raent his hopes have met with ; and I think it un
generous to oppress dejected spirits by a prema
ture censure.
The legislature of this State is now sitting at
this place, and devising means of defending the
country. The General has exhibited estimates (he
informs me) of the supplies wanting to carry on
the campaign, both to the legislature of this State,
and to Virginia; and hopes they will be furnished.
The officers of North Carolina talk confidently of
re-embodying a great number of miUtia. General
Stephens had collected about eight hundred of
the Virginia militia at this place since the action.
But I ara sorry to add, at least half that nuraber
have deserted. The Maryland Division, including
the Delaware regiraent, will, I hope, muster six

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 427
hundred when all are collected. Part are now here :
a party are with General Smallwood at Ellis's
Ferry, Adkin river ; and a small party with Major
Anderson, who General Sraallwood left sorae tirae
at Charlotte, to receive the fugitives as they arrived.
But this is the place of general rendezvous.
From the best accounts I can get, Lord Corn
wallis had with him, on the day of battle, the
seventy-first, sixty-third, thirty-third, and twenty-
third British regiments ; a corps of Hessians, Tarl-
ton's Legion, and some new levies, amounting to
about three thousand men. Our nurabers were
very little greater ; and our force will not be iraa
gined so great, by those who are inforraed of our
long march in a barren country, with very little
other subsistence than a short allowance of fresh
beef, green com, apples, and peaches.
As soon as I recover from a relaxation of spirits,
which is all my present complaint, I will write
you again, and inform you that we are resolved
not to despair, but bear our fortunes like veterans
in the South ; while you, like heroes in the North,
win and wear the laurels of the present campaign i.
Present my most respectful corapliraents to the
General, whora I love ; to all ray friends at Head
Quarters and in camp. Not a man among you have
been generous enough to write a single sentence to
Your sincere friend and servant,
O. H. Williams.
I raentioned the surprise of General Surapter's

428

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.

party, which happened the sixteenth instant, in
my last.

HAMILTON TO JAMES DUANE.
Liberty Pole, September 3, 1780.
Dear Sir :
Agreeably to your request, and my proraise, I
sit down to give you my ideas of the defects of
our present system, and the changes necessary to
save us from ruin. They raay, perhaps, be the
reveries of a projector, rather than the sober views
of a politician. You will judge of thera, and
raake what use you please of thera.
The fundaraental defect is a want of power
in Congress. It is hardly worth while to show in
what this consists, as it seems to be universally ac
knowledged ; or to point out how it has happened,
as the only question is how to remedy- it. It may,
however, be said, that it has originated from three
causes : An excess of the spirit of liberty, which has
raade the particular States show a jealousy of all
power not in their own hands ; and this jealousy
has led thera to exercise a right of judging in the
last resort of the raeasures recoraraended by Con
gress, and of acting according to their own opinions
of their propriety, or necessity ; a diffidence, in
Congress, of their own powers, by which they
have been timid and indecisive in their resolutions ;
constantly making concessions to the States, till

: MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 429
they have scarcely left theraselves the shadow of
power; a want of sufficient raeans at their disposal
to answer the public exigencies, and of vigour to
draw forth those raeans ; which have occasioned
thera to depend on the States individually, to
fulfil their engageraents with the army ; the con
sequence of which, has been to ruin their influence
and credit with the army, to establish its depend
ence on each State separately, rather than on them,
that is, rather than on the whole collectively.
It raay be pleaded, that Congress had never any
definite powers granted them, and, of course, could
exercise none, could do nothing more than re
commend. The manner in which Congress was
appointed, would warrant, and the public good re
quired, that they should have considered themselves
as vested with full power to preserve the republic
from harm. They have done many of the highest
acts of sovereignty, which were always cheerfully
subraitted to : The declaration of independence ;
the declaration of war ; the levying of an array ;
creating a navy ; emitting money ; raaking alUan
ces with foreign powers ; appointing a dicta
tor, etc., etc. All these iraplications of a complete
sovereignty were never disputed, and ought to
have been a standard for the whole conduct of ad
ministration. Undefined powers are discretionary
powers, Umited only by the object for which they
were given ; in the present case, the independence

430 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
and freedora of America. The Confederation
made no difference ; for as it has not been gene
rally adopted, it had no operation. But frora
what I recollect of it. Congress haA'^e even descend
ed from the authority which the spirit of that act
gives them ; while the particular States have
no further attended to it, than as it suited their
pretensions and convenience. It would take
too ranch time to enter into particular instan
ces, each of which separately might appear incon
siderable ; but united, are of serious import. I
only mean to remark, not to censure.
But the Confederation itself is defective, and
requires to be altered. It is neither fit for war
nor peace. The idea of an uncontrollable sover
eignty, in each State, over its internal police, will
defeat the other powers given to Congress, and
make our union feeble and precarious. There
are instances without number, where Acts, necessa
ry for the general good, and which rise out of the
powers given to Congress, must interfere with the
internal police of the States ; and there are as many
instances in which the particular States, by ar
rangements of internal police, can effectually,
though indirectly, counteract the arrangements of
Congress. You have already had examples of
this, for which I refer you to your own memory.
The Confederation gives the States, individually,
too much influence in the affairs of the army. They
should have nothing to do with it. The entire

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 431
formation and disposal of our military forces, ought
to belong to Congress. It is an essential cement
of the union : and it ought to be the policy of
Congress, to destroy all ideas of State attachraents
in the array, and make it look up wholly to them.
For this purpose, all appointments, promotions, and
provisions, whatsoever, ought to be made by them.
It may be apprehended that this may be danger
ous to liberty. But nothing appears more evident
to me, than that we run much greater risk of hav
ing a weak and disunited federal government,
than one which will be able to usurp upon the
rights of the people.
Already some of the lines of the army would
obey their States in opposition to Congress, not
withstanding the pains we have taken to preserve
the unity of the army. If anything would hinder
this, it would be the personal influence of the Gene
ral; a melancholy and mortifying consideration.
The forms of our State constitutions, must al
ways give them great weight in our affairs, and
will make it too difficult to bend thera to the pursuit
of a common interest; too easy to oppose what
ever they do not like ; and to form partial combi
nations subversive of the general one. There is
a wide difference between our situation, and that
of an empire under one simple form of governraent,
distributed into counties, provinces, or districts,
which have no legislatures, but raerely raagistratical

432 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
bodies, to execute the laws of a coraraon sover
eign. Here the danger is, that the sovereign will
have too rauch power, and oppress the parts of
which it is coraposed. In our case, that of an
erapire composed of confederated States ; each
with a government corapletely organized within
itself, having all the raeans to draw its subjects to
a close dependence on itself; the danger is di
rectly the reverse. It is, that the coramon sover
eign will not have power sufficient to unite the dif
ferent raembers together, and direct the comraon
forces to the interest and happiness of the whole.
The leagues araong the old Grecian republics
are a proof of this. They were continually at
war with each other ; and, for want of union, fell
a prey to their neighbours. They frequently
held general councils ; but their resolutions were
no further observed, than as they suited the inter
ests and inclinations of all the parties; and, at
length, they sunk entirely into conterapt.
The Swiss Cantons are another proof of the doc-
trinp. They have had wars with each other,
which would have been fatal to thera, had not the
different powers, in their neighbourhood, been too
jealous of one another, and too equally raatched,
to suffer either to to take advantage of their quar
rels. That they have reraained so long united at
all, is to be attributed to their weakness, to their
poverty, and to the cause just raentioned. These

aillLITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 433
ties will not exist in Araerica : a little time hence,
some of the States will be powerful erapires ; and
we are so remote frora other nations, that we shall
have all the leisure and opportunity we can wish,
to cut each other's throats.
The Germanic corps might also be cited as an
exaraple in favour of the position.
The United Provinces may be thought to be one
against it. But the family of the Stadtholders,
whose authority is interwoven with the whole
Govemraent, has been a strong link of union be
tween them. Their physical necessities, and the
habits founded upon them, have contributed to it.
Each province is too inconsiderable, by itself, to
undertake anything. An analysis of their present
constitutions, would show that they have many
ties which would not exist in ours ; and that they
are by no raeans a proper model for us.
Our own experience should satisfy us. We
have felt the difficulty of drawing out the re
sources ofthe country, and inducing the States to
corabine in equal exertions for the coramon cause.
The ill success of our last atterapt is striking.
Some have done a great deal; others little, or
scarcely anything. The disputes about bounda
ries, etc., testify how flattering a prospect we have
of future tranquiUty, if we do not frame, in tirae, a
confederacy capable of deciding the differences,
VOL. I. 55

434 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
and corapelling the obedience of the respective
raerabers. The Confederation, too, gives the power of the
purse too entirely to the State Legislatures. It
should provide perpetual funds, in the disposal of
Congress, by a land tax, poll tax, or the like. All
imposts upon comraerce, ought to be laid by Con
gress, and appropriated to their use. For, without
certain revenues, a Governraent can have no pow
er. That power which holds the purse-strings ,
absolutely, raust rule. This seeras to be a raediura
which, without raaking Congress altogether inde
pendent, will tend to give reality to its authority.
Another defect in our system, is want of method
and energy in the adrainistration. This has partly
resulted from the other defect ; but in a great de
gree from prejudice, and the want of a proper exe
cutive. Congress have kept the power too much
in their own hands, and have meddled too much
with details of every sort. Congress is, properly,
a deliberative corps ; and it forgets itself when it
attempts to play the executive. It is impossible
such a body, numerous as it is, constantly fluctu
ating, can ever act with sufficient decision, or with
system. Two thirds of the raembers, one half the
time, cannot know what has gone before them, or
what connexion the subject in hand, has to what
has been transacted on former occasions. The

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 435
members who have been more perraanent, will
only give inforraation, that proraotes the side they
espouse, in the present case ; and will as often rais
lead as enlighten. The variety of business raust
distract ; and the proneness of every assembly to
debate, must at all times delay.
Lately, Congress, convinced of these inconve
niences, have gone into the measure of appointing
Boards. But this is, in my opinion, a bad plan.
A single man, in each department of the adrain
istration, would be greatly preferable. It would
give us a chance of raore knowledge, raore ac
tivity, raore responsibility, and, of course, raore
zeal and attention. Boards partake of a part of
the inconveniences of larger asserablies. Their
decisions are slower, their energy less, their re
sponsibility more diffused. They will not have the
same abilities and knowledge as an administration
by single men. Men ofthe first pretensions, will
not so readily engage in them ; because they will
be less conspicuous, of less importance, have less
opportunity of distinguishing themselves. The
members of Boards will take less pains to inforra
themselves and arrive to eminence, because they
have fewer motives to do it. All these reasons
conspire to give a preference to the plan of vestr
ing the great executive departments of the State
inthe hands of individuals. As these raen will
be, of course, at all tiraes under the direction of

436 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
Congress, we shall blend the advantages of a Mo
narchy and Republic in our constitution.
A question has been made, whether single men
could be found to undertake these offices. I think
they could; because there would be then, every
thing to excite the ambition of candidates. But,
in order to this, Congress, by their raanner of ap
pointing thera, and the line of duty raarked out,
raust show that they are in earnest in raaking
these officers, officers of real trust and iraportance.
I fear a little vanity has stood in the way of
these arrangeraents, as though they would lessen
the importance of Congress, and leave them no
thing to do. But they would have precisely the
same rights and powers as heretofore, happily dis
encumbered of the detail. They would have to
inspect the conduct of their ministers, deliberate
upon their plans, originate others for the public
good ; only observing this rule : that they ought to
consult their rainisters, and get all the inforraation
and advice they could from them, before they en
tered into any new measures, or raade changes in
the old.
A third defect is, the fluctuating constitution of
our array. This has been a pregnant source of
evil : all our military misfortunes, three fourths of
our civil embarrassraents, are to be ascribed to it.
The General has so fully enuraerated the raischiefs
of it, in a late letter of the , to Congress,

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 437
that I could only repeat what he has said, and will
therefore refer you to that letter.
The imperfect and unequal provision made for the
array, is a fourth defect, which you will find deline
ated in the sarae letter. Without a speedy change,
the army must dissolve. It is now a mob, rather
than an army ; without clothing, without pay,
without provision, without raorals, without disci
pline. We begin to hate the country, for its
neglect of us. The country begin to hate us, for
our oppressions of them. Congress have long
been jealous of us. We have now lost all confi
dence in them, and give the worst construction to
all they do. Held together by the slenderest ties,
we are ripening for a dissolution.
The present mode of supplying the array, by
State purchases, is not one of the least considera
ble defects of our systera. It is too precarious a
dependence; because the States will never be
sufficiently impressed with our necessities. Each
will make its own ease a primary object; the sup
ply of the army a secondary one. The variety of
channels through which the business is transacted,
will multiply the nuraber of persons eraployed,
and the opportunities of erabezzUng public raoney.
Frora the popular spirit on which most of the Go
vernments turn, the State agents will be men of
less character and ability : nor will there be so ri
gid a responsibiUty among them, as there raight
easily be araong those in the employ of the Conti-

438 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
nent ; of course, not so much diligence, care, or
econoray. Very little of the raoney raised in the
several States, will go into the Continental trea
sury, on pretence, that it is all exhausted in pro
viding the quotas of supplies ; and the public will
be without funds for the other deraands of Go
vernraent. The expense will be ultiraately much
greater, and the advantages much smaller. We
actually feel the insufficiency of this plan ; and
have reason to dread, under it, a ruinous extremity
of want.
These are the principal defects, in the present
systera, that now occur to rae. There are many
inferior ones, in the organization of particular de
partments, and many errors of administration,
which might be pointed out; but the task would
be troublesorae and tedious : and if we had once
reraedied those I have mentioned, the others
would not be attended with much difficulty.
I shall now propose the reraedies, which appear
to rae applicable to our circumstances, and neces
sary to extricate our affairs from their present de
plorable situation.
The first step raust be, to give Congress powers
corapetent to the public exigencies. This raay hap
pen in two ways : One, by resuraing and exercising
the discretionary powers I suppose to have been
originally vested in them, for the safety of the
States ; and resting their conduct on the candour
of their countrymen, and the necessity of the

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 439
conjuncture : the other, by calling iraraediately a
Convention of all the States, with full authority to
conclude finally upon a General Confederation ;
stating to thera, beforehand, explicitly, the evils
arising from a want of power in Congress, and the
impossibility of supporting the contest on its present
footing ; that the delegates may come, possessed
of proper sentiments, as well as proper authority,
to give efficacy to the meeting. Their commission
should include a right of vesting Congress with the
whole, or a proportion, of the unoccupied lands,
to be employed for the purpose of raising a reve
nue : reserving the jurisdiction to the States by
whom they are granted.
The first plan, I expect, will be thought too bold
an expedient, by the generality of Congress ; and,
indeed, their practice hitherto, has so riveted the
opinion of their want of power, that the success
of this experiment raay very well be doubted.
I see no objection to the other mode, that has
any weight, in competition with the reasons for it.
The Convention should asserable the first of Novera
ber next. The sooner the better. Our disorders are
too violent to adrait of a coramon or lingering
remedy. The reasons for which I require thera
to be vested with plenipotentiary authority, are,
that the business raay suffer no delay in the exe
cution ; and may, in reality, corae to effect. A Con
vention raay agree upon a Confederation: the
States, individually, hardly ever will. We raust

440 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
have one at all events, and a vigorous one, if we
mean to succeed in the contest, and be happy here
after. As I said before, to engage the States to cora
ply with this raode. Congress ought to confess to
thera, plainly and unaniraously, the impracticability
of supporting our affairs on the present footing, and
without a solid coercive union. I ask, that the
Convention should have a power of vesting the
whole, or a part, of the unoccupied lands in Con
gress; because it is necessary that body should
have some property, as a fund for the arrangements
of finance; and I know of no other kind that can
be given them.
The Confederation, in my opinion, should give
Congress complete sovereignty; except as to that
part of internal police, which relates to the rights of
property and life among individuals, and to raising
money by internal taxes. It is necessary that eve
rything belonging to this, should be regulated by the
State legislatures. Congress should have coraplete
sovereignty in all that relates to war, peace, trade,
finance ; and to the raanageraent of foreign affairs ;
the right of declaring war ; of raising armies, offi
cering, paying them, directing their motions in
every respect ; of equipping fleets, and doing
the same with them ; of building fortifications, ar
senals, magazines, etc., etc. ; of raaking peace on
such conditions as they think proper ; of regulating
trade, deterraining with what countries it shall
be carried on ; granting indulgencies ; laying prohi-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 441
bitions on all the articles of export, or iroport; ira
posing duties ; granting bounties and premiuras for
raising, exporting, or iraporting, and applying to their
own use, the product of these duties ; only giving
credit to the States on whora they are raised, in the
general account of revenues and expenses ; institu
ting Admiralty Courts, etc. ; of coining money ;
establishing Banks on such terms, and with such
privileges, as they think proper; appropriating funds,
and doing whatever else relates to the operations
of finance ; transacting everything with foreign
nations ; making alliances, offensive and defensive ;
treaties of commerce, etc., etc.
The Confederation should provide certain per
petual revenues, productive, and easy of collection;
a land tax, poll tax', or the like ; which, together
with the duties on trade, and the unlocated lands,
would give Congress a substantial existence, and
a stable foundation for their schemes of finance.
What more supplies were necessary, should be
occasionally deraanded of the States, in the present
mode of quotas.
The second step I would recoraraend, is, that
Congress should instantly appoint the following
great officers of State.. A Secretary for Foreign
Affairs, a President of War, a President of Marine,
a Financier, a President of Trade. Instead of this
last, a Board of Trade raay be preferable, as the
regulations of trade are slow and gradual; and re-
voL. I. 56

442 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
quire prudence and experience raore than other
qualities; for which Boards are very well adapted.
Congress should choose for these offices, raen of
the ffrst abilities, property, and character, in the
Continent ; and such as have had the best opportu
nities of being acquainted with the several
branches. General Schuyler, whora you raention
ed, would make an excellent President of War ;
General M'Dougall a very good President of
Marine. Mr. Robert Morris would have raany
things in his favour for the departraent of finance.
He could, by his own personal influence, give
great weight to the raeasures he should adopt.
I dare say raen, equally capable, may be found for
the other departments.
I know not if it would not be a good plan
to let the Financier be President of the Board of
Trade ; but he should only have a casting voice in
determining questions there. There is a connex
ion between trade and finance, which ought to
make the director of one acquainted with the
other ; but the Financier should not direct the
affairs of trade, because, for the sake of acquiring
reputation by increasing the revenues, he might
adopt measures that would depress trade. In
what relates to finance, he should be alone.
These officers should have nearly the same
powers and functions as those in France analagous
to them ; and each should be Chief in his depart-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 443
ment ; with subordinate Boards, composed of assis
tants, clerks, etc., to execute his orders.
In my opinion, a plan of this kind would be of
inconceivable utility to our affairs : its benefits
would be very speedily felt. It would give new
life and energy to the operations of Government.
Business would be conducted with despatch,
method, and system. A million of abuses, now
existing, would be corrected ; and judicious plans
would be formed and executed for the public
good. Another step of imraediate necessity, is, to re
cruit the array for the war, or at least for three
years. This must be done by a mode similar to
that which is practiced in Sweden. There the
inhabitants are thrown into classes of sixteen ; and
when the sovereign wants raen, each of these
classes raust furnish one. They raise a fixed sum
of money ; and if one of the class is willing to be
come a soldier, he receives the money and offers
himself a volunteer. If none is found to do this, a
draught is made ; and he on whom the lot falls, re
ceives the raoney, and is obliged to serve.
The rainds of the people are prepared for a
thing of this kind. The heavy bounties they have
been obliged to pay for raen to serve a few raonths,
raust have disgusted thera with this raode, and
made them desirous of another, that will, once for
all, answer the public purposes, and obviate a re^

444 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
petition of the demand. It ought, by all raeans,
to be atterapted ; and Congress should frarae a
general plan, and press the execution upon the
States. ^
When the Confederation coraes to be fraraed, it
ought to provide for this by a fundamental law ;
and hereafter there would be no doubt of the suc
cess. But we cannot now wait for this. We want to
replace the men whose times of service will ex
pire the first of January : for then, without this,
we shall have no army remaining ; and the enemy
raay do what they please. The General, in his
letter already quoted, has assigned the raost sub
stantial reasons for paying imraediate attention to
this point.
Congress should endeavour, both upon their cre
dit in Europe, and by every possible exertion in
this country, to provide clothing for their officers;
and should abolish the whole systera of State sup
plies. The raaking good the depreciation of
the currency, and all other compensations to
the army, should be iraraediately taken up by
Congress, and not left to the States. If they
would have the accounts of depreciation liquida
ted, and governmental certificates given for what
is due, in specie, or an equivalent to specie, it
would give satisfaction ; appointing periodical set
tlements for future depreciation.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 445
The placing the officers upon half-pay during
life, would be a great stroke of policy ; and would
give Congress a stronger tie upon them than any
thing else they can do. No raan, that reflects a
raoraent, but will prefer a perraanent provision of
this kind to any temporary compensation. Nor is
it opposed to economy : the difference between
this, and between what has been already done,
will be insignificant. The benefit of it to the wi
dows, should be confined to those whose husbands
die during the war. As to the survivors, not raore
than one half, on the usual calculation of men's
lives, will exceed the seven years for which the
half-pay is already established,. Beside this,
whatever may be the visionary speculations of
some men at this time, we shall find it indispen
sable, after the war, to keep on foot a considerable
body of troops : and all the officers, retained for
this purpose, must be deducted out of the half-pay
list. If any one will take the pains to calculate
the expense of these principles, I am persuaded
he will find the addition of expense, from the estab
lishraent proposed, by no raeans a national object.
The advantages of securing the attachraent of
the army to Congress, and binding them to the
service by substantial ties, are iraraense. We
should then have discipline ; an array in reality, as
well as in narae. Congress would then have a
solid basis of authority and consequence : for, to

446 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
me, it is an axiom, that in our constitution, an array
is essential to the American Union.
The providing of supplies, is the pivot of every
thing else (though a well-constituted army would,
not in a sraall degree, conduce to this, by giving
consistency and weight to Government). There
are four ways, all which raust be united : A foreign
loan ; heavy pecuniary taxes ; a tax in kind ; a
Bank founded on public and private credit.
As to a foreign loan, I dare say Congress are
doing every thing in their power to obtain it.
The raost effectual way will be to tell France,
that, without it, we must make terms with Great
Britain. This must be done with plainness and
firmness; but with respect, and without petulance ;
not as a menace, but as a candid declaration of our
circumstances. We need not fear to be deserted by France.
Her interest and honour are too deeply involved
in our fate ; and she can raake no possible corapro
raise. She can assist us, if she is convinced it is
absolutely necessary ; either by lending us, herself,
or by becoraing our surety, or by influencing Spain.
It has been to me astonishing, how any man could
have doubted, at any period of our affairs, of the
necessity of a foreign loan. It was self-evident,
that we had not a fund of wealth in this country
capable of affording revenues equal to the ex
penses. We raust then create artificial revenues,

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 447
or borrow. The first was done ; but it ought to
have been foreseen that the expedient could not
last, and we should have provided in tirae for its
failure. Here was an errour of Congress. I have good
reason to believe, that raeasures were not taken,
in earnest, early enough to procure a loan abroad.
I give you ray honour, that from our first outset, I
thought as I do now, and wished for a foreign loan ;
not only because I foresaw it would be essential,
but because I considered it as a tie upon the na
tion from which it was derived, and as a mean to
prop our cause in Europe.
Conceming the necessity of heavy pecuniary
taxes, I need say nothing ; as it is a point in which
everybody is agreed. Nor is there any danger,
that the product of any taxes, raised in this way,
will overburthen the people, or exceed the wants
of the public. Indeed, if all the paper in circula
tion were drawn annually into the treasury, it
would neither do one nor the other.
As to a tax in kind, the necessity of it results
from this principle : that the money in circula
tion is not a sufficient representative of the produc
tions of the country ; and, consequently, no reve
nues, raised from it as a raediura, can be a corape
tent representative of that part of the products of
the country which it is bound to Contribute to the
support of the public. The public, therefore, to

448 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
obtain its due, or satisfy its just deraands, and its
wants, must call for a part of those products them
selves. This is done in all those countries which
are not coraraercial ; in Russia, Prussia, Denraark,
Sweden, etc. ; and is peculiarly necessary in our
case. Congress, in calling for specific supplies, seera to
have had this in view ; but their intention has not
been answered. The States, in general, have un
dertaken to furnish the supplies by purchase ; a
mode, as I have observed, attended with every in
convenience, and subverting the principle on
which the supplies were demanded ; the insuffi
ciency of our circulating raediura as a represen
tative for the labour and coraraodities of the coun
try. It is therefore necessary that Congress
should be raore expUcit ; should form the outlines
of a plan for a tax in kind, and recommend it to
the States as a measure of absolute necessity.
The general idea I have of a plan, is, that a re
spectable man should be appointed by the State,
in each county, to collect the taxes and form raa
gazines ; that Congress should have, in each
State, an officer to superintend the whole ; and
that the State collectors should be subordinate and
responsible to them. This Continental Superin
tendent might be subject to the general direc
tion of the Quarter-Master-General, or not, as
raight be deeraed best ; but if not subject to hira.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 449
he should be obliged to make monthly returns to
the President at War, who should instruct him
what proportion to deliver to the Quarter-Master-
General. It raay be necessary, that the Superin
tendents should soraetimes have power to dispose
of the articles in their possession, on public ac
count ; for it would happen, that the contributions,
in places reraote frora the army, could not be
transported to the theatre of operations without
too great expense ; in which case it would be eli
gible to dispose of thera, and purchase, with the
raoney so raised, in the countries near the irarae
diate scene of war.
I know the objections which raay be raised to
this plan ; its tendency to discourage indus
try, and the like. But necessity calls for it. We
cannot proceed without : and less evils must give
place to greater. It is, beside, practiced with
success in other countries, and why not in this ?
It may be said, the examples cited are from na
tions under despotic governments ; and that the
same would not be practicable Avitli us. But I
contend, where the public good is evidently the
object, more raay be effected in governments like
ours, than in any other. It has been a constant re
raark, that free countries have ever paid the heaviest
taxes. The obedience of a free people to general
laws, however hard they bear, is ever more per
fect than that of slaves to the arbitrary will of a
VOL. I. 57

450 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
prince. To this it may be added, that Sweden
was always a free government ; and is so now, in a
great degree, notwithstanding the late revolution.
How far it may be practicable to erect a Bank
on the joint credit of the public and of individu
als, can only be certainly determined by the expe
riment. But it is of so much importance, that the
experiment ought to be fully tried. When I saw
the subscriptions going on to the Bank established
for supplying the army, I was in hopes it was only
the embryo of a more perraanent and extensive
establishraent. But I have reason to believe I
shall be disappointed. It does not seera to be at
all conducted on the true principles of a Bank.
The Directors of it are purchasing with their
Stock, instead of Bank notes, as I expected: in
consequence of which, it must turn out to be a
mere subscription of a particular sura of raoney
for a particular purpose.
Paper credit never was long supported in any
country, on a national scale, where it was not
founded on the joint basis of public and private
credit. An atterapt to establish it on public cre
dit alone, in France, under the auspices of Mr.
Law, had nearly ruined the kingdom. -We have
seen the effects of it in America ; and every suc
cessive experiment, proves the futiUty of the at
tempt. Our new raoney is depreciating alraost
as fast as the old ; though it has, in some States,

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 451
as real funds as paper money ever had. The rea
son is, that the monied men have not an immedi
ate interest to uphold its credit. They may even,
in many ways, find it their interest to undermine
it. The only certain manner to obtain a perraanent
paper credit, is to engage the raonied interest ira
raediately in it, by raaking them contribute the
whole, or part, of the Stock, and giving them the
whole, or part, of the profits.
The invention of Banks, on the modern princi
ple, originated in Venice. There the public, and
a Company of monied men, are mutually concerned.
The Bank of England unites public authority and
faith with private credit : and hence we see, what
a vast fabric of paper credit is raised on a visionary
basis. Had it not been for this, England would
never have found sufficient funds to carry on her
wars : but, with the help of this, she has done, and
is doing, wonders. The Bank of Arasterdara is on
a similar foundation.
And why can we not have an American Bank ?
Are our monied men less enlightened to their own
interest, or less enterprising in the pursuit ? I be
lieve the fault is in Govemment, which does not
exert itself to engage them in such a scheme. It
is true, the individuals in America are not very
rich ; but this would not prevent their instituting a
Bank ; it would only prevent its being done with
such ample funds as in other countries. Have

452 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
they not sufficient confidence in the Government,
and in the issue of the cause ? Let the Govern
ment endeavour to inspire that confidence, by
adopting the measures I have recoraraended, or
others equivalent to them. Let it exert itself to
procure a solid Confederation ; to establish a good
plan of executive adrainistration; to forra a per
raanent military force; to obtain, at all events, a
foreign loan. If these things were in a train of
vigorous execution, it would give a new spring to
our affairs ; Government would recover its respec
tability, and individuals would renounce their diffi
dence. The object I should propose to rayself, in the
first instance, from a Bank, would be an auxiliary
mode of supplies; for which purpose, contracts
should be made, between Government and the
Bank, on terms liberal and advantageous to the
latter. Everything should be done, in the first
instance, to encourage the Bank. After it gets
well established, it will take care of itself; and
Government may raake the best terras it can, for
itself The first step to establishing the Bank, will be
to engage a nuraber of monied men of influence to
relish the project, and make it a business. The
subscribers to that lately estabUshed, are the
fittest persons that can be found; and fheir plan
may be interwoven.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 453
The outlines of my plan would be, to open sub
scriptions in all the States, for the Stock, which we
will suppose to be one million of pounds. Real
property, of every kind, as well as specie, should
be deeraed good Stock ; but at least a fourth part
ofthe subscription should bein specie, or plate.
There should be one great Company, in three divi
sions; iij Virginia, Philadelphia, and' at Boston; or
two at Philadelphia and Boston. The Bank should
have a right to issue Bank notes, bearing two per
cent, interest, for the whole of their Stock ; but not
to exceed it; These notes may be payable every
three months, or oftener : and the faith of Govern
ment raust be pledged for the support of the Bank.
It raust therefore have a right, frora tirae to tirae,
to inspect its operations, and raust appoint inspec
tors for the purpose .
The advantages of the Bank raay consist in this ;
in the profits of the contracts made with Govern
ment, which should bear interest to be annually
paid in specie ; in the loan of money at interest,
say six per cent. ; in purchasing lives by annuities,
as practiced in England, etc. The benefit re
sulting to the Company, is evident from the con
sideration, that they may employ, in circulation, a
great deal more raoney than they have specie in
Stock, on the credit of the real property which
they will have in other use. This raoney will
be eraployed, either in fulfilling their contracts

454 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
with the public, by which also they will gain a
profit ; or in loans at an advantageous interest, or
in annuities.
The Bank raay be allowed to purchase plate
and bullion, and coin money; allowing Government
a part of the profit. I raake the Bank notes bear
interest, to obtain a readier currency, and to in
duce the holders to prefer thera to specie, to pre
vent too great a run upon the Bank, at any time,
beyond its ability to pay.
If Governraent can obtain a foreign loan, it
should lend to the Bank, on easy terras, to extend
its influence, and facilitate a corapliance with its
engageraents. If Government could engage the
States to raise a sum of money in specie, to be
deposited in Bank in the same raanner, it would
be of the greatest consequence. If Government
could prevail on the enthusiasm of the people, to
make a contribution in plate for the same purpose,
it would be a master-stroke. Things of this
kind sometiraes succeed in popular contests ; and,
if undertaken with address, I should not despair
of its success : but I should not be sanguine.
The Bank raay be instituted for a term of years
by way of trial ; and the particular privilege of
coining raoney, be for a terra still shorter. A tera
porary transfer of it to a particular Company, can
have no inconvenience, as the Government are in
no condition to iraprove this resource ; nor could

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 455
it, in our circumstances, be an object to thera ;
though, with the industry of a knot of individuals,
it raight be a valuable one to thera.
A Bank of this kind, even in its coraraenceraent,
would answer the raost valuable purposes to Govem
ment and to the proprietors : in its progress, the
advantages wUl exceed calculation. It will pro
mote commerce, by furnishing a more extensive
raedium, which we greatly want, in our circura
stances. I raean a more extensive valuable me
diura. We have an enorraous norainal one at this
tirae, but it is only a narae.
In the present unsettled state of things in this
country, we can hardly draw inferences frora what
has happened in others ; otherwise I should be
certain of the success of this scherae : but I think
it has enough in its favour to be worthy of trial.
I have only skimmed the surface of the differ
ent subjects I have introduced. Should the plans
recoraraended corae into conteraplation, in earnest,
and you desire ray further thoughts, I will en
deavour to give thera raore forra and particularity.
I ara persuaded a solid Confederation, a perraa
nent army, a reasonable prospect of subsisting it,
would give us treble consideration in Europe, and
produce a peace this winter.
If a Convention is called, the rainds of all the
States, and the people, ought to be prepared to re
ceive its deterrainations by sensible and popular

456 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
writings, which should conforra to the views of
Congress. There are epochs in huraan affairs
when novelty even is useful. If a general opinion
prevails that the old way is bad, whether true or
false, and this obstructs, or relaxes, the operations
of the public service, a change is necessary, if it be
but for the sake of change. This is exactly the
case now. 'T is a universal sentiment, that our
present system is a bad one, and that things do
not go right on this account. The measure of a
Convention would revive the hopes of the people,
and give a new direction to their passions, which
may be improved in carrying points of substantial
utility. The eastern States have already pointed
out this mode to Congress : they ought to take the
hint and anticipate the others.
And, in future, my dear Sir, two things let me
recoraraend, as fundaraental rules for the conduct
of Congress : to attach the army to them by every
motive ; to maintain an air of authority (not domi
neering) in all their measures with the States. The
manner in which a thing is done, has more influence
than is comraonly imagined. Men are governed by
opinion : this opinion is as much influenced by ap
pearances as by reaUties. If a Government appears
to be confident of its own powers, it is the surest
way to inspire the same confidence in others. If it
is diffident, it may be certain there will be a stiU
greater diffidence in others ; and that its authority

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 457
will not only be distrusted, controverted, but con-
teraned. I wish, too. Congress would always consider,
that a kindness consists as rauch in the manner as
in the thing. The best firings done hesitatingly,
and with an ill grace, lose their effect, and produce
disgust rather than satisfaction or gratitude. In
what Congress have at any tirae done for the ar
ray, they have coraraonly been too late. They
have seeraed to yield to iraportunity rather than
to sentiraents of justice, or to a regard to the ac
comraodation of their troops. An attention to
this idea, is of raore importance than it may be
thought. I, who have seen all the workings and
progress of the present discontents, am convinced,
that a want of this has not been among the raost
inconsiderable causes.
You will perceive, ray dear Sir, this letter is
hastily written, and with a confidential freedora :
not as to a raeraber of Congress, whose feelings
raay be sore at the prevailing claraours ; but as to
a friend, who is in a situation to remedy public
disorders; who wishes for nothing so much as
truth ; and who is desirous of inforraation, even
from those less capable of judging than himself.
I have not even time to correct; and copy ; and only
enough to add, that I ara, very truly and affec
tionately, dear Sir,
Your most obedient servant, A. Hamilton.
VOL. I. 58

458 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
HAMILTON TO COLONEL LAURENS.
[major ANDRE. j
September, 1780.
Since my return from Hartford, my dear Lau
rens, my mind has been too little at ease to per
mit rae to write to you sooner. It has been wholly
occupied by the affecting and tragic consequences
of Arnold's treason. My feelings were never put
to so severe a trial. You will no doubt have
heard the principal facts before this reaches you.
But there are particulars, to which my situation
gave me access, that cannot have corae to your
knowledge frora public report, which I ara per
suaded you will find interesting.
From several circumstances, the project seems
to have originated with Arnold himself, and to
have been long premeditated. The first overture
is traced back to some time in June last. It was
conveyed in a letter to Colonel Robinson ; the
substance of which was, that the ingratitude he
had experienced from his country, concurring
with other causes, had entirely changed his prin
ciples; that he now only sought to restore himself
to the favour of his king, by sorae signal proof of
his repentance ; and would be happy to open a cor
respondence with Sir Henry Clinton for that pur
pose. About this period, he raade a journey to
Connecticut : on his return frora which to Phila
delphia, he solicited the coraraand of West Point;
alleging, that the effects of his wound had disqual-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 459
ified hira for the active duties of the field. The
sacrifice of this important post was the atoneraent
he intended to raake. General Washington hesi
tated the less to gratify an officer who had render
ed such eminent services, as he was convinced the
post might be safely entrusted to one who had
given so many distinguished specimens of his bra
very. In the beginning of August he joined the
array and renewed his application. The eneray,
at tliis juncture, had embarked the greatest part
of their force on an expedition to Rhode Island ;
and our army was in motion to compel them to re
linquish the enterprise, or to attack New York in
its weakened state. The General offered Arnold
the left wing of the array, which he declined, on
the pretext already raentioned, but not without
visible embarrassment. He certainly might have
executed the duties of such a temporary com
raand ; and it was expected frora his enterprising
teraper, that he would gladly have erabraced so
splendid an opportunity. But he did not choose to
be diverted a moment from his favourite object ;
probably from an apprehension, that some differ
ent disposition might have taken place, which
would have excluded hira. The extreme solici
tude he discovered to get possession of the post,
would have led to a suspicion of the treachery,
had it been possible, from his past conduct, to
have supposed him capable of it.

460 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
The correspondence thus begun, was carried on
between Arnold and Major Andre, Adjutant-Gen
eral to the British array, in behalf of Sir Henry
Clinton, under feigned signatures, and in a raer-
cantile disguise. In an intercepted letter of Ar
nold's, which lately fell into our hands, he pro
poses an interview, " to settle the risks and profits
of the copartnership ;" and, in the sarae style of
raetaphor, intiraates an expected augraentation of
the garrison ; and speaks of it as the means of ex
tending their traffic. It appears, by another let
ter, that Andre was to have met him on the lines,
under the sanction of a flag, in the character of
Mr. John Anderson. But some cause, or other,
not known, prevented this interview.
The twentieth of last raonth, Robinson and
Andre went up the river in the Vulture sloop-of-
war. Robinson sent a flag to Arnold with two
letters ; one to General Putnara, enclosed in ano
ther to hiraself; proposing an interview with Put
nara, or, in his absence, with Arnold, to adjust
sorae private concerns. The one to General Put
nam, was evidently meant as a cover to the other,
in case, by accident, the letters should have fallen
under the inspection of a third person.
General Washington crossed the river, on his
way to Hartford, the day these despatches arrived.
Arnold, conceiving he raust have heard of the flag,
thought it necessary, for the sake of appearances.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 461
to subrait the letters to hira, and ask his opinion
of the propriety of coraplying with the request.
The General, with his usual caution, though with
out the least surraise of the design, dissuaded him
fromit, and advised hira to reply to Robinson, that
whatever related to his private affairs, raust be of
a civil nature, and could only properly be addres
sed to the civil authority. This reference fortu
nately deranged the plan ; and was the first link in
the chain of events that led to the detection.
The interview could no longer take place in the
form of a flag, but was obliged to be managed
in a secret manner.
Arnold employed one Smith to go on board the
Vulture the night of the twenty-second, to bring
Andre on shore, with a pass for Mr. John Ander
son. Andre carae ashore accordingly ; and was
conducted within a picket of ours to the house
of Smith, where Arnold and he remained together
in close conference all that night and the day fol
lowing. At day light in the raorning, the com
manding officer at King's Ferry, without the privi
ty of Arnold, moved a couple of pieces of cannon
to a point opposite to where the Vulture lay, and
obliged her to take a raore reraote station. This
event, or some lurking distrust, made the boatraen
refuse to convey the two passengers back, and dis
concerted Arnold so rauch, that by one of those
strokes of infatuation which often confound the

462 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
schemes of men conscious of guilt, he insisted on
Andre's exchanging his uniform for a disguise, and
returning in a raode different frora that in which
he carae. Andre, who had been undesignedly
brought within our posts in the first instance,
reraonstrated warraly against this new and dan
gerous expedient. But Arnold persisting in de
claring it irapossible for him to return as he came,
he at length reluctantly yielded to his direction,
and consented to change his dress, and take the
route he recoraraended. Smith furnished the dis
guise, and in the evening passed King's Ferry
with hira, and proceeded to Crompond, where they
stopped the remainder of the night, at the instance
of a railitia officer, to avoid being suspected by
hira. The next morning they resumed their jour
ney. Smith accompanying Andre a little beyond
Pine's Bridge, where he left him. He had reached.
Tarrytown, when he was taken up by three militia
men, who rushed out of the woods and seized his
horse. At this critical moraent, his presence of raind
forsook him. Instead of producing his pass, which
would have extricated him from our parties, and
could have done him no harra with his own, he
asked the militia raen, if they were of the upper or
lower party ; distinctive appellations known among
the eneray's refugee corps. The railitia raen re
plied, they were of the lower party ; upon which

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 463
he told thera he was a British officer, and pressed
thera not to detain him, as he was upon urgent
business. This confession removed all doubts;
and it was in vain he afterwards produced his pass.
He was instantly forced off to a place, of greater
security, where, after a careful search, there were
found, concealed in the feet of his stockings, seve
ral papers of iraportance, delivered to him by
Arnold ! Among these, were a plan of the forti
fications of West Point; a memorial from the en
gineer on the attack and defence of the place ; re
turns of the garjison, cannon, and stores ; copy of
the minutes of a council of war held by General
Washington a few weeks before. The prisoner,
at first, was inadvertently ordered to Arnold ; but
on recoUection, while still on the way, he was
countermanded, and sent to Old Salera. The
papers were enclosed in a letter to General Wash
ington, which, having taken a route different from
that by which he returned, raade a circuit that af
forded leisure for another letter, through an ill-
judged delicacy, written to Arnold witfr inforraa
tion of Anderson's capture, to get to hira an hour
before General Washington arrived at his quar
ters ; time enough to elude the fate that awaited
him. He went down the river in his barge to the
Vulture with such precipitate confusion, that he did
not take with him a single paper useful to the ene
my. On the first rtotice of the affair, he was pur
sued, but much too late to be overtaken.

464 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
There was some colour for imagining it was a
part of the plan to betray the General into the
hands of the enemy. Arnold was very anxious to
ascertain from him the precise day of his return ;
and the enemy's moveraents seem to have corres
ponded to this point. But if it was really the
case, it was very injudicious. The success must
have depended on surprise ; and as the officers at
the advanced posts were not in the secret, their
measures might have given the alarm ; and Gene
ral Washington, taking the coraraand of the post,
might have rendered the whole scheme abortive.
Arnold, it is true, had so dispersed the garrison, as
to have made a defence difficult, but not impracti
cable ; and the acquisition of West Point was of
such magnitude to the enemy, that it would have
been unwise to connect it with any other object,
however great, which might make the obtaining
of it precarious.
Arnold, a moraent before his setting out, went
into Mrs. Arnold's apartraent, and inforraed her
that sorae transactions had just corae to light,
which raust for ever banish hira from his country.
She fell into a swoon at this declaration ; and he
left her in it, to consult his own safety, till the
servants, alarraed by her cries, carae to her relief
She remained frantic all day ; accusing every one
who approached her, with an intention to raurder
her child (an infant in her arras) ; and exhibiting
every other mark of the most genuine and ago-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 465
nizing distress. Exhausted by the fatigue and tu
mult of her spirits, her phrensy subsided toward
evening, and she sank into all the sadness of af
fliction. It was impossible not to have been touch
ed with her situation. Everything affecting in fe
male tears, or in the misfortunes of beauty ; every
thing pathetic in the wounded tenderness of a
wife, or in the apprehensive fondness of a mother ;
and, till I have reason to change the opinion, I
will add, everything araiable in suffering inno
cence ; conspired to raake her an object of syra
pathy to all who were present. She experienced
the most delicate attentions, and every friendly
office, till her departure for Philadelphia.
Andre was, without loss of time, conducted to
the Head Quarters of the army, where he was
immediately brought before a Board of General
Officers, to prevent all possibility of misrepresen
tation, or cavil, on the part of the enemy. The
Board reported, that he ought to be considered as
a Spy, and, according to the laws and usages of
nations, to suffer death ; which was executed two
days after.
Never, perhaps, did any man suffer deatli with
more justice, or deserve it less. The first step he
took, after his capture, was to write a letter to
General Washington, conceived in terms of digni
ty without insolence, and apology without mean
ness. The scope of it, was to vindicate himself
VOL. I. 59

466 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
from the imputation of having assumed a raean
character for treacherous or interested purposes;
asserting that he had been involuntarily an irapos-
tor; that contrary to his intention, which was to
raeet a person for intelligence on neutral ground,
he had been betrayed within our posts, and forced
into the vile condition of an eneray in disguise :
soliciting only, that, to whatever rigour policy
might devote him, a decency of treatment raight
be observed, due to a person, who, though unfor
tunate, had been guilty of nothing dishonourable.
His request was granted in its full extent ; for, in
the whole progress of the affair, he was treated
with the most scrupulous delicacy. When brought
before the Board of Officers, he met with every
mark of indulgence, and was required to answer
no interrogatory whieh could even embarrass his
feelings. On his part, while he carefully concealed
everything that might involve others, he frankly
confessed all the facts relating to himself; and,
upon his confession, without the trouble of exami
ning a witness, the Board made their Report. The
members of it were not more impressed with the
candour and firmness, mixed with a becoming
sensibility, which he displayed, than he was pene
trated with their liberality and politeness. He
acknowledged the generosity of the behaviour
toward him in every respect, but particularly in
this, in the strongest terms of manly gratitude.

Military correspondence. 467
In a conversation with a gentleraan who visited
hira after his trial, he said he flattered himself he
had never been illiberal ; but if there were any
reraains of prejudice in his raind, his present ex
perience raust obliterate thera.
In one of the visits I made to him (and I saw
him several times during his" confinement), he
begged me to be the bearer of a request to the
General, for perraission to send an open letter to
Sir Henry Clinton. "I foresee my fate," said he,
" and though I pretend not to play the hero, or
to be indifferent about life ; yet I am reconciled
to whatever may happen, conscious that raisfor
tune, not guilt, has brought it upon rae. There is
only one thing that disturbs my tranquillity. Sir
Henry Clinton has been too good to rae ; he has
been lavish of his kindness. I am bound to him
by too many obligations, and love him too well,
to bear the thought, that he should reproach him
self, or that others should reproach him, on the
supposition of my having conceived myself obliged,
by his instructions, to run the risk I did. I would
not, for the world, leave a sting in his mind that
should irabitter his future days." He could scarce
finish the sentence, bursting into tears in spite of
his efforts to suppress thera; and with difficulty
collected hiraself enough afterwards to add : " I
wish to be perraitted to assure hira, I did
not act under this irapression, but submitted to

468 military correspondence.
a necessity imposed upon me, as contrary to my
own incUnation as to his orders." His request
was readUy compUed with; and he wrote the
letter annexed, with which I dare say you will
be as rauch pleased as I am, both for the diction
and sentiment.
When his sentence was announced to hira, he
remarked, that since it was his lot to die, there was
still a choice in the mode, which would raake a
raaterial difference in his feelings ; and he would
be happy, if possible, to be indulged with a pro
fessional death. He made a second application, by
letter, in concise but persuasive terms. It was
thought this indulgence, being incompatible with
the customs of war, could not be granted ; and it
was therefore determined, in both cases, to evade
an answer, to spare him the sensations which a cer
tain knowledge of the intended mode would inflict.
In going to the place of execution, he bowed
familiarly, as he went along, to all those with whora
he had been acquainted in his confinement. A
smile of coraplacency expressed the serene forti
tude of his raind. Arrived at the fatal spot, he
asked, with some emotion, " Must I then die in
this manner ?" He was told it had been unavoid
able. " I am reconciled to ray fate," said he,
" but not to the mode." Soon, however, recollect
ing himself, he added : " It will be but a moraen
tary pang ;" and, springing upon the cart, perforraed

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 469
the last offices to himself, with a coraposure that
excited the admiration, and melted the hearts of
the beholders. Upon being told the final moraent
was at hand, and asked if he had anything to say,
he answered, " Nothing, but to request you will
witness to the world, that I die like a brave raan."
Among the extraordinary circumstances that at
tended hira, in the midst of his enemies, he died
universally esteeraed and universally regretted.
There was soraething singularly interesting in
the character and fortunes of Andre. To an ex
cellent understanding, well iraproved by education
and travel, he united a peculiar elegance of mind
and manners, and the advantage of a pleasing
person. 'Tis said he possessed a pretty taste for
the fine arts, and had himself attained some pro
ficiency in poetry, music, and painting. His
knowledge appeared without ostentation, and
embellished by a diffidence that rarely accompa
nies so many talents and accoraplishraents ; which
left you to suppose more than appeared. His sen
timents were elevated, and inspired esteem: they
had a softness that conciUated affection. His elo
cution was handsorae ; his address easy, polite, and
insinuating. By his raerit, he had acquired the
unUmited confidence of his General, and was
raaking a rapid progress in railitary rank and re
putation. But in the height of his career, flushed
with new hopes from the execution of a project.

470 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
the raost beneficial to his party that could be
devised, he was at once precipitated frora the
surarait of prosperity, and saw all the expecta
tions of his arabition blasted, and hiraself ruined.
The character I have given of him, is drawn
partly from what I saw of hira rayself, and partly
frora inforraation. I ara aware that a man of
real merit is never seen in so favourable a light
as through the raediura of adversity : the clouds
that surround him, are shades that set off his good
qualities. Misfortune cuts down the little vanities
that, in prosperous times, serve as so many spots
in his virtues ; and gives a tone of huraility that
makes his worth raore araiable. His spectators,
who enjoy a happier lot, are less prone to detract
from it, through envy, and are more disposed, by
compassion, to give him the credit he deserves,
and perhaps even to magnify it.
I speak not of Andre's conduct in this affair as
a philosopher, but as a raan of the world. The
authorized maxiras and practices of war, are the
satires of human nature. They countenance alraost
every species of seduction as well as violence ; and
the General who can make most traitors in the
arrtiy of his adversary, is frequently most ap
plauded. On this scale we acquit Andre; while
we could not but condemn him, if we were to ex
amine his conduct by the sober rules of philosophy
and moral rectitude. It is, however, a blemish on

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 471
his farae, that he once intended to prostitute a
flag : about this, a raan of nice honour ought to
have had a scrapie ; but the temptation was great :
let his misfortunes cast a veil over his errour.
Several letters from Sir Henry Clinton and
others, were received in the course of the affair,
feebly attempting to prove, that Andre came out
under the protection of a flag, with a passport frora
a general officer in actual service ; and conse
quently could not be justly detained. Clinton
sent a deputation, coraposed of Lieutenant-Gene
ral Robin,son, Mr. Elliot, and Mr. Williara Sraith,
to represent, as he said, the true state of Major
Andre's case. General Greene raet Robinson,
and had a conversation with hira; in which he
reiterated the pretence of a flag ; urged Andre's
release as a personal favour to Sir Henry Clinton ;
and offered any friend of ours, in their power, in
exchange. Nothing could have been raore fri
volous than the plea which was used. The fact
was, that beside the tirae, raanner, object of the
interview, change of dress, and other circurastan
ces, there was. not a single formality customary
with flags; and the passport was not to Major
Andre, but to Mr. Anderson. But had there been,
on the contrary, all the forraalities, it would be an
abuse of language to say, that the sanction of a
flag for corrupting an officer to betray his trust,
ought to be respected. So unjustifiable a purpose.

472 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
would not only destroy its validity, but raake it an
aggravation. Andre, hiraself, has answered the arguraent, by
ridiculing and exploding the idea, in his exarai
nation before the Board of Officers. It was a
weakness to urge it.
There was, in truth, no way of saving him.
Arnold, or he, must have been the victim : the
forraer was out of our power.
It was by some suspected, Arnold had taken
his measures in such a manner, that if the inter
view had been discovered in the act, it might
have been in his power to sacrifice Andre to his
own security. This surmise of double treachery,
raade them iraagine Clinton raight be induced to
give up Arnold for Andre ; and a gentleman took
occasion to suggest this expedient to the latter, as
a thing that might be proposed by him. He de
clined it. The moment he had been capable of
so much frailty, I should have ceased to esteem
him. The infamy of Arnold's conduct previous to his
desertion, is only equalled by his baseness since.
Beside the folly of writing to Sir Henry Clinton,
assuring him that Andre had acted under a pass
port frora hira, and according to his directions
while coraraanding officer at a post; and that,
therefore, he did not doubt, he would be irarae
diately sent in ; he had the effrontery to write to

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 473
General Washington in the same spirit ; with the
addition of a menace of retaliation, if the sentence
should be carried into execution. He has since
acted the farce of sending in his resignation. This
raan is, in every sense, despicable. Added to
the scene of knavery and prostitution during his
coraraand in Philadelphia, which the late seizure
of his papers has unfolded; the history of his
coramand at West Point is a history of little, as
well as great, villanies. He practised every dirty
art of peculation ; and even stooped to connexions
with the suttlers of the Garrison, to defi'aud the
pubUc. To his conduct, that of the captors of Andre
forms a striking contrast. He tempted them with
the offer of his watch, his horse, and any sum of
money they should narae. They rejected his of
fers with indignation : and the gold that could
seduce a raan high in the esteera and confidence
of his country, who had the reraerabrance of
past exploits, the motives of present reputation
and future glory, to prop his integrity, had no
charms for three simple peasants, leaning only
on their virtue and an honest sense of their
duty. While Arnold is handed down, with exe
cration, to future times, posterity wUl repeat, with
reverence, the naraes of Van Wart, Paulding, and
Williaras !
I congratulate you, ray friend, on our happy es-
voL. I. 60

474 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
cape from the mischiefs with which this treason
was his. It is a new comment on the value of an
honest man, and, if it were possible, would endear
you to me more than ever. Adieu,
A. Hamilton.

WASHINGTON TO^HAMILTON.
Rhode Island, September, 1T30.
De.\r Hamilton:
I shall be obliged to you for the answer to the
Address as soon as it is convenient to you. If we
do not ride to the Point to see the fleet pass out,
I am to have a conference with Count De Ro-
chambeau and the Engineer dfrectly after break
fast, at which I wish you to be present.
I am, sincerely and affectionatelv, vours,
G. W ashington.
Col. Hamilton.

GENERAL SCHUYLER TO HA:VIILT0N.
Poughkeepsie, Sept 10, 17=0.
Mt Dear Sir:
I am very apprehensive the unhappv event,
mentioned in your favour of the fifth instant, will
draw very serious consequences in its train. It wUl
certainly much embarrass us, and probably retard
the termination of the war. It wUl, however, be
attended with one good: the adherents, in Con
gress, to the gaUant Commander, will not have it

military correspondence. 475
any longer in their power to play him off against
the General. Gracious God ! that any rational
being should put two raen in corapetition, one of
which has commanded an array, the other only
been at the head of orte : for I aver, that when he
was to the northward, he never made a disposition
of his troops. Indeed he was incapable : he never
saw an enemy, except at a good distance, and
frora places of perfect security. Indeed, indeed,
he has not lost a whit, in my estimation, by this
stroke of his.
The General will have shown you extracts from
the Senate and Assembly's Addresses to the Gover
nor. A Committee of both Houses is appointed to
report on the proceedings of the Convention : they
will certainly adopt and extend the views of that
Convention. Some here are for appointing a Dicta
tor, with a Vice-Dictator in each State, invested
with all the powers conferred formerly by the Ro
man people on theirs. I made great interest to be
left out of the delegation, and obtained it, although
not without much difficulty. General M'Dougal
is appointed in iny stead : but I believe I shall be
obliged to go to the eastern Convention. If so, I
shall not repair to Rhode Island so soon as I in
tended. Colonel Warner is wounded, and two of his
officers killed near Fort Edward.
Pray make my respects acceptable to the Gene-

476 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
ral, to the gentleraen of the faraUy, the Marquis,
and those of his. Adieu,
I am, dear Sir,
Very affectionately and sincerly.
Your most obedient Servant,
Ph : ScHrYLER.
I forgot to inform the General, that the Governor
had sent him an extract of the proceedings of the
Convention which I had promised to transrait.

SCHUYLER TO HAMILTON.
Poughkeepsie, September 16, 1780.
Dear Sir :
The great scarcity of wheat before harvest,
and the drought since, has prevented the agent ap
pointed to collect the supply required frora this
State, to deliver itto the Issuing Coraraissary ; and
we are at least ten thousand barrels in arrear ; the
wheat for all which is already assessed, a conside
rable quantity of it brought to the mills to be
manufactured, and the remainder daily collecting.
Hence, unless a second drought should prevail, our
deficiency can be raade good in the course of a
month : and this may be relied on. But should the
army actually be in operation, I do not make a
doubt but that the hand of Govemment will be
laid on all in the country ; and, in that case, a con-

military correspondence. 477
stant supply can be kept up so as to coraplete to
thirty thousand barrels, and perhaps half as rauch
raore, should Congress order the quota of Pennsyl
vania (if she deigns to furnish any) to be sold,
and the money transraitted to this State, Exclu
sive of the wheat already assessed to coraplete
our quota of flou,r, the inhabitants of Tryon Coun
ty, and the western part of Albany, are thresh
ing. This the Legislature has ordered to be pur
chased for a State Magazine, should we not be able
to purchase the whole. The whole raay, however,
be obtained, and without delay, if an operation
takes place : to procure flour casks is the greatest
difficulty. I wish those at West Point were or
dered to be iraraediately put in order : those, and
an aid of bagSj raay be necessary.
I have coraraune d with the Governor on the sub
ject of M'Henry 's wish. He is very rauch dis
posed to use his influence on the occasion, but
doubts if he should be able to obtain a Lieutenan
cy, unless the Ensigns that now are, could all be
provided for. If M'Henry raerely wants railitary
rank for the carapaign, and will not accept of an
Ensigncy, the Governor can, and will, give hira a
Lieutenant-Colonelcy in the State Levies, which
will always give hira rank in our militia, and, con
sequently, in the array, when the militia is in the
field. But this must be determined before the
Legislature rises. Please, therefore, to desire M'

478 military correspondence.
Henry to write me on the subject without delay,
and to assure him of the best services in ray power.
If I knew when you would be at Fishkill, if
you pass that way, I would raeet you there. Or if
I believed it would not be disagreeable to the
General, I would go to Hartford, as I wish to see
the other Sachem.
A spirit favourable to the common cause, has
pervaded almost both Houses. They begin to talk
of a Dictator and Vice-Dictators, as if it was a thing
that was already determined on. To the Con
vention to be held at Hartford, I believe I shall
be sent, with instructions to propose that a Dicta
tor should be appointed.
I have just seen Van Schaick's whim. There is
not one Lieutenancy vacant.
I have had the enclosed several days with me,
for want of a conveyance. Please to despatch
the bearer as expeditiously back as you can.
Compliments to all.
I ara, dear Sir, affectionately yours, etc.,
Ph : Schuyler.
Colonel Harailton.

HAMILTON TO MISS SCHUYLER.
Septemper 25, 1780.
Arnold, hearing of the plot being detected, ira
raediately fled to the eneray. I went in pursuit

military correspondence. 479
of hira, but was rauch too late ; and could hardly
regret the disappointraent, when, on my return,
I saw an amiable woman, frantic with distress for
the loss of a husband she tenderly loved ; a trai
tor to his country and to his fame ; a disgrace to
his connexions : it was the most affecting scene I
ever was witness to: She, for a considerable time,
entirely lost herself. The Geheral went up to
see her, and she upbraided hira with being in a plot
to raurder her child. One moment she raved, ano
ther she melted into tears. Sonietimes she press
ed her infant to her bosora, and lamented its fate,
occasioned by the imprudence of its father, in a
manner that would have pierced insensibility itself.
All the sweetness of beauty, all the loveliness of
innocence, all the tenderness of a wife, and all
the fondness of a mother, showed themselves in
her appearance and conduct. We have every
reason to believe, that she was entirely unac
quainted with the plan, and that the ffrst know
ledge of it, was when Arnold went to tell her he
must banish himself from his country and frora her
for ever. She instantly fell into a convulsion, and
he left her in that situation.
This raorning she is raore composed. I paid
her a visit, and endeavoured to soothe her by every
method in my power ; though you may imagine
she is not easily to be consoled. Added to her
Other distresses, she is very apprehensive the re-

480 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
sentment of her country will fall upon her (who is
only Unfortunate) for the guilt of her husband.
I have tried to persuade her that her fears are
ill founded; but she will not be convinced. She
received us in bed, with every circurastance that
would interest our syrapathy : and her sufferings
were so eloquent, that I wished rayself her bro
ther, tahave a right to become her defender. As
it is, I have entreated her to enable me to give
her proofs of ray friendship. Could I forgive
Arnold for sacrificing his honour, reputation, and
duty, I could not forgive him for acting a part that
must have forfeited the esteem of so fine a woraan.
At present she alraost forgets his crirae in his mis
fortunes ; and her horror at the guilt of the traitor,
is lost in her love of the raan. But a virtuous
mind cannot long esteem a base one ; and tirae will
make her despise if it cannot raake her hate.
A. Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO MISS SCHUYLER.
Tappan, Oct. 2, 1780.
Poor Andre suffers to-day. Everything that is
araiable in virtue, in fortitude, in delicate senti
raent, and accoraplished manners, pleads for
him : but hard-hearted policy calls for a sacrifice.
He raust die  . I send you ray account of
Arnold's affair ; and to justify myself to your senti-

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 481
ments, I must inforra you, that I urged a corapli
ance Ts^ith Andre's request to be shot ; and I do
not think it would have had an ill effect: but some
people are only sensible to motives of policy, and
sometiraes, from a narrow disposition, mistake it.
When Andre's tale comes to be told, and pre
sent resentment is over ; the refusing him the pri
vilege of choosing the raanner of his death will be
branded with too rauch obstinacy.
It was proposed to me to suggest to him the idea
of an exchange for Arnold ; but I knew I should
have forfeited his esteem by doing it, and there
fore declined it. As a man of honour he could
not but reject it; and I would not for the world
have proposed to him a thing which raust have
placed me in the unamiable light of supposing him
capable of meanness, or of not feeling myself the
impropriety of the measure. I confess to you, I
had the weakness to value the esteera of a dying
man, because I reverenced his merit. A. Hamilton.

SCHUYLER TO HAMILTON.
Albany, October 10, 1780.
My Dear Sir :
I am still confined to my roora, but beUeve ray
disorder has taken a favourable tum, and that I
shall soon be tolerably restored.
VOL. I. 61

482 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
Colonel Van Schaick informs me that he is
ordered down with his regiment. We are so sadly
off here for directors, that I most sincerely wish he
had been perraitted to reraain here : his deafness
will render hira little serviceable with his regi
raent. I ara informed that some people have recora
raended, or intend to recoraraend, to the General,
to evacuate Fort Schuyler. I hope it will not take
place, as the eneray would immediately occupy
the ground, and make it a receptacle for Indians
and tories, from whence to pour destruction on
the country. A certain Lieutenant Laird, of the
militia, who was carried off, or went off voluntarily,
with Sir John Johnson, when last in the country,
is retumed, and advises that about two thousand
men were collected at St. John's to make separate
attacks on the Grants, Saratoga, and the Mohawk
river. If this be trae, it was probably intended
as a co-operating plan, if Sir Harry had come up
the river. An Express is this moment arrived, an
nouncing that about five hundred men of the
enemy are arrived at the Canajoharie Falls. If this
should be confirmed, I shall venture to advise Van
Schaick to detain his regiment, and hope it will
raeet the General's approbation. It is said the
enemy are fortifying at Oswego. I hope the Gar
rison for that place will be speedily sent up.
When do you intend to be here ? Who will

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 483
accompany you ? Is it probable the General will
pay us a visit in winter ? I most earnestly wish
it. Will you raake ray excuses to the Marquis for
my not writing him : the Doctor will not perrait
rae ; but what is worse, I really have not strength
as yet. Entreat the General to accept of ray best
wishes: the faraily share in thera. Adieu, ray
dear Sir. I ara, affectionately. Yours, etc., etc.,
Ph : Schuyler.
Colonel Hamilton.

HAMILTON TO ISAAC SEARS.
Boston, October 12, 1780.
I was much obliged to you, my dear Sir, for the
letter which you did me the favour to write me
since your return to Boston. I am sorry to find
that the same spirit of indifference to public af
fairs prevails. It is necessary we should rouse,
and begin to do our business in earnest, or we
shall play a losing game. It is irapossible the con
test can be rauch longer supported on the present
footing. We raust have a Governraent with raore
power. We must have a tax in kind. We raust
have a foreign loan. We raust have a Bank, on
the true principles of a Bank. We raust have an
Adrainistration distinct from Congress, and in the
hands of single men under their orders. We

484 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
must, above all things, have an army for the war,
and an establishment that will interest the offi
cers in the service.
Congress are deliherating on our military af
fairs : but I apprehend their Resolutions will be
tinctured with the old spirit. We seera to be
proof against experience. They will, however,
recommend an army for the war, at least as a pri
raary object. All those who love their country,
ought to exert their influence in the States where
they reside, to determine them to take up this ob
ject with energy. The States must sink under
the burden of temporary enlistments; and the
enemy will conquer us by degress during the in
tervals of our weakness.
Clinton is now said to be making a considera
ble detachment to the southward. My fears are
high, ray hopes low. We are told here, there
is to be a Congress of the neutral powers at the
Hague, for mediating of peace. God send it may
be true. We want it : but if the idea goes abroad,
ten to one if we do not fancy the thing done, and
fall into a profound sleep till the cannon of the
enemy awaken us next campaign. This is our na
tional character. I am, with great regard, dear Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 485
HARRISON TO HAMILTON.
October 27, 1780.
My Dear Hamilton :
We are only leaving Philadelphia. The most
flattering attentions have been paid to Meade and
myself, and such as would not permit us to pro
gress before, unless we had shown ourselves en
tirely disregardless of the great world. Besides,
motives of a public nature concurred to make us
stay thus long. From all I have seen and heard,
there is a good disposition in Congress to do all
they can for the army and the public interest ; and
there are many very sensible men among thera.
In general, they are most warraly attached to the
General ; and his recommendations will have their
weight while the same spirit prevails. It is said,
there has been infinitely more harraony among
thein for some time past, than has appeared since
the first years pf their appointment. I am not,
however, without some apprehension, that if they
proceed in the case of Lee, etc., the monster
(party), may show itself again, and that Ave raay
have a second edition of the raeasures adopted in
the instance of Deane. Our friends Sullivan and
Carroll have been of great service : and gentle
men who are, or pretend to be, in the secrets of
the cabinet, say they have contributed iraraeasura-
bly, by their independent conduct, to destroy the

486 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
EASTERN ALLIANCE. Bland is Very clever, and
without question wishes to push on in the true
and right road. Grayson says this is the best
Congress we have had since the first. Our dear
Laurens respects raany of the raembers : and
General Greene's appointraent, I believe, is en
tirely consonant to the wishes of Congress in gene
ral, though we have heard there were members
much disposed, if facts had not been so obstinate,
to excuse General Gates. The former is here,
and I suppose will set out in a day or two. Meade
and I will serve hira all we can. We have done
what we could already. Apropos, you delivered
hira my letter. Our finances are entirely deranged,
and there is little or no money in the trea.sury.
I believe they are a subject of much consideration
and puzzlement. The supplies of the army are also
matters of present attention, but I do n't know
what will be done. I hope we shall, by Christ
mas, have some clothing from the West Indies, if
the moth have not destroyed it : a quantity, it is
said, has been lying there. It is much to be wished
that General Greene were at the South. The
delegates frora that quarter think the situation of
Cornwallis delicate, and that by raanagement, and
a proper application and use of the force there,
the late check given Furguson might be improved
into the Earl's total defeat. This, I fear, is too
rauch even to hope. The sending the Baron is

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 487
considered, as far as I have heard, perfectly right,
and Lee's corps give great satisfaction. I am just
about to mount my horse, and therefore shall say
but little more. Laurens will write unto you in
a few days, I suppose, and communicate any new
occurrences. My love to the lads of the family.
The same to you. May you be long happy. My
rao,st respectful corapliraents to the General.
Most truly and affectionately, Rob. H. Harrison.
P. S. The Board have been absolutely too poor
to procure parchment for the raany promotions that
have been required.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
November 22, 1780.
Dear Sir :
Some time last fall, when I spoke to your Ex
cellency about going to the southward, I explained
to you candidly my feelings with respect to mili
tary reputation; and how much it was ray object
to act a conspicuous part in some enterprise, that
might perhaps raise my character as a soldier above
mediocrity. You were so good as to say, you would
be glad to furnish me with an occasion. When
the expedition to Staten Island was afoot, a favour
able one seemed to offer. There was a battalion
without a Field officer, the comraand of which, I

488 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
thought, as it was accidental, raight be given to
me without inconvenience. I raade an application
for it through the Marquis, who informed me of your
refusal on two principles : one, that the giving rae a
whole battalion might be a subject of dissatisfac
tion ; the other, that if any accident should happen
to me in the present state of your famify, you
would be embarrassed for the necessary assistance.
The project you now have in contemplation
affords another opportunity. I have a variety of
reasons, that press me to desire ardently to have
it in my power to improve it. I take the liberty
to observe, that the command may now be pro
portioned to my rank ; and that the second objec
tion ceases to operate, as, during the period of
establishing our winter quarters, there will be a
suspension of material business : besides which,
my peculiar situation will, in any case, call me
away frora the army in a few days, and Mr. Har
rison may be expected back early next month. My
command may consist of one hundred and fifty or
two hundred men, composed of fifty men of Major
Gibbes' corps, fifty from Colonel Meigs' regiment,
and fifty or a hundred more from the light infan
try : Major Gibbes to be my Major. The hundred
men from here may move on Friday morning to
wards  , which will strengthen the appearances
for Staten Island, to form a junction on the other
side of the Passaic.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 489
I suggest this mode, to avoid the complaints
that raight arise from composing my party wholly
of the Light Infantry, which raight give umbrage
to the officers of that corps, who, on this plan, can
have no just subject for it.
The primary idea may be, if circumstances per
mit, to attempt with my detachment Byard's Hill.
Should we arrive early enough to undertake it, I
should prefer it to anything else, both for the bril
liancy of the attempt in itself, and the decisive
consequences of which its success would be pro
ductive. If we arrive too late to raake this eligi
ble (as there is reason to apprehend), my corps
may form the van of one of the other attacks, and
Byard's Hill will be a pretext for ray being era
ployed in the affair, on a supposition of ray know
ing the ground, which is partly true. I flatter
rayself, also, that ray military character stands so
well in the array, as to reconcile the officers, in
general, to the raeasure. All circumstances con
sidered, I venture to say, any exceptions which
raight be taken, would be unreasonable.
I take this raethod of raaking the request, to
avoid the embarrassment of a personal explanation.
I shall only add, that however much I have the
matter at heart, I wish your Excellency entirely to
consult your own inclination, and not, frora a dis
position to oblige rae, to do anything that raay
be disagreeable to you. It will, nevertheless,
VOL. I. 62

490 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
make rae singularly happy if your wishes corres
pond with raine.

LA FAYETTE TO HAMILTON.
Paramus, November 28, 1780.
Dear Hamilton:
Here I arrived last night, and am going to set out
for Philadelphia. Gouvion goes straight to New
Windsor, and by him I write to the General. I
speak of Hand and Smith, whom I recommend,
and add : " If, however, you were to cast your eye
on a man, who, I think, would suit better than
any other in the world, Hamilton is, I confess, the
officer whom I would like best to see in my
*****." Then I go on with the idea, that,
at equal advantages, you deserve from him the
preference ; that your advantages are the great
est; I speak of a co-operation; of your being in
the family; and conclude, that on every public
and private account I advise him to take you.
I know the General's friendship and gratitude
for you, my dear Hamilton : both are greater than
you perhaps imagine. I am sure he needs only to
be told that something will suit you, and when he
thinks he can do it he certainly will. Before this
campaign I was your friend, and very intiraate
friend, agreeably to the ideas of the world. Since
my second voyage, my sentiment has increased to

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 491
such a point the world knows nothing about. To
show hoth, frora want and from scorn of expres
sions, I shall only tell you — Adieu. Yours,
La Fayette.

LA FAYETTE TO HAMILTON.
Philadelphia, December 9, 1780.
Dear Hamilton :
On my arrival at Paramus, I wrote a letter to
the General, which Colonel Gouvion was to de
liver to himself at New Windsor; so that raore
expedition had been raade than you had thought.
But the General having unfortunately altered his
raind, and taken the road to Morristown, another
misfortune threw Hand in his way ; and remem
bering your advice on the occasion, he hastened
to make hira the proposition, and in consequence
of it wrote his letter to Congress. Frora Para
mus I went myself to the Lots, and frora thence
to Morristown, where I met the General; and
knowing that my letter could not reach him under
sorae days, I becarae regardless of your wishes,
and raade a verbal application in ray own narae,
and about the same time that had been settled
between us. I can't express to you, ray dear
friend, how sorry and disappointed I felt, when I
knew frora him, the General, that (greatly in con
sequence of your advice) he had settled the
whole matter with Hand, and written for hira to

.492 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
Congress. I confess I became warmer on the oc
casion than you would perhaps have wished rae to
be ; and I wanted the General to allow my send
ing an Express, who would have overtaken the
letter, as it was in the hands of General St. Clair :
but the General did not think it to be a conve
nient measure ; and, I confess, I may have been a
little blinded on its propriety. I took care not to
compromise you in this affair, when the General
expressed a desire to serve you, and in a raanner
you would have been satisfied with. Now for the
voyage to France.
Congress seera resolved that an Envoy he sent
in the way you wish, and this was yesterday de
terrained in the House. Next Monday the gen
tleman will be elected. I have already spoken
to many members. I know of a number of voices
that will be for you. This day, and that of to-
raorrow, will be by rae employed in paying visits.
As soon as the business is fixed upon, I shall send
you an Express. I think you ought to hold your
self in readiness, and in case you are called for,
come with all possible speed ; for you raust go
iraraediately, that you raay have returned before
the beginning of operations. If you go, my dear
Sir, I shall give you all public or private know
ledge about Europe I ara possessed of. Besides
many private letters, that raay introduce you to
ray friends, I intend giving you the key of the

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 493
cabinet, as well as of the societies which influ
ence thera. In a word, ray good friend, anything
in ray power shall be entirely yours.

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
Albany, Dec. 9, 1780.
Dear Sir :
Mr. Rensselaer, who has the direction of the
Armory here, tells rae that the Board of War write
hira, they are unable to support it any longer on
the present establishraent for want of supplies,
and propose to hira to endeavour to have it car
ried on by contract. This he declares is impos
sible. The Armory must either continue on the
present footing or cease. As far as I understand
the raatter, there is no objection to the terms in
themselves, but a want of raeans to coraply with
them. If there is a want of means, the thing
must be relinquished ; but as it does not strike me
that it can be raore difficult to raaintain an Arraory
here than elsewhere ; and as I apprehend, in the
present state of our Arsenals, we shall stand in
need of all the repairing we can do; I take the
liberty, at Mr. Rensselaer's request, to raention the
raatter to you. I have seen the Armory myself
It appears to be in excellent order, and under a
very ingenious and industrious man. I am told it

494 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
has been conducted hitherto with great activi
ty. Its situation is, in ray opinion, advantage
ous. As there is a considerable body of troops
always at West Point, and the array generally in
its vicinity, the river is very convenient for trans
portation to and from the Arraory ; and, I should
think, would be conducive to economy. This
consideration strikes rae as of iraportance. Gene
ral Knox, however, will be the best judge of the
usefulness of this Arraory.
Mr. Rensselaer also raentions a considerable
nuraber of hides in the hands of persons here who
had had orders from the Clothier-General not to
dispose of them but by his order. He says he can
no longer, but with great difficulty, procure leather
for the public works on credit ; and has requested
me to mention this also to your Excellency.
Mrs. Hamilton presents her respectful corapli
raents to Mrs. Washington and yourself After
the holidays we shall be at Head Quarters.
I believe I iraparted to you General Schuyler's
wish that you could make it convenient to pay a
visit with Mrs. Washington this winter. He and
Mrs. Schuyler have several times repeated their
inquiries and wishes. I have told them I was
afraid your business would not perrait you : if it
should, I shall be happy. You will enable rae to
let thera know about what period it will suit.

MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 495
When the sleighing arrives, it will be an affair of
two days up and two days down. I have, etc.,
A. Hamilton.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.
New Windsor, Dec. 27, 1780.
Dear Hamilton :
Your letter of the 19th came safe by the Doctor,
who set out this morning for Philadelphia.
I had, previous to the receipt of it, and without
knowing that the Board of War had given any
direction respecting the Armory at Albany, re
quested the Governor to exempt (if he could do so
with propriety) the citizens who were employed in
it, frora railitary services in cases of alarra ; and
had written to General Clinton to direct the
Quarter-Master to afford every assistance in his
power to have the work repaired, and the busi
ness, as far as depended upon hira, accellerated. I
have now given order for delivery of such hides as
Mr. Rensselaer shall find absolutely necessary for
the use of the Arraory.
Although a trip to Albany, on raore accounts
than one, would be perfectly agreeable to my
wishes, I am so far from having it in ray power, at
this tirae, to fix a period for this gratification of
thera, that I have but small hope of accomplishing
it at all this winter. There are some raatters in
suspense which may make a journey to Rhode

496 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE.
Island necessary ; but as the subject is not fit for a
letter, I shall withhold the coraraunication till I
see you.
A second erabarkatfon has taken place at New
York. The strength of the detachment, or its des
tination, are vaguely reported; and no certainty
under whose command it goes. Arnold is said to
be of it ; from whence the connexions conclude
that New Haven or New London must infallibly be
the object, while more rational conjecturers send
it to the southward, frora whence no late accounts
have been received.
Mrs. Washington raost cordially joins me in
corapliraents of congratulation to Mrs. Hamilton
and yourself, on the late happy event of your mar
riage, and in wishes to see you both at Head Quar
ters. We beg of you to present our respectful
compliments to General Schuyler, his lady and
faraily, and offer them strong assurances of the
pleasure we should feel at seeing thera at New
Windsor. With rauch truth, and great personal regard,
I ara, dear Harailton,
Your affectionate friend and servant,
G. Washington.

END OF VOLUME ONE.

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