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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

HI8T0ET

OF THE

WESTERN INSURRECTION

IN WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA,

COMMONLT OAILED THB

WHISKEY INSURRECTION.

1794.

B T
H. M. BRACKEE^RIDGE,
AUTHOR OP THE " HISTOBT OF THB LATE WAB WITH ENGLAND," "VIEWS OP
LOUISIANA," "VOYAGE TO SOUTH AMERICA," *C.

PITTSBURGH:
PRINTED BY W. S. HAVEN,
COBNER OF SECOND AND MARKET AND THIRD AND WOOD STREETS.
1859.

^7 7 5-
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1859, by
H. M. BEAGKENBIDGE,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Western
District of the State of PennsylTania.

Cfej^^

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION.
Letter to Alexander Brackenridge, Esq.,  Page 5
CHAPTER I.
Western Pennsylvania — Population — Excise Law — Public Meetings — Acts of
Violence, ... ... " ~ -¦»ira-^w'»"r— -n --™-.^_^ ,_^g
CHAPTER II.
Popular Outbreak — Attack on the Marshal — Destruction of Neville's House —
Alarm in Pittsburgh — Escape of the Marshal and Inspector, . . 39
CHAPTER III.
The Mingo Creek Meeting — Violence of Bradford — Speech of Brackenridge —
Causes of_ti^eOntbreak — Case of Miller,  57
CHAPTER IV.
The Robbery of the Mail — The self-appointed Convention, and Circular to the
Militia Officers, directing a Rendezvous at Braddock's Field — The Town Meeting
at Pittsburgh, . -—--——•- -,_•'  _ ... 79
CHAPTER V.
The Assemblage at Braddock's Field — Difficulty of Saving the Town, . 99
CHAPTER VI.
¦Acts of Violence following the Assemblage at Braddock's Field — Tom the Tinker
— Delegates to Parkinson's Ferry, ....... 127
CHAPTER VII.
The Meeting of the Delegates at Parkinson's Ferry — The Resolutions adopted
there — Appointment of a Committee of Conference, "^ . 7 --»— jgy
CHAPTER VIII.
The Measures. Q,f Jhe Government — Arrival of the (commissioners — ^^The Confer- .
ence,  190

iv CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IX.
Report of the Committee of Conference laid before the Standing Committee — Dif
ficulties encountered — Vote by BaUot — Majority for Peace, but not satisfactory
to the Commissioners,  218
CHAPTER X.
Reluctance of the People to sign the Submission — Meeting of the Congress of
Delegates, and a general Submission, .... . 246
CHAPTER XI.
Calling out the Military to suppress the Insurrection — The Delegation^to-^tcPreB-
jdenUiom-tbeJlKeat^.,  263
CHAPTER XII.
The Army enters the West — Its ferocious temper — The Attempt to Assassi
nate Mr. Brackenridge — The Military Inquests — Examination of Mr. Brack
enridge, and Acquittal, ... ..... 288
CHAPTER XIII.
The Military Arrests, and atrocious Treatment of the People — The Dreadful
Night — Withdrawal of the Army — The End of the Insurrection, . 312

TO ALEXANDER BRACKENRIDGE, ESQ.

Many years ago, we conversed together on the subject of republishing
our father's jvailJT-cntitl'ed ^'Inffidents ef the Woatfrn inriV<-rDp,tir,-n "
WEich had been long out of print— although remarkable for the truthful
and graphic account it gave of one of the most important occurrences of
American history. But, after reflecting on the subject, we concluded,
that however interesting as a piece of contemporary history, and however
much it might conduce to his fame, there were considerations of delicacy
and feeling which stood in the way of such republication. These were
principally, the strictures on the acts of persons who had passed from the
stage of life, but whose descendants might be pained by the exhibition
of their forefathers in an unfavorable light. Instead of pursuing the
course which at first suggested itself, I adopted the plan of writing a
biographical notice, giving a brief outline of the incidents of the Insur
rection, saying enough to do justice to our father, but carefully avoiding
everything that could possibly wound the sensibility of any survivor, or
descendant, of those with whom he came in conflict during those trying
times. This was published in the " Southern Messenger," Eichmond,
Virginia, and afterward as an introduction to "Modern Chivalry."
This delicacy was not met in a corresponding spirit. A work, under
the title of " History of Pittsburgh," was published by Neville B. Craig,
the representative of the "Neville connection," in which there is a most
perverted and false representation of the conduct of the people of West
ern Pennsylvania, and of the town of Pittsburgh, and, at the same time,
the grossest misrepresentation of the actions and motives of individuals
who were most active in restraining the excesses of the people, who con
sidered themselves aggrieved by the excise laws. Our father, especially,
who had been at variance with some of the Neville connection previous
to the insurrection, in consequence of professional acts, which he thought
honorable — was the object of the most indecent abuse by the scurrilous

vi INTRODUCTION.
writer just mentioned. Charges and insinuations, which had been met
and annihilated sixty years before, were revived, and where proof was
wanting to sustain them, their place supplied by mere vulgar billingsgate
epithets. It was not in my power to be silent ; a newspaper controversy
ensued, and the detractor was treated by me with unavoidable severity,
as well as others whom I would willingly have spared. But I found that
in the narrow bounds of a newspaper it was impossible to do justice to
the subject; I, therefore, set about a more full and complete narrative,
of historical acts, with t!ie details of a connected memoir. This was due
to my countrymen of Western Pennsylvania, and to my townsmen of Pitts
burgh, so scandalously libeled by Neville B. Craig, in his pretended
"History of Pittsburgh."
Our father was first drawn into the vortex of the popular movement, at
the earnest solicitation of Col. Neville, the son o|_thejcoilector_ofj.he
excise, with the avowed object of preventing the excesses of the disaf
fected. Although opposed to the oppressive excise laws, as was every
man west of the mountains, with the exception of those engaged in the
collection of the revenue, he never for a moment encouraged any illegal
opposition. Col. Neville was a gentleman of education, and the only one of
the " connection" on friendly terms with him, and it is to be regretted that
he failed to fulfill the engagement to which he was bound in honor, and
which will be more fully explained in this narrative. Our father, thus
placed between the people and the government, as negotiator and peace
maker, was peculiarly exposed to the dangers of misconception. In telling
the truth to the people in the hearing of the government, and to the
government in the hearing of the people ; he sufi'ered a temporary loss of
popularity with the one, and incurred the suspicion of the other. This
was only rectified by time and events, after exposing him to imminent
danger from both parties. His efforts were directed to two objects : the
first, to arrest the progress of opposition to the government ; the second, to
obtain an amnesty, or act of oblivion, for the imprudent acts of violence
which had been rashly committed ; in other words, to prevent riots from as
suming the formidable front of insurrection. In this he succeeded, and for
which, instead of being rewarded by the civic crown, he was exposed to
the danger of assassination, of government prosecution, and popular
obloquy. Those who had the government ear, succeeded in producing the
impression that he was behind the screen, the instigator of every illeo-al
movement; while the very same persons, with the usual disregard of con
sistency attendant on falsehood, insinuated to the people that he had sold
them to the government for a consideration ! The narrative now present-

INTRODUCTION. vil
ed to the public, will exhibit one of the most extraordinary cases on
record, of great services remaining not merely unrewarded and unac
knowledged, but of the grossest injustice long continued, and not entirely
corrected to this day; for we still occasionally hear of "the insurgent
Brackenridge." In appealing to the unbiassed and impartial judgment
of the American people, and especially of those of Western Pennsylvania,
I will boldly put in issue the assertion, that he saved the western country
from, ihe horrors of civil roar, the toion of Pittsburgh from destruction,
and the Federal Union from the greatest danger it has ever encountered.
Such was the sinister influence of these misrepresentations, by persons
who had joined the army on its march to put down an insurrection which
never existed, and even after mob violence had ceased, that even Alexan
der Hamilton, who was the head and front of the expedition, appears to
have conceived the most unfounded prejudice against the people, and
against individuals. A letter written by him from Bedford, which has been
preserved, and very improperly published in his posthumous works, by
those who did not know what they were about, contains the following lan
guage : " It appears that Brackenridge did not subscribe [the amnesty]
until after the day, and it is proved that he is the worst of all scoundrels."
Thus the author of the amnesty was to be denied its benefits, because
being engaged through the day in riding through the rural districts, per
suading the people to sign, he did not reach home until after midnight.
And yet, nine days after, when Hamilton was enabled to judge for him
self on the spot, and after hearing the " chief -insurgent," and receiving
the statements of reliable persons, he expresses himself as follows : " Mr.
Brackenridge, my impressions were unfavorable to you ; you may have
observed it ; I now think it my duty to inform you that not a single one
remains ; had we listened to some people, I know not what we might have
done ; your conduct has been horribly misrepresented, owing to miscon
ception; I will announce you in this point of you to Gen. Lee, who
represents the Executive; you are in no personal danger, and will not be
troubled even with a simple inquisition by the judge — what may be due
to yourself with the pubhc, is another question."
On this hint our father prepared his account of the insurrection, pub
lished a year afterward, and containing the above passage, which was
never contradicted, although Hamilton lived many years after the publi
cation. Craig admits the fact of the^" acquittal," as he calls it, but ques
tions the language ascribed to Hamilton. On what grounds ? On the
principles of historical evidence? No — on the narrow technical rules of a
court of justice. But when asked by me, was not this published at the

viii INTRODUCTION.
time, and as it were in the presence of the Neville connection, who were
impHcated, and could they not have appealed to Hamilton? his only
reply is an absurd equivocation, very little complimentary to the high
aristocratic association or cabal, of which he is the representative : " Presley
Neville was too indolent to undertake the task, and the others had not the
ability." Alas ! poor Yorick !
The suggestion of Hamilton was adopted, and produced a rare example
of the value of contemporary history. There is not only the conscien
tious evidence of an honest witness, but also under the restraints of
the thousand other witnesses, ready to challenge any material devia
tion from truth. No man having a regard for his reputation, would,
under such circumstances, run the risk of contradiction. There is
scarcely an instance in which the author relies on his own naked asser
tions, without reference to persons who were present, and who had it in
their power to confute or confirm. Besides this, a case was regularly made
before the great tribunal of public opinion, and a challenge formally
given to all to appear before it, if they chose to call the author's veracity
in question. They were silent, and this silence must be taken for an
admission of the truth of his statements. It is, besides, in almost every
material point, sustained by statements of unimpeachable witnesses, many
of them under the solemnity of an oath. Among these statements are
those of the most distinguished public men then in Western Pennsyl
vania. Short extracts were made from some of these, and added to the
biography published in the " Literary Messenger." Neville Craig objects
to these extracts, because they do not contain the whole, and falsely insin
uates that, if the whole of the papers were published, there would appear
certain qualifications which would change their character; secondly, that
the persons who gave their testimony in his favor were actuated by charita
ble motives in disguising the truth. To meet the first objection, the docu
ments are now published in full ; as to the second, the only answer is
silence — anything else would be an insult to the reader.
These few extracts, considering the standing and distinguished charac
ter of the persons from whom they were drawn, are suflicient, without
any thing further, to satisfy any man of decent understanding — any man
of candor — any man who pretends to have the feehngs of a gentleman.
James Boss was the Senator in Congress, and one of the Commissioners
appointed by the government to treat with the supposed insurgents, and
with whom our father was almost in daily conference during that period ¦
his statement covers every ground which could possibly be occupied.
General John Wilkins, who also acted with him— Judge Addison— John

INTRODUCTION. Ix
Hoge, State Senator— Henry Purviance, Prosecuting Attorney— would
alone carry with them an irresistible weight of authority.*
The " History of the Western Insurrection," by William Findley, was
published the year after the " Incidents." These two contemporary publi
cations are the sources whence the work now offered to the public was
mainly drawn. I was but a boy at the time of the events related, yet
from precocious training, and being constantly in the society of my father,
I was accustomed to take an interest in public affairs far beyond my
years ; I heard all the circumstances related by eye witnesses, and heard
it universally admitted, that by his address and activity, the town was
saved from destruction by the mob which marched in from Braddock's
Field. In the face of the testimony of persons of the highest standing in the
West, Neville Craig, in his book, insinuates that our father was the secret
instigator of every unlawful act done by the mob ! He also declares that
his only motive was an insane ambition to be elected to Congress, for
which he was then a candidate, without regarding the fact, that in the
course pursued by him, he had entirely sacrificed his popularity ! He
tells us, also, that he was bought by the government ; and again, that he
only saved his life by agreeing to turn "State's evidence" against his
instruments, affording a curious instance of a principal saving himself by
denouncing his obscure accomplices. When these false and absurd asser
tions were nailed to the counter in our newspaper controversy, he endeav-
* In a recent publication of the Treasurer of the Pennsylvania Historical
Society, a letter by John Wilkins, Esq., Sr., is given in mistake as from Gen.
Wilkins, his son. The meagre memoirs of James Gallatin is scarcely deserving of
notice. The extracts above referred to are as follows :
" I saw many alarmed for the safety of the country, and for the estahlishmeut of the government ; I
thonght none of them more sincerely so than yourself." James Ross.
" My opinion of yonr conduct throughout the whole of the insurrection in this country, I will give
without reserve. It appears to have two objects, to arrest the progress of the present violence, and to
procure an amnesty for that already committed, and thus prevent the flame from spreading beyond the
cotmtry in which it had originated." Henet Purviance.
" I had daily opportunity of observing your conduct, and conversing with you ; I never had a doubt
but that you were actuated by the purest motives, and anxious for the restoration of the laws."
John Wilkins.
" I know you haye enemies, and believe they are my friends ; I respect them and regard you ; the
belief that you directly or indirectly was concerned iu the late insurrection, can only be entertained by
those who, from their distance from the scene of iiction, have been imposed upon by misrepresentation,
and have, therefore, formed conclusions upon illfounded premises, or by your enemies, have prevented
inquiry." John Hoge.
" It is impossible for me, without erasing all my unnressions of your character and conduct, to suppose
yon ever advised any Illegal opposition to the excise laws." Alexander Adbison.

X INTRODUCTION.
ored to shelter himself behind Hildreth, from whose History of the
United States he had extracted some of the offensive passages which he had
adopted as his own. The character of Hildreth, as a mere partisan bigot,
is well known : the disparaging manner in which he has spoken of Jeffer
son and Madison, and his idolatry of Alexander Hamilton, who had
doubtless great qualities, but was not a god, have fixed a low estimate on
his political works. It was reserved for Neville Craig to use such expres
sions as these — "Brackenridge was a cold-blooded, calculating villain" —
he was the " worst of scoundrels " — which could not fail to rouse and
justify the most indignant feelings on the part of his descendants and
relatives. If Craig has been handled with severity, it is only the conse
quence of his own malignity.
There is one passage in his book which I cannot refrain from quoting,
as a curiosity. It is a striking instance of that perverted view of per
sons and things, which characterizes his peculiar mind. Here it is :
"Of the leading actors in this insurrection, Brackenridge, Gallatin, Find
ley, Smiley, all foreigners hy birth, all subsequently partook largely of
popular favor ; and Bradford alone, a native horn, the bravest and best
among them, fled to Louisiana, then a Spanish province." Can any one
point out the meaning of this stupid paragraph ? What inference is to be
drawn from the fact, of the four being foreigners by birth ; although in
America long before the Revolutionary war, having fought through it, and
in the case of our father, having come in childhood ? Before the Declara
tion of Independence, all were subjects of Great Britain, and all then
living, according to this, must be regarded as foreigners ! But the most
singular part of this curious intellectual obliquity, is the saying, that
Bradford, " the bravest and best among them, fled to Louisiana, then a
Spanish territory." Is this the evidence of his being the " best and the
bravest " among those who defeated his wicked and foolish attempt to
excite an insurrection and civil war ? It would be an idle waste of words
to pursue such nonsense any further — such perverted notions of patriot
ism and moral worth, are deserving only of a verdict of lunacy.
But is there not a key to this strange laudation of the traitor Brad
ford, " the bravest and the best,of them all ?" We shall see.
Neville Craig declared in his controversy with me, that from his earliest
childhood he had conceived a deadly hatred to " the insurgent Bracken
ridge," ,and a firm conviction of his criminahty — and of course imbibed
from his elders of the " Neville connection." I will always except Col.
Presley Neville, who might have cherished different feelings, under dif
ferent circumstances. This deadly hatred is easily explained by the cir-

INTRODUCTION. XI
cumstance of " the insurgent Brackenridge " having on a certain occasion
compelled one of the connection to bring back, and restore to freedom, a
free colored woman, who had been run off to Kentucky. This led to a
deadly feud, and fierce personal rencontre, and suits were depending in
court at the time of the breaking out of the insurrection. Besides this,
the lawyer, although no abolition fanatic, (as Neville Craig is at present,)
was yet friendly to the scheme of gradual extinction of slavery, while the
" connection," originally from Virginia, and holding lands under Virginia
grants, were the only large slaveholders in the country.
A few days after the destruction of the house of the elder Neville by
the rioters, a numerous meeting was convened at the Mingo creek meet
ing-house, a large majority of which was composed of persons who had
been engaged in the outrage. At the solicitation of Neville the younger,
(Presley Neville,) the " insurgent Brackenridge " attended. Bradford
appeared, and in an inflammatory speech insisted on a vote to "sustain the
hrave fellows who had been engaged in burning Neville's house." This
was defeated by the " insurgent Brackenridge," and which caused the
meeting to break up. Is this a key to the subsequent conduct of Major
Craig ? Surely, that gentleman could not approve, or ever after consim-
ilate with the man who could applaud the treason and the destruction of
his father-in-law's property ? This is not to be supposed. When Brad
ford, a few days after this, employed a half-witted desperado to stop the
post rider, and steal the mail, and deliver it to him — this, certainly, did not
meet the approbation of the Neville connection ! When, again, the same
individual, a few days later, of his own authority, issued circulars to the
commanders of militia regiments, to assemble at the places of annual
rendezvous, where important secrets were to be revealed to them, deeply
affecting their interests and their safety — this, certainly, is no proof that
Bradford was the " bravest and the best." When at that meeting the in
tercepted letters of the Neville connection were produced, and read by
Bradford, and the intention was avowed to march into town, destroy the
houses of the so-called public enemies — this project was again defeated by
the address and management of the "insurgent Brackenridge." K pre
tended banishment of the obnoxious persons, by the town, had been en
acted — a mere tub to the whale — the only thing which could have saved
the lives and property of the proscribed persons, and consequently the
town itself from destruction. Now, is there anything in this to approve
in the conduct of Bradford ? No, certainly. When, afterward, at the
Parkinson's Ferry meeting of the delegates, Bradford brought forward his
treasonable plans for levying war against the government, in which he was

XU , INTRODUCTION.
again baffled by the odious "insurgent Brackenridge," I would ask,
whether such attempt was approved by the " connection," or their repre
sentative, Neville Craig ? Surely no. Yet, according to this historian,
Bradford was the " bravest and the best." When, after the conference of
the commiteee of twelve with the United States Commissioners, they had
an-reed to submit to the government, on the condition of amnesty, and
the "insurgent Brackenridge " repaired, with the report he had drawn up,
to obtain the sanction of the standing committee of sixty, at Brownsville,
Bradford was the only one of the twelve who opposed its adoption, and
again brought forward his treasonable propositions, in which he was again
defeated by the insurgent, who, in the boldest and most unqualifled terms,
denounced the conduct of the rioters, insurgents and traitors, or whatever
else they may be called, — at the same time offering up the last shred of
his popularity on the altar of patriotism. What says the representative
of the " Neville connection " on this head ? Bradford was the " bravest
and the best," and " Brackenridge, a cold-blooded, calculating villain" —
" a deceitful, unprincipled demagogue."
When the army and the government oificials reached the scene of the
recent outrages, their minds had been poisoned by the so-called exiles, and
those who returned with the army ; their rage was directed against those
who had exerted themselves in the most meritorious manner on the side of
the government, during the continuance of the disturbance, and against
none of them more relentlessly than against the "insurgent Bracken
ridge." An inquisition was instituted, and evidence against him sought
from every quarter, the Nevilles acting as prosecutors on this star-cham
ber tribunal. It was not long, however, before Hamilton and his associates
began to open their eyes, and to see into the true motives and the falsity
of the pretended accusation. A trivial circumstance served to cause the
ungenerous persecution to explode like a rotten egg. A fragment of a
letter had been picked up, addressed to Bradford, with the signature of
H. H. Brackenridge appended. It alluded in a mysterious manner to
some papers that were wanting before proceeding in the matter. Accord
ing to the conjecture of the author of the " Incidents," this was done by
Major Craig, in his capacity of notary public — for this was one of his
offices — but he gives it only as conjecture, which he never substitutes for
fact. When the investigation was nearly brought to a close, this ominous
paper was produced by Hamilton, and turning to James Ross, he observed :
" Mr. Ross, you have pledged yourself that there was no correspondence
between Brackenridge and Bradford— what do you say to this  is not this
the handwriting of Brackenridge ? " " It is his handwriting," said Ross,

INTRODUCTION. XlU
" but there is only this small difference in the case — this letter is ad
dressed to William Bradford, (Attorney General, and one of the Commis
sioners,) and not to David Bradford." A profound silence ensued, as if
a rock had fallen— that silence was first broken by Hamilton. " Gentle
men," said he, "we are going too fast — we must stop here." It was but
a day or two after this that the personal conference took place between
him and the intended victim of the " connection."
Now, if the mere circumstance of addressing a letter to Bradford by
the " insurgent Brackenridge," was a ground of suspicion, what shall we
say of the friendly letter addressed to that person by Major Craig, shortly
before Bradford's flight, as a self-convicted traitor, with all the wrongs
done or intended to the " Neville connection " on his head ? Could any
one of the connection correspond with such a man, under any circum
stances, without a disregard of all delicacy or propriety? There can be
no excuse or apology for such an act ; the only clue to it is the deep and
deadly feeling of hatred to the " insurgent Brackenridge." The ostensible
motive for this revolting act, was to learn from Bradford whether the
"insurgent Brackenridge" had manifested hostile feelings to Craig,
personally, especially at Braddock's Field, in the committee of officers,
and had spoken of him in a disrespectful manner. Was there no
other person but the traitor Bradford to whom such inquiry could be ad
dressed ? The truth is too palpable — and sustains the conjecture of the
"Incidents" — that the real design was to make a witness of Bradford
against the supposed insurgent; and knowing his reckless disregard of
truth, it was supposed he would say anything to save himself, through the
powerful influence of the "Neville connection." In this they were dis
appointed ; for, although Bradford, in his reply to Craig, said enough to
gratify hate, yet the main and real object, if the conjecture be correct,
was not attained. Bradford dared not venture on the monstrous and self-
evident falsehood, of implicating the hated enemy of the Nevilles, either
as principal or accessory, in his treasonable designs ! Besides, he began
to fear that his case was so peculiar in its atrocity, that he could not count
with certainty, even with the aid of the most powerful influence, on being
included in the amnesty, which he had opposed, and then signed " on the
day." His case was beyond the power of " mandragon or hellebore."
He, therefore, " fled to Louisiana, then a Spanish province," where he
" shared largely" of royal favor, in grants of land ! I hope I have now
done forever with the " Neville connection" and their representative.
Our father was ever morbidly sensitive to any imputation on his in
tegrity or honor ; knowing this, it becomes especially incumbent on us to

XIV INTRODUCTION.
suffer no stain to rest on his memory. He was ever doing benevolent aets,
and repenting of them when he felt the sting of ingratitude — and yet re
peating them whenever an appeal was made to his philanthropy. Smart
ing under a sense of this injustice, on some occasion during the insur
rection, he uses this language : " I acted on the law of Solon — the wise
^adjust being obliged to take some side, as well as the envious and Tjoiched,
matters were more easily accommodated. But if I were to go through
these scenes again, I would not follow the law of Solon, but leave the
government and the insurgents to settle their difficulties as best they
could." It is very questionable whether he would have been able to re
sist his natural propensity, and remain selfishly neutral, and join—
Aquel cattivo core
Degli angell, que non furou rebelli,
Ne fur fideli a dio, ma por se furon. —
That caitiff crowd
Of the angels, which neither rebelled.
Nor faithful stood — from love of self alone. —

Your affectionate brother,
H. M. BRACKENRIDGE.

WESTERN IISURRECTION.

CHAPTER I.
WESTEEN PENNSTIVANIA  POPULATION  EXCISE LAW — PUBLIC MEETINGS 
ACTS OF VIOLENCE.
The western part of Pennsylvania, lying around the head of the Ohio,
in a radius of more than a hundred miles, and separated on the east by
the Allegheny mountains, and extending to Lake Erie on the north, is
one of the most beautiful portions of America — perhaps of the whole
world. Eighty years ago, its flnely wooded hills, fertile to their sum
mits — its rich and delightful valleys, clothed with primeval forests,
formed a hunter's paradise. At this day, instead of being an uninhabited
wilderness, enlivened by the howl of the wolf or the gleam of the
Indian tomahawk, it teems with an industrious, intelligent and Christian
population, whose cattle feed on a thousand hills, and whose well watered,
cultivated fields, gladden the eye ; while cheerful dwellings on every slope
axe seen glistening in the warm light of its azure skies. It is now filled
with cities, towns and villages, and is not surpassed by any portion of
equal extent in the Union for its mineral, manufacturing and agricultu
ral wealth. It is as lovely a land as ever opened its bosom to the genial
sun. In its picturesque beauties, the lover of nature, the painter, and
the poet, might revel in unsated delight.
Before the Revolutionary war, the possession of this country was often
the subject of bloody contest between England and France — a struggle of
incalculable importance, as it decided the ownership of the vast and
majestic regions of the West. It was here the fame of Washington first
dawned upon his country. * But it was not until the final expulsion of
the French, about the year 1758-9, that any settlement could be attempt-
*" History of Braddock's Expedition," by Winthrop Sargent.

16 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
ed ; and not until 1766, after the peace, or rather truce, made with the
Indians, by Col. Boquet, that any white man ventured to make it his
place of permanent abode. The first settlement was on Redstone creek,
which empties into the Monongahela, forty miles above Pittsburgh; but
under the too well grounded fear of the Indian tomahawk and scalping
knife, which continued almost to the very period of the Insurrection,
while war was still raging on the banks of the Ohio. There was a diffi
culty in their way, on account of the disputed boundary between Virginia
and Pennsylvania ; the former claiming the country in the neighborhoed
of the Monongahela, which rendered the title to land uncertain, although
it had been usual for both governments, for the purpose of encouraging
settlements on the frontier, the outposts of civilization, to recognize
preemption rights in favor of the settlers, previous to issuing warrants,
the first step toward legal title.
In the year 1768, the Proprietory (the Penn family,) had purchased
the country from the Indians as far west as the Ohio and Allegheny rivers.
The country north of the latter river was, and long continued to be
known as^ the "Indian country," while the portion adjacent to the Mo
nongahela continued to be the subject of contention between the two
provinces, until finally settled after the Revolution, by a friendly commis
sion. The office of the Proprietory for the sale of lands was opened in
April, 1769, although the settlements had already commenced. The set
tiers (of Scottish descent,) were chiefiy from the Pennsylvania counties, on
the other side of the mountains, who by degrees extended the frontier,
exposed to the same savage warfare which they and their fathers, on
the eastern side of the Alleghenies, had already experienced, and perhaps
too often provoked. Every man was accustomed to the use of the rifle,
and seldom went abroad without that formidable weapon. They were, in
fact, a warlike race ; besides their Indian wars, they had sent two regi
ments to aid in the cause of independence^ The facility for obtaining
land, was no doubt a great inducement ; but it is certain that the nucleus
of these settlements was composed of an enterprising and intelligent pop
ulation, and who, far from being a lawless people, as we have seen it the
ease in some of our new territories, held the law and constituted author
ities in respect with an almost religious feeling.
The number of very superior men brought on the stage by the Western
Insurrection, cannot fail to excite surprise. The rapid increase of pop
ulation, toward the close of the Revolutionary war, somewhat alloyed the
original character, by the accession of numbers, among whom there was a
proportion of desperate characters ; and although the farmers were orderly

POPULATION, X7
and respectable, many of them possessing considerable landed wealth, yet
there were others, little better than mere squatters, ready to engage in
lawless enterprises at the instigation of a popular leader. The four west
ern counties, at the time of the Western Insurrection, or riots, (Westmore
land, Fayette, Washington and Allegheny,) contained about seventy thou
sand inhabitants, scattered over an extent of country nearly as great as that
of Scotland or Ireland. Except Pittsburgh, which contained about twelve
hundred souls, there were no towns except the few places appointed for hold
ing the courts of justice in each county. There were scarcely any roads,
the population had to find their way as they could through paths or
woods, while the mountains formed a barrier which could only be passed
on foot or on horseback. The only trade with the East, was by pack-
horses ; while the navigation of the Ohio was closed by Indian wars, even
if a market could have been found by descending its current.
The farmers, having no market for their produce, were from necessity
compelled to reduce its bulk by converting their grain into whiskey ; a
horse could carry two kegs of eight gallons each, worth about fifty cents
per gallon on this, and one dollar on the other side of the mountains, while
he returned with a little iron and salt, worth at Pittsburgh, the former
fifteen to twenty cents per pound, the latter five dollars per bushel. The
still was therefore the necessary appendage of every farm,* where the far
mer was able to procure it ; if not, he was compelled to carry his grain to
the more wealthy to be distilled. In fact, some of these distilleries on a
large scale, were friendly to the excise laws, as it rendered the poorer
farmers dependent on them.
Such excise laws had always been unpopular among the small farmers
in Great Britain ; they excited hatred, which they brought with them to
this country, and which may be regarded as hereditary. Scarcely any of
the causes of complaint which led to the revolution, had so strong a hold
on the people of Pennsylvania as the stamp act, an excise regarded as an
oppressive tax on colonial industry. Every attempt of the Colony, or
State, to enforce the excise on home distilled spirits had failed ; and so
fully were the authorities convinced that they could not be enforced, that
the last law on the subject, after remaining a dead letter on the statute
book, was repealed just before the attempt to introduce it under the Federal
* " For these reasons we have found it absolutely necessary to introduce a number
of small distilleries into our settlements, and in every circle of twentj' or thirty
neighbors one of these are generally erected, merely for the accommodation of
such neighborhood, and without any commercial views whatever." — Petition of in
habitants of Westmoreland county, 1790. Pa. Arch., XI. 671.

18 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
financial system, by the Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton.
ffhe inequality of the duty between the farmers on the west and on the
(east side of the mountains, could not fail to strike the most common mind;
/for the rate per gallon on both sides was the same, yet the article on the
west was worth but half of that on the other side. There were, more-
ever, circumstances necessarily attending the collection of the tax revolt
ing to the minds of a free people. Instead of a general assessment, a
license system confined to a few dealers on a large scale, or an indirect tax
on foreign imports, while in the hands of the importers or retailers ; this
tax created a numerous host of petty officers, scattered over the country
as spies on the industry of the people, and practically authorized at almost
any moment toi nflict domiciliary visits on them, to make arbitrary seizures,
and commit other vexatious acts ; the tax was thus brought to bear on al
most each individual cultivator of the soil. Laws which cannot be enforced
but by such means, no matter what may be their object or moral nature,
will always be revolting to the spirit of our people, and be executed with
difficulty, or often evaded, laying the foundation of distrust in the govern
ment, and want of mutual confidence between it and the people, whioh no
fancied or real good can ever compensate. Nothing but the stern mandate
of constitutional obligation can reconcile them to such laws. In this case,
it is an act of duty ; in the others, merely an experiment of expediency,
which ought to be abandoned, when found to be in opposition to the wishes
and feelings of the country — or even of a large portion of its citizens, no
matter how plausible the reasons which sustain them. It is not the in
tention of the writer to discuss the intrinsic merits of the excise laws,
nor to weigh the justice of all the complaints made by the people of the
West against them. Secretary Hamilton, in his Treasury Report of 1792,
has said everything in their favor necessary to form a sound judgment;
and while much of his reasoning is satisfactory, there is also much, es
pecially in what relates to the western counties, which is far from being so.
The first Pennsylvania excise law was passed in 1756,* then under the
province or government of the Penns. A second act was passed in 1772 ;
the object of these was to redeem certain bills for debts incurred by the
government. An exception was made in favor of spirits distilled from the
products of the province, for the use of the owner. During the revolu
tion, 1777, the law was extended, and some new provisions made to render
the collection more effectual. Collectors were appointed for the western
counties, but no attempt was made to collect the duties. It was regarded
* There is mention of excise long before this date, but it appears to mean license
or tax on sale ; except, perhaps, that in Colonial Records, vol. 111-12 : 248-9-50.

EXCISE LAW. 19
as an ignominious service, chiefly owing to the traditionary prejudices of
the Scotch-Irish, as already mentioned, who formed the great body of
the population. The domiciliary visits, the arbitrary seizures, and other
despotic acts, practically authorized,* as already observed, rendered them
practically odious. The violation of the domioil was regarded by the com
mon people with horror ; they were always ready to treat with contempt,
if not to assail with actual violence, those who, for the sake of a little
money, would accept such disreputable employment. About the year
1783, the Council of State became satisfied, from the prevailing odium in
the western country, that no person could be got to accept the office, or if
appointed, would offend their neighbors by an inquiry on the subject of
the duties, or by Searching their premises for that purpose. A certain
Graham, a man of broken fortune, who had kept a publio house in Phila
delphia, was found willing to accept the appointment of Collector General
for the West ; but when he undertook to exercise his office he was treated
with every possible contumely. Being unable to execute the law, he oc
casionally compounded for small sums, which he appropriated to his own
use. The people occasionally amused themselves at his expense, by sing
ing his wig, or putting coals into his boots.
In the year 1784, at the court in Westmoreland, he was besieged in his
room, and kept there all night, alarmed by uncouth noises and terrible
threats. He endeavored to prosecute those who had been outside of the
house ; but on the trial, the persons sworn to by him, proved an alibi, and
the prosecution failed. In the same year an advertisement was posted up,
offering a reward for his scalp ! These vulgar pranks were disapproved by
the respectable part of the people, but it was not in their power to prevent
them. He was obliged to fly to Washington county, but was openly at
tacked, in the neighborhood of Cross creek, by a numbei' of persons in
disguise. After shaving his head, they put him over the Monongahela,
into Westmoreland county, and threatened him with death if he returned.
Twelve of those concerned in the outrage were indicted, convicted and
fined. A justice of the peace, of the name of Craig, accepted the office
after this, and attempted to execute it, with no result, however, but that
of becoming infamous with the populace. It does not appear that the
law was executed in a single instance. Another attempt was made by a
person of the name of Hunter, who made seizures in Pittsburgh in 1790,
and instituted seventy suits against delinquent distillers; in these cases,
the suits were set aside for irregularity. Hunter soon after left the countr y
and resigned his commission.
* Blackstone says these powers are neces.sary .'

.20 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
Such was the state of the public mind when the United States excise
law was enacted in March, 1791. While the bill was before Congress,
the subject was taken up by the State Legislature, then in session, and
resolutions were passed in strong terms against the law, and requesting
the senators and representatives, by a majority of thirty-six to eleven, to
oppose its passage ; the minority voting on the principle that it was im
proper to interfere with the actions of the Federal government, and not
from approval of the law. They objected, also, to the inconsistency of
approving a United States excise law while the State law was still unre
pealed. This had become absolute, but when attention was called to it,
it was at once expunged from the statute book.*
Findley, of Westmoreland, and Smiley, of Fayette, being elected to
Congress, took an active part against the law, and rendered themselves
very odious to the Secretary of the Treasury, who was the father of it, as
a part of his favorite financial system. The individuals before named, on
their return to their constituents, contributed to increase, if anything
could increase, the popular antipathy (not to use a stronger term,) to the
law. " But," observes Mr. Brackenridge in his " Incidents," — " if these
persons had been quiescent, the prejudice among the people was of itself
irresistible. Had they attempted to reconcile them to the law, they would
have instantly lost their popularity. In fact, that popularity depended on
their being with the people, and consulting their prejudices. The mo
ment they opposed the prevailing feelings of the multitude, they would
* The following are the resolutions passed the State Legislature :
" House op Repkeseniatives, June 22d, 1791.
" The Legislature of this commonwealth, ever attentive to the rights of their con
stituents, and conceiving it a duty incumbent on them to express their sentiments
on such matters of a public naturu as in their opinion have a tendency to destroy
their rights, have agreed to the following resolutions :
" Resolved, That any proceeding on the part of the United States, tending to the
collection of revenue by means of excise, established on principles subversive of
peace, liberty and the rights of the citizens, ought to attract the attention of this
house. " Resolved, That no pubhc urgency, within the knowledge or contemplation of
this house, can, in their opinion, warrant the adoption of any species of taxation
which shall violate those rights which are the basis of our government, and which
would exhibit the singular spectacle of a nation resolutely oppressing the oppressed
of others in order to enslave itself.
"Resolved, That these sentiments be communicated to the senators representing
the State of Pennsylvania in the Senate ofthe United States, with a hope that they
will oppose every part of the excise bill now before the Congress, which shall mil
itate against the rights and liberties of the people."

GENERAL NBVIiLE. 21
be politically dead. And it was not enough for them to remain silent;
they were charged in the newspaper with the unpardonable neglect of
suffering, while members of the State Legislature, an excise law to remain
unrepealed on the statute book J To atone for it, they were obliged to re
double their diligence asainst all excise laws." '
Such was the state of things when Gen. Neville accepted the office of
Inspector under the Federal government, for the survey comprehending
the four counties west of the mountains, with Bedford on the east. This
gentleman had been popular, perhaps in part, from falling in with the
common opinions and prejudices as respects the excise laws; certainly
not on account of sustaining them. He was in the State Legislature
when the law was passed. The claim for disinterested patriotism, in
taking the office under the circumstances, was not universally admitted ;
on the contrary, some said that in accepting, he was infiuenced by its
emoluments, which would not have been the case if he had pursued the
course of declining, and then recommending some one of equal respectability
and capacity, and at the same time exerting his influence as a citizen to
aidhim in the execution of its duties. As it was, the course pursued
by him tended greatly to increase the unpopularity of the excise. The
people were indignant at the idea of his having sought their favors, and
then deserting them for the sake, as they believed, of the emolument of
an office, under the law which they detested 1 In fact, this is mentioned/
by Governor Mifflin as one ofthe causes of the insurrection. ~ T
The Secretary of the Treasury, in tracing these causes, laid great stress
on the meetings held, and resolutions adopted by the people, against the
law, but avoiding a reference to those passed by the State Legislature.
Unfortunately he made no discrimination between the peaceful remon
strance and the passage of certain resolutions which he styled " intem
perate." To his mind, they appeared equally factious, and even treason
able. According to this view, all right of remonstrance, or petition, or
legal resistance to oppression, would be taken from the people. It was as
suming the right to think for them, whether they were oppressed or not ;
as if those who feel the oppression are not the best judges of its extent
and severity ! Much of this, on the part of the Secretary, is to be ascri
bed to the imperfect ideas of the rights of the citizens at that day, com
pared with the more enlightened and liberal views which now prevail ;
among which is the unquestioned right freely to censure the conduct of
government agents. It will be proper in this place to pass briefly in re
view the publio meetings and the resolutions passed, so highly censured,
in order that the reader may be enabled to judge for himself as to the
3

22 ' WESTERN INSURRECTION.
soundness of the Secretary's report, drawn as it is, with great ability, and
therefore requiring the more careful scrutiny. The writer does not ap
prove of "violent and intemperate" resolutions, although they be but
words.
'.i The first meeting was at Redstone Old Fort, (Brownsville,) on the 27th
July, 1791, at which Findley, Smiley, Marshall, and a number of the in
habitants were present. Col. Cook was chairman, and Albert Gallatin,
secretary. It was resolved at this meeting, that it be recommended to
the several counties to appoint delegates, at least three for each elective
district, to meet at the seat of justice, and having collected the sense of
the people in each county, from each of these delegates choose three to
form a committee. These were to meet at Pittsburgh, on the first Tuesday
of September, and there draw up and pass resolutions expressing the
sense of their constituents respecting the excise law.*
The meeting at Redstone, it will be perceived, was only preliminary to
that to convene at Pittsburgh. No resolutions were passed relative to the
excise law, and according to Findley, many who attended it were desirous
of reconciling the people to submission. He expresses his surprise that
the Secretary should refer to it as one of the causes of the insurrection.
At the preparatory meeting for the county of Washington, some resolu
tions of a violent character were adopted by way of instructions for the
delegates who were to attend at Pittsburgh. They were modeled after
those passed before the Revolutionary war in relation to the stamp act and
other excises. The la7iguage in which they were couched must be ascri
bed to the individuals who composed the meetings ; it would be unfair to
consider them as emanating from the majority of the people, who were but
partially represented. At the meeting convened at Pittsburgh soon after,
it was resolved to petition for a repeal of the law, but no resolution was
passed which could be considered reprehensible, yet that meeting was par
ticularly charged with having occasioned all the excesses which followed.
Mr. Gallatin was not present, being at that time in Philadelphia.
A second meeting was held in Pittsburgh eleven months after the first,
and may be noted as the last of these meetings which preceded the riots,
which took place two years after, on the occasion of the service of process
on delinquent distillers, compelling them to appear in Philadelphia. The
meeting of 1792 was composed of delegates from Washington, Fayette
and Allegheny counties, but was very far from being a full and complete
*See note to the resolutions passed at this meeting; also the exceptionable
Washington resolutions.

RESOLUTIONS. 23
representation ; they prepared and published a petition for the repeal of
the excise laws, and also adopted resolutions similar to those of Washing
ton county the year before. Such language is highly censurable ; it is
undoubtedly an abuse of the right of remonstrance, even if attended with
ao practical effect, as was the case on the present occasion, that is, excit
ing to no act corresponding to the spirit of the resolutions. It could not
create public opinion — it was the extravagant expression of the excited
state of feeling already existing, and cannot be fairly enumerated among the
causes of the insurrection arising out of that state of feeling. Col. Neville,
the son of the Inspector, when examined as a witness on the trials, being
asked whether the enmity to the excise law was increased by those resolu
tions passed at Pittsburgh, answered : " I do not know that the opposition
was more general afterward than before, but immediately after that meet
ing, revenue officers were treated with disrespect ; before that time some
had been disrespectfully and injuriously treated ; my father before was
always treated with respect." Perhaps the word "disrespect" would
have required explanation. It is more rational so refer any dimunition of
respect for the Inspector, among the people, to his loss of popularity con
sequent on his acceptance of the office. ^
The reader will probably conclude with the writer, that the meetings
on the subject of the excise laws, and the resolutions passed in them, were
not among tho primary causes which led to the insurrection, as set forth
by Secretary Hamilton, but the effect of the unpopular excise laws. The '
resolutions were nothing more than the strong expression of the popular
sentiment, instead of the discontent being the work of " demagogues by
speeches and public meetings." There is a reluctance in the rulers or
public agent to admit that the discontent rises spontaneously among the
people, instead of being manufactured for them — because the contrary
would naturally raise a presumption against tbe former. There is no
doubt that Mr. Gallatin took an active part in some of the meetings con
vened to remonstrate against the excise laws, and to petition for their re
peal, and that he thereby incurred the displeasure of the Secretary of the
Treasury and the Federal party. But he had a right to do what he did in
the exercise of his privilege as a citizen, without inourfing the responsi
bility of actual violation of law afterward committed by others. Who
would dare to remonstrate against an odious law, if the remonstrance
might possibly be followed by unlawful acts of others, who should trans
cend the bounds of that remonstrance ? In this case, there would be
nothing left to the people but silent submission and passive obedience !
Instead of being masters of the government, the government would be

24 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
their master. It is only a matter of astonishment to the writer, that he
finds himself compelled to assert this unquestionable right, in opposition
to the manifest tendency of the doctrine put forth by the Secretary of the
Treasury, and the Federal party of that day. Findley's remarks on this
subject may be quoted with propriety : " On the ground of discretion,"
says he, " these resolutions were censurable, and were in fact heartily dis
approved by many who disliked the excise laws. That they were not con
trary to law, is acknowledged by the Secretary himself, who informs us of
procuring testimony, in order to prosecute the persons who composed the
committees, but he adds, that the Attorney General did not think it action
able ! There is no doubt that it is morally wrong in many cases, to refuse
charity or assistance to any of our fellow-men, when their necessities re
quire it; but these duties being of imperfect obligation, we are only res
ponsible to our own conscience for the proper discharge of them. There
are no doubt persons in society, whose manners are so disagreeable as to
justify us in refusing all fellowship with them ; and where the excise law
is almost universally believed to be unjust and oppressive, men of this >
description will be found pretty readily among the exeise officers. Indeed,
this observation need not be restricted to persons so situated; it corresponds
with the sentiments of the people generally, where excises have been long
established. Their resolutions were, however, censurable on the ground of
policy. They disgusted those members of Congress that would otherwise
have been disposed to have eased, if not fully relieved them, from their
grounds of complaint; and they offended the citizens at large, who had
sympathized with them. In short, they undoubtedly caused less respect
to be paid to their petitions." We may also record in this place, the ob
servations of Mr. Gallatin in his speech on the Western Insurrection : "For
by attempting to render office contemptible, they tended to diminish that
respect for the execution of the laws which is essential to the maintain-
ance of a free government; but whilst I feel regret at the remembrance,
though no hesitation in the open confession of that my only poUtical sin,
.[sustaining the resolutions of the Pittsburgh meeting of 1792,] let me add
that the blame ought to fall where it is deserved."
On the other h*and, the unqualified censure on the part of the Secretary
cannot be sustained. "These meetings," says he, "composed of veiy
infiuential persons, and conducted without moderation or prudence are
justly chargeabh with the excesses which have from time to time' been
comrnmed serving to give consistency to an opposition which has at
length matured to a point that threatens the foundation of the government
.and ihe Umon, unless speedily and effectually subdued." The tenrnTy

RIGHT OP REMONSTRANCE. 25
of the Secretary's doctrine, we repeat, is to prohibit all remonstrance of
any kind against any law or publio measure, under the penalty of being
regarded as responsible for every partial act of violence that may be com
mitted by individuals smarting under a sense of oppression, while the real
cause may be fcmnd in the unwise and unjust acts of the government
itself/Q,o condemn the remonstrance because made without " prudence
and moderation," is to set up a right on the part of the public agents toi
ju^ge of that prudence and moderation ; and it is not improbable that re
monstrance of any kind would be regarded by them as wanting in these
desirable qualities 1 The holding responsible the " influential men " who I
attended the meetings, goes on the idea that the masses take no part in j
them, but as they are acted upon by a few individuals ; a very great mis- 1
take, but very natural in those who hold the people in a low estimate, and i
doubt their capacity for self-government. This was the great error, or
rather " political sin." of the Federal party. Whatever may be the fact
in other countries, we are not willing to admit our incapacity for selfj
government^ But we must allow for political progress ; had Secretary
Hamilton lived to this day, he would not have maintained such doctrines.
The legitimate effect of these remonstrances and petitions, notwith
standing the condemnation of the Secretary, was to produce various
salutary amendments of the excise laws, and which were recommended to
Congress by the Secretary himself; an admission that the complaints, if
intemperate, were not groundless. The last of the public meetings, as
already seen, was in August, 1792, and from that time until the riots of
1794, there was a discontinuance of them, while in fact the law, notwith
standing occasional acts of violence, appeared to be gaining ground in the
favor of the people. The larger distillers, as we have stated, were dis
posed to favor it, as it gave them a kind of monopoly of the business,
compelling the smaller distillers — the farmers — to bring their grain to the
larger distilleries. There was another reason why the more reflecting and
influential citizens were disposed to discourage such meetings ; this was in
consequence of the wild revolutionary spirit which began to show itself
in a certain class, who began to entertain a thousand visionary and im
practicable expectations. Not content with redress of real grievances,
they thought of wild reforms tending to anarchy, such as rendered the
Republicans of France unfit for any government but that of despotism.
These visionaries inveighed against courts of justice, salaries, and in fact,
were at war with all restraints of government whatever. These follies are
the subject of the keen, yet philosophical satire, of Mr. Brackenridge, in
his work styled "Modern Chivalry," published about this period. A sort

26 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
of society, or club, had been established a year or two before the insur
rection, whioh met at the Mingo Creek meeting-house, where political
subjects were discussed, and these disorganizing doctrines asserted by
some. Although the excise laws were not directly assailed in the club,
yet it had the bad effect of lessening the respect for the government
and the laws generally. A Democratic club had been established in the
town of Washington a few months before the insurrection, but it had no
effect in producing that event, notwithstanding the assertion of Hildreth,
whose prejudices, and bigoted relation of these occurences, should be
utterly disregarded.*
Notwithstanding the cessation, during the two years, of those meetings
deemed treasonable by the Secretary of the Treasury, it is to be lamented
that there were five or six unconnected riots, or assaults on collectors, in
different parts of the western country, on account of the excise. Although
of little importance separately, yet when brought together, and spread on
tjjie same page by the Secretary, they assume a formidable appearance ;
and this is ingeniously done to aggravate the case of the insurgents. The
object is to prove a connected and concerted action, and a combination of
the whole people to resist, and even overturn the government, thus doing
them great injustice. So far from these outbreaks being ascribable to
the previous meetings, those meetings had the tendency of repressing all
violent and irregular acts of opposition, by resorting to the legal modes of
redress by remonstrance and petition. It is the opinion of Findley, and
we incline to the same way of thinking, but without attaching any blame
to the Federal administration — " that if the government had shown a very
small portion of that power and energy which afterward became neces
sary, the law could have been enforced by the judiciary, sustained by the
infiuential citizens, and the majority of the people would have acquiesced."
A circuit court of the United States should have gone into the country,
on the first resistance to any officer of the revenue ; or power should have
been given to the State courts, which the people would have respected,
although from fixed prejudice and habit disposed to hate the officers of
the excise. The force of the State, or of the Union, should have been
called out to repress in its infancy the spirit of illegal resistance. But
above all, the real and most crying grievance should have been avoided—
that of carrying persons from their districts or counties, to be taken across
*Hildreth says that a similar society, of which Mr Brackenridge was a member
was also established in Pittsburgh! No such society was established there and
.Mr. Brackenridge never waa a member of such a society anywhere.

TAKING PERSONS OUT OP THEIR DISTRICTS. 27
the mountains, to answer suits or prosecutions for disregard of the excise
law in not entering these stills, or not paying the excise duties, suits
necessarily followed by ruin on account of the expense. A law, such as
we have indicated, had been enacted, to go into operation in the month
of June, 1794, only one month before the outbreak ; but while this law
was under discussion, and only a few days before it was signed, process as
usual was issued returnable to Philadelphia ; and it will appear that the
service of this process was the immediate cause of the riots, which, to use
the words of the Secretary, " threatened the foundations of the govern
ment and the Union."*
Findley ventures the assertion, that it was by design on the part of
Secretary Hamilton that the disaffection of the western people was per
mitted to ripen into open rebellion, in order that he might have an oppor
tunity of practicing on his favorite maxim, that the Federal government
could not be considered as finally established until it proves that it could
maintain itself by physical force ! That he should avail himself of the
unfortunate occurrence for that purpose, is very probable, but the idea of
his creating it with that view is incredible. The assertion simply betrays
the feelings of Findley toward Hamilton. This great man was the leader
of the high-toned section of the Federal party, in opposition to the Demo
cratic, or Republican party, and to the more moderate Federalists under
John Adams. Hamilton and his party wre in favor of a degree of energy,
in the form and action of the government, incompatible with the habits
and genius ofthe Americans, which caused the downfall ofthe Federal party
hastened by the unfortunate sedition and alien laws. It is the Hamilton
party, those who idolize his name, who have incessantly labored to cover
the opposers of the excise law in the West with lasting infamy, and are in
the habit of denouncing them as brigands, rebels, banditti and robbers !
Of this class of historians are Judge Wilkinson, Neville. B. Craig and

* The first ill treatment given to an excise officer under the Federal excise law,
was in Chester county, but the rioters were prosecuted for the riot, convicted and
punished severely by the State courts. Ou that occasion, the foreman told the
Attorney General that lie wai as mucti, or more, opposed to tlie excise law ttian the
rioters, but would not suffer violations of the laws to go unpunished. Findley,
Hist. p. 40. In 1792, Findley, then in Congress, wrote to the President, at the
instance of Gov. Mifflin, and again at that of the Attorney General of the United
States and of the Attorney for the district of Pennsylvania, in relation to the case
of Beer and Kerr ; and in these letters gave the opinion, that if special sessions of
the court were held in the counties, the courts would be protected, and competent
juries found. Findley, p. 273.

28 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
Hildreth, the latter especially— which renders them as authorities on this
subject unsafe.
We will now proceed to detail the cases of illegal opposition to the excise
law, just alluded to. The first was that of Robert Johnston, collector for
Washington and Allegheny counties. After cutting his hair, and tarring
and feathering him, he was compelled to go home on foot. This occurred
at an out-of-the-way place on Pigeon creek, and was the work of a small
number of persons of the lowest class, while there is no proof that it was
countenanced or approved by any reputable person in the neighborhood.
This was the time for the Federal government to have taken active
measures, and by a vigorous pursuit of the offenders in the State courts,
to crush that bad spirit in its birth. Instead of this, an agent was dis
patched to ascertain who were the leading individuals at certain meetings
for the lawful purpose of petition and remonstrance.
Tbe next case is that of Wilson, in another part of the county; a per
son somewhat disordered in intellect, who pretended to be an exciseman,
was shamefully abused in consequence. Not long after, one Roseburg
was tarred and feathered by some disorderly persons for speaking in favor
of the law. In August, 1792, a Captain Faulkner, in whose house an
office for the collection of excise had been opened, was attacked on the
road by a ruffian, and threatened with having his house burnt if he did
not cause the office to be removed ; he accordingly gave public notice that
it was no longer kept there. It would be unfair to consider these uncon
nected occurrences as proofs of the general disposition of the people,
although ingeniously marshaled and magnified for the purpose.
In April, 1793, an armed party attacked the house of Wells, in Fayette
county, but did not find him at home. The attack was repeated in No
vember, and the assailants compelled him to give up his commission and
books, requiring him to publish his resignation in two weeks or have his
house burnt. According to Findley, a much more serious design was con
ceived by a number of persons in disguise, to seize the Inspector himself,
in the town of Washington, where he was expected to be. He had been
apprised of their coming, and did not attend at the office.*
James Kiddo and William Cochran, who had entered their stills, were
first threatened, and then attacked. The still of the latter was destroyed,
his valuable mills materially injured, if not entirely ruined, and he was
obliged to p.ublish in the Pittsburgh Gazette, an account of what had
happened, as a warning to others. An armed party broke into the house
of John Lynn, where an office was kept; after prevailing upon him to
* Findley, p. .50.

OUTRAGES. 29
come down stairs, they tied and threatened to hang him ; cut off his hair,
tarred and feathered, and swore him not to disclose the names of his as
sailants, or permit an excise o^ce to be kept in his house.
In June, 1794, several attacks were made on the office of Wells, who
had opened at the house of Philip Regan, in Westmoreland county, but
they were repulsed by the inmates.
These were doubtless revolting outrages, which cannot be condemned in
language too strong, and ought to have been vigorously prosecuted ; but
it would be unfair to hold the whole population responsible for acts which
were disapproved by the great majority. Occurring in distant localities, in
a thinly inhabited country, it was impossible for the well disposed, if so
inclined, to have united to prevent their perpetration. Even in cities,
where there is a strong police force constantly on foot, we see how diffi
cult it is to prevent the acts of lawless mobs. We might as well hold
every peaceable citizen of the towns responsible for the burglaries and
murders perpetrated within their limits. To say that the general hostility
to the law was the cause of these outrages, is to deny all right of com
plaint, or discontent, or even the expression of conscientious opinion, as
respects any law, however oppressive. The fault is in the Legislature pass
ing laws revolting to the minds of the people, or in the executive branch
in not seeing them executed at every hazard, suppressing at once the first
indications of violent resistance. It is not the intention of the writer to
defend, or even to make an apology for such acts, under any circum
stances ; and especially at this more enlightened period, when the prin
ciples of our representative government are so much better understood.
In holding the scales of justice, it is necessary to poise them evenly and
fairly. Although the constituent reserves to himself the right of remon
strance, it cannot be too often repeated, that he is bound in conscience,
as well as on legal principle, to obey the law, and not oppose its execution.
We go further, and hold, that he is not at liberty even to remain passive,
if he means to do his duty as a good citizen, and has it in his power to aid
in supporting the government.
The apology made by Mr. Brackenridge in his "Incidents," would be
inadmissible at the present day, and goes as far in favor of the Western
people, fifty years ago, as the most liberal view of the case will admit.
" It will be conceded," said he, " that it was difficult for the common
mind of this country to distinguish an attack upon the officer appointed
to carry a law odious to them into execution, from that opposition under
the stamp act of Great Britain, at a more early period. They could see
no difference in the case of John Nevill and Zachariah Hood, the Stamp-
Master General. The law was said to be grievous in both oases ; and that

30 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
was all they knew about it. In the case of the tea duty, also, an opposi
tion by force took place, which is celebrated to this day as amongst the
first acts of patriotism. Could you expect an accurate conception of the
distinction which exists ? These acts being against laws that were void
because they were unconstitutional, and those being against a law, which,
though unequal, is constitutional ? It astonishes them to this day, that
the authors of our revolution from Great Britain, should be celebrated,
and yet talk of hanging those who were doing nothing more than op
posing what was wrong among themselves ! I know, to use the expres
sion of one of them, 'they thought in taking up arms to oppose the excise
laws, they were "doing God a service.' ' The language of humanity then
would be, ' forgive them, for they know not what they do." It is a hard case
to punish when the mind is not criminal. The gradual improvement of
education by public schools may inform the mass of the people, and cor
rect a mistake of principle."
The reader will find that the Western riots, improperly called an insur
rection, were not instigated by hostility to the government of the United
States, nor did they originate merely on account of the excise on whiskey,
but in a more excusable motive the service of process on delinquent dis
tillers, who would in consequence be compelled to attend in Philadelphia,
at the sacrifice of their farms and the ruin of their families. As the
farmers were also the distillers, it was the only mode in which they could
carry the produce of their fields to market. , The taking persons " beyond
seas for trial," is one of the grievances complained of in the Declaration
of Independence, and the idea of trial by the vicinage, is one of the instincts
of Saxon and American liberty. Out of about forty precepts, but one re
mained to be served. The last was unfortunately served during the harvest,
the reapers in the field, under the free indulgence of whiskey, common at
that season. The sudden outbreak, as will be seen, was almost exclusively
confined to the rural population of the vicinage, although like other con
flagrations, there was danger of embracing within it everything combus
tible ; that it did not do this, was due to the wisdom and moderation of
Washington, and to the patriotic exertions of influential individuals, who
remained among tho disaffected until the disturbance was quelled— Jiot
by externa or military force, hu,t hy their own sense of duty. Never was
there greater injustice done to any people, than by the assertion that the
so-called insurrection was put down by an army. Surely that people
must command our respect in a much higher degree, who possess within
themselves the moral energy to restrain their own passions, than those
who have been reduced to obedience by the outward pressure of a military
'force ! ^

THB NEVILLE CONNECTION.

31

NOTES TO CHAPTER I.

" The Xeville Connection." — This ex
pression is used by N. B. Craig, n grand
son of Gen. Neville, in a work entitled
"History of Pittsburgh," but chiefly
laudatory of that "connection." This
consisted of four wealthy families, mon
opolizing publio offices, and closely unit
ed in interest and relationship. The re
flecting mind will readily perceive the
powerful influence that such a combina
tion must possess, in advancing their own
fortunes, or in crushing any single indi
vidual who might be so unfortunate as
to incur their enmity. It would be felt
even in a large community, and much
more in a small village of twelve or fif
teen hundred inhabitants. The public
spirited lawyer who should brave this
enmity, in the defense of the rights of
the citizen, would run no small risk,
especially at that more aristocratic
period of our Republic, half a century
ago. At present, it is the democracy
whioh predominates ; then, it was the
aristocracy whioh ruled. We proceed to
extract from the work of N. B. Craig
his account of the heads of these fami
lies, accompanying it with such remarks
as may be deemed necessary :
" Presley Neville, the only son of
John Neville, (the Inspector,) married
the daughter of Gen. Morgan, and Isaac
Craig married the only sister of Presley.
John Neville, as Judge Wilkinson states,
was a man of great wealth for those
days. He was the descendant of a lad
who at a very early day was kidnapped
in England and brought to Virginia, and
who subsequently accumulated », good
property there. John Neville was a
man of good English education, of plain
blunt maimers, a pleasanf companion.

and the writer well recollects how eager
ly he listened to his well-related anec
dotes, and how by his manner he could
give interest to trifling incidents. He
was born on the head waters of the Ooo-
quan river, Virginia, on the direct road
from Washington's paternal estate to
Winchester and Cumberland, and the
residence of his father is laid down in
Spark's map illustrative of the 'opera
tions in Virginia' during the war of
1754. From this circumstance, proba
bly, it was that he became an early ac
quaintance of Washington, both of whom
were about the same age, and thus
with the ardor of a young man he en
gaged in Braddock's expedition. He
subsequently settled near Winchester,
in Frederick county, where for some
time he held the office of sheriff. Prior
to 1774 he had made large entries and
purchases of lands on Chartiers creek,
then supposed to be iu Virginia, and was
about to remove here when the troubles
began. He was elected in that year a
delegate from Augusta county, that is,
from Pittsburgh, to the Provincial Con
vention of Virginia, which appointed
George Washington, Peyton Randolph,
and others to the first Continental Con
gress, but was prevented by sickness
from attending. Subsequent to the Rev
olution, he was a member of the Su
preme Executive Council of Pennsylva
nia. Presley Neville, his son, was an
accomplished gentleman, having receiv
ed the best education the country could
afford ; was a good classical and French
scholar ; had served throughout the
Revolution, part of the time as aid to
Lafayette. He and his father had to
gether a princely estate on Chartiers

32

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

creek, besides large possessions else
where in Virginia, Ohio and Kentucky.
He had also large expectations from his
father-in-law. But unfortunately for
the comfort of his latter days, his heart
was tenfold larger than his estate and
all his expectations. In recently look
ing over some old letters from him,
written while he was yet in exile, and
while the ashes of his father's destroyed
mansions, and barns, and stables, and
negro huts, were yet warm, I was struck
with the following kind-hearted expres
sion : ' The prisoners arrived yesterday,
'and were, by the ostentation of Gen.
'White, paraded through the different
'parts of the city (Philadelphia). They
'had pieces of paper in their hats to
' distinguish them, and wore the appear-
'ance of wretchedness. I could not
' help being sorry for them, although so
' well acquainted with their conduct.' "
"Major Abraham Kirkpatrick, a
Marylander by birth, a soldier of the
Revolution, as brave a man as drew his
sword in the struggle for independence,
of but ordinary English education, but
of strong native intellect, kind and chiv-
alric, though rather by fits and starts ;
shrewd in argument, and so fond of it
that he would rath-er change sides than
let the discussion cease." This is the
favorable side of his character, as given
by his kinsman ; others spoke of him in
very different terms; but a regard for the
feelings of survivors forbids saying any
thing further.
"Isaac Craig, [the father of N. B.
Craig,] an Irishman, born near Hills
borough, in the county Dover, of repu
table Protestant parents, as certified in
a paper in my possession, emigrated to
Philadelphia in 1767, where he carried
on his trade of housejoiner until the
commencement of the Revolutionary
war. He was then appointed, by the
authorities of Pennsylvania, a CaptE«in

of Marines, and as such in the sloop-of-
war Andrew Doria, Capt. Nicholas Bid
dle, sailed in Commodore Hopkins' squad
ron, along with Paul Jones, Barney and
others, to the Isle of New Providence,
in the West Indies, where they seized,
and brought safely home, a large amount
of arms and munitions of war, then
much needed. Soon after his return he
received an appointment as captain in
Proctor's regiment of artillery, just in
time to be present at the capture of the
Hessians at Trenton. Subsequently he
was in the battle of Princeton, Brandy
wine and Germantown, and ab^ut the
time of Broadhead's expedition up the
Allegheny, accompanied Gen. Sullivan's"
expedition up the Susquehanna against
the hostile tribes of the Six Nations.
He was then ordered to Pittsburgh, which
after the war he made his home. He
was but of common school education, but
having a good mind for mechanics and
mathematics, had in these branches ad
ded largely to his school acquirements,
and was at an early day a member of the
American Philosophical Society."
So far, Mr. Craig ; it is now my turn
to make some remarks on the foregoing.
First, as to Major Craig, his son might
as well have omitted the circumstance of
his being a member of the Philosophical
Society, to which he had so little claim
that it has been incorrectly supposed
that the author of " Modern Chivalry''
had his case in view in that work. As
an individual he bore a respectable char
acter, although clannish, and far from
liberal in his opinions.
As to the letter of Col. Presley Neville,
on the subject of the prisoners marched
through the streets of Philadelphia with
papers in their hats with the word " In
surgent," this would have been bad
enough after conviction, but in the case
of innocent men, as those proved to be,
it was a shocking outrage, whioh can

THE NEVILLE CONNECTION.

83

scarcely be conceived at the present day.
Neville B. Craig is a great stickler for
dates and facts, when they suit his pur
pose, and equally reckless of them, when
they do not. In the newspaper contro
versy between him and the author, he
announced in the most triumphant man
ner that he had detected him in an im
portant error of fact. It was in refer
ence to a contribution of whiskey on
some occasion, which the author men
tioned as otfive barrels, whioh Craig after
minute research discovered was only of
four. But here, in respect to Col. Ne
ville's letter, he has been guilty of a
gross misrepresentation, which he could
not but have /mown to be such. Why did
he not give the date of the letter which
he states he found among the letters of
Col. Neville? The reason is, it would
have shown the fact, that lie was not in
what Craig denominates exile, at the
time of writing that letter. He had
been restored to his home in triumph,
by his father-in-law, and he was then in
Philadelphia as a member of the Legis
lature, and as a witness against the insur
gents. Col. Neville, who was a gentle
man, and possessed of humane feeling,
does not say in that letter that the pris
oners had a hand in the acts of violence
committed, but merely : " I could not
help being sorry for them, although so
well acquain ted with their- conduct. " What
conduct ? It is impossible to extend
this allusion further than to their oppo
sition to the excise law, for two obvious
reasons : first, when brought to trial,
there appeared to be nothing against
them ; and secondly, when Col. Neville
was called upon as a witness, he could
allege nothing against their conduct
which was illegal ! It was reserved for
his unscrupulous nephew to say, that they
had been concerned in destroying the
mansion of General Neville, his stables,
negro huts, &c. Craig is pleased to say,

that "Brackenridge and Findley have
both written apologies for their own con
duct, which have been looked upon as
histories." What apology can be mado
for their treatment of the injured pris
oners, marched on foot over the moun
tains, at an inclement season, driven ig
nominiously through the streets, confin
ed in prison many months, and found at
last to be not only innocent, but meri
torious ? Who were the parties chiefly
concerned in this outrage ? A rigid in
quiry might possibly implicate a portion
of the powerfal " Neville connection."
If it requires an apology for having
labored to induce the people to submit
to the government, and having exerted
themselves as mediators and peacemakers
between them, the histories referred to
are very effectual and unanswerable vin
dications. In doing this, they were
necessarily compelled to implicate oth
ers, who would gladly apologize for their
acts, if the truth of history would permit.
Col. Presley Neville possessed many
estimable qualities. He was incapable
of any mean act, but from the cabalistic
influence of the "Neville connection,"
sometimes witheld his disapprobation of
acts which his better nature condemned.
He had much of the cavalier about him,
and not a little of the false pride attend
ing it; at the same time, he possessed the
lofty feelings which characterize the Vir
ginia gentleman. It is unfortunate that
in his habits he was indolent, was a mere
man of pleasure, having no occupation,
yet by no means addicted to any vice.
He wanted what the French express by
the word charactere. In his early life he
undertook to study law, under my father,
but after six months abandoned it, and
gave as his reason, that the profession
of the law was not an occupation fit for a
gentleman! His mode of living was ex
pensive, never undertaking anything to
render his fine landed estate more pro-

34

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

ductive, or to effect any improvement;
the consequence was, that he was eaten
out of house and home by servants and
retainers, and persons to whom he ex
tended his hospitality, too often mispla
ced. The writer knew him when in his
highest prosperity, and saw him in his
old age, when greatly reduced in his cir
cumstances, and thought him in the lat
ter condition a. wiser and better man
than he had ever been in his most pros
perous state. It was, perhaps, his mis
fortune that he was the inheritor of
wealth. The contrast between him and
the other members of the "connection,"
was very great. Every one esteemed and
admired him, while toward the others a
different feeling prevailed.
His father, although possessed of some
good qualities, such as hospitality, &c.,
was a very different character. He was
cunning, vindictive and selfish. His
grandson has made some eulogistic ex
tracts from a pamphlet published by »
Judge Wilkinson, which we will insert in
this place. Who was this Judge Wilkin
son ? Craig endeavors to leave the im
pression that he was some grave Judicial
functionary, who had lived his neighbor,
and who, therefore, spoke from a personal
knowledge ! He was a boy of five or six
years old when he lived near Neville —
he removed to New York — there grew up,
became a, justice of the peace, was called
Judge, and wrote his pamphlet about the
Western Insurrection! That he was
veiy imperfectly acquainted with the
"Neville connection," will appear from
the following extract from Craig's book:
" His kind heart had not changed in the
half century whioh had elapsed between
the destruction of the property and the
writing his account of it ; but his mem
ory, or his information of the family
relations, was not so faithful as the
kindness of his heart. John Neville was
not the brother-in-law of Gen. Morgan,

nor the father-in-law of Major Kirk
patrick. John Neville and Abraham
Kirkpatrick married sisters of the name
of Oldham, of as sound and true Whig
family as any in the country. " It is high
ly probable that Judge Wilkinson was no
better informed on the other topics on
which he writes. Mr. Craig introduces
several extracts from the work. Here
is one of them: "John Neville a man
" of deserved popularity, was appointed
" collector for Western Pennsylvania ; he
" was one of the few men of great wealth
"who had put his all at hazard in the
"cause of independence. Besides his •
' ' claims as a soldier and a patriot, he
" had contribiited greatly to the relief of
" the suffering soldiers. [How?] If any
"man could have executed this odioits
"law. Gen. Neville was the man. He
"was the brother-in law of the dis-
" tinguished Gen. Morgan, and father-
" in-law to Majors Craig and Kirk-
" Patrick, officers highly respected in
"the western country." It would cer
tainly not be consistent with truth to
place Gen. Neville on a footing with
Carroll or Hancock, with respect to the
risk of fortune ; for NeviUe's fortune,
consisting of recently appropriated
lands, worth at the commencement of
the Revolution a few cents an acre, in
all probability he ran less risk of injury
than he had chance of pecuniary advan
tages by the Revolution. Wilkinson
says in another place : " He accepted the
" appointment (of Inspector) /rom a sense
" of duty to his country. Besides Gen.
"Neville's claims as a soldier and a
"patriot, he had contributed greatly to
"relieve the sufferings of the settlers in
"his vicinity. Se divided his last loaf
' ' with the needy ; and in a season of more
"than ordinary scarcity, as soon as his
"wheat was sufficiently matured to be
" converted into food, he opened his fields
" to those who were suffering with hunger."

THE NEVILLE CONNECTION.

85

This reads very strangely 1 What season
of scarcity does Wilkinson allude to?
The neighbors of Neville were all culti
vators of the soil, where land could be
got for a trifle, and if their crops failed
the General's would have failed also.
The misfortune was, that they had a
surplus for which they had no market,
hence the cause of the excise riots 1 But
in truth, there never was such a thing
as an entire failure of crops in the fruit
ful region round the head of the Ohid ;
it was a thinly inhabited, glorious woody
park, stocked with game of every de
scription ; deer and turkeys could be
had merely for the trouble of shooting
them. As to the patriotism of accepting
a lucrative office, it is absurd to suppose
that NeviUe was more patriotic in accept
ing than any other, unless it be shown
that it involved a sacrifice which no
other competent person was willing to
make. We have seen in the text that
his acceptance was a positive injury to
the cause of the excise, for the reason
that it involved a dereliction of the cause
of the people, who had confided in him
as their representative ; and for the
further reason, that he had been opposed
to excise laws, as well as his neighbors,
who very naturally concluded that he
was actuated in his desertion solely by
the prospect of personal emolument.
Wilkinson's eulogistic notice must be
taken as a rhetorical flourish, very
agreeable to the Nevilles, but not exactly
in conformity with rigid historic truth.
Let all just praise be given, avoiding
exaggeration. As to General Neville
sharing his last loaf, it m£^y be asked on
what occasion was the wealthy Neville
reduced to his last loaf? The writer of
this was born in the neighborhood of
the Nevilles, had much better opportu
nities of personal acquaintance with this
subject than Judge Wilkinson, and never
heard of these marvelous acts. In these

traits of benevolence, the Nevilles were
quite as good, but not superior, to many
of their neighbors, who were equally
humane and publio spirited, but whose
descendants have not thought necessary
to emblazon their charitable acts.
But the Nevilles were regarded in a
different point of view by others, aud
here some extracts will be made from
the '¦ Incidents of the Western Insurrec
tion," leaving the reader to take them
for what they are worth. The author
of the Incidents relates a conversation
between him and one Miller, a farmer
and distiller, in whose field during the
harvest the first outbreak took place,
a narrative so characteristic that it car
ries conviction with it, aud throws much
light on tho causes of the insurrection.
" The Federal sheriff, said he, [the Mar
shal,] was reading the writ, and General
Neville on horseback in the lane, where
he called to the sheriff to make haste. 1
looked up and saw a party of men run
ning across the field, as it were to head
the sheriff. He set ofl' with General Ne
ville, and when they got to the head of
the lane the people fired upon them.
That night it was concluded we should
go on to Neville's and take him and the
marshal. I felt myself mad with pas
sion. I thought two hundred and fifty
doUars would ruin me ; and to have to go
to the Federal court in Philadelphia would
keep me from going to Kentucky this fall
and I was getting ready. I felt my blood
boil at seeing General Neville along to
pilot the sheriff to my very door. He
had been against the excise law as much
as any body. When old Graham, the
excise man, was catched and had his
hair cut off, I heard General Neville him
self say they ought to have cut off the
ears of the old rascal ; and when the
distillers were sued some years ago for
fines, he talked as much against it as
anybody. But he wanted to keep in the

36

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

Assembly then. But whenever he got an
offer of the office himself, he took it. I
am a relation of Kirkpatrick, his mother
and my mother were sisters ; I was
always for General Neville in his elec
tions, and it put me mad to see him
coming to ruin me."
The same writer relates, that in a
conversation with Col. Presley Neville,
he said to him : " It is known that be
fore your father accepted the office you
were consulted, and advised the accept
ance. It is known that appUcation has
been made to you to advise your father
to resign ; you have said no ; would any
of them resign an office of such value ?"
It would be superfluous to say any thing
further respecting the preposterous
claim of exalted pretensions in accept
ing the office. Such a claim might as
well be made in favor of the others of
the "connection,'' on account of the
appointments held by them. Major
Craig was United States Quarter-Master,
a lucrative post, which gave him in
fluence and the command of money —
Major Kirkpatrick was Commissary, and
Col. NeviUe, Brigade Inspector, and mem
ber of the Assembly.
Intemperate Resolutions. — The first of
those resolutions against the United
States excise laws, and which resolutions
were characterized by the Secretary of
the Treasury as intemperate, is as follows :
"At Pittsburgh, the 7th of September,
1791, the following gentlemen appeared
from the counties of Westmoreland, Fay
ette and AUegheny, to take into consider
ation an Act of Congress, laying duties
upon spirits distiUed within the United
States, passed the 3d of March, 1791.
"For Westmoreland county, Nehemiah
Stokely and John Young, Esquires ; for
Washington county. Col. James Marshall,
Rev. David PhiUips and David Bradford,
Esquires; for Fayette coimty, Edward

Cook, Nathaniel Bradly and John Oli-
phant. Esquires; for AUegheny county,
Col. Thomas Morton, John Woods, Esq.
and WUUam Plumer.
" Edward Cook, Esquire, was voted in
the chair, and John Young appointed
Secretary. "Resolved, That having considered the
laws of the late Congress, it is our opinion
that in a very short time hasty strides
have been made to all that is unjust and
oppressive. We note particularly the
exorbitant salaries of officers, the unrea
sonable interest of the pubUo debt, and
the making no discrimination between the
original holders of public securities and
the tranferrees, contrary to the ideas of
natural justice in sanctioning an advan
tage which was not in the contemplation
of the party himself to receive, and con
trary to the municipal law of most na
tions and ours particularly, the carrying
into effect an unconscionable bargain,
where an undue advantage has been ta
ken of the ignorance or necessities of an
other ; and also contrary to the interest
and happines of these States, being sub
versive of industry by common means,
where men seem to make fortunes by
the fortuitous concurrence of circumstan
ces, rather than by economic, virtuous
and useful employment. What is an evil
still greater, the constituting a capital of
nearly eighty millions of dollars in the
hands of a few persons who may influ
ence those occasionally in power to
evade the Constitution. As an instance
of this, already taken place, we note the
act establishing a National Bank on the
doctrine of implication, but more espe
cially, we bear testimony to what is a
base offspring of the funding system, the
excise law of Congress, entitled, 'An Act
laying duties upon distiUed spirits with
in the United States, passed the 3d of
March, 1791.'
"Resolved, That the said law is deser-

INTEMPERATE RESOLUTIONS.

37

vedly obnoxious to the feelings and inter-
.^ests of the people in general, as being
attended with infringements on liberty,
partial in its operations, attended with
great expense in the collection, and lia
ble to much abuse. It operates on n
domestic manufacture, a manufacture not
equal through the States. It is insulting
to the feelings of the people to have their
vessels marked, houses painted and ran
sacked, to be subject to informers gain
ing by the occasional deUnquency of
others. It is a, bad precedent, tending
to introduce the excise laws of Great
Britain, aud of countries where the lib
erty, property, and even the morals of
the people are sported with, to gratify
particular men in their ambitious and
interested measures.
"Resolved, That in the opinion of this
committee the duties imposed by the said
act on spirits distilled from the produce
of the soil of the United States, wiU
eventually discourage agriculture, and a
' manufaetui-e highly beneficial in the pres
ent state of the country. That those
duties which fall heavy, especially upon
the western parts of the United States,
whioh are, for the most part, newly set
tled, and where the aggregate of the
citizens is of the laborious and poorer
class, who have not the means of procur
ing the wines, spirituous liquors, &c.,
imported from foreign countries.
''Resolved, That there appears to be no
substantial difference between a duty on
what is manufactured from the produce
of a country and the produce in its nat
ural state, except, perhaps, that in the
first instance the article is more deserv
ing of the encouragement of wise legisla
tion, as promotive of industry, the popu
lation and strength of the country at
large. The excise on home-made spiritu
ous liquors, affects particularly the rais
ing of grain, especially rye, and there can
be no solid reason for taxing it more

than any other article of the growth of
the United States.
"Resolved, That the foregoing repre
sentations be presented to the Legislature
of the United States.
"Resolved, That the following remon
strance be presented to the Legislature
of Pennsylvania.
"Resolved, That the following address,
together with the whole proceedings of
this committee, which were unanimously
adopted, be printed in the Pittsburgh
Gazette." Signed by order of the committee.
Edward Cook, Chairman.
In August, 1792, another meeting was
held at Pittsburgh, and the following
resolutions were adopted :
"That whereas, some men may be
found amongst us, so far lost to every
sense of virtue, and feelings for the
distresses of their country, as to accept
the office of collector of tha duty.
"Resolved, Therefore, that in future
we will consider such persons as unwor
thy of our friendship, have no intercourse
or dealings with them, withdraw from
them every assistance, withhold all the
comforts of life which depend upon those
duties that as men and fellow citizens
we owe to each, other, and upon all oc
casions treat them with that contempt
they deserve ; and that it be, and it is
hereby most earnestly recommended to
the people at large, to follow the same
line of conduct toward them."
These resolutions, with those adopted
on former occasions, are enumerated by
Secretary Hamilton among the causes
of the insurrection. This was attach
ing too much importance to them, and,
as was stated by Col. Neville, the oppo
sition to the excise law did not seem
greater after their passage thau before
it. The first resolutions, although badly
worded, give a fair expression of the
popular feeling,, and. certainly do not

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

exceed the limits of lawful remonstrance.
The second, two years before the insur
rection, are intemperate, and rather cal
culated to do harm to the authors, than
to injure the government.
Lynn's Case.—Xhe different manner in
which the same occurrence may be rela
ted by different persons, may be seen by
contrasting the account of this affair, as
given by Secretary Hamilton, in his re
port of August, 1794, and that of D.
Carnahan, afterward President of Prince
ton College, who writes from personal
knowledge. The following is the state
ment of the Secretary:
"About midnight on the Gth of June, a,
number of persons, armed and painted
black, broke into the house of John Lynn,
where the office was kept. By prom
ises of safety to himself and his house,
they treacherously got him into their
power, when they seized and tied him,
threatening to hang him. They carried
him to a retired part of the neighboring
woods, and there after cutting off his hair,
and tarring and feathering him, they com
peUed him to swear that he would never
allow his house to be used again as an
office, never again to have any agency
in the excise and never to disclose their
names. After this they bound him
naked to a tree and left him in that situa
tion till the morning, when he succeeded

in extricating himself. Not content with
this, the rioters came again, pulled down
part of his house, and compelled him to
become an exile from his own home."
The other account differs from the
above, as the reader will see. " The
first acts of violence were done to the
deputy inspectors, men generally of low
character, who had very little sensibili-
ty, and who were willing, for the paltry
emolument of the office, to incur the
censure and contempt of their fellow
citizens. These sub-excise men were
seized by thoughtless young men, and
received a coat of tar aud feathers, more
through sport than from deliberate de
sign to -oppose the law. Of several cases
of this kind which occurred, I shall men
tion one, which in part fell under my
notice. About the last of June or first
of July, 1794, John Lynn, a deputy in
spector, residing in Canonsburg, Wash
ington county, was taken from his bed,
carried into the woods and received a
coat of tar and feathers, and he was left
tied to a tree, but so loosely that he could
easily extricate himself. He retui-ned
to his house, and after undergoing an
ablution with grease and soap, and sand
and water, he exhibited himself to the
boys in the academy and others, and
laughed and made sport of the whole
matter." — Carnahan, p. 120.

CHAPTER II.
POPtttAR OUTBREAK  ATTACK ON THB MARSHAL — DESTRUCTION OF NEVILLe'S
HOUSE — ALARM IN PITTSBURGH — ESCAPE OF THE MARSHAL AND INSPECTOR.
Hitherto the opposition to the excise only manifested itself in the
general dissatisfaction with the law, and occasionally in unconnected acts
of resistance and violence by individuals, but within the control of the
ordinary administration of justice. We now enter upon the relation of
those more extensive and serious riots which have been dignified with the
name of " insurrection." After the most careful investigation, and the
lapse of half a century, there has been no evidence adduced that a single
individual had any settled design to make war against the government,
for the purpose of overturning it ; or that the great body of the people had
any other aim in their unpremeditated violence, than to cause a repeal of
what they regarded as an oppressive and unequal law ! It does not even
appear that their ordinary civil magistrates had been prevented from
exercising their functions, or that the judges, justices of the peace and
executive officers throughout the four western counties, had been abso
lutely superseded, even in the case of the exeise law, although for a time
the laws appeared to be silent. ,No people, we repeat, were ever more
habitually, and even religiously, obedient to the law and magistrates than
the people of Western Pennsylvania; and yet they did not consider it
immoral, or treasonable, to resist in every way a particular law by " in
temperate resolutions," and even by direct acts of violence. They had
before them the example of their British ancestors, in Hampden, Crom
well and Pym, and more recently in the patriots of the Revolution, who
encountered the stamp excise by " intemperate resolutions,!' and other
odious measures of the British government, by violence, both open and
disguised. During two years, they carried on a bloody war with the
British sovereign, before taking the revolutionary step of their Declara
tion of Independence. It is true, the cry of treason had been raised
against them ; but were they traitors ? No ; and their enemies were com
pelled to refrain from treating them as such. It is also true that the case
of those whose history I am about to relate, was different from that to

40 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
which I have alluded ; they were living under a government of their own
choice, under a constitution which they had sanctioned, and under laws
made by their own representatives. But let it be remembered that these
establishments were recent ; that old habits and opinions do not change
suddenly, and although the educated and intelligent part of the com
munity understood the difference, the great body of the people had not
yet been trained to the new system and to the new ideas. It is also cer
tain that those in authority had likewise something to learn and correct
in their views of government — especially in their ideas on the subject of
treason and sedition, which they retained as a part of the dross of mon
archy, not yet purged away by the purer workings of republican institu
tions. The law of treason, as laid down by Chief Justice Marshall, on the
trial of Aaron Burr, has completely banished the constructive or implied
offense ; there can be no treason except that which is exactly defined by
the constitution and the laws ; the attempt to overthrow the government
itself, and not the mere opposition to particular laws or publio agents,
although accompanied by mob violence. Notwithstanding one or two
convictions for treason, growing out of the Western riots, yet, according
to the present well established doctrine, there was not a single overt act of
treason committed or proved ; and were the same cases to be tried now, the
more enlightened tribunals of to-day — more enlightened, at least, on this
subject — would not hesitate to declare the prosecutions for treason unwar
ranted. It does not follow, because it is the duty of the historian thus to
discriminate, that he must approve the illegal acts ; but they may be re
duced in degree from treason to high misdemeanor : at the same time that
the motive, or intention, may be weighed by him in estimating the moral
turpitude of the offense. The law constitutionally enacted, until it be
constitutionally repealed, must be obeyed ; to suppose any higher law or
moral obligation, capable of sanctioning disobedience, is nothing short of
anarchy. Major Lenox, the Marshal, (the Federal sheriff, as the officer was
generally called,) arrived in Pittsburgh about the 14th of July, 1794
after having served all but one of the forty writs against delinquent dis
tillers, and without having met the slightest insult or opposition. The
last was against a person of the name of Miller, whose house he passed,
when he might have served the writ if he had thought proper ; but un'
fortunately, before doing this he proceeded to Pittsburgh, probably to
make his report to the Inspector, Gen. Neville. The next day he re-
turned to Miller's in company with this gentleman, but after servin- the
writ, they were followed by a party of armed men, and one gun was fired,

ARRIVAL OF THE MARSHAL. 41
but without effect. It is probable that it was not the intention of the
assailants to injure them ; every one at that time was a marksman, and
seldom went from home without his rifle, with which he could strike off
the head of a squirrel or pheasant at pleasure. This occurrence took place
in the midst of the harvest, which usually brought a number of persons
together in every neighborhood. The time was regarded as a kind of
Saturnalia, when liquor was freely drunk by those who assembled to assist
each other in taking off the grain with the sickle, no speedier method
being then in use. With the blood already heated, it is not surprising that
the additional circumstance just related heightened the exasperation.
July may almost be designated the revolutionary month. It is possible
that if the Marshal had gone alone, such was the habitual deference to the
civil authority, that no opposition would have been made ; but it was a
different matter when accompanied by the excise officer, their own neigh
bor, against whom the country people had become incensed. Neville
was regarded in a different light from the " Federal sheriff." There was
a great contrast between his former professions and his thus piloting the
officer to their forest homes, for the purpose of serving writs which would
lead to the certain ruin of the delinquents. His acceptance of an odious
office, merely for the sake of the emolument, as it was believed, when he
was already the wealthiest man in the West, had not only deprived him
of his former popularity, but rendered him an object of hatred. To this
feeling of the people against the Inspector personally, has been ascribed in
some degree the violence against the law in his neighborhood, where the
insurrection, if it may be so termed, flrst broke out, and to which it was
chiefly confined.
After the occurrence just related, the Marshal returned to Pittsburgh,
and the Inspector to his house in the country, about seven miles from town.
There had been on the same day at the Mingo Creek regimental rendez
vous, not far from the scene of the assault, an assembly of the regiment, in
order to form a select corps of militia, as their quota of the eighty thousand
men required by the act of Congress.* In the evening, when about to
separate, they heard of the service of the writ on Miller by the Marshal,
in company with the Inspector, and of his having been fired upon. A
party was made up, (it does not appear whether it was with the knowledge
of any but those who composed it,) headed by one Holcroft,f (a person
* This is no proof of any premeditated design to overturn the government,
certainly ! See Findley.
f Holcroft was the supposed author of certain pasquinades, under the name of
" Tom the Tinker ;" they were in the nature of warnings to those who entered

42 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
of little note,) consisting of thirty-six others, who went eariy next morning,
July 16th, with arms to the house of General Neville. It seems that
being apprehensive of an attack he had been prepared, having armed his
negroes. The assailing party, on being hailed, answering in a suspicions
manner, were fired on from the house, and at the same time from the
negro quarters ; the party fired in return, but being thus unexpectedly
attacked from the quarters, they retreated, having six wounded, one
mortally.* Whatever might be the causes which produced the popular state of
mind, the Inspector was justifiable in defending his house when attacked ;
but it is questioned whether he was not blamable in being the first to fire,
without being made acquainted with the intentions of the party, and
using every precaution to avoid this lamentable necessity. They were not
Indians, or plunderers, or robbers. Perhaps bloodshed might have been
avoided. But blood being once shed, it was not in the nature of things
for the matter to rest here. Blood had been spilled, and the populace,
without stopping to reason, would be excited to renewed violence. It is
to be remarked, that the mobs formed by the country population differ
from those of towns, where there is always more or less of the materials
of which genuine mobs are composed ; a large proportion of such having
no motive but the love of mischief. On this occasion they were composed
of the rural population, actuated by a sense of real or fancied injuries,
and mixed up with a smaller proportion of the dregs of society. We
may take it for granted, that whatever may be the case with town mobs,
the rising of the country people, especially so thinly scattered as it was in
this quarter, furnishes a strong presumption of an honest, even if it be
a mistaken, sense of injury and oppression. Those who are the primary
cause of such movements, prefer tracing them to the instigation of a few
their stills under the law, that the Tinker woidd pay them a visit to mend, that, is
to destroy them. The soubriquette became conspicuous, but Holcroft himself was
of no importance during the " Whiskey Insurrection."
* " I desired him to give me the particulars of the attack on NeviUe's house the
first day. He did so ; he said they had about thirty-six men with fifteen guns,
six only in order. They found the General just got up ; after some words, he fired
first. It was from the windows. A horn was blowing in the house the time of the
firing. 'Was the door open?' said L 'It was,' said he. 'Why then did you
not rush into the entry?' 'We were afraid,' said he, 'that he had a swivel or
a big gun there.' 'The negroes,' continued MiUer, 'by this time fired out of
their cabins upon our backs, and shot several ; and we got off as weU as we could.' ' .
— Incidents, I. 122, MUler's statement to Mr. Brackenridge.

V
ASSEMBLAGE AT COUCHE'S FORT. 43
designing demagogues, imposing on the simplicity of the people, instead
of ascribing them to their own unwise and unjust measures.
The " intemperate resolutions," to ¦(^hich so much evil was ascribed, as
already remarked, were not the causes of the popular excitement, but the
effect. That excitement existed before, and the expression of it might
even serve as a safety valve, to lessen its intensity. If no serious discon
tent existed, the mere passage of the resolutions would be insufficient to
produce it, although no doubt they would help to fan the fiame.
It is stated by Mr. Brackenridge,* that toward the middle of the
next day, the Inspector, Col. Presley Neville, who resided in the town,
had received a letter from his father, in the country, informing him that
a large number were said to be collecting at a place known by the name
of Couche's Fort, about four miles distant from his house. The son ex
pressed to him his apprehensions for the situation of his father, and on
asking Col. Neville what he supposed to be the object of their assem
blage, he answered that it was to require his father to deliver his commis
sion. " Deliver it, then," said IMr. Brackenridge ; but this was answered
by a peremptory negative. The reason given for this advice was "to put
by the storm for the present, until the civil authority could interpose,
and bring to account individually those who had disturbed the peace.
If the mob who had burned the house of Lord Mansfield, in the riot in
London, could have been put off by a delivery of his commission, it is
presumed that he would have delivered up the parchment, as another
could have been prepared." In a community almost purely democratic,
where there was no military force to compel obedience, the people them
selves, who constituted the mob, being the only force to apply to, it was
useless for the few and unarmed to resist. It is possible that a sufficient
number of the friends of the Inspector, and those disposed to encounter
the risk, might have been collected to attempt a defense, which would
have cost many lives : but from the overwhelming numbers opposed to
them with increased exasperation, they would ultimately be subdued.
By thus giving way to them, the attempt might afterward be made to
bring them to justice by means of constables, sheriffs and judges. At
least, this temporary yielding to the storm could not make it any worse,
and might have been successful, which the other could not be ; and
when left to themselves, the people, many by their own reflections, would
come to see the impropriety of their conduct. In arbitrary, despotic
governments, the favorite, and almost only method pursued, is that of
* Incidents, p. 6.

44 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
dragooning people into submission,* and at the same time of considering
every popular expression of dissatisfaction with their rulers as treasona
ble, or at least seditious. Mr. Brackenridge, afterward so conspicuous
in these unfortunate transactions, had hitherto taken no active part for
or against the excise laws, although entertaining the common opinion,
and whioh had been held by the Neville's themselves previous to their
taking office. He had not attended the meeting, which two years before
had passed the "intemperate resolutions," whioh according to the Secre
tary of the Treasury, had sown the seeds of the insurrection. He had,
however, appeared professionally for some of the defendants in court, and
was naturally supposed to be identified in feeling with the people, and
erroneously expected to go to all lengths. He was also popular, at the
head of the Western Bar, and at this time, a candidate for Congress.
These circumstances rendered his actions liable to misconception, and af
forded an opportunity to his enemies, to misrepresent it. Col. Presley
Neville, (son of the Inspector,) with but Httle energy of character,
although possessing many fine qualities^ appears to have had a large share
of that cavalier pride, which does not know how to yield until it is too late.
This was the misfortune of greater men, on more important occasions.
In the afternoon of the same day, the 17th, Gen. Wilkins, Brigadier
General of the militia, called on Mr. Brackenridge, and informed him
that a demand had been made by Col. Neville, in the name of his father,
on Major General Gibson and himself, to call out the militia, to suppress
the threatened riot, and requesting his opinion as a lawyer as to the
power under the law to comply with his request. Mr. Brackenridge
thought the power to call out the military rested in the Governor, by con
struction of the clause in the constitution, which makes it his duty "to
see that the laws are faithfully executed." Gen. Wilkins shortly after
returned, and stated that Col. Neville had applied to him and General
Gibson, as judges of the court, to raise the posse comitatus, and again
*While this is very true of the arbitrary and despotic ruler, it is equally true of
the mob; as the following anecdote related by Mr. Brackenridge wiU show "I
knew a man nearly related to me, (his brother, John Brackenridge,) on Brushy run
in Washington county, who, having no gun, sat two nights in his cabin, with his
axe in his hand, to defend himself against his captain, of the name of Sharp, who
had threatened his life for not going to the burning of NevUle's house, agreeable
ir^r' ff:' "° *^' "'"''' '" ^° '" ^^-^'^^-^'^ Field, and appeared
there with a crooked horn by his side, but had no powder in it. He saw as he
went along the tomahawk drawn over the heads of men, at their breakf^t o
dmner, and obliged to march."-Iucidents, II. p. 64.

THB POSSE NOT AVAILABLE. 45
requested legal information.* He was told by Mr. Brackenridge that
this was a power which belonged to the sheriff, and he suggested that he
should be called upon. The sheriff and judges, shortly after, met at a
public house, and sent a request to the lawyer to attend them for the
purpose of consulting as to the law, the sheriff having doubted his au
thority. The power of the sheriff was fully explained ; but although con
vinced that he possessed the power, he was of the opinion, that in the
situation of the country it was impracticable. The mob itself was the
posse, at least out of the town, and even if every man capable of bearing
arms, in town, could be assembled, it would be greatly outnumbered ; and
besides, the fear of bringing the country upon them, would prevent them
from going ; and it was possible that some of them being connected in
the country, sympathized with the rioters. It was then admitted on all
hands, that neither the militia nor the posse were available. The United
States soldiers at the garrison were not thought of; for besides their
being too few in numbers, they could not be legally called out to aid the
civil authority, at the pleasure of the commanding officer. Mr. Bracken
ridge, seeing these difficulties, proposed that the judges and sheriff, him
self accompanying them, should go to the assemblage of the people, and
try the effect of persuasion, as force in opposition to them was now evidently
out of the question.
Having hastily mounted their horses, they proceeded to cross the river,
on their way. At the ferry they fell in with Col. Neville, Marshal Lenox,
and a young man of the name of Ormsby. Mr. Brackenridge relates that
these three persons were armed, which he considered imprudent, and ad
dressing himself to the young man, with whose family he was on terms of
friendship, said : "What! armed!" "Yes," said he. " You will not
ride with us armed." " You may go as you please," said Ormsby, " we
will go armed." Col. Neville, who' was mounted on a gay horse, with
pistols in holsters, spoke : " We are not all born orators ; we are going to
fight, you to speak." " I thought him a better chevalier than a judge of
the occasion," observes Mr. Brackenridge. The sequel proved this ob
servation to be correct. The parties took different roads and separated —
Neville's party taking the direct course to his father's house, the other
pursuing the less frequented road to Couche's Port, where they expected to
find the persons who had collected with the intention of attacking the house
of the Inspector. On their way they found the harvest fields deserted by
* In Pennsylvania, the district or presiding judge, is assisted by two asso
ciates, who are not required to be lawyers by profession — usuaUy some private
citizen of standing and character.

46 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
the men, and only women were to be seen. On coming within half a mile
of the place they received information that the main body had marched for
Neville's house. They set out with haste to overtake them, but when
within a mile and a half of Neville's they learned that all was over ; that
the house had been burned, and that the people were returning, in a great
rage at the loss of their leader, M'Farlane. It was thought not advisable
to go further in the present state of things, nor safe to remain, lest [their
coming might be misconstrued ; it was then agreed by all to return to
Pittsburgh. Mr. Brackenridge had proposed to proceed alone to the house,
but the proposition was not well received ; it was thought that all should
go or none.*
With respect to Neville's party, they had arrived at the outguard, (for
it seems that a guard had been posted on the road in military style,) about
the time the firing on the house commenced. Neville, on his flrst ad
vance to the guard, cried out, " If there is a gentleman amongst you, let
him come out and speak to me." This quixotic speech might have been
fatal to him, as it was an offense to all, and several raised their pieces to
fire, when, with some presence of mind and changing the tone of his voice,
he cried out that he was not armed, which he might say, as he had not
yet drawn his pistols from the holsters. He and his companions were made
prisoners, and put under guard. Neville insisted much on being permit
ted to go forward, and would engage that any demand short of life should
be complied with. In a short time he was compelled to witness the agoniz
ing spectacle of the house in flames, uncertain of the fate of his father and
family, or whether they were in the house or not. When the rioters were
about to disperse, Neville and the Marshal were in great personal danger;
some of the rioters having by this time become intoxicated. Young
Ormsby, being known to many of them, was treated with some indignity
and rudeness. ,The Marshal also, after some time, having stipulated to
serve no more process west of the mountains, and to surrender himself
when demanded, Neville becoming his sponsor — they were both permitted
to go. They had demanded of the Marshal that he would engage not to
return the process already served ; this with a flrmness which commanded
respect, he refused to accede to, alleging that in complying with it he
would violate his oath of office. The Marshal, after leaving the main
body, was again taken by an out-party, many of them intoxicated, and
* He has been censured for not going to the house ; but no reason is given why
it was more incumbent on him to go than on the others whom he accompanied!
It was less so, because he had no official duty to require his going. If he had gone
he would probably have been accused of having an understanding with the rioters

ATTACK ON NEVILLE'S POUSE. 47
carried toward Couche's Fort, to which they were returning. His life was
in danger. For some time he was in charge of James M'Alister, who
had rescued him from great peril, but had given his word to the more
violent, not to suffer him to escape. After some time M'Alister surren
dered him to Col. David PhiUips, who advanced some distance before the
crowd, and was entreated by the Marshal to suffer him to escape. Phillips
told him that his own life would answer for it. He was at last, just as
they approached the main body with the corpse of M'Farlane, prevailed
npon to show him a road in a certain direction, and suffer him to escape.
He got in the main road toward Pittsburgh, and about two o'clock in the
morning came to town.
We will now return to the assemblage at Couche's Fort on the 17th of
July, and give some account of the proceedings. The habit of the Anglo-
Saxon, especially of the American branch, of acting where numbers are
engaged, under some kind of organization, civil or military, was displayed
on this occasion. The assemblage was a part of Hamilton's regiment, and
they came under the command of their officers, none of whom, except the
Colonel, dared to refuse to lead their companies, however much against
their inclination ; and many probably shared in the inflamed state of the
public mind, while others accompanied their men in the hope of being
able to restrain them from acts of violence. The greater number of the
privates were farmers and their sons ; although there were others, such
as are always to be found on such occasions, of a less scrupulous character.
A venerable and aged clergyman, Mr. Clark, who attended the meeting,
addressed them and used, to no purpose, every argument to dissuade them
from their designs. Those whom he addressed were, with few exceptions,
emigrants or their descendants from the North of Ireland, from the mili
tary colonies established after the natives had been expelled. They con
stituted also a large proportion of the population of the midland counties
of the State, especially of Franklin and Cumberland ; they are a religious,
as well as a warlike race, qualities inherited from their ancestors, as well
ae their dislike to excises and exeise officers. The names of the M'Far-
lanes, the Crawfords, the Hamiltons, the Bradys, the Butlers and the
Calhouns, show their origin. Although strict Presbyterians, and usually
obedient to their clergy, they neither considered it immoral nor unpatri
otic, to oppose the execution of a bad law. The earnest admonitions of the
venerable clergyman were disregarded. They thought him in his dotage ;
or as having skill in spiritual affairs, but not in the temporal interests of
the country. It is barely possible that if the party of Mr. Brackenridge
had arrived in time, the advice of a lawyer in whom they placed confi-

48 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
dence, representing the unlawfulness of what they were about, and the
probable consequences, and this backed by the friendly representations of
the judges and sheriff, might have had better success. Many among the
leaders would no doubt have been glad of an excuse to drop the undertak
ing; but this, although deserving an experiment, is uncertain. It is
most likely that their passions had been too much inflamed to think of a
retreat ; and those in favor of it, especially after having contributed to the
excitement, would be afraid to propose such a thing. There was also a
hope among the more reasonable that Neville, seeing the formidable force
before his house, and the utter uselessness of resistance, would have given
up the papers which they had come to demand, and the destruction of
property and loss of life might thus be prevented. But for the imprudence
of those left in defense of the house, this would have been the case. The
number is supposed to have been about flve hundred, mostly armed. The
first act was to appoint a committee like those of the National Commission
ers of the French. This committee offered the command to Benjamin
Parkinson, who excused himself as not having military knowledge. James
M'Farlane was then nominated, and he agreed to accept. He was a
major of militia, and had served with reputation as a lieutenant in the
war with Great Britain, from the beginning to the end of it ; was a man
of good private character, and had acquired a very handsome property in
trade after the close of the war.
The body having marched and approached the house, the horses were
left under a guard, and arrangements made for an attack, should it be
necessary. It seems that, in the mean time, those in the house were
prepared. Early in the morning, having marched before day, Major Kirk
patrick had arrived with eleven soldiers, obtained from the commandant
of the United States garrison, a circumstance unknown to the assailants
as well as to the civil officers before mentioned ; in fact, to all but the
Nevilles and the commanding officer of the garrison. A flag was sent from
the committee to demand the delivery of the Inspector's commission and
official papers, a practice for which there were precedents previous to the
Revolutionary war in the case of the stamp excise. From the withdrawal
of the Inspector, it would appear that he did not count on being able to
defend the house against the overwhelming force coming against him.
It is asked, why not give orders not to attempt a defense ? It has been
conjectured that he did ; but his brother-in-law, Kirkpatrick, being a
mere soldier, judged less prudently, and determined to make the attempt.
On the return of the flag, it being communicated that the Inspector had
left the house, a second flag was sent, and a demand made that six per-

ATTACK ON NEVILLE'S HOUSE. 49
sons should be permitted to search for his papers, and take them. This
was refused ; and notice was then given by a third flag for the wife of the
Inspector and any other female of the family to withdraw ;* they accord
ingly did, and the attack commenced. About fifteen minutes after the
commencement, a flag was presented from the house, upon which M'Far-
land, stepping from a tree behind whioh he had stood, and commanding a
cessation of firing, received a ball near the groin, and almost instantly
expired. f The firing then continued, and a message was sent to the
committee, who were sitting at some distance, to know whether the house
should be stormed ; but in the meanwhile fire had been set to a barn and
to other buildings adjoining the mansion house, and in a short time the
intenseness of the heat and the evident communicability of the fiame to
the house compelled those within to call for quarter ; on which the firing
ceased, and they were desired to come out and surrender themselves. The
soldiers, three of whom were said to be wounded, were suffered to pass by,
and go where they pleased. Major Kirkpatrick had nearly passed, when
he was distinguished from the soldiers, and ordered to deliver his musket,
which he refused ; when one presenting a gun to his breast, he dropped
on his knee and asked for quarter.
The buildings were all consumed, excepting a small out-house, over
which a guard was placed on being informed by the negroes that it con
tained their bacon. When the house was in flames the cellar was broken
open, the liquors rolled out and drank. Kirkpatrick, after being carried
some distance under guard, was taken by David Hamilton behind him on
horseback ; when, thinking himself protected, he began to answer those
who came up occasionally with indignant language, when Hamilton said
to him, " You see I am endeavoring to save you at the risk of my own
safety, and yet you are making it still more dangerous for me." On this,
he was silent ; and being carried some distance further by Hamilton, he
was advised to make his escape, which he did.
*The author has heard it related as a common rumor, that the ladies had with
drawn, and that, after this notification, the Inspector, who was still in the house
escaped in female attire on a horse with a side-saddle, brought to the door !
f The following epitaph was lately copied from the tombstone in the Mingo
Creek graveyard :
" Here lies the body of Captain James M'Farlane, of Washington county, Pa.,
who departed this life the 17th of July, 1794, aged 43 years.
" He served during the war with undaunted courage iu defense of American
independence, against the lawless and despotic encroachments of Great Britain.
He fell at last by the hands of an unprincipled villain, in the support of what he
supposed to be the rights of his country, much lamented by a numerous and re
spectable circle of acquaintance.''

50 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
Notwithstanding the rolling out the liquors and drinking them, there is
not to be found in the history of riots an instance of greater forbearance
and less of savage ferocity. So much the historian owes to truth, while
he condemns the folly and madness and the guilt of the outrage. It has
no parallel with the revolutionary measures practiced about the same
period by the savage peasantry of France, or more brutal mob of Paris.
Although enraged by the fall of their favorite leader, whom they believed
to have been a victim to treachery, they showed no disposition for cruel
or vindictive retaliation. It is deemed of sufficient importance by Findley
to contradict the assertion of the Secretary of the Treasury, who states
that when the committee demanded the Inspector's papers, they were
answered that they might send persons to search the house, and take away
whatever papers they might find pertaining to his office. But not satisfied
with this, they insisted unconditionally that the armed men who were
in the house for its defense, should march out and ground their arms,
which Major Kirkpatrick peremptorily refused ; and that this put an end
to the parley. Findley asserts, and correctly, that this is unsupported
by the testimony taken on oath in the Circuit Court, and is entirely with
out foundation. It is certainly at variance with the fact that the assail
ants had no knowledge that Kirkpatrick was in the house with the United
States soldiers; and it is also at variance with the account of Mr. Brack
enridge. Allowance is to be made for the statement of the Secretary,
who was endeavoring to make out a case of open rebellion, in the attack
on a regular garrison of the United States ; otherwise, it could be consid
ered nothing more than a riot on the part of the assailants. The illegal
employment of soldiers would not be so lightly passed over at the present
day ; perhaps the coloring attempted to be given to the affair was intended
as an excuse for employing them.
This unfortunate occurrence took place only three days after the first
assault on the Inspector and the Marshal, when serving the writ on Miller,
which was succeeded by the abortive attempt on the house. It may be
regarded as another scene of the same act — a continuation of the same
offense, confined to a small portion of the western country, and to the
immediate neighbors of Gen. Neville ; for it does not appear that a single
person residing in Pittsburgh was accused of taking part in it. If Col.
Neville had been so fortunate as to have reached the house in time, there
is a probability that the papers would have been given up, and the mob
would have dispersed; but the matter was left to a soldier who knew
nothing but to fight. If those papers had been surrendered, the insur-
rection would probably have extended no further, and would have ended
where it first broke out, as there would have been no destruction of prop-

ATTACK ON NEVILLE'S HOUSE. 51
erty or loss of life to incite to further and more violent measures of
desperation. The loss of private property was considerable, but afterward made
good, it is believed, by an act of Congress.* An advertisement was about
this time inserted in the newspapers by Presley Neville, calculated to give
much offense. It related to some government certificates of funded debt,
which were said to be stolen, and warned the public against any forged
transfers, &c. These certificates being registered, were neither lost to
the owners, nor could they be available to any one else. Those who had
been engaged in the destruction of the house were not thieves or robbers,
although violators of the law. It was regarded as an unnecessary display
of contempt for the people, and tended to increase the unpopularity of
the Neville connection, which consisted of four influential and wealthy
families, all enjoying offices and the favor of the government, and hitherto
the favor of the people, who were thus unnecessarily provoked. The
Nevilles had been injured, it is true, but they had in some measure
brought it on themselves by their own acts. They had lost property,
at least for the present, but they were regarded as the cause of shedding
the blood of their fellow citizens, whether blamably or not, is a question
about which there may be a difference of opinion. -j-
The day after the destruction of the house of the Inspector, David
Hamilton, a justice of the peace, and accompanied by John Black, came
to Pittsburgh, with an authority from the committee to demand of the
Marshal the surrender of the writs which had been served, agreeably to
his engagement, as they said, and for which Col. Neville had become
sponsor. A conference took place, and it was denied on the part of the
Marshal and Neville, that there had been any engagement, except not to
make any service. It was understood otherwise on the part of Hamilton,
who thought it of little importance to make no further service, as it could
be of no use to those on whom the process had been already served. This
led to the question, whether the Marshal was bound to return, and what
would be the effect of the return? Whether judgment could be taken
*Act 5th February, 1795, 6th vol. U. S. at large, p. 20 — " entitled an act to pro
vide some present relief for the officers of government, and other citizens, who
have suffered in their property by the insurgents of Western Pennsylvania."
f They certainly possessed the right of self-defense, but their previous conduct
as respects the excise, and their relation to the people, must be taken into view be
fore we pronounce them entirely blameless. If, according to Alexander Hamilton, the
mere opposition to the law led to the insurrection, then the NeviUes must share the
censure with their neighbors, for they had been equally opposed to it before their
appointment to office.

62 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
which would bind the lands here so that they could be sold in
Philadelphia ?
The Marshal conceived it to be only an initiatory process, on which
final order could not be taken ; and that there must be another writ, and
service of it, before judgment. Mr. Brackenridge was again consulted,
and gave an opinion at the instance of the Marshal and Neville, which
was to the effect that the process was similar to the subpoena in chancery,
which must be first served before issuing the attachment ; and that no
judgment could be entered without another writ, the present process being
merely a summons to show cause. Copies of this opinion were given to
Hamilton, who thought that this would not satisfy the committee ; that if
the people had known that the Marshal was bound to return the writs, he
doubted much if he ever would have got off the ground ! The officer, on
being informed of this, was convinced of the danger of his situation ; it
was impossible for him to satisfy the people, and extremely difficult to
leave the country, the public roads, it was supposed, being completely
guarded. In leaving the country, under these circumstances, Neville
would be exposed to their vengeance, as he had become responsible for
him. Mr. Brackenridge, from a willingness to serve Neville, proposed to
proceed in person to the committee, and endeavor to convince them that
there was nothing to fear from the return of the writs, and at the same time
offer his services to go to Philadelphia for them. It was understood that
the committee was sitting at Shockan's tavern, four miles from Pittsburgh,
and the idea had been held out by Hamilton and Black, that there was
a large body of men in that vicinity. This was done for their own safety,
as they were not without apprehensions of being arrested in town. This
circumstance shows the state of feeling between it and the country. Mr.
Brackenridge, however, required that he should be accompanied by one
or two more persons, feeling the delicacy of communicating with the
rioters, unless in the presence of witnesses. Several offered to accompany
him, who afterward made their excuses; but a person of the name of
Johnston, who had been a deputy collector, and was a tenant of Neville,
declaring his wiUingness to go, they set out in company. On their way
Hamilton informed Mr. Brackenridge that he had, agreeably to the orders
given him, demanded of the Inspector a resignation of his commission ;
that the two Nevilles had agreed to the resignation, and had written
something to that effect, but it appearing to be merely conditional, it was
rejected by him. He was apprehensive that the consequence would be
bad; that there would be no restraining the people from coming to Pitts
burgh to take him; that he was apprehensive, also, that they would demand

ESCAPE OP THE MARSHAL. 63
the Marshal, or, at least, detain him a prisoner, to prevent his returning
the writs. Such was the strange inconsistency of setting the government
at defiance, and yet fearing the return of the legal process ! Hamilton
declared that it was to prevent mischief that he had proposed coming to
Pittsburgh ; that the people assembled at the interment of M'Farlane were
in a violent rage, and proposed marching to the town to take the Marshal
and Inspector. He declared, with respect to the former, that it was better
that one man should die than so many persons, with their families, should
lose their plantations. He further expressed the opinion, that on that
day there would not be an excise office standing in the survey.
It is important to note the language of desperation, to show the state of
mind to which the people had been wrought up, in consequence of their
supposed grievances, and the recent acts of violence. It was the spon
taneous working of their feelings, not the effect of the traitorous arts of
demagogues, for the purpose of gratifying their wicked designs against the
government, as has been so frequently represented by the Secretary of the
Treasury and the supporters of the administration. Those who most un
qualifiedly denounced the insurgents could not admit this fact without, at
the same time, admitting that there was cause for complaint, although
manifested in this short-sighted and unlawful mode.
It was ascertained by the party on the way that there was no committee
in session nearer than the place of interment of M'Farlane. They pro
ceeded to the house of the deputy Johnston, who made out and delivered
in writing to Hamilton, his resignation as deputy collector, and which
was afterward published in the Pittsburgh Gazette.* The next day the
party, accompanied by the deputy, went to look for the body pf a person
who, it was supposed, had been killed at the time of the attack by the
party under Holcroft, but it was not found until some days afterward, by
the negroes, by whom it was buried. Hamilton and Black solicited Mr.
Brackenridge to accompany them to the committee, but he excused him
self. In fact, it was necessary for him to use the utmost caution in being
seen among the rioters, without having some one with him to testify to
his conduct.
During the same afternoon, while a violent storm of wind prevailed on
the river, the Marshal and the Inspector took their departure in a boat to
descend the Ohio, intending to effect their escape through the western
* " Finding the opposition to the revenue law more violent than I expected ; re
gretting the mischief that has been done, and may, from the continuance of meas
ures ; seeing the opposition changed from a disguised rabble to a respectable party,
I think it my duty, and do resign my commission. Robert Johnston."
6

64

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

part of "Virginia, and which they accomplished. There had been a ttilnor
the day before that a large party was on its way to pull down the Inspec
tor's office in Pittsburgh, and it was feared they would proceed to other
enormities. It was the cry of the inhabitants, that rather than provoke
the country, and bring an infuriated people upon them, it would be best
to pull down the office themselves ! The evening of the arrival of Ham
ilton and Black, the account of two having come was swelled to two hun
dred, and it was said there were a thousand on the hill on the other side
of the river. The people were gazing everywhere ; every one thought he
saw some, and of course dressed in hunting shirts, the usual garb of
riflemen. Application was made to the two men, stating particularly that
the females of the Neville family were uneasy, and requesting one of them
to cross the river and ascertain the truth. Black went over, and returned
with the information that there were none there, or that they had dis
persed. Major Craig, the son-in-law of the Inspector, after the departure
of the Marshal, took down the paper on the Inspector's office, and called
a gentleman to witness (Mr. Lang, of Brownsville), that it was down.
He also offered the fragments to that gentleman, to bear to the country to
convince them of the fact !

NOTES TO CHAPTER II.

The author of the "Incidents
"From the town the people could not
have been commanded. Many of them
had connections in the country, and
would not su"bmit to an order to take up
arms against them. Besides, they had
themselves a good deal of the same
spirit of opposition to the laws ; not so
much from any consideration of the law,
or its effects, but because it was patriotic
and fashionable language. Others, as is
natural, wished for something new ; and
would rather have joined them thau
fought against them. It is a fact, that
some influential men and commanders in
the militia, were heard to say that day,
that if they were ordered out, and were
to fight at aU, it would be with the
people. Thus the cause of the people
and that of the government, were thought
to be different things."

Notwithstanding the feelings above
described, which would induce a large
proportion to be passive, or even to give
their sympathies to the country people,
the majority were silently in favor of
"law and order." The author continues!
" But even with the best disposition
in the town of Pittsburgh, a concern for
their general interest, as mechanics and
shopkeepers, would render them reluc
tant to enter into a contest with the
country, whence a great part of their
custom came ; and a, concern for their
immediate safety would prevent them
altogether. They would reflect, the most
ignorant of them, that the militia of the
town, about 250 men, were they unani
mous and spirited in support of govern^
ment, would be nothing to the country ;
which would, in the next instance, after
an attack on the excise officer, turn itself

AFFIDAVITS.

56

against the town. It could starve them
out, and the garrison with them, by an
interdict of provisions ; or, as was threat
ened afterward, it could plunder, and
burn. It would have been extreme cruel
ty to force the inhabitants to this danger.
It would have been extreme impolicy ;
and would have answered no other end
than to show the rioters the strength
even they had in the town. The situation
of the town became much more critical
after the burning of Neville's house ;
there being none of the town's people in
the riot, and it being known that the
Inspector had many friends there, the
whole town was regarded as in opposi
tion to the county, and hence the inhab
itants were regarded with distrust and
even with enmity. It was safest to let
the matter rest unknown. Persuasion
for the moment, and the steady and ac
customed step of civil authority, by the
known officers afterward, were the only
means that were eligible. The raising
the posse of the county, as a legal act,
was a thing unknown to the people, and
would not be understood. It would be
considered as the party of the excise offi
cer, disposed to try their strength with
the friends of liberty. It would have
been a most rash act. I will trace what
would have been the consequence. The
posse could have been raised, or it could
not. If it could not have been raised,
the weakness of the government and
the strength of the rioters was discover
ed by the experiment. If it could have
been raised, and brought forward, a con
test would have taken place, and lives
been lost. The victory must have been
on the side of the rioters, for the strength
of the country was with them. The
plundering and destruction of the town
would have ensued. The garrison would
have been stormed and taken ; for there
was not at that time more than a day's
provision in it. The whole country

would have been involved instantly, Des
peration would have led to prompt and
decisive measures. These would be, to
cross the mountains, and receive au ac
cession of force, and procure the means,
and occupy the ground of war in the
midland county."
The author thus speaks of the Neville
family or "connection:''
" The Neville family is numerous and
wealthy. The Inspector himself, with
the advantage of an officer, which though
it brings general odium, secures particu
lar dependence; his son, (Col. Neville,)
a member of the assembly, brigade in
spector, and surveyor of the county ; his
son-in-law, Major Craig, deputy quarter
master, with the care of the military
stores, and the employment of mecha
nics. His brother-in-law. Major Kirk
patrick, commissary, with money and
means." Affidavit of David Hamilton. ¦*
Was at Pittsburgh at the request of a
committee, in order to converse with
Marshal Lenox on the .subject of the
agreements entered by him with the peo
ple after the burning of Neville's house ;
recollect no private conversation with.
Mr. Brackenridge, nor any conversation,
but on the question which had been put
to him respecting the return of the writs,
whioh question was put to him by the
consent of Mr. Lenox.
Same day after my return home, L
wrote a note to Mr. Brackenridge, inr
forming him of a meeting to be at Mingo •
Creek, wishing him to come up ; it was
our concern to mend what was done, and.
get advice from him as from others, to
make what ijf as bad, better ; for we had
a sense that everything was not right ;
received no answer, but Mr. Bracken
ridge came ; did not understand Mr.
Brackenridge as approving of what was
done ; in giving his opinion in the case of
the writs, it appeared to be his wish to .

56

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

compromise the matter between the Mar
shal and the people.
City of Philadelphia, ss.
Personally appeared David Hamilton,
of Washington county, in the Common
wealth of Pennsylvania, who being sworn,
deposeth, that to the best of his know
ledge, recollection and belief, the con
tents of the foregoing writing are just
and true. David Hamilton.
Sworn 19th day of May, 1795, before
me, Hilary Baker,
one of the Aldermen of Philadelphia.
—Incidents, III. 78, 79.
Affidavit of John Blade.
Being about to go to Pittsburgh, fell
in with a body of people collecting for
the burying of Captain John M'Farlane,
wjft^had fallen at burning General Ne
villes house ; David Hamilton had been
deputed by a committee of these people
to go to Pittsburgh, to return the pistols
taken from the Marshal, and to have a
fulfillment from him of what had been
agreed upon, on his part. Understood
from Hamilton, that he had consented to
go, in order to prevent the people from
coming in themselves, and doing mischief;
for there was danger of their going in
at that time. Went with Hamilton to
Pittsburgh, and met the Marshal and
•Col. Neville. Hamilton explained his
¦business, returning the pistols, and re-
-quired a fulfillment of what was agreed
¦upon, viz. that he would serve no fur
ther writs, and not return those that
were served. The Marshal said he had
not agreed not to return tlie writs. A
'query was then iu the mind of Hamilton,
what effect the returns would have. At
his request, I went to Mr. Brackenridge,
to ask his opinion a sa lawyer. He said it
was a delicate point, and he would talk
lito -the Marshal. On this he went out.

and came in with the Marshal and Col.
Neville. Upon that I went out, and after
some time returned ; and Mr. Bracken
ridge said he was not much acquainted
with the practice of the Federal courts,
but would consult, and give his opinion
in the morning. He gave his opinion in
writing ; which Hamilton thought would
not be satisfactory to the committee. It
was understood that the committee would
be sitting till he returned. It was pro
posed to return by Neville's house ; and
it was our wish that some of the gentle
men of Pittsburgh should go with us;
we wished to see whether a ntan that was
missing, and from what had happened,
did not wish to go ourselves. General
Gibson, Doctor Bedford, Mr. Bracken
ridge, and others, had consented to go.
The day looking for rain, or for other
cause, some declined going. Mr. Brack
enridge came ; I understood him to be
about to go forward to the committee, to
see if he could not satisfy the people in
respect to the Marshal. In my conver
sation with Mr. Brackenridge with res
pect to the burning of General Neville's
house, he said it was an unhappy affair,
and was afraid it would turn out a civil
war, that government would call out
the miUtia, and we were the militia
ourselves, and have to be at with one
another. He did not say a word to ap
prove what was done, as to the burning
of the house, or any act of violence.
Pennsylvania, ss.
Before me, William Meetkirk, in and
for the county of Washington, came John
Black, and made oath according to law,
and saith, that the foregoing statement,
to the best of his knowledge and reool
lections, is just and true. John Black.
Sworn and subscribed before me. May,
1795. William Meetkirk.

CHAPTER III.
THE MINQO creek MEETING — VIOLENCE Or BRADFORD — SPEECH OE BEAOKEN-
R,IDGE — CAUSES OP THE OUTBREAK — CASE OF MILLER.
On Monday, the 21st of July, four days after the burning of the
Inspector's house, and the second after the departure of the Marshal, a
young man called in the afternoon at the office of Mr. Brackenridge, and
delivered him a note from David Hamilton, informing him that the com
mittee was to sit at the Mingo meeting-house the Wednesday following,
and expressing a wish that he would be present. Mr. Brackenridge con
ceived that it was for the object he understood him to have in view on a
former occasion, that is, to explain to the people the effect of returning the
writs, and inducing them to be satisfied, and refrain from seizing the
Marshal, or Col. Neville in his stead. He felt, notwithstanding, some
uneasiness at the idea of holding a correspondence with one involved in
the guilt of treason, as he then regarded the act of the rioters. He tore
up the note and threw it among useless papers in the bottom of a closet,
meaning never to make further mention of the matter.
The next day Col. Neville called and asked him " if he had not received
a note from David Hamilton?" " I have,'' said he, "but how came you
to the knowledge of it ? " said Brackenridge, taking the pieces from the
closet and putting them together. Col. Neville was a man of education,
and thus assimilating, an apparent friendship had existed between them
np to this period, although there was a different feeling on the part of
some of the connection with Mr. Brackenridge. The Colonel inquired
whether he intended to go, to which the other replied, "Certainly not;
their conduct is high treason, and in that offense there are no accessories,
all are principals. I have reflected on the subject, and do not consider it
safe to go." "I wish you would go," said Neville, "it might answer a
good end." Mr. Brackenridge, connecting in his mind the engagement
of Neville for the Marshal, which had placed him in a delicate predica
ment, understood him that he wished him to go to reconcile the people to
the circumstance, and perhaps dissuade them from any violent act in
future. He was still, however, anxious to decline, even as a personal favor

58 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
to Neville, but being earnestly solicited, he at length consented, but on
condition that Col. Neville would vouch with what sentiments he went,
and also provided some person should accompany him, to testify to what
he might say or do on the occasion, and which was the same condition as
that on whioh he had agreed to visit the committee two days before.
Neville, with this understanding, made personal application to several
persons, while some declined, and all appeared reluctant. Mr. Bracken
ridge also spoke to several. At length the following persons consented
to accompany him : George Robinson, the chief burgess ; Col. William
Semple, Peter Audrain, Josiah TannehUl and William H. Beaumont, all
persons of the most respectable standing in the town. We give in the
foregoing the statement of Mr. Brackenridge, published the year after in
his " Incidents," and which was not contradicted by those interested in
doing so. It was, moreover, sufficiently corroborated by the affidavits of
the persons chosen to go with him.* It is proper to remark, although in
anticipation of the subsequent events, that the pledge thus stated by Mr.
Brackenridge was not redeemed, when afterward the mere circumstance
of attending the meeting was brought forward against him and others, as
evidence of their complicity. This was seriously charged upon Col.
Neville by the author of the "Incidents," and no denial attempted. His
speech was shamefully misrepresented, but fortunately this misrepresen
tation is corrected by the affidavits of the persons who accompanied him.
A generous acknowledgment of the fact by NeviUe would have been more
consistent with his character, and his silence can be only accounted for
from the influence over him possessed by the other members of the con
nection. This act of simple justice was the more called for, as the circum
stance of attending that meeting, without regard to the motive, was
afterward considered an act of treason.
These gentlemen set out, and arriving, found, to their surprise, not a
committee of persons, but a large assemblage, or mass meeting ; some from
a distance, but the majority consisting of those who had been engaged in
the riot and outrage at the house of the Inspector. If the party had
known this, they could not have been induced, under any circumstances,
to have left the town. It was thought, however, as there was a number
of persons from a distance, and not implicated, that the object of these
would be to counsel moderation, and stopping the further progress of
violence; besides, if possible, to devise the means of repairing the mischief
which had been done. The first act in organizing the meeting seemed to
encourage this hope, by the choice of Col. Cook as chairman, and Craig
* See Notes to this chapter.

MINGO CREEK MEETING. 59
Ritchie as secretary, two men of high standing, and known to be friends
of order and good government. There was, notwithstanding, the appear
ance of gloom and distrust in the countenances of all, especially of those
who had taken an active part in the recent riots. The fury of the moment
had passed off, but time had not yet been given for cool reflection ; those
who were committed began to have some vague idea of being involved in
treasonable acts. The gloom of these was not that of sorrow or repent
ance ; the unextinguished fire of rage still glowed in their bosoms, and
required but little to fan it into fierceness. No one knew how far to trust
his next neighbor ; and however much he might be opposed to violence
himself, was afraid that the first person he addressed might be one of the
enrage, and himself suspected of incivism, for a vague and undefined ap
prehension hung over all, rendering life itself insecure.
Dr. Moore, in his admirable work, " Journal of a Residence in France,"
during the murderous reign of terror, says that " every shop-keeper dis
trusted his next door neighbor, and did not know but that he might be
one of the enrage." Hence a mob composed of the very dregs of society;
resembling a savage horde rather than a civilized people, were permitted
to give vent to their fierce passions without control. But here there
had not been, as in France, long ages of oppression by privileged classes ;
no system of laws fettering the people, and placing them at the mercy and
in the power of the few, nor such continuance of this as to debase the
masses and debauch the rulers, opposing thus the imbecility of the few to
the ignorant and brute force of the many. Among a people who practiced
and enforced obedience to authority, it seems impossible that the excise
alone, (which appears, by their demands, the Western people knew might
be repealed,) could have led to the state of feeling describeu ^y the author
of the " Incidents," as is evinced in the following extracts :
" Every countenance discovered a strong sense of the solemnity off the
occasion, those who had been involved not more than those who were afraid
to be involved. It will be asked, how came any one there who was afraid
to be involved ? I have accounted for my being there ; but how came
David Bradford, James Marshall, Edward Cook and Craig Ritchie there?
I select these instances ; as to Marshall and Bradford, I am at a loss to
say anything by way of opinion or deduction. I can only state what I
have understood from others, or what is within my own knowledge. Not
having had the least communication with Marshall or Bradford prior to
that day, or on that day, on the subject, I have nothing of my own know
ledge. I have understood from others, that after the first attack on the
house of the Inspector, when the adjacent country was about to be roused

60 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
to a second attack, persons went to the town of Washington and called on
Marshall and Bradford to come forward on that occasion, which they de
clined. The expression of Bradford, reported to me, is, ' I cannot act ;
you may do as you think proper.' He alluded, or was supposed to allude,
to his being prosecuting counsel for the Commonwealth, and in that case,
not at liberty to do what others might."
"After the destruction of the house, persons went to Marshall and
Bradford, demanding of them to come out and support what had been
done, or they would burn their houses. They had a claim upon them, as
having been conspicuous in the deliberative committees with regard to
the excise law, and alleged that Bradford had encouraged them to do what
they had done by his words, when he was urged to take part before the
burning. 'I encourage?,' said he, 'good God! I never thought of
such a thing.' ' Yes, you did encourage,' said they, ' and if you do not
come forward now and support us, you shall be treated in the same, or
worse manner as the excise officer.' He found himself thus under the
necessity of taking part, and that being the case, he would seem from that
time to have adopted the most violent counsels. Marshall was also obliged
to take part, and having done so, to pursue a violent course. I am of
opinion that both of these men acted, in the first instance, under a subor
dination to popular infiuence. Be this as it may, it is not from a solici
tude to make an apology for them that I state this, but from a wish to
show the truth of the transaction. Edward Cook also came, probably, at
the solicitation and under the fear of the people. Craig Ritchie, and
many others, I know did. They had with great difficulty avoided going
to the attack on the house of the Inspector, but could not avoid at least
the appeara.._3 of being with the people now."
The first thing which took place after the opening of the meeting was
the reading a letter, which was presented by Benjamin Parkinson, from
Col. Neville, (and which had been brought by one of the Pittsburgh
party,) stating that his father and the Marshal had left the county; that
the Marshal had not considered himself bound by that part of his engage
ment, which was to surrender himself when demanded, and for which
engagement he (Neville) had become sponsor, because, after the engage
ment made, and the Marshal dismissed upon it, he had been again
arrested, and was indebted to himself for his escape. That with regard
to what had been done by them, they had burned his father's house, and
they might burn his, but he had enough beyond their reach. As men of
honor he conceived, they ought to approve the intrepidity of Kirkpatrick
in defending the house of a friend. It is observed by Mr. Brackenridge,

MINQO CREEK MEETING. 61
that this letter had a bad effect on those to whom it was addressed. Had
better have been written in a different spirit, and better still not written at
all. His praise of Kirkpatrick did not accord with publio opinion, and his
allusion to the particular case only excited indignation, as it was generally
believed, perhaps erroneously, that M'Farlane had fallen by his hand,
when, deceived by a flag of truce, he had stepped into the open space of
the road, to command the assailants to cease firing. Besides, the defiant
tone, and boast of wealth, tended to exasperate, instead of awakening
within them a proper sense of the wrong they had committed. It added
not a little to the embarrassment of the situation of those who now at
tended the meeting at his solicitation.
This and some other letters being read and remarked upon, Benjamin
Parkinson addressed the ohair. " You know," said he, " what has been
done ; we wish to know whether what has been done is right or wrong,
and whether we are to be supported or left to ourselves ? " These ominous
words were followed by silence for some time. The Pittsburgh party was
struck with astonishment, and Mr, Brackenridge declares that he felt in
agony of mind for himself and his associates in that assemblage of persons
who appeared to be excited to desperation, and feeling themselves thus
placed in a situation to vote against a proposition perhaps at the peril of
their lives, or to give a direct sanction to treason. They felt somewhat
relieved when Marshall, who followed, observed that the question was not
aa to what had been done, but what was to be done in future ? Bradford
now rose, and in a most inflammatory speech sustained what had been
done, and applauded the rioters, demanding that it be put to vote
whether those present gave their approval, and would pledge themselves
to support those who had attacked and destroyed the house of the Inspec
tor. His violent declamation was of considerable length, " and yet," says
Mr. Brackenridge, " from my knowledge of the man, I doubt whether he
Bpoke according to his wish, or according to the humor of the people, and
through fear of them ! " There was again a dead silence for some time
after he had concluded. Those who were implicated were no doubt eager
and anxious for the vote, and the others, at least the more reflecting,
were alarmed at this unexpected predicament in which they were placed.
Marshall came to Mr. Brackenridge and requested him to speak. This
gentleman had already settled in his mind some outline of an address, but
called on so unexpectedly, and knowing that the popular current was
strongly against him and his associates, he was much at a loss what to
say ; but the situation was too urgent to admit of much delay or reflection.

62 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
One of his associates, Mr. Audrain, in his statement, declared that he
never felt himself in a situation so embarrassing in his life.
Mr. Brackenridge, observing the eyes of the audience turned upon him,
advanced to the middle of the aisle, toward the chair, and began in a
slow, deliberate, and even hesitating manner, encountering the angry
scowls of the principal leaders, who were in favor of pushing the people
to still greater acts of violence. He began by giving a narrative of what
had taken place in Pittsburgh, the withdrawal from the country of the
Marshal and the Inspector, and who were supposed to have descended the
river. The inspection office which had been opened in town since the
destruction of that in the country, had been closed, and the label which
had been put on the door taken down. Here, in order to unbend his
audience from their serious mood and conciliate them, he painted with a
touch of humor the haste with which the paper was taken down by Major
Craig, the son-in-law of the Inspector. Having thus partially succeeded
in securing a favorable hearing, he ventured to enter more seriously on
the grave question which had just been put by Parkinson, whether those
concerned in the destruction of Neville's house were right or wrong in
doing so ? As a reason that he and his colleagues could give no vote on
this question, he stated that they were not sent there to vote on any pro
position, but simply to give an account of what had taken place in town,
in order to satisfy the people, and to show that it was unnecessary for any
force to come from the country to put down the excise office, as this had
already been done. But he observed that although not authorized to vote,
they were at liberty as fellow-citizens, identifled with the welfare of the
country, and would take upon them to give their advice. Then recurring
to the question of Parkinson, and deferring somewhat to the received opin
ions of the people on the subject of the excise law, he said that the act
might be morally right, but it was legally wrong — it was treason — ^it was
a case for the President to call out the militia ; in fact, it had become his
duty to do so.* These ideas of the speaker, although thus cautiously
* The expression might be morally right, although hypothetically used, but not
asserted as his opinion, was made a ground of accusation against Mr. Brackenridge,
aud an attempt to identify him with the rioters ; and in order to accompUsh this his
language has been perverted by HUdreth and by N. B. Craig. He told them, say
these writers, " that although they were morally right, they were legaUy wrong,"
and omitting altogether the words which foUowed, "it is treason." There is
a difference obvious to every one between saying you may be morally right— that
is, in your opinion— and saying you are morally right. One would suppose from
them, that the few words thus falsified was the whole of his speech. This is a

MINGO CREEK MEETING. 63
unfolded, produced a startling sensation. A new view of the subject was
suddenly presented to the guilty, and those not yet implicated found
themselves standing on the brink of a precipice. Taking advantage of
this, the speaker continued : But the President, said he, will reflect on
the difficulty of getting the militia to march. They will be reluctant from
the midland counties and the upper parts of Maryland and Virginia. It
will probably be necessary to bring them from Jersey and the lower parts
of the States. For these reasons, the President will be disposed to offer
an amnesty. He then proceeded to state, as an example, the amnesty
given in the State of Pennsylvania in the case of the riot in 1779, on
Wilson's house in Philadelphia. But in order to obtain this amnesty, an
application ought to be made to the Executive; that such application
would come with a better grace and more support from those not involved
than from those that were ; that it was not the interest of the latter to involve
others, but to let them remain as they were, in order to act as mediating
men with the government 1 Here rage was plainly shown in the coun
tenances of Parkinson and those who were implicated; a nod of approba
tion was given by the chairman, while many others plainly expressed
approbation in their looks. It was evident that a line of separation had
been drawn, of which many would be glad to avail themselves. But the
displeasure of the violent portion was plainly discernible, although nothing
was said. The speaker saw that they distrusted the certainty of an
amnesty, or did not relish the idea of asking it, and resented the being
placed in a different category from those not implicated ; while the latter
could with difficulty restrain the expression of their satisfaction at the
turn which had been given to the affair by the speaker. It became ne
cessary for him, on seeing this, out of regard for the feelings of the first,
to exert himself to satisfy them of the probability of obtaining an amnesty;
species of falsification and misrepresentation of the most disgraceful kind. The
idea that an act might be morally right, although legally wrong, was very prevalent,
and is so still with many conscientious men. It is nothing more than the appeal
to the higher law, which seems to have been revived within a few years. The re
verse of the proposition may also be maintained, to wit : that a thing may be legally
right, yet morally wrong. The feelings of the Irish and Scotch on the subject of
the excise, and which was retained by them and their descendants in America, is
not easy to be understood ; they give a singular obliquity to their moral percep
tions on the subject. There is an anecdote of an Irishman, who, in confessing to
his priest a horrid mass of iniquities, was asked by him if he could remember no
good act as a set-off to so much wickedness. He at first hesitated, theu seeming
to recollect, "Stay," said he, " I once teilled an exciseman."

64 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
he at the same time enlarged on the want of power on the part of the
people to sustain what had been done — the narrow basis on which they
bad to stand — a small part of the country, not even the whole of the
Western counties with them — unprepared with arms, munitions and
resources of war, in opposition to a power comparatively vast and oret'
whelming ! Returning to the subject of the amnesty, he stated minutely
the repeated proofs given by Washington of his great anxiety to avoid war^
especially civil war. That this benevolent policy had even been carried
to an extent which had been blamed, or was blamable. The case of the
countermand of the Presq' Isle establishment, at the instance or threats of
the Indian chief Corn Planter, was referred to, and perceiving that his
auditory was about to relapse into their serious mood, he indulged in some
touches of pleasantry on the subject of Indian treaty negotiations, and
introduced the Secretary at War and Corn Planter making speeehei.
Now, said he, if even an insignificant tribe of Indians can have treaties
and negotiate with the government, why should the people of the four
western counties despair ? He then earnestly besought them, for their
own sakes and the sake of their fellow-citizens, not to involve them in the
same difficulties, when all would be equally guilty and none left to inter
cede ! In conclusion, he used an argument against present action which
would have great weight with his hearers from their republican habits;
there was but a small portion of the people present, and who had no
authority to speak for the whole western country ; at the same time he
advised the calling a larger meeting, co-extensive with the survey, before
any important step should be taken. He advised the sending in the
meanwhile a delegation to the Executive, on the subject of what had been
rashly and illegally done. He proposed to undertake this mission him
self, as one of such delegation, although greatly inconvenient to him, and
disagreeable at that season to undertake the journey.
This impromptu effort, which has not been given, but only described,
was attended with remarkable results. It was followed by a deep silence
for some time, and no one rising to speak, the meeting spontaneously broke
up ; some went to the spring, as if to drink, others separated into knots,
in close and grave consultation. In the meantime Mr. Brackenridge col
lected his companions and advised them to leave the ground withont
delay, to avoid the danger of being again called on by the meeting ; but
in order to avoid the appearance of retiring in haste, he returned
to the ground to show himself for a few moments, and then joined
his company and departed. After this the meeting again convened, but

MR. BRACKENRIDQE'S SPEECH. 65
nothing further was done than to act on the suggestion of calling a meet
ing co-extensive with the survey, and passing a resolution to that effect,
to be published in the Pittsburgh Gazette.*
It appears at a subsequent period that the speech of Mr. Brackenridge
was unfavorably represented to the Executive by some friend or friends
of the Inspector. It was stated that he had ridiculed the excise law, and
had spoken disrespectfully of the President and Secretary at War.f It was
fortunate for him that he was attended by persons who were ready and
willing to vouch for his conduct. The affidavits of these persons, as will
appear in the notes to this chapter, agree as to the general scope and the
effect of the speech, although varying from each other on some unimpor
tant particulars. The reader will see that it was one of these rare occa
sions, where a popular speech is a reality, not to amuse by a holiday exhi
bition, but to control the passions. The effect was to stop the ball of insur
rection for the present, and to draw a line effectually between the guilty
and those who feared to be drawn into treason against the government.
The business was taken out of the hands of the mob led on by reckless
men, and referred to a representation, a proceeding consonant to the habits
and practice of the people ; and as the natural consequence, every one
would be disposed to await the action of this higher authority emanating
from themselves ; and here we see the great difference between the Amer
ican republics and those revolutionary states whose peace is constantly
at the mercy of some self-appointed chief or leader. Such delegations are
so familiar to our democratic or republican habits, that we can scarcely ap
preciate their importance, without comparing them with the furious, un
reasoning mobs of other countries. It is impossible to foresee the pernicious
effect of the vote proposed by Parkinson, and supported by Bradford, in
case it had been sanctioned. The probability is, that the flame would
have extended at once over the whole western counties. But for the
subsequent conduct of Bradford, and his misguided associates, in causing
* "By a respectable number of citizens who met on Wednesday, the 23d inst., at
the meeting house ou Mingo Creek, it is recommended to the townships of the four
western counties of Pennsylvania, and the neighboring counties of Virginia, to
meet and choose not more than five, nor less than two representatives, to meet at
Parkinson's Ferry on the Monongahela, on Thursday, the 14th of August next, to
take into consideration the condition of the western country." 17th July, 1794.
f It is probable that this proceeded from Major Craig, who could not brook the
jest of tearing down the paper on the new excise office in hot haste ! This, in his
estimation, was a very serious offense against him, which he could not well afford
to set-off against anything else.

66 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
the extraordinary assemblage of the people in arms at Braddock's Field,
under a false pretext, and which may possibly have been projected before
the meeting at Mingo Creek, the popular ebullition might have subsided,
and the insurrectionary spirit died out of itself. In this case, the crim
inal act of the destruction of Neville's house would have been a partial
and isolated affair — a serious and deplorable riot, instead of the com
mencement of an insurrection. The popular reflection of those at a dis
tance from the scene, would have caused a reaction, and the local disturb
ance would have been extinguished for want of fuel to keep it up. The
respectable and intelligent part of the community, although opposed to
the excise law, had no other idea than to seek for its repeal by legal
means ; but it was impossible to ascertain in the first instance, what pro
portion of the people was in favor of resorting to violent means ; and in
this way many were swept along with the current which they could not
resist. The conduct of Bradford is best explained by the incidents related in
the progress of this narrative. He was a vain, shallow man, with some
talent for popular declamation, which in the present state of the publio
mind might be productive of mischief. Fortunately he had not the car
pacity to form any deep consistent plan, which looked beyond the present
moment with a foresight of all consequences. It seemed to be his passion
to ride on the popular wave, elated with popular applause, and at the
same time fearful of popular displeasure.
The consequence to Mr. Brackenridge, besides the misrepresentation of
his speech abroad, was a temporary loss of popularity, being at the time a
candidate for a seat in Congress, with almost a certainty of election. The
participators in the criminal acts were enraged against him, and those re
lieved from momentary embarrassment were not disposed to avow them
selves in his favor. The practice of his profession had taught him the
necessity of precaution, without which the most innocent may be in
volved in the appearance of guilt. An energetic and fearless lawyer can
not avoid making enemies in the discharge of his professional obligations.
Mr. Brackenridge found such an enemy in one* of the Neville connection,
which gave rise to a personal rencontre, and was probably the foundation
of the difference between him and the powerful Neville connection. The
intelligent and disinterested did him justice, and acknowledged the irapor
tant services rendered by him to the country in this and other occasions
in the course of the insurrection ; but partial affidavits were procured,
containing gross misrepresentations, and transmitted to the government j
* Major Kirkpatrick.

THE REAL GRIEVANCE. 67
but these were never made public, and consequently could not be contra
dicted. It is certain that a most unfavorable impression was made against
him in the minds of the President and some members of the Cabinet,
afterward heightened and confirmed by those friends of the Nevilles who
crossed the mountains ; an impression which was not removed from the
mind of Secretary Hamilton until his examination of that gentleman in
person. For doing a laudable and patriotic act at the request Col. Neville,
he was one time threatened with the loss of fortune, reputation and life.
Nothing but his great abilities and moral courage could have extricated
Mr. Brackenridge from the persecutions which afterward pursued him,
and which were in preparation at the very moment he was hazarding
everything in support of the government. It is not surprising that no
means existed of contradicting these malignant machinations, when we
consider that at that day the communication between the east and the
west of the mountains was almost as difficult as at present between us and
California. Why did not Col. Neville counteract these false impressions ?
Men of stronger minds and loftier principles have yielded to the influence
of family and of party ties.
The reflections of the reader may induce him to think that the mere
circumstance of being required to pay a duty on their stills, is not *uffi-
cient to account for the extraordinary degree of excitement and of passion
which prevailed among these people. There was certainly a higher cause,
already referred to, and one calculated to engender feelings which are
entitled to much greater sympathy. The western people, with few
exceptions, cultivated their own farms, and, as already stated, had no
market for their produce until their grain was reduced in bulk by distil
lation into whiskey. Those farms were seldom worth more than from three
hundred to one thousand dollars; thus, when delinquents, on account of
the scarcity of money, were unable to pay their duties, they were exposed
to suits in the Federal court at Philadelphia, which subjected them to an
expense equal to the value of their homesteads. This will explain the
earnestness on the subject of the return of the writs by the Marshal, and
the expression of David Hamilton, " that it was better that one man should
die, than so many men should lose their plantations." Their homes, the
homes of their wives and children, were in jeopardy. Can we be sur
prised at this feeling, which we ^have seen and respected even among the
Florida Indians, among the squatters of the West, and the settlers of
Wyoming ? A cause penetrated by these considerations, presented a very
different character from that of mere opposition to an exeise on whiskey;
and it is beyond question, that the immediate cause of the outbreak was

68 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
the service of process on Miller, the neighbor and relative of Neville.
This cause of complaint, so uniformly overlooked by those who have
written accounts of the Western Insurrection, was ever prominent in their
minds. The outcry of taking men to a great distance from their vicinage,
is of traditional aggravation with the Anglo-American, and is as old, at
least, as Magna Charta. It forms a most prominent item in our Declara
tion of Independence, and while many of the grievances of the excise law
had been redressed in consequence of remonstrances, this — ^the greatest of
them all, and which should first have claimed attention — was disregarded,
until the last moment. An act of Congress had at length been passed,
as we have seen, authorizing the State courts to take cognizance of the
matter, but for some unaccountable reason it was not carried into effect,
but the proceedings against distillers commenced in Philadelphia, as usual.

NOTES TO CHAPER III.

Affidavits of Persons who accom
panied Mr. Brackenridge at the
Mingo Meeting.
Allegheny County, ss.
Before me, Alexander Addison, Judge
of the District Courts, personaUy ap
peared, &c. Adamson TannehiU, &c.
Extract, Appendix to "Incidents," p. 70, &c.
"That on the morning of the meeting
of the Mingo Creek meeting-house, Hugh
Henry Brackenridge, Esq. called on this
deponent, and asked him if he would ac
company him there, as he wished some
person with him who might be au evi
dence of his conduct. The deponent de
cUned, alleging that the rioters who had
burnt General NeviUe's house might ten
der an oath, or something of the kind,
to support them' in what had been done ;
went away, returned a short time after
ward to Mr. Brackenridge' s house, and
found him and Col. Presley Neville in
conversation on the same subject. Was

again solicited to go, and absolutely re
fused. Referred them to Josiah Tanne
hiU, whom the deponent thought might
go, provided he could get a horse. CoU
Neville replied, he should not want a horse,
if that was all. The deponent says that
he understood at the time from the con
versation that passed, that Col. Nevill?
was apprised of that meeting, from the
anxiety he appeared to have that some
person should go with Mr. Brackenridge.
It was at length agreed that Josiah Tan
nehiU and George Robinson should go,
who the deponent beUeves did."
Extract from the Affidavit of Peter
Audrain.
"This deponent, the morning of the
meeting at Mingo Creek, was requested
by Mr. Brackenridge to accompany hiij
to that meeting ; hesitating very muck,
but afterward seeing Col. Neville, was
prevailed upon to go.
"At that meeting, Mr. Brackenridge,
at the beginning of .a speech he made on

'! <-i-

AFFIDAVITS RESPECTING MR. BRACKENRIDGE.

69

that occasion, said that those concerned
in burning of Gen. Neville's house were
guilty of treason ; he powerfully opposed
and luckily defeated the resolution which
was to support the brave fellows who
had attended at the burning Gen. Neville's
house ; he advised to try by every pos
sible means to make peace with the gov
ernment, and get an act of oblivion, and
offered to go himself to Philadelphia, if
it was agreeable to the people. The turn
he gave to the business, saved us from
the most delicate situation that this
deponent ever thought himself in ; being
apprehensive that if the question had
been put, and we had voted against it,
we would have been in personal danger,
and voting for it would have involved us
in a crime. After the speech of Mr.
Brackenridge, there was a long silence,
and most of the people went out. This
deponent went out with the other per
sons of Pittsburgh; and shortly after,
on the suggestion of Mr. Brackenridge
that some other delicate questions might
be brought forward, it was judged best
to get off as speedily as possible. We
went away, and Mr. Brackenridge with
us, as unobservedly as we could. We
came to the house, about half a mile,
where we had left our horses, which had
taken up an hour or more ; it was sug
gested by some one pregent, that we had
come off abruptly, and that a bad con
struction might be put upon it, that we
had been there as spies, it would be well
for Mr. Brackenridge, at least, just to go
back, and take leave ; which he did, and
returned to us in as short a time as was
necessary to go and come back. At that
meeting, the deponent did not see Mr.
Brackenridge having private conversation
with Marshall or Bradford, nor does he
think it probable that he could have any,
from the shortness of the time we were
there before the opening of the meet
ing."

Deposition of Josiah TannehiU.
"That this deponent accompanied Mr.
Brackenridge to the meeting at Mingo
Creek, at the request of Mr. Bracken
ridge, who was going, as this deponent
understood, at the request of Col. P.
Neville. Mr. Brackenridge, when he
requested this deponent to go, said that
he wished persons to go that were capa
ble to take notice, and give information
of what was said or done.
"Early in the morning, an inflamma
tory speech was delivered by Mr. Brad
ford to induce the people to pledge them
selves to support what had been done at
Gen. Neville's house, which Mr. Bracken
ridge opposed by art and force af reason
ing, and finaUy baffled the proposition.
"This deponent can say on this occa
sion, and on every other within his know
ledge, that Mr. Brackenridge, to the best
of his judgment, acted a part favorable
to the repressing the disorder of the
time, and restoring order and good gov
ernment." J
Affidavit of Isdac Qregg,
"That about the 27th of July last,
being at Mr. Braokenridge's house, this
deponent heard him say (in conversation
respecting the attack on Gen. NevUle's
house, which was a few days previous to
that time,) that it was a very rash piece
of business, and that he conceived the
people to be mad, or words to that effect,,
and that it would be attended with serious
consequences to them, as the government
could not overlook it, but must take
it up.''Extract of a letter from the Hon.
James Ross, U. S. Senator, in answer to
Mr. Brackenridge:
"I lived in Washington at the time
Gen. Neville's house was destroyed, and.
during the time of the late disturbances.
On the return of the Washington gentle-

6

70

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

men from the Mingo Creek meeting, I
understood from them that a proposal
had been made in the meeting, that those
gnUty of the outrage should be supported
by force against aU attempts to punish
them, and that this had been warmly
advocated by some of our Washington
people ! but that you were of a different
opinion, and had stated that in all prob
ability the government would be induced
to forgive it, and that a combination of
this sort would involve the whole country,
and oblige government to take notice of those
who had transgressed. This meeting ended
by a proposal to have a more general
. one, from the four counties west of the
: mountains in Pennsylvania, and as I
I understood, the western counties of Vir-
:ginia." Affidavit of John M 'Donald.
"At the time of Marshal Lenox being
at Pittsburgh, about the ISth or 14th of
July last, being a few days before the
attack on Gen. NevUle's house, I was in
the office of Mr. Brackenridge, on some
business with iim ; was asked by him
about the constitution of the Mingo
Creek society, and laughing at some parts
of it, he asked what could put it into the
people's heads to form such a oue ; I said
the people had all been running wild, and
talked of taking NeviUe prisoner and
burning Pittsburgh; and this forming the
society was thought of by some persons
to turn the people to remonstrating and
petitioning, and giving them something
to do that way to keep them quiet. Mr.
Brackenridge asked what could put it in
their heads to think of burning Pitts
burgh ? I said I did not know, but they
have talked of it. I am of opinion that
at the time of the march to Pittsburgh
there was great danger. I was at the Min
go Creek meeting-house, and numbers of
people were dissatisfied with Mr. Brack-
. enridge's speech there, as it appeared he

was unwilUng to support what was done,
and supposed to be on the side of the govem
ment." 0^=- Note on the above by Mr. Brack
enridge : ' ' After the burning of NeviUe's
house, I had mentioned this information
of M'Donald as a matter I thought
nothing of at the time, but as a proof
that the house was in danger. It has
been the ground of a calumny, that I
had a previous knowledge of the attack
on the house."
Affidavit of George Robinson, (Chief
Burgess.)
"That at the request of Mr. Bracken
ridge, he went to the meeting at Mingo
Creek. Mr. Brackenridge informed him
that it was at the request of Col. Presley
NeviUe that he himself was going. Mr.
Brackenridge said he wished this depo
nent to go, as being a pubUc officer, the
chief burgess of the town, as he wished
to have some persons to bear testimony
of his conduct, as the situation might be
delicate. This deponent found the situs- .
tion delicate enough, when a motion was
brought forward to support what had
been done at burning Gen. Neville's
house, and whioh was warmly supported.
This deponent being much alarmed at
the time, lest the question should be put
on this account, <^at by voting in the af
firmative we should be drawn in as ac
complices, and by voting against it we
might be in personal danger. After an
inflammatory speech by a certain person,
there was a silence for some time. Du
ring this time the deponent was in great
anxiety lest the question should be put,
when Mr. Brackenridge addressed the
meeting in a speech of some length, and
as it appeared, with great anxiety of
mind. The speech, in the opinion of this
deponent, appeared to be calculated to
parry the question. He informed them
that we were not delegated by the town

MR. BRACKENRIDGE'S SPEECH.

71

to do any act for them, and therefore if
we gave any vote, it could only be as in
dividuals; that as- an individual he
would give his opinion. Here Mr.
Brackenridge explained the nature and
consequences of what had been done ;
he plainly told them that aU concerned
were guilty of treason, that it would be
better not to draw any more in, as they
could bo of more use as mediators with
the government than as accomplices ;
that the well known lenity of the Presi
dent of the United States gave reason to
suppose that an accommodation might
be brought about before he would pro
ceed to extremities ; that the present
meeting was but an inconsiderable part
of the four counties ; that a large meeting
might be called by delegates regularly
appointed, and that commissioners might
be sent to the President in order to bring
about an accommodation; that though
it would not be convenient for him to go
at that time, yet, if such a measure was
adopted, he was willing to go and to ren
der any service in his power. This de
ponent does not recollect particularly,
but has eome recollection of Mr. Brack
enridge mentioning that the damage done
must be repaired.
"After Mr. Brackenridge closed his
speech, there appeared to be an adjourn
ment without a motion made for that
purpose. During the interval, Mr. Brack
enridge urged us to get off as unobserv
edly as possible, lest we should be drawn
farther in. During the time that we
were out there was a good deal of mur
muring among the people, and this depo
nent sup poses this had gien Mr. Brack
enridge apprehensions, and he baa inform
ed the deponent since that it was that
which alarmed him. We went away on
this, and Mr. Brackenridge slipped after
us. As we crossed a small run a short
distance from the meeting-house, we
were called after by some persons to come

back ; but we hurried off as fast as pos
sible to the house where we had left our
horses. While there it was suggested
by some of the company that as we had
come off so abruptly, it might be well if
Mr. Brackenridge or some one should re
turn and make some excuse. Mr. Brack
enridge took hia horse, and said he would
ride over and make some excuse. lie
rode over and came back in a very short
time, so that we wondered he could have
been there and come back, and said he
had found them just breaking up. In
our way home mentioning to Mr. Bracken
ridge the fortunate escape we had made,
he made use of this expression, 'he had
never been in so delicate a situation be
fore in his life.' The deponent has been
present at other meetings since in the
town of Pittsburgh, and heard Mr. Braok
enridge's sentiments on various occa
sions, and observed his conduct, and can
say to the best of his knowledge, that
with respect to the people that were
expelled from the town, and every thing
else that was done, he acted from no
selfish motive of resentment, or disposi
tion to hurt any man ; but from motives
of policy, to moderate matters and pre
vent mischief ; and this deponent knows
this to be the general sentiment of the
people of Pittsburgh, and they consider
themselves indebted to his policy in a
great degree for the safety of the town
in the affair of Braddock's Field, when
we were led to apprehend plunder and
destruction from the fury of the people
that had met there."
Statement of Col. William Sample.
"Sir — At your request, I shall give
you a short detail of the circumstances
leading to, and of the principal, traits of
your conduct at Mingo meeting-house.
I remember that it was the general opin
ion of the inhabitants of Pittsburgh,
that it would be prudent that a number

72

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

of persons should be sent from this
place, to meet those who were coUecting
from various parts of the country. No
instructions, to my knowledge, were
given to those who went. But I under
stood the general purport of our going
there was to hear and report. Tou asked
me if I would make one of the number
that would go. I hesitated for some
time, and until I asked the opinion of
OoL Presley Neville, which was, ' I see
no harm in your going there if you choose
to venture, and if you do, I will thank
you to carry a letter for me to the chair
man of the committee, contradicting
some false aspersions which have been
industriously circulated, respecting the
Marshal and myself being released upon
our words of honor to hold ourselves
as prisoners on demand that night my
father's house was burned.' I accepted
the office and came back to you, and told
you I would go. When we arrived at
Jacob Friggley's house, near the meet
ing-house, in the course of various con
versations, a tall man there, with red
hair, frequently expressed a, warmth of
affection for Presley NeviUe ; seemingly
commiserated his situation, and took
some credit to himself in rescuing him
when he was made prisoner the night
aforesaid; but at the same, time was
still making some sarcastic observations
on his father. I found the temper of
the people was wound up to a very high
pitch, and I took this favorable oppor
tunity of delivering Col. Neville's letter
to him, after finding his name was Par
kinson, and that he had considerable in
fluence ; telling him that the Colonel had
desired me to deliver this letter to him
in case I should find him, and requested
he would deliver it to the chairman. He
readily took it, aud it was the first thing
brought on the carpet at the meeting.
The secretary read the letter, but no
observations foUowed. After some silence

a person stood up and made a motion,
that the burning of Gen. Neville's house,
aud those concerned-in it, should be justi
fied and supported. I could observe the
people of the meeting considerably agi
tated. Col. Marshall, of Washington,
was the first who ventured to oppose this
motion ; and he appeared to do so both
with fear and trembUng. After this speech
was over, David Bradford arose, and
beckoned to Benjamin Parkinson, (as
Capt. Josiah TannehiU informed, who
had mixed with the crowd and happened
to sit down on the forms close by him,)
asked him if the relation Col. Neville
had given in his letter was true. To
which question Parkinson answered, put
ting his hand to his breast, it is true.
Mr. Bradford then dropping the subjeot
of the letter, began a most violent and
inflammatory oration in support of the
first motion. I observed Mr. Bracken
ridge in the course of this oration, who
being seated at the west end of the
church, and opposite to the principal
part of the Pittsburghers, who had seated
themselves at the east corner by them
selves, in great agitation, often throwing
his head down on his hand and in the
attitude of study. At length Mr. Brad
ford's speech being ended, Mr. Bracken
ridge advanced nearly to the middle of
the house, and opposite the chairman,
and began his speech, slowly and ir
regularly ; for the current of the people's
prejudices seemed to be strongly against
him. He first opened the reasons why
the few persons from Pittsburgh came
there; that they were not instructed;
nor had they delegated powers to agree
or to disagree on any proposition that
might be made, they came only to hear
and report. He took various methods of
diverting the audience from the speech
that preceded his. Sometimes he would
give a sarcasticol stroke at the excise,
and the inventors of it, and then teU

MR. braokenridge's SPEECH.

73

some droU story thereto relating : in order
aa I apprehend, to unbend the audience's
minds from the serious tone to which
they had been wrought up. He viewed
the subject before him in various lights ;
and then entered warmly on his main
argument, which was to dissuade the
audience from the first proposition. He
told them in direct words, ' that he hoped
they would not involve the whole country
in a crime whioh could not be called by
less name than high treason ; that this
would certainly bring down the resent
ment of the general government, and
there would be none left to intercede.'
" The audience seemed petrified, thun
derstruck with such observations; and
when he had done, not a person seemed
desirous of renewing the arguments.
Silence ensued for some time and then
the company broke up, and some went to
.drink at the spring, and others in little
knots or clubs were dispersed over the
green. Those who came from Pitts
burgh, finding that the audience was to
be called to the church once more, took
this opportunity to make the best of
their way to Jacob Friggley's. The com
pany met again, but I know not that
they did any business of consequence ;
for Mr. Brackenridge was soon with us,
and we took our horses and returned to
Pittsburgh. William Semple.
Pittsburgh, 20th Sept. 1796."
Extract from the Affidavit of WUliam
Beaumont.
", That the deponent was one of those
who accompanied Mr. Brackenridge to
the meeting at Mingo Creek ; that it was
at the request of Mr. Brackenridge that
he went, in order to vouch for his con
duct on that occasion, and bear testi-'
mony of what should be said or done by
him, considering the situation as deU
cate.

"This deponent found the situation
auffioiently delicate ; ond on a motion be
ing brought forward early in the meeting
and strongly supported, this deponent
was greatly alarmed, being apprehensive
of being brought to vote on a question of
that nature, which was to pledge our
selves to support what had been done ;
which, as this deponent understood, waa
the violence and outrage that had just
taken place. This deponent was alarmed,
because to go away might expose to
insult and personal danger, as he under
stood the people of Pittsburgh were con
sidered .in an unfavorable light by the
people of the country; and to vote
against the question would be equally
dangerous, or more so ; and to vote for
it this deponent could not think of, as it
would involve in criminality.
"In a speech of considerable length
made by Mr. Brackenridge at this junc
ture, he appeared to have the same im
pressions ; and with all the art and ad
dress that was in his power, wished to
parry the question without rendering
himself obnoxious to the multitude.
The observations made by Mr. Bracken
ridge iu the course of the speech, were,
as nearly as this deponent recollected,
to the following effect : those first made
were of a nature to conciliate them (the
persons present, ) to the people of Pitts
burgh, that they (the people of Pitts
burgh, ) were not abettors of the excise
more than other people, nor did they
undertake to support excise officers more
than other people ; they left these mat
ters to the government. But at the same
time it was a very different matter not
to support, and to oppose ; that be this
as it might, we did not come as delegates
from the town, but as individuals, and
it would bene use for us to join in such
a proposition, for it would not bind, aa
we represented nobody. That he, Mr.
Brackenridge, had no objection to give

74

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

hia opinion on these matters ; that what
was done would be construed treason ;
it might be morally right, but it was le
gally wrong, and would subject those
concerned to punishment,, unless they
had force enough to support an opposi
tion to the laws ; the matter must termi
nate in a revolution or a rebellion ; if
they had not strength to make it a revo
lution, it must be a rebellion : that that
part of the country was but a small part
to undertake such an object ; that they
had not even the four western counties,
or neighboring counties of Pennsylvania,
nor the three counties of Virginia, nor
Kentucky, if that could be of any use ;
and that the undertaking afforded no
rational prospect of success. That the
case was not desperate ; an accommoda
tion might be brought about with the
government, and that it would be much
better for those not involved to remain
so, as they would have more weight in
their representations as advocates, than
if involved themselves; and could with
propriety come forward as a mediating
party between the government and them.
That there was reason to conceive that
government would not be rash in taking
vigorous measures ; that the militia must
be drafted; that there would be a re
luctance in the militia of Pennsylvania
to serve, and, perhaps, of the neighbor
ing States; that the President would
reflect on this and be disposed to an
accommodation; that taking into view
the disposition of the President, from
what we had seen in the case of the
British spoliations, it was a natural con
clusion that he would not wish to involve
the country in a war ; and his conduct
also in respect to the Indian tribes in
treating with them to a degree that has
been blamed where war has been thought
better, gave reason to suppose that he
would not be hasty in using vigorous
measures in a case Uke the present;

that the late instance of his lenity in the
case of the Presq' Isle establishment, to
which the letters of Cornplanter had put
a stop, manifested the same thing. Here
Mr. Brackenridge indulged some pleasan
try on the apprehensions of government
in this case, and created » laugh. In
this and several parts of his speech,
where Mr. Brackenridge indulged a vein
of pleasantry and humor, this deponent
saw through it, and thought it manifested
a great degree of management and ad
dress, to play with the fancy of the peo
ple, and divert their attention from that
Intentness in having the proposition car
ried, which he was endeavoring to pre
vent. The result was, Mr. Brackenridge
seemed to wish that all things should
remain as they were, and be put in train
of negotiation.
"Mr. Braokenridge's speech ended, a
pause ensued; most of the members of
the meeting left the meeting-house for a
short period of time. On being desired
to resume their seats, we thought it most
prudent to retreat, Mr. Brackenridge
telling us, ' we had better get off as soon
as we can, or they will bring us into
some other disagreeable predicament.'
This deponent went with Mr. Bracken
ridge, came away with him, had an op
portunity of seeing him through the
whole of the time, and did not observe
him to have any private conversation with
any person present."
The necessity for the negative evidence
contained in the concluding part of the
foregoing extract, and in some of the
other affidavits, will create surprise in
the reader, and may require some ex
planation. It was insisted on by the
enemies of Mr. Brackenridge, especially
of the Neville connection, that he had
some secret and mysterious understand
ing with the rioters or insurgents. For
instance, that he knew of the intended

NOTICE OF MR. BRACKENRIDGE.

75

burning of Neville's house, and was the
prime mover of all mischief, standing
behind the scene and pulling the wires,
while the apparent leaders were only
puppets in his hand. Hence it became
necessary for Mr. Brackenridge to guard
against these continual misconstructions
put upon his conduct, however absurd,
even by those at whose instance he was
induced by hia benevolent and pubUc
spirited character to interest himself in
.their behalf. He subsequently expressed
his regret that he had interfered in any
manner, instead of leaving the people and
the government to settle their differences
iu their own way. The publication of
Craig's History of Pittsburgh led to a
controversy on the subjeot of these
shameful misrepresentations, groundless
surmises, and falsifications, which were
used for the purpose of gratifying a
maUgnant feeling characteristic of the
writer of that pretended history. These
ungenerous, or rather dishonest surmises,
are freely indulged in by Hildreth is his
"History of the United States," pub
Ushed within a few years, and which are
quoted in Craig's book. HUdreth is one
of those narrow-minded, or rather nar
row-hearted party bigots, who cannot do
justice to any man in the opposite ranks
of politics. Hence, Uke Craig, under the
pretense of giving a rigid account of
facts, he is continuaUy perverting or dis
coloring the truth. Craig says that Mr.
Brackenridge was auch a rogue, that
persons had to be sent with him to the
Mingo meeting, aa spies on his conduct !
In point of fact, these men were required
by him for his own safety, to guard
against the misrepresentation of others.
Craig was at first disposed to deny that
he went at the instance of NevUle — but
when the affidavits, published in the
"Incidents," were appealed to as estab
lishing the fact, he with the astuteness
of a pettifogger, referred to the narrow

rules of evidence of courts of justice,
designed, as it is said, for the purpose of
excluding falsehood, but which much
oftener exclude the truth. It is not by
the narrow rule of judicial evidence
that historical facts are established, or
the credibility of testimony ia deter
mined. It is by the exercise of sound
common sense and rational probability.
The most liberal of the "connection,"
Presley NeviUe, was not free from this
strange prepossession, although continu
ally applying to Mr. Brackenridge for
his advice, and which induced the
latter to believe he was friendly to
him. A curious instance of this pre
judice on the part of Col. Neville, is
given by Mr. Purviance, which will be
inserted in another part of this work;
in alluding to something in which he
expressed his suspicion of Mr. Bracken
ridge, Mr. Purviance used a conclusive
argument to show its utter faUacy, on
which Neville replied, " Well, if he was
not concerned in it, he was pleased with
it after it was done." How is it possible
to contend with persons so unreasonable?
It is nothing short of the moral of .ffiaop'a
fable of the wolf and the lamb. When,
in reply to Craig, in the recent contro
versy, the conclusive argument was again
and again repeated, to wit: that the
"Incidents" were published under the
very nose of the Neville connection, and
they were challenged to deny them, and yet
never attempted it, — the only answer of
Craig, at last, when driven to the waU,
was, that Col. Neville was too indolent
to write and that the others were not
possessed of the literary ability to do so.
Yet his father could write lettera to
the Secretary at War, and was a member
of the "Philosophical Society," as we
are informed by his son. It was the
belief of Mr. Brackenridge that it was
by Major Craig, that the affidavits un
favorable to his conduct at the meeting

76

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

were transmitted to the government.
By whom were these made, what were
their contents, and why were they not
given to the publio, like those of the
persons who testified in favor of Mr.
Brackenridge? These affidavits, no doubt
omitting the unimportant facts of the
defeat of the vote on Parkinson's propo
sition, and arresting the progress of
violence, disclosed the allusions to the
speeches of Cornplanter and the Secre
tary at War — but most heinous of aU,
the pleasantries of which the Major was
the subject, and which in his opimon
were of so serious a nature as to cause
every thing else to be lost sight of!
Having given a brief notice of the Nev
illes, in a former chapter, it may inter
est the reader to have some account of
Mr. Brackenridge in this place.
Mr. Brackenridge was born in Scot
land, but came to this country with his
parents at five years of age, about the
year 1755. His father was » small
Scotch farmer from the neighborhood of
Campbelltown, in Cantyre, opposite the
coast of Ireland, where the Kentucky
branch of the family had settled previous
ly to their emigration to Virginia. The
family, consisting of H. H. Brackenridge
and several brothers and sisters, settled
in York county, near the Susquehanna,
a very poor and thinly inhabited neigh
borhood. It is remarkable, however,
for having produced several men of high
distinction in American history ; of these
we may mention James Ross, John
Rowan, and the Rev, John M'MiUan.
Under the greatest disadvantage, he not
only succeeded iu mastering the different
branches of common school education,
but before he was twelve years of age
could read Horace, and had the rudi
ments of the Greek, from lessons at long
intervals given him by the clergyman
who officiated once every two weeks.
Such was his passion for learning, that

meeting with a young man who was much
advanced in mathematics, he bartered
his classics for some of that knowledge.
At the age of fifteen, hearing of a va
cancy in a free school in Maryland, he
boldly presented himself as teacher, and
was accepted. At the age of eighteen,
with very insufficent means, but extra
ordinary acquirements for his opportu
nities, he presented himself to the Pres
ident of Princeton College, Dr. Wither
spoon, and agreed to teach two classes on
condition of being permited to go through
the college course. He did ao, and gradu
ated with honor in the same class with
Mr. Madison, Luther Martin, Samuel
Spring, and Philip Freneau, the poet.
In his exercises he evinced extraor
dinary talents, and great versatility of
mind. A poem, entitled " The rising
glory of America," written by him joint
ly with Freneau, evinced a high poetic
vein, but still more an enthusiastic feel
ing for the prosperity and glory of his
country ; for having had his mind formed
in America, he cannot be considered as
any thing else but an American. After
graduating, he appUed to the study of
divinity, was licensed to preach, but
never ordained, having determined to
leave it for the study of the law. For
some years before the Revolution he con
ducted a classical academy in Maryland^ '
and applied himself to the law under
Samuel Chase, afterward the celebrated
Judge. The war breaking up his acade
my, he repaired to Philadelphia, and be
came conspicuous as a writer and speaker
in the cause of Independence. During
the campaign of 1778, he accompanied
the army as the chaplain of a regiment,
and published a pamphlet of six sermons,
particularly addressed to the soldiers.
He was a most enthusiastic patriot, as
his fine oration on the 4th of July, 1779,
delivered in Philadelphia, evinces.
About the year 1780, when the result

NOTICE OF MR. BRACKENRIDGE.

77

of the war was scarcely any longer
doubtful, he crossed the mountains and
established himself iu hia profession in
the town of Pittsburgh, then in West
moreland county. He soon rose to the
head of the Bar in the western counties,
and in 1786 was sent to the Legislature
to obtain the estabUshment of the county
of Allegheny. He took an active and
zealous part in support of the Federal
constitution, which was opposed by some
of theprominent western politicians, such
as Gallatin, Findley and Smiley, the lead
ers in the opposition to the excise law,
and with whom he never was on friendly
terms. He had laid the foundation of a
moderate fortune, and had risen to emi
nence as a lawyer and speaker at the
time of the outbreak, had been brought
forward as a candidate for Congress,
and but for those unhappy events would
have been elected. He waa ambitious,
not for the mere possession of office or
power, but for fame and superiority as a
man of talents and learning. " He was a
philanthropist and a phUosopher, and
wiUingly sacrificed his popularity to the
real welfare of his country. The history
of the difficult and deUcate part he was
obUged to act during those trying times
is detailed in this work. He declares
that if he had foreseen the consequences
he never would have involved himself in
the thankless office of mediator between
the people and the government ; yet it
could not but be very gratifying to him
that he had b^en so eminently instru
mental in preventing the horrors of civil
war, and perhaps a fatal wound to the
union of the States.
After the troubles of the insurrection
had subsided, he rose higher than ever
in pubUc estimation, but except aa a
poUtical partiaan, never aapired to politi
cal life. He warmly espoused the Demo
cratic cause with Jefferson and Madison
and M'Kean. On the election of the

latter to the government of Pennsylvania,
he was appointed to the Supreme bench,
which seat he occupied sixteen years
until hia death in 1816. He was a man
of great acquirements on all subjects ;
rigidly honest and punctual in all his
dealings. Possessing great opportuni
ties of acquiring wealth, he rather
shunned than sought to avail himself of
them. He was honestly of opinion that
good education was abetter gift to his chil
dren than fortune, and no father ever de
voted himself more anxiously to accom
plish that object. So perfectly simple
had he been in his worldly tranaactiona,
that he was enabled to arrange every
thing in relation to them in aix lines,
dictated to the author of thia note, leav
iug an ample proviaion for his family
and the education of younger children;
and as . to debts, he had none. Various
and moat erroneous opinions have pre
vailed respecting him. It has generaUy
been supposed that wit and humor were
the predominating traits of hia charac
ter, aud that he was strangely and
whimsically eccentric. On the contrary,
he was a man of grave philosophical and
moral turn of mind, an indefatigable
student, and profound observer of men
and things, as any one may see and judge
for himself on reading hia celebrated
work, "Modern Chivalry," one of the
most instructive thia country baa pro
duced. The gift of wit and humor was
rather added to him as an assistant to
enable him to employ hia other gifts to
greater advantage. In fact,' he rarely
resorted to wit unless to effect some wise
and or benevolent purpose, and not for
ita own sake. He loved to raise a laugh
at times, and could do so when ho pleas
ed, but hia object waa always, if not to
make others better, at least to afford an
innocent pleasure. He possessed great
sensibiUty, and the more impulsively he
yielded to hia benevolent feelings in serv-

78

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

ing others, the more keenly he felt the
ungrateful requital. No candid and im
partial man can read this history without
the clear conviction, that he saved the
town of Pittsburgh from destruction, the
western country from the horrors of civil
war, and the Union from eminent peril.
As an orator he had few equals in this
country, nature having bestowed on him

every requisite of oratory, physical as
well as mental ; fine person, a powerful
eye, a towering imagination, a mind
highly cultivated, and a voice of uncom-
mon excellence. Had he exhibited these
powers on the larger stage of the
National Councils, there is no doubt he
would have placed many in the back
ground who are ranked above him.

CHAPTER IV.

THE robbing or THE MAIL — THB SELF-APPOINTED CONVENTION, AND CIROITLAE TO
THE MILITIA OFFICERS DIRECTING A RENDEZVOUS AT BRADDOOK'a FIELD — THE
TOWN MEETING AT PITTSBURGH.
Bradford, having joined the riotous party, which had committed the
recent outrages, was resolved to be at its head. Although incompetent
to organize any consistent plan of treasonable opposition, he could take
advantage of circumstances as they arose ; and hence the suggestion of a
large meeting was adopted by him as the means of extending, or rather
of giving the resistance to the law the- character of insurrection, while
those who originated the idea of the delegation considered it as the means
of restoring order ; at least, of arresting the progress of violence for
the present. That he should have drawn in such a man as Marshall,
and apparently against his will — a man of prudence and sound sense —
would be difficult to account for, if we had not often witnessed instances
of persons greatly superior being subject to the control of those of inferior
understanding; probably from a false estimate of their abilities, or from
some unaccountable influence. On the way to the Mingo meeting, it ap
pears that the idea of stopping the mail between the town of Washington,
where he resided, and Pittsburgh, had been suggested by Bradford to
David Hamilton and John Baldwin, in order to find out what his towns
men might have written on the subject of the recent attack on Neville's
house. This would seem to be a very childish motive for the commission
of so heinous a crime, so far transcending any possible use to which it
could be turned. The men to whom it was proposed declined taking any
part in the reckless enterprise.
The relation between Brackenridge and Bradford was merely professional
— the counsel who traveled the circuit were often engaged to assist in the
argument of causes, by the resident members of the bar in each county,
giving to the latter a certain patronage, which made it the interest of the
former to cultivate a good understanding, and a kind of professional rela
tion. The connection with Marshall, on the other hand, was more per-

80 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
sonal and political. They had taken part with Bradford, on the same
side, in favor of the Federal constitution, when opposed to Gallatin,
Findley and others. Some time before this, a project, warmly advocated
by Bradford, for the establishment of a new State, to be composed of the
western counties of Pennsylvania and parts of Virginia and Maryland,-
had been opposed and defeated through the exertions of Brackenridge
and Marshall. It is very possible that dim visions of a new State still
floated across the mind of Bradford, as an event which might grow
out of a western insurrection. Whatever were the designs, if any, now
concerted by Bradford, they were not communicated to Brackenridge, and
probably not to Marshall. It was not pretended by Bradford, in his de
nunciation of the former, that there had ever been any understanding
between them on the subject. Bradford and Marshall, notwithstanding
the opposition at the Mingo meeting, perhaps entertained a hope of being
able to draw Brackenridge in to take part with them, whilst he subse
quently, at the Parkinson's Ferry meeting, or congress, resolved to avail
himself of that disposition, to turn them aside from their treasonable plang
and preserve the peace of the country. The idea of stopping the mail .
was not spoken of at the Mingo meeting, nor was it communicated to Col.
Cook, or any of those who preferred to remain neuter.
On the failure of the first scheme of stopping the mail from Washing
ton, Bradford determined to intercept that from Pittsburgh to Philadel*
phia, in order to find out what was written by persons in the former place
to those at the head of the government. He sent his cousin, William
Bradford, while David Hamilton sent an obscure, ignorant man, of the
name of John Mitchel, who perpetrated the deed. The post was intercepted
when about ten miles from Greensburg, on the 26th of July, three days
after the Mingo meeting. The packets from Washington and Pittsburgh
were taken out. They were carried by Benjamin Parkinson to Washing
ton, and thence, accompanied by Bradford and Marshall, to Canonsburg,
a small village seven miles distant. On the Washington packet being
opened, no letters on the late affairs from any individuals of that place
were found; but there were some from individuals of Pittsburgh, and as
eavesdroppers seldom hear any good of themselves, these letters contained
matters whioh gave great offense, especially to Bradford.
Various conjectures have been formed as to the ultimate design, if any,
of that person ; but there can be no doubt that his present intention was
to involve as many, and spread the flames as widely, as possible ; and this
desperate act of intercepting the maU was one of the means resorted to

SELF-CONSTITUTED CONVENTION. 81
for that purpose. It was au act which seemed to indicate that the per
petrators were prepared to go all lengths. The opinion expressed by
Findley, is not far from the truth. "Immediately after the Mingo Creek
meeting, Bradford wrote to the principal persons in the neighboring coun
ties of Virginia, pressing them in the most urgent manner to send
delegates to the meeting which was appointed to be held at Parkinson's
Ferry. His sending this letter, and the style in whioh it was written,
indubitably proves the improvement he designed to make of the Parkin
son congress. His robbing the mail, and directing the rendezvous at
Braddock's Field, were calculated to inflame the minds of the people
previously to that meeting, and increase the number of those who would
be rendered desperate by their crimes. In this he was but too successful.
The threatening letters to excite the people to attack Wells and Webster,
though they have not been traced to Bradford, were, no doubt, part of
the plan, and, by their means, the infatuation was vastly extended, and
the number of offenses was increased after the meeting at Mingo Creek,
and before that at Parkinson's Ferry. Even in Virginia, an excise officer
had fled, and a riot was committed at the place of his residence." * Yet,
it speaks much in favor of the excited population, that in spite of these
pernicious measures, so few disorders occurred, so unlike an European
"peasant war." This may be ascribed to the confidence reposed by the
people in the representative meeting at Parkinson's Ferry. And, besides,
there was no aristooratio class, distinct in interest from them, to make war
upon. The French cry of " peace to the cottage, and war to the palace,"
could have no application where, out of the towns, log-cabins were the
only dwellings to be seen.
It is a subject of curious reflection, that the first step toward connect-
iilg the partial riots and violations of law into a formidable insurrection,
which if not crushed in embryro might have endangered this great con
federacy of States, then in its infancy — was taken in a small country-
tavern, by a self-constituted, secret convention of six men ! Whether the
idea was conceived before the Mingo Creek meeting, or not until after
the robbery of the mail, it is impossible to know. Its origin was entirely
unlike the resolution calling for a peaceful congress, or representation,
publicly adopted at the Mingo meeting, and was also in direct conflict
with that resolution ; but whether owing to the expected congress, or to
the fact that a mere military insurrection is at variance with the genius
of our republics, certain it is, that this alarming gathering in arms at
* Findley, 109.

82 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
Braddock's Field, so imposing in appearance, was rendered by some
management not only harmless, but even ludicrous, as we shaU presently
see. It is to be hoped, that if we should ever be so unfortunate as to
experience an internal revolution, it wUl not assume a warlike appearance
even of this description."'
The self-created convention having read over the letters thus feloni
ously obtained, proceeded to the consideration of measures to be adopted.
The following circular, as the result of their deliberations, with a curious
arrogance, was drawn up and signed by them, addressed to the colonels
and other mUitia officers of the western counties, just as if signers had
been invested with the supreme authority in the government of the State.
They ordered out the militia, as if on a tour of military service, and this
by men who held no publio office, civil or military ! And what is strange,
this impudent command, in several regiments, was promptly obeyed by
officers and men. In others, the officers were obliged to lead the men
from a regard to their own personal safety. We give the letter as drawn
up, and despatched by messengers in aU directions, by this self-created
revolutionary junto : "July 28th, 1794.
" Sir — Having had auspicions that the Pittsburgh post would carry with him
the sentiments of some of the people in the country, respecting our present situa
tion ; and the letters by the post being now in our possession, by which certain >
secrets are discovered, hostile to our interests, it is, therefore, now come to that
crisis, that every citizen must expreaa his sentiments, not by his words, but by his
actions. You are then called upon as a citizen of the western country, to render
your personal service, with as many volunteers aa you can raise, to rendezvous at
your usual place of meeting,! on Wedneaday next, and thence you will march to
the usual place of rendezvous at Braddock's Field, on the Monongahela, on Friday,
the flrst day of August next, to be there at two o'clock in the afternoon, with arms
and accoutrements in good order. If any volunteers shaU want arms and ammuni
tion, bring them forward, and they shall be supplied as well as possible. Here,
sir, is au expedition proposed, in whioh you wUl have an opportunity of displaying
* " John Canon and a Mr. Speer, a atorekeeper in Canonsburg, were invited to
the tavern, and the mail was opened. In the course of conversation at the tavern,
it was asked what would be done with those known to be connected in the attack
and burning of Neville's houae? Bradford replied, 'They would be hung,' and
suggested, ' the only way to protect them was to involve the whole western country
in the matter, and that the numbers concerned would prevent extreme measures on
the part of the government.' " — Carnahan, p. 125.
t Braddock's Field was the place of the annual brigade muster, or review— each
regiment previously assembled at its own rendezvous.

SELF-CONSTITUTED CONVENTION. 83
your miUtary talents, and of rendering service to your country. Four days pro
visions wiU be wanted ; let the men be thus suppUed.
We are, (signed,) J. Canon, T. Spbars,
B. Parkinson, L. Looknt,
D. Bradford, J. Marshall.
A. Fulton, *
"To Col.  "
It is difficult to know whether to laugh or be sad at this piece of mis
chief and folly ! Our reflections would, perhaps, lead us to do injustice
to the intelligence of our fellow-citizens of that period. Let us hope,
that with our newspaper press and common-schools of the present day,
it would be impossible to impose upon the people by such absurd usurpa
tions of authority, "unknown to the constitution and the laws," although
there may be some still ready to submit to usurpations without inquiry,
where the idol happens to humor the popular prejudice or antipathies of
the day.
At first, the avowed purpose of this mUitary gathering was to attack
the town of Pittsburgh, to seize the magazines of the garrison, and any
military equipment that might be procured in the town. It was also
contemplated to take the writers of the offensive letters, and imprison
them in the jail of Washington. " These," says Mr. Brackenridge, "were
the objects contemplated, according to the information given me."
Whether it was resentment against the writers which gave rise to a
" march to Pittsburgh, for the purpose of arresting these men, and that
this drew with it the idea of taking the magazines, or whether the^ latter
was the primary object, and the intended arrests the accidental, I am not
sufficiently informed. It would seem probable that the march to Pitts
burgh, and the seizure of the magazine, would have been at all events
attempted, as a necessary act to furnish the means of defending what had
been done, that is, the intercepting and robbing the mail. For it is to be
presumed, if we suppose the actors in this affair to have had reflection,
that they had made up their minds to set the government at defiance ; in
* "Fulton was from Maryland; he was not only a Federalist, but an open ad
vocate for the excise law, indeed the most openly ao of any man I have met with
in the western counties, and an avowed friend of the Inspector. He kept a large
distillery, and expected by the operation of the excise law to have considerable
advantage over the small distillers. He had also erected a brewery. I have
never been able to account for the inconsistency of his conduct." — Findley, p. 96.
For notice of Bradford, Parkinson, Canon, Findley and Marshall, see Notes at
the end of this chapter.

84 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
that case, it became them to arm themselves with the means of war.
When an officer disapproved the circular letter, he did not dare to con
ceal from his battalion or company that he had received such a notice ;
.and when communicated, it was the people commanding the officer, and
not the officer the people. Call us out, or we will take vengeance on you
as a traitor to your country ! The whole country was one inflammable
mass ; it required but the least touch of fire to inflame it. I had seen
the spirit which prevailed at the stamp act, and at the commencement of
the revolution from tie government of Great Britain, but it was by no
means so general and so vigorous amongst the common people as the
spirit which now existed in the country." *
As soon as this circular became known, strong remonstrances were
made by persons to Bradford and Marshall, against it, with representa
tions of its dangerous tendency; and this, with such effect, that they
became alarmed, and vished to countermand their orders; but' as only
three days would elapse between their date and the time appointed for
the assemblage, it was too late to put a stop to it, although in some-
quarters to which the countermand was sent it had its effect. The levity
of the countermand was as ridiculous as the order was presumptuous ; it
was in these terms :
"Dear Sir — Upon receiving some late inteUigence from our runners, we have
been informed that the ammunition we were about to seize was destined for Gen.
Scott, who is just going out against the Indians. We, therefore, have concluded
not to touch it ; I give you this early notice, that your brave men of war need not
turn out tiU further notice. Yours, &c. David Bbadfobd.
"Col. David Williamson."
No sooner was the news of this frivolous counter order rumored through
the town of Washington — which being in the midst of a farming popula
tion, and eptertaining feelings more in common with them than those of
the town of Pittsburgh, where there was more trade and more government
influence — than the people of Washington broke out into a furious rage,
called a meeting at the court house, and those of the country hearing of
it, came rushing in, under still greater excitement. James Ross,
United States Senator, who then resided there, in a speech of great
earnestness of two hours, endeavored to dissuade the populace. Thomas
Scott, of the House of Representatives, Thomas Stokely, of the State
Senate, David Roddick, Prothonotary (clerk of the court), Henry Pur
viance and others ofthe bar, exerted themselves to effect the same objeot.
* Incidents, p. 40, 41.

PITTSBURGH IN DANGER. 85
James Marshall was in earnest to retract, and spoke publicly. Bradford
seeing the violence of the multitude, by which he was always swayed,
was more inflammatory than he had ever been ; denied that he had given
his consent to the countermand, and asked with confidence who was the
scoundrel who would say he had consented 1 There happened to be no
one present who could contradict him, or was willing to do so. The
countermand given above, was afterward procured by Col. Stokely in
the handwriting of Bradford. It was now carried by a vote that the
march to Braddock's Field should proceed. To show their displeasure with
Marshall, the door of his house was tarred and feathered that night;
threats of personal injury were thrown out, and he was compelled to de
clare his readiness to go. Others were threatened, for a revolutionary spirit,
something like that which at that time raged in France, appears to have
taken possession of the uninformed ; they threw aside all respect for the
laws, and talked familiarly of taking life and violating the rights of prop
erty — creating terror in the minds of the peaceful on the one hand, and>
licentiousness among the unprincipled on the other. Indisposition of
pressing business was pretended to avoid going — many yielded to their
fears, and thought it safest to comply. Others were induced to go with
the patriotic motive of endeavoring to moderate the passions of the
multitude, and prevent the commission of outrages. Of the last descrip
tion, there were numbers of the principal officers of the militia, who came
with battalions or companies, and who accompanied them not for the pur--
pose of encouraging, but if possible of restraining the rank and file upon
whom the Jacobin madness had seized.* The common language of the
time in the country was, they were going to take Pittsburgh ; some talked
of plundering the town. It was an expression used, that as the old Sodom
had been burned by fire from heaven, this second Sodom should be burnt
by fire from earth ! The shopkeepers were told at their counters by per
sons cheapening their goods, that they would get them at a less price in a
few days. The very women coming in from the country would say —
* Col. John Hamilton, on receiving a circular, repaired immediately to Washing
ton to countermand it, but arrived after the meeting had concluded ; he was
therefore compeUed to accompany his regiment from the motive above mentioned,
Col. Cook concealed the circular from his regiment — but went to Braddock's Field
with the same intention.
"Great exertions," says Findley, "were made, however, in communicating the
circular letters, and though many who probably wished to suppress them durst not,
there were some who did keep their secret, and some clergymen, and others in the
south of Washington county, were active and successful with their neighbors in ,
dissuading them from going." — Findley, p. 97.
7

36 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
" That fine lady lives in a fine house, but her pride will be humbled by
and by." Persons were coming to the blacksmiths with old guns that
had lain by a long time, to be repaired. Others were buying up fiints
and powder from the stores ; there were many who were supposed to be
from distant parts, no one in the town knowing them. Some were sup
posed to be spies, to see the condition of the garrison or the town ; with
out appearing to have anything to do, they were seen to be lounging about
from place to place. If it excites surprise in the reader that there should
be so many persons of this lawless stamp among a peaceful rural popula
tion, it must be recollected that at the close of the revolutionary war
some of the dregs of the army would be emptied on the frontiers, and
that these, with many desperate as well as enterprising characters, would
seek the new settlements.
It was now understood that preparations were every where making
throughout the survey, and especially on the south side of the Mon
ongahela and in the neighborhood of that river, for the contemplated
rendezvous at Braddock's Field. Major Butler had been industrious to
Improve the defenses of his garrison; Major Craig, the quarter-master,
and company had removed into it with his family. Col. Neville had pre
pared to defend himself in his own house. Under these circumstances it
was thought advisable by the citizens to call a town meeting, to consider
what was to be done for their own safety, and that of the place thus
threatened with destruction.
It is stUl a question what could have been the object of this alarming
movement, now that the first idea, that of attacking the garrison, had
been abandoned. After much refiection, it has appeared to the writer,
that after making due allowance for the difficulty of stopping the ball
once set in motion, as the measure originated immediately after the Mino-o
Creek .meeting and the intercepting the mail, the design of both was to
furnish a pretext for a military organization which would present at once
a formidable front of insurrection. It would be raising a standard of re
bellion in which the whole western country would be involved, and thus
be the means of making easier terms with the government, or making it
the commencement of treasonable plans, if any such existed, and the peo.
pie found wUling to embark in them. It was expected that the officer in
command of the garrison, the officers of justice, and some of the leading
inhabitants, would make representations to the Executive, and call for a
military force to march immediately for their protection ; and this would
make it necessary for the rioters to prepare for their defense, by taking
the garrison and sacking and destroying the town. When nothing of the

TOWN MEETING. 87
kind was discovered, and the plans of the leaders had changed in conse
quence, no other motive can be discerned than the silly one of making
war upon a few individuals for some offensive expressions contained in
their private letters. However this may be, those who set the ball in
motion were no longer able to stop it, even if it had been their wish to do
so, and the consequence of the disorderly assemblage and disorderly march
might have been as serious as at first intended. A very large number of
those who came to Braddock's Field were still undeceived as to that inten
tion, while the mass had the most vague and uncertain notions of what they
were to do, or for what purpose they were assembled. It was thought by
many that some great secret, as the circular expressed it — some gunpowder
plot against the people — had been discovered, and was there to be dis
closed. Whether these conjectures are well or ill-founded, it was a most
mischievous, as well as foolish act, in the projectors, and which required
the greatest caution and prudence, on the part of the leading citizens,
to avert the most lamentable consequences. • -
A town meeting was convened about dusk ; the whole town was assem
bled. General Gibson in the chair, and Matthew Ernest secretary. It
was announced that persons had arrived from the town of Washington
with a message to the inhabitants of Pittsburgh, on which a committee of
three. General Wilkins, George Wallace and H. H. Brackenridge, were
appointed to meet the messengers. Those were, Messrs. Baird, Meetkirk,
Purviance and Blakeney. These gentlemen had brought the' mail whioh
had been delivered to them by Bradford and Marshall, and which was to
be restored to the post office, with the exception of the offensive letters,
which they were to retain. The letters were, from Col. Neville to Gen.
Morgan ; Gen. Gibson to the Governor of Pennsylvania ; James Brison,
Prothonotary, to the Governor ; Edward Day to the Secretary of the
Treasury; Maj. Butler to the Secretary at War. The messengers stated
that these letters had rendered the writers obnoxious, and that it was de
termined by the people, now on their march to Braddock's Field, to take
vengeance on them ; and such was their fury that they appeared ungov
ernable, although every possible means were used to control them. The
messengers further stated that a number of the principal men in the
country had thrown themselves among them, in order, as far as possible,
to restrain them from acts of violence, for which they were but too well
disposed, and that disposition likely to increase. The prevailing idea
among them, was to seize the obnoxious individuals and burn the town of
Pittsburgh ; and great doubts were felt by the messengers, who now came
to them as friends, of the possibility of preventing the calamity. It was

88 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
with great difficulty they had made their way hither, having been stopped
more than once, and it had required address to enable them to pass, it
being the desire of the country people that those of the town should not
be informed of their coming. In making their way to Pittsburgh, it was
the hope of the gentlemen from Washington to be able to concert some
measure to save the toion, now threatened with destruction. They could
see but two things that could be done, with any prospect of success in
saving themselves ; the first was, to compel or induce the obnoxious per
sons to absent themselves for a time, under the idea of banishment by the
citizens ; and the second, the march of the latter in a body, to meet the
assemblage, as if to make common cause with them; that in this way,
finding friends instead of enemies with the people of Pittsburgh, their
violence might receive a direction which would render it harmless ; and
perhaps they might be persuaded to proceed no further than Braddock's
Field. They thought it certain that if this were not done, or if the
slightest resistance were made, the town would be laid in ashes. Brison
and Day were particularly obnoxious; Kirkpatrick also was, from his
being the supposed cause of M'Parlane's death; that these were the pri
mary objects of the popular resentment, but others were so in a secondary
degree. They advised that all those against whom this resentment was
directed should leave the town, for the safety of those who remained, and
as a means of saving their own property. It was evident that the attempt
of any individual to defend his house would be worse than useless ; if
present, he would be certain to lose his life, and the burning of his house
would terminate in a general conflagration, with the loss of many other
lives. The committee now reported the message from Washington, and the
names of the proscribed were read. Day and Brison were present —
Neviile, and probably Kirkpatrick, were there, as it was supposed that
every one in town who could attend had taken part in the meeting. It
struck every one present that it would be advisable for these to absent
themselves, or keep out of the way until the danger were past. There
was no objection made; all seemed tacitly to acquiesce. It was a man
oeuvre which all seemed to comprehend, as the only policy which could
be adopted under the circumstances for the safety of the proscribed as
well as of the rest of the citizens. To attempt a defense against over
whelming numbers of men capable of being rendered infuriate, would be
certain destruction ; the town could not bring out more than two hundred
and fifty men capable of bearing arms, and even some of these could not
be relied on ; so that the joining the insurgents would be a measure of

FEIGNED BANISHMENT. 89
safety, even as respected them. If they attempted to use the protection
of their wooden houses, fire could be put to them, and the lives of their
famUies would be exposed, without speaking of the certain destruction of
their property. As to the garrison, it was but a picketed inclosure, at
the distance of a mile, with an open common between it and the village ;
and at this time the troops in it, all numbered, did not exceed forty men.
It might afford a temporary refuge against Indians, but not against several
thousand riflemen, urged on by fury, and could have been taken by a
siege of a week, as it had no supply of provisions. The state of alarm
among the towns people may be readily conceived. It will not do at the
distance of sixty years to denounce them as cowards and traitors — they
acted on the principle of self-preservation, which was perfectly justifiable.
If the proscribed were put to the inconvenience of retiring for a time,
leaving their property and famUies under the protection of their fellow-
citizens who remainded, they were recompensed by the prospect of
security, in lieu of the almost certain destruction to which they wore
exposed. No disreputation attended the fictitious banishment; on the
contrary, they would be regarded by the government with favor, as objects
of persecution by the mob. It was not an exile from civilization to the
wilderness, but from the wilderness to the seats of civilization, in which
they would be sure to meet with a cordial reception from their fellow-
citizens, and restored to their homes in triumph in the course of a few
weeks, as soon as the government should put down the insurrection.
It was agreed that the proscribed should leave the town ostensibly as
if banished, and that those who remained behind, some of whom would
have been glad to be banished also, should put on a mask of being with
the mob, called "the people," and the insurgents at Braddock's Field.
It was proposed that a committee should be appointed to conduct and
manage the part which the inhabitants of the town should act. This
committee, consisting of the number of twenty-one, was chosen, with
power to elect their chairman. They were composed of the most respect
able and substantial citizens ; it is proper to record their names, as their
descendants still continue to form a large proportion of the respectable
part of the population. They are as follows — George Robinson, (chief
burgess,) H. H. Brackenridge, Peter Audrain, John ScuU, (editor Pitts
burgh Gazette,) John M'Masters, John Wilkins, (father of Gen. Wilkins
and Hon. William Wilkins,) Andrew M'Intyre, George Wallace, John
Irwin, (merchant,) Andrew Watson, George Adams, David Evans, Josiah
TannehiU, Matthew Ernest, William Earl, Alexander M'Nickle, Col. John
Irwin, James Clow, William Gormly and Nathaniel Irish. Although no

90 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
chairman was elected, the chief direction was left by common consent to
H. H. Brackenridge. It was intrusted to him to draw up a paper, to be
struck off from the press, and sent forward to the people at Braddock's
Field, informing them of what had been done, and of the determination
of the town to join them.
After the meeting adjourned, it was agreed by the committee to appoint
particular persons from among the most intimate friends of those who
were the subjects of the flctitious banishment, to wait on them, and make
any further explanations that might be deemed necessary, and among the
rest, Kirkpatrick in particular. They reported that the latter was per
fectly satisfied of the necessity of the measure, and would set out next
morning. Brison and Day had already in the meeting declared them
selves perfectly satisfied to go ; the latter avowed that he was pleased it
had fallen upon himself, as he had no family, and intended to take a ride
over the mountains at any rate, and it would be no great inconvenience.
And yet all these persons, forgetting every circumstance, and the dangers
which they escaped, through this pretended banishment, afterward raised
a great outcry against their fellow-townsmen, who had thus cruelly sub
jected them to a Siberian exile ! They made a great merit of their suf
ferings and persecutions, while fgted and entertained by the citizens of
Philadelphia ! It was well understood by their friends and neighbors of
the town, that this terrible exile would be attended with no injury or dis
honor, but on the contrary, the means of insuring their present safety,
and serve as a recommendation to the government. They never thought
of asking themselves, what would have been their situation if they had
remained ? They would have been compeUed to fly for their lives, at any
rate with a certainty of the destruction of their property ! They were
the cause, albeit the innocent cause — still the cause — of the danger in
curred by their fellow-townsmen — and it was on their account that the
insurgents were now marching to the town with the intention of giving
it to the flames.
Late at night, the committee having separated, Henry Purviance, Esq.*
of Washington, came to Mr. Brackenridge and expressed concern that
the gentlemen of his company from Washington had, as he conceived,
* Mr. Purviance was an eminent lawyer, and prosecutor for the State, a gen
tleman of high character. He was a FederaUst and a friend of government, and
exerted himself on aU occasions to prevent the discontents of the people from
breaking out into open violence. When it did, he was oue of the most active in
endeavoring to restore order and submission. The family removed to Butler, where
they stiU remain among its most distinguished citizens.

FEIGNED BANISHMENT. 91
from motives of delicacy, hesitated to express to Col. Neville and General
Gibson * the full extent of the danger in which they were ; that he could
not conceive on what principle Col. Blakeney, f who had undertaken to
explain the information in a more specific manner, had omitted to speak
to those gentlemen ; that they were certainly equally obnoxious with the
others, and would be equally unsafe in the event of being found in town
if the people should march in, and that it was cruelty, in effect, not to
inform them of the real predicament in which they stood. Mr. Brack
enridge agreed with Mr. Purviance, and thought it extraordinary that the
distinction had been made, as the letter of Gen. Gibson was to the same
effect as that of Brison, and that of Neville was more likely to offend
those who had become the leaders of the insurrection, than any thing in
the letters of the others ; and this, coupled with his being the son of the
Inspector, would place him first on the list of the proscribed by the mob.
It was thought, after this, advisable to call the committee together and
bring the subject before them, when Mr. Purviance undertook the task of
making the explanation. It was determined that Col. Neville and Gen.
Gibson should in the morning be made acquainted with their situation,
and that they might then do as they thought proper. This was commu
nicated to them by Mr. Purviance. The fact is conclusive, that so far as
respected the towns people, the banishment of the proscribed was dictated
by considerations of their safety from the impending danger.
General Gibson came to Mr. Brackenridge the same evening, and ap
peared to have a just sense of his situation, and requested a candid opin
ion as to his danger in going to Braddock's Field. Mr. Brackenridge
gave his opinion that it was not safe, and expressed his surprise that Col.
Neville had not a just sense of his danger, as he understood that he had
even talked of going to the rendezvous. The idea was a strange one, for
he certainly could not expect to restrain the mob ; and as to going there
under the pretense of being an insurgent, it would place him and his
townsmen in a curious predicament. If he had done so and escaped with
* General Gibson was a merchant, and one of the oldest settlers in the West.
His brother. Col. George Gibson, fell in St. Clair's defeat ; his nephew, of the same
name, is still in the United States service, as an officer of high rank. Judge
Gibson, of Pennsylvania, was also his nephew.
f Col. Blakeney was a revolutionary officer of distinction, a Federalist, and an
ardent supporter of the government and the laws. His opinions on this subject
were so well known, that on the withdrawal of the army sent out to quell the in
surrection, he was placed in special command of the corps of militia who were
continued in service until order was entirely restored. He was a friend to the
NeviUes.

92

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

life, it might have had the effect of preventing the "connection" from rep
resenting the town committee, and all those who went to Braddock's Field,
as traitors ! The Colonel was persuaded not to think of going ; it is
inexplicable how he could have seriously thought of it. His going
would have defeated the plan adopted by the people of the town, on the
advice of their fellow-citizens from Washington ; for the insurgents would
naturally ask, can you be in earnest, and yet bring these obnoxious per
sons along with you ? It was even doubtful as to Gen. Wilkins, who had
been the most popular man in the country ; but that popularity, often so
fickle, had left him on a sudden, in consequence of an advertisement in
which he said he would, as Commissary of Supplies, purchase only duty-
paid whiskey ! This gentleman determined to risk the going, as he was the
senior militia officer, and would be in command of the Pittsburgh troops.*
Here we see the workings of democracy on a small scale, an Athens or
Sparta in miniature, or Rome in its infancy; and we see characters on
the stage, deliberations and incidents, worthy the pen of Livy. They are
not less instructive than the doings of great commonwealths, where the
passions and interests of men are at work among a greater number. It is
such workings which give interest to the histories of great communities
as well as small ones, and it is the minuteness of detail which constitutes
the charm of the narrative.

NOTES TO CHAPTER IV.

.Tudge Addison to Mr. Brackenridge on the
subject of Robbing the Mail.
"January 18, 1795.
" Sir : — I have been pursuing the plan
for robbing the maU, and can trace it no
higher thau Bradford. It was proposed
by him to MarshaU, on their way to
Mingo meeting-house; Baldwin and
David HamUton were in company, and it
was put on them to execute it. The ob

ject to be obtained, was to know the
opinions of the people on the business
carried on. The post to be robbed was
the post from Washington to Pittsburgh;
and it was only when Baldwin and HamU
ton sent word that they could not perform
their part, and when it was then too late
to intercept the mail to Pittsburgh, that
the plan was changed to what was really
executed. Bradford sent his cousin Wil-

* Gen. Wilkins, sou of John Wilkins, Esq. a Justice of the Peace of the town,
was ., Revolutionary officer, and one of the manliest of manly men. Yet even
his going there, although his attachment to the administration of Washington
and Hamilton was beyond aU question, did not escape the insinuations of the
" connection." His steady friendship to Mr. Brackenridge was the great cause of
their displeasure.

RESOLUTIONS, AFFIDAVITS, AC.

93

Uam, and David Hamilton, I beUeve, sent
John Mitchel, who executed the business.
My information is from a good source,
and may be depended on. The matter,
I believe, was not talked of at the Mingo
Creek meeting-house, nor did Edward
Cook know anything of it.
Alexander Addison."
David Bradford to the inhabitants of Mon
ongahela — Virginia.
" Washington, Aug. 6, 1794.
" Gentlemen : — I presume you have
heard of the spirited opposition given to
the excise law in thia State. Matters
have been so brought to pass here, that
all are under the necessity of bringing
their minds to a final conclusion. This
has been the question amongst us some
days: ' Shall we disapprove of the con
duct of those engaged against NeviUe,
the excise officer, or approve?' Or in
other words, ' Shall we suffer them to fall
a sacrifice to Federal prosecution, or shall
we support them ? ' On the result of
this business we have fully deliberated,
and have determined with head, heart,
hand and voice, that we will support the
opposition to the excise law. The crisis
is now come — submission or opposition;
we are determined in the opposition — we
are determined in future to act agreeably
to system ; to form arrangements, guided
by reason, prudence, fortitude and spirited
conduct. We have proposed a general
meeting of the four counties of Pennsyl
vania, and have invited our brethren in
the neighboring counties in Virginia to
come forward and join us in council and
deliberation on this important crisis,
and conclude upon measures interesting to
the western counties of Pennsylvania
and Virginia. A notification of this
kind may be seen in the Pittsburgh
paper. Parkinson's Ferry is the place
proposed, as most central, and the 14th
of August, the time.

"We solicit you by all the ties that
an union of interests can suggest, to
come forward to join with us in our de
liberations. The cause is common to us
all ; we invite you to come, even should
you differ with us in opinion ; we wish
you to hear our reasons influencing our
conduct. Yours, with esteem,
David Bradford."
Resolutions of the Toion Meeting, Z\st of
July, 1794.
"At a meeting of the inhabitants of
Pittsburgh, on Thursday evening, July
31st, 1794, to take into consideration the
present situation of affairs, and declare
their sentiments on thig delicate crisis,
"A great majority, almost the whole
of the inhabitants of the town, assem
bled. It being announced to the meet
ing that certain gentlemen from the
town of Washington had arrived, and
had signified that they were intrusted
with a message to the inhabitants of the
town relative to present affairs, n, com
mittee of three persons were appointed
to confer with them, and report the mes
sage to the meeting. The persons ap
pointed were George Wallace, H. H.,
Brackenridge and John Wilkins, Jr. ; these
gentlemen made a report tothemeeting, to
wit : that in consequence of certain letters
sent by the last mail, certain persons
were discovered as advocates of the
excise law, aud enemies to the interests
ofthe country, and that a certain Ed
ward Day, James Brison, aud Abraham
Kirkpatrick, were particularly obnox
ious, and that it was expected by the
country that they should be dismissed
without delay ; whereupon it was resol
ved it should be so done ; and a commit
tee of twenty-one were appointed to see
this resolution carried into effect.
"Also, that whereas it is a part of the
message from the gentlemen of Washing-

94

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

ton, that a great body of the people of
the country will meet to-morrow at Brad
dock's Field, in order to carry into effect
measures that may seem to them advisa
ble with respect to the excise law, and
the advocates of it,
"Resolved, That the above committee
shaU, at an early hour, wait upon the
people on the ground, and assure the
people that the above resolution, with
respect to the proscribed persons, has
been carried into effect.
"Resolved, also, That the inhabitants
of the town shall march out and join
the people on Braddock's Field, as breth
ren, to carry into effect with them any
measure that may seem to them advisa
ble for the commo.n cause.
" Resolved, also. That we shall be
watchful among ourselves of all char
acters that by word or act may be un
friendly to the common cause ; and when
discovered will not suffer them to live
atnongst us, but they shall instantly de
part the town.
"Resolved, That the above committee
shall exist as a committee of information,
and correspondence, as an organ of our
sentiments until our next town meeting.
"And that whereas, a general meeting
of delegates from the townships of the
country on the west of the mountains,
will be held at Parkinson's Ferry on the
Monongahela, on the 14th of Augustnext,
" Resolved, That delegates shall be
appointed to that meeting ; and that the
9th of August next be appointed for a
town meeting, to elect such delegates.
'¦'¦Resolved, also, That a number of hand
bills be struck off at the expense of the
committe, and distributed among the in
habitants of the town, that they may
conduct themselves accordingly."
From Findley's History — p. 94.
" Col. Marshall had been an early set
tler in the western counties, and a useful

citizen during the course of the late war
with Britain, and the territoral contro
versy with Virginia. He was successive
ly Register, High Sheriff, member of the
ratifying convention, (of the Federal con
stitution), of the Legislature, County
Lieutenant,* andagain Register in Wash
ington county ; and was respectable for
the discretion he discoveied in the dis
charge of the duties of the respective
offices he filled. In the ratifying con
vention, he voted in favor of amendments
previous to ratification, but refused to
sign the reasons of the minority. Mod
eration was thought to have been a lead
ing trait in his character. He is an in
dustrious man, and possesses property to
a large amount. From these circum
stances, the part he took in the insur
rection was truly surprising. He had
come from the north of Ireland in his
youth." '¦ David Bradford had been deputy ofthe
Attorney General of the State, from the
time that Washington had been erected
into a separate county. He was origi
nally from Maryland, where he studied
law, and had been a member of the Vir
ginia Assembly before the settlement of
boundary line of the State, and still
practiced law in some of the courts of
that State. He had favored the plan of
forming a new State. At the time of
the adoption of the Federal government
he was one of its most zealous advocates
in that country."
"Benjamin Parkinson, a Pennsylva-
niau by birth, has always resided in that
State. He also was a Federalist, and
had supported- General Neville's interest
formerly ; was reputed a good citizen,
a man of influence in his neighborhood;
* The office of County Lieutenant was one of
dignity, but fell into oUsuse after the Eevolution.
It waa established by Henry VIII. It was the
duty of the lung's lieutenant, to hold the military
force of the county in array. — 2 Blackstone, 411.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.

95

had been a justice of the peace before the
revision of the constitution of the State,
was President of the Mingo Creek Asso
ciation, and one of the committee who
superintended the operations in the
attack on Neville's houae."
" J. Canon was from Chester county,
Pennsylvania, had long been a respectable
citizen south of the Monongahela, Uved
in the town caUed by his name, had at
tached himself to the government of
Virginia, and favored the idea of a new
State. He wa^ afterward a member of
the Legislature, and was an early advo
cate for the Federtil constitution, and a
supporter of General NeviUe's interest
in the country."
" Fulton waa from Maryland ; he was
not oiUy a FederaUst, but an open advo
cate of the excise law, indeed the moat
openly so of any I have met with in the
western counties, and was an avowed
friend of the Inspector. He kept a large
diStiUery, and expected by the opera
tions of the excise to have considerable
advantage over the smaU distiUers. He
had also erected a brewery. I have
never been able to account for the in
consistency of his conduct."
WilUam Findley was bom in the north
of Ireland, came to this country young,
and served with credit during the Revo
lutionary War. He was one of the ear
Uest settlers in the West as a farmer.
Being a man of considerable intelUgence,
and reading, and having a tum for pub
lic speaking, he soon took part in poU
tics, and was elected to the Legislature.
Here he came in conflict with H. H.
Brackenridge, who was elected for the
purpose of getting the new county of
AUegheny struck off from Westmoreland,
which was represented by Findley.
They came in colUsion on various occa
sions, especiaUy on the subject of a loan
office, for which the people of the West

were clamorous — Findley supported and
Brackenridge opposed the law. When
the latter was urged to support what
he regarded as of a very pernicious ten
dency, he was told that the people caUed
for it, "D  -n the people," said he,
" what do they know about such things."
This hasty speech Was reported against
him, and a handle made of it. A long
paper war ensued between him and Find
ley, which laid the foundation of a per
sonal as weU as political enmity. They
differed also on the subject of the Feder
al constitution, Findley taking sides with
GaUatin. Findley was one of those
who took part in the meetings two years
before the outbreak. He attacks Ham
ilton with severity in his book. He was
one of the earUest to oppose the Federal
administration, but was deficient in firm
ness of purpose. When the vote on
Jay's treaty was taken, he left the House
of Representatives to avoid giving his
vote, and was brought up by the sergeant-
at-arms. As to his history of the insur
rection, in the simple statement of facts,
he would not knowingly deviate from
truth, but his prejudices were strong,
and his peraonal enmity biassed his judg
ment. Hia book waa written the year
after that of Mr. Brackenridge, of which
he makes occasional use, while he en
deavors in a sneatcing way to undervalue
the author and detract from his merits.
Instances of this are given in the pro
gress of this work.
Extract from the Affidavit of Adamson
TannehUl.
" That on the evening preceding the
meeting at Braddock's Field, the inhabi
tants of Pittsburgh generaUy assembled
to consult on what measures were neces
sary to pursue on the occasion. That
before the people had proceeded to take
the matter up in any order, it was an
nounced to them that three or four gen-

96

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

tlemen had arrived from Washington
county, with some alarming information
respecting the meeting of the people on
the next day at Braddock's Field.
George Wallace, John Wilkins, Jr.,
and H. H. Brackenridge, Esq., were
immediately named to wait on them. On
the return of these gentlemen they in
formed the people there assembled, that
in consequence of letters being intercep
ted in the mail which had been taken,
that certain persons were proscribed as
obnoxious to the people who were to
assemble at Braddock's Field on the next
day ; viz. James Brison, Edward Day,
and Abraham Kirkpatrick, and that
nothing short of their expulsion would
satisfy the people and save the town.
The question was then put by the chair
man. General Gibson, whether they
should be expelled or not ? which was
declared in the affirmative. The mode
of expulsion was the next consideration,
which was to be done by a committee of
twenty-one, the choice of whom was vest
ed in the chairman, who named them gen
erally; the chairman was named as one of
the committee himself, (his name set down
by the secretary, Matthew Ernest,) and
he appeared to acquiesce in the appoint
ment. The deponent understood at the
time, that a private suggestion was
made the chairman by Mr. Brackenridge,
that he, the chairman, was also obnox
ious ; on which he supposed his name to
be erased, Mr. Brackenridge not think
ing it prudent that he should be of the
committee in going to Braddock's Field,
and might induce suspicion of our sin
cerity in having him of the committee.
This the deponent understood from Mr.
Brackenridge on the same evening.
" Two of the persons proscribed were at
the meeting, viz. James Brison and Ed
ward Day, who appeared to acquiesce in
the expulsion, considering it for their own

safety as well as that of the town, from the
manner they expressed themselves ; and
further, that the particular friends of
these gentlemen were pointed out to con.
suit them on the expedience of their re
moval. The deponent believes that it
was perfectly xmderstood at the time, to
be the most politic thing that could be
done on the occasion, in order to take
away any pretense from the rioters at
Braddock's Field, of coming to the town
to seize them, and do other injuries ; and
that the same poUcy and necessity led
the people generaUy to Braddock's Field.
The deponent was one of the committee to
Braddock's Tield, and on the route there
Mr. Brackenridge expressed himself to
the deponent to the foUowing effect:
that after all that had been done, he did
not consider it as perfectly certain that
we might not suffer violence from the
fury of the people, on account of the
prevailing odium against the town,
knowing that however far we had car
ried the appearance of union in senti
ment with the rioters, they would see
through the mask, and treat us ill on
the first approach. Under these impres
sions, Brackenridge proposed advancing
with a flag; the deponent objected to it,
and observed that it was best not to seem
to distrust. Mr. Brackenridge then de
cUned it.
"That during the whole of the insur
rection, so far as the deponent had know
ledge, Mr. Brackenridge conducted him
self as a friend to the government, and
showed great anxiety to have peace and
good order- restored to the country.
That his apprehensions appeared natural
and unaffected. The deponent has fur
ther heard the citizens of Pittsburgh gen
eraUy speak of him in the most favorable
manner, for his activity and address in
saving the town."

97

Extract from the Affidavit of William
Meetkirk.
" We accordingly went to Pittsburgh.
When we arrived there a number of peo
ple came to the house where we put up,
to inquire of us if we knew what object
the people had in view that were to
assemble at Braddock's Field? We in
formed them that it was in consequence
of letters that had been found in the
mail, written by several persons in that
place to government, misstating' their
conduct (as they termed it), and that the
people conceived them to be very ob
noxious characters, particularly Major
Kirkpatrick, Mr. Brison and Mr. Day ;
and it was our opinion that if some of
those who had written the letters did not
leave the town, that it was in danger of
being destroyed from the apparent rage
of the people. The same evening there
was a town meeting of the inhabitants
of the place, as we understood, to take
into consideration what was best to be
done for their own safety. On hearing
that we had come to town, they appointed
a committee, consisting of Mr. Brack
enridge, Gen. Wilkins and Judge Wallace,
to confer with us, and to have our opin
ion on the subject. We produced to
them the letters that had been taken out
of the mail, viz. Major Butler to Gen.
Knox ; Gen. Gibson to Governor Mifflin ;
Mr. Brison to the same ; Col. Neville to
Gen. Morgan, .and one without signature
to the Secretary of the Treasury, iu the
handwriting of Edward Day ; which were
read in their presence. They asked us
what we thought was the intentions of
the people that were to assemble at Brad
dock's Field the next day ? We gave it
as our opinion, that the town was in im
minent danger of being destroyed if some
of the obnoxious characters were not
sent away, for that we ourselves had
been insulted on the road coming there
by some people, when they understood

we were going to Pittsburgh ; for thoy
said we were going there as spies to tell
the people to get out of the way, and
that we ought to be taken prisoners, and
they actually raised a party to follow us
for that purpose, as we were afterward
informed. After which they returned
to the meeting and gave the information
from us, iu consequence of which they
entered into resolutions to expel certain
persons, and which was afterward pub
Ushed in handbills."
Extractfrom the statement of Col. Blakeney.
" We produced the letters which were
to be considered obnoxious; they were
read, and the committee were told by us
to make what use they might think prop
er of them until to-morrow, as we had to
produce them at Braddock's Field. The
names of the obnoxious characters were
given by us, viz. Major Kirkpatrick,
Mr. Brison and Mr. Day. I mentioned
to the committee that we had no real
business at that time but to save the
town. And if you did not comply with
what was related, by the Lord, your
town, as I believed, would be laid in
ashes, and those persons probably massa
cred. I remember one question put by
the committee, ' What will you advise to
do for the real safety of the place ?'
Answer — Send off these characters ; take
your arms in your hands and meet the
people at Braddock's Field to-morrow.
" Col. Presley Neville was present the
most of the time. I remember the con
versation with Col. Neville ; he asked us
to give him a pass, or passport, so that
he might leave the place and travel with
out being molested. I replied that we
were not invested with any such powers,
that we were not committee men, and
that we came of our own accord to in
form the people of Pittsburgh of the im
pending danger they were in ; neverthe
less, he repeated this desire to have a

98

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

passport of us the next morning. True
it is, had it been in my power, nothing
would have given me greater pleasure,
as I always considered him an old fast
friend. Yet I felt hurt at his request,
and more so on the repetition of it, after
the answer I had given him."
The foregoing extracts, taken from af

fidavits published in the appendix to the
" Incidents," sufficiently sustain the ac
count given in the text. Those papers,
together with the statements of James
Boss, Mr. Purviance, and Mr. Roddick and
others, to the same effect, vrill appear in
full as notes to other chapters in the
progress of this work. The foregoing is
deemed sufficient for the present.

CHAPTER V.
IHE assemblage AT BRAHDOCK's PIELD — DIFFICOLTT OP SAVING THE TOWN.
The people of Pittsburgh, having come to the determination already
related, set out early in the morning of the first of August, 1794, for the
place of rendezvous — the committee of twenty-one, composed, as already
mentioned, of the most respectable citizens, being on horseback, unarmed,
and followed by the militia of the town, numbering two hundred and fifty,
under the command of Gen. Wilkins. It was not without misgiving that
they reflected on the hazard of the experiment of joining several thousand
armed men, whose purpose, (if any they had,) at least of a large portion
of them, was to burn and plunder their town. But the towns people be
lieved that this fraternization and display of willingness to join in what
ever project was on foot, would turn aside the mischief of this methodical
mob from them and contribute to prevent injury to others. Many, at the
same time, indulged a hope that the multitude (or arm,y as it was called,)
could be persuaded to proceed no further than they then were, as the idea of
attacking the garrison had been abandoned, and the obnoxious characters,
whose presence now formed the only pretext for the march, had left the
town or were supposed to have done so. About six hundred of the Pitts
burgh resolutions had been struck off, and being sent through the Wash
ington committee and distributed among the people, were reported to have
produced a favorable impression. Under these circumstances the Pitts
burghers marched into the field.
" On approaching the scene," says Mr. Brackenridge, " my feelings
were by no means pleasant. I was far from thinking myself secure from
personal danger. I knew I had stood, in general, well with the country
before this period ; but I had given myself a stab as to popularity, by what
I had said at the Mingo meeting-house. I had understood that a current
of obliquy ran strong against me from that quarter."
Besides this, there were persons who entertained unfriendly feelings
toward him from previous causes ; two of thejn, M'Farlane, the brother
of him that had been killed, and Benjamin Parkinson, he knew would be
there as leaders. The prevailing idea among the people was, that all law

100 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
for the time was dissolved, as on the extreme frontier when lynch law
rules the hour. There was no notion, under the circumstances, that there
could be anything wrong in bringing a man to speedy end by the limb of a
tree and hanging him, if obnoxious to the people. Although he had been
on friendly terms with Bradford before, he did not know his standing at
present. He might be suspected of having related his treasonable speech
at the Mingo Creek meeting, which had been communicated to govem
ment by the writers of the intercepted letters, and who had drawn upon
them the resentment of Bradford. If he should make inquiries into this
matter, on the ground, it might place him in an awkward predicament, as
he had in fact given the information with the others who had accom
panied him. It might not be easy to save themselves from the tyrant of
the day. Under these apprehensions for himself and the committee, he
thought of advancing with a white flag, and placed a white handkerchief
on the end of a whip for the purpose, but a moment's reflection impelled
him to take it down, as it would show distrust and mar the plan which
had been adopted. These fears may appear unreasonable at this distance
of time, but not to one who has seen a large and enraged multitude, under
the command of one as mad as themselves, or under no command at all.
In the first case, they will execute whatever the leader dictates ; in the
other, what any one may suggest. In the present instance, Bradford would
have great power, but the people would have more, and there was rea
son to fear both. As to burning the town, possibly it was more talked of
than intended ; but the talking of it would lead to the act, contrary to the
wishes of many of the talkers. Such is the history of the human mind,
when men are in a state of anarchy.
The account of the assemblage will be given in the words of the author
of the " Incidents," whose graphic descriptions have been in great part
adopted by Hamilton in his report.
" The ground where Braddock fought,* is on the east side (right bank)
of the Monongahela, and on the same side with the town of Pittsburgh.
The militia from Washington had therefore to cross the river in order to
come upon the ground. They had crossed in great numbers, at the same
ford where Braddock did, and were now on the ground. They were
dressed in what we call hunting shirts, many of them with handkerchiefs
on their heads ; it is in this dress they equip themselves against the In
dians. They were amusing themselves with shooting with balls at marks,
and firing in the air at random with powder only. There was a continual
*At the time of the assemblage it waa the private property of Geo. Wallace, Esq.
one of the committee.

braddock's field. 101
discharge of guns, and constant smoke in the woods and along the bank
of the river. There appeared great wantonness of mind, and a disposition
to do anything extravagant. We had advanced within the camp, as it
was called, when the committee halted and waited for Gen. Wilkins, at
the head of the Pittsburgh militia, to approach. I saw him march by
us, and discovered in his countenance a sufficient evidence of a sense
of danger ; though I knew him to be a man of great personal intrepidity,
yet I did not wonder at his apprehensions. Nothing but his appearing at
the head of the militia could have saved him. I was thinking of his
danger, when I turned my head a moment, and was struck with the sight
of the very man I was most afraid of, Andrew M'Farlane, just by me.
He was dressed in a blue coat, with a dark visage, lowering countenanoe,
and a rifle in his hand, looking at me. I eyed him in my turn, but did
not venture to speak. I trusted to his fear of the people, as he did not
know perfectly how I stood with them ; after some time he turned
about and went away.
" The next object that arrested my attention was Bradford,* walking
before a number of battalions that had just crossed the river, and \5rere
xanged on the bank to be viewed by him. I was solicitous to know what
my reception would be. I knew that from his going on to the intercept
ing the mail, and the procuring of this movement of the people without
my knowledge, he had not expected my assistance, and his not commu
nicating his intentions discovered a distrust of me. But I found our
proceedings in Pittsburgh had satisfied him, for he advanced and spoke
to me. The usual questions by him, and every one else, were, had we
sent away those men ? Was there no danger of their coming back ? Our
usual answer was, they are gone — they will not be suffered to come back.
Epithets of indignity were sometimes used respecting them, to mask out
sentiments the better. It was said by them that more must go. Every
one from Pittsburgh that I heard speak at all, assented to every thing
that was said ; for it was a part of the system adopted, and we trusted to
the arrangements that could be made to soften all matters and prevent in
jury to any one, in proportion as we ourselves could acquire confidence
with the leaders or the multitude.
* "David Bradford assumed the office of Major General ; mounted on a superb
horse, in splendid trappings, arrayed in full martial uniform, with plumes floating
in the air and sword drawn, he rode over the ground, gave orders to the mUitary
and harangued the multitude. Never was mortal man more flattered than was
David Bradford on Braddock's JField. Every thing depended on his wiU. The in-
Burgenta adored him, paid him the most aervile homage, in order to be able to con
trol and manage him." — Carnahan, p. 127. 8

102 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
" Having been some time on the ground, I fell in with Benjamin Par
kinson, the other person of whom I had been personaUy apprehensive.
He was in a group of men whom I knew to be warm in the cause. I ad
vanced with great appearance of confidence and frankness of manner,
and saluted them. I was received with cordiality, and thought myself
very fortunate. All, or most of them, had been at the conflagration of
the house of the Inspector, and had heard me at the Mingo meeting
house ; but the Pittsburgh handbill, and my appearance on the ground
now to join them, had effaced the unfavorable impression.
" They sat in a group on the ground, each with his rifle in his hand,
or lying by him. I sat with them. The conversation turned upon the
burning of the house ; and they expressed great rage against Kirkpatrick,
who had been the cause of burning it, and the death of James M'Far
lane, by his refusing to let the house be searched for the Inspector's com
mission and his papers. They expressed resentment against Major Butler,
for sending out soldiers to the house of the Inspector. They had inquired
for Ormsby, who had accompanied Neville, the younger, and the Marshal
from Pittsburgh. I said he was upon the ground, but was scarcely worth
inquiring after. He was an inconsiderate young man, that would go any
where. He had gone there and had come here, and it was little matter
what he did. That we had heard in what manner they had treated him
when they had him a prisoner ; that they had taken his horse and pistol
and hanger from him ; and put him on the bare back of a colt to ride, as a
steed congenial with his years and discretion. I had heard something of
this, but whatever might have been the case, I was disposed to give them
the impression that I was diverted with the circumstance, and therefore
put them on the relation of the circumstances, and laughed immoderately;
Tjut concluded that he had been sufficiently punished by his apprehension
on that occasion ; and that he had gone there without the knowledge of
his parents, and had come with their approbation here, it was not worth
while to mind him ; it was agreed that it was not. I did not know that,
in the meantime, the young man had been on the point of assassination.
Fifteen men had painted themselves black, as the Indian warriors do
when they go to war. They had gone in search of Ormsby. Zediok
Wright, of Peter's Creek, had discovered it, and having a good will for
the family, or from motives of humanity, made haste to give him the in
telligence of it, a few minutes, not a quarter of an hour, when they were
seen to pass by openly in pursuit of him. He made his way to Pitts
burgh in the course of the day, by devious routes, and lay concealed in
the barracks of the old garrison until the whole cavalcade was over.

i BRADFORD'S POWER. 10-3
" I was greatly disconcerted on one occasion, in the course of the day,
by James Ross,* of Washington. It was the first time I had seen him on
the ground, when sitting with two or three others at the root of a tree ;
passing by, he said to me, within a smile, ' Tou have got a great deal of
subtlety, but you will have occasion for it all.' I was alarmed, and looked
about to see who must have heard him. There were none near but those
just with me, whom I knew, and who were wearing the mask also. But
I gave him to understand that he had alarmed me, for he could not
know the character of those with me. He said he did, and considered
that before he spoke. Talking of the arrangements made, he thought the
business well managed on the part of the town ; and that nothing else
could have saved lives and property.
" People were coming in from every quarter all that day, generally.
armed ; but some without arms. It was impossible to know the real sen-.
timents of almost any one amongst the multitude — how far they were
there from necessity, or of choice. Every man was afraid of the opinions.
of another. Sometimes a word dropped, which might be construed away
if not well taken, would lead to a confidence. The great bulk of the
people were certainly in earnest ; and the revolutionary language and the
ideas of the French people had become familiar. It was not tarring and
feathering, as at the commencement ofthe revolution from Great Britain,
but guillotining — that is, putting to death by any way that offered. I
am persuaded that even if Bradford himself, that day, had ventured to
check the violence of the people, in any way that was not agreeable to
them, and had betrayed the least partiality for the excise law, or perhaps
even of a remission of his zeal against it, he would have sunk in an in
stant from his power, and they would have hung him on the first tree !
Yet, he was wea^ enough not to have foreseen this ; it had been an argu
ment used with him, in dissuading from a perseverance in the measure
undertaken, that no man could calculate the consequences of putting the
mass in motion with arms in their hands. His answer was, that he could
say to them, ' hitherto shalt thou go, and no further.' Certain it is, that
his influence was great. I saw a man wade into the river, lift cold water
from the bottom of the channel and bring it in his hat to him to drink.
Applications were made to him that day for commissions in the service.
" Nevertheless, whatever his idea might have been, he would have seen
the extent of his power, if he had ventured to tell the people that they
* Mr. Boas, U. S. Senator, then resided in Washington, and had come, Uke many
others, with a view of exerting himself to control the people. He was afterward
one of the Commissioners to offer an amnesty to the insurgents.

104 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
should return without going on to Pittsburgh. It was the object of all
men who were apprehensive of the consequences, to dissuade from this;
but it appeared very doubtful, through the whole day, whether or not it
was practicable. It was afterward found that it was not.
"1 had seen Gen. WUkins through the day; he had remained close
with the Pittsburgh people, and ventured little through the multitude.
On his first coming he had gone up to Bradford, apprehensive that he
might denounce him, and addressed him, ' Sir, have you any thing
against me ?' ' No,' said he. This resolute behavior probably prevented
him from having any thing to say.
" Toward the evening, there was a councU of the Pittsburgh commit
tee. It had been represented to them, and was the fact, that the people
of the town, not expecting to detain that night, had brought no provis
ions with them ; it was suggested that they might be suffered to retum
to town, and be at the place of rendezvous early in the morning. It was
thought expedient, and orders were given accordingly. On its being
known that the people of Pittsburgh were going home for the night,
there was a great clamor in the camp. It was said they were about to
desert the cause, and in fact never had been sincere in it. The fact is,
there were persons among them shrewd enough to discover this. Some
would say they were pleased with our address, but would rather have had
us all in concert. ' You have acted well, but we understand you ; we
give you credit for your management.' It would be answered : ' What !
do you doubt our sincerity?' They would say, ' We do not dispute your
good policy.'
" Finding the effect of the departure of the Pittsburgh people, it was
thought desirable to countermand the leave given. I rode after them in
great haste and turned them to the field, with orders not to leave it, let
their want of food be what it might, rather than produce a dissatisfaction
•with the people on the ground, and bring them irregularly and in bad
humor to the town. It will be asked, whence had I this authority ? And
how was I obeyed so readily ? I was ofthe committee to whom the power
had been intrusted of conducting all the affairs on this occasion.
" On my return with the Pittsburgh people, I saw James Marshall, for
ithe first time, on the ground. I saw he was greatly hurt in his mind, at
the trouble he had brought upon us ; and had great solicitude with re
gard to the event. I explained to him the dissatisfaction that had taken
place at the departure of our people, and wished him to ride through the
camp and give information that he saw us all returned. He mounted his
.horse, with his rifle in his hand, and set out to do it.

THE TAKING THE GARRISON. 105
" In the course of the day, a great subjeot of conversation had been the
taking of the garrison. It would seem to have been the original object
of the movement, but had been laid aside. On what principle, I do not
know ; whether on the ground of the difficulty of accomplishing it, or the
projectors of the enterprise hesitating to make war so directly on the
United States. I should rather think it was the danger of the enterprise
that operated on the mind of Bradford ; for he would naturaUy reflect
that he could not avoid taking a part in the attempt himself, and I have
no idea that he was a man of courage under certain danger. The reason
ostensibly assigned at the relinquishment of this object, was, that it was
found the miUtary stores in the garrison were intended for the cam
paign against the Indians, and it would be improper to derange the ope
rations of that campaign by seizing them. This part of the enterprise
had been abandoned by the projectors of it, but the rumor had gone
abroad, and it was not generally known to the people that it was aban
doned. The query every where was, were we to' take the garrison ? I
answered always, that we were. The query then was, could we take it ?
It was answered, no doubt of it. But at a great loss ? Not at all — not
above a thousand killed and five hundred mortally wounded. This loss,
to the more thinking part, appeared very serious. Various modes were
proposed of taking it ; some thought of providing stakes with sharpened
points, and rushing up with these and putting them into the port-holes,
obstruct the firing from them, while others were cutting away the pick
ets. In the meantime others, with their rifies, taking off the men at
the gunsin the blockhouses of the bastions, as the Indians took off the
artillery men at St. Clair's expedition. I was asked what was my plan
of taking it ? I suggested the undermining and blowing up a bastion ;
but they would fire upon the diggers ; besides, it wasted powder. To
some complaining, that called out so hastily they were not well supplied
with powder, I proposed starving out the garrison ; but these were ap
prehensive they would starve out themselves. After, night I had a great
deal of conversation on this subject, in the bushes and at the sides ofthe
fences — laying our heads together and whispering. I was for the most
desperate measures, but admitted that much blood must be lost.
"About midnight, I rode through the camp where the people were
lying at the fires in their blankets or without. I made a pretense of in
quiring for the Pittsburgh battalion, and this with a view at the same time
to let them know that the Pittsburgh people were^ still on the ground.
My principal object was to ascertain the determination of the people with
regard to their coming to Pittsburgh. I found the universal sentiment to

106 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
be, that they would see the town. There was little sleep in the camp. The
firing and shouting had ceased, but there was a continued conversation.
" Coming up to a fire, a person to whom I was known accosted me. ' Is
Kirkpatrick gone ?' said he. He is gone. ' And why the devil did you
let him go ?' said a person starting up behind him. The question came so
suddenly upon me, that I was a little struck with it ; but recovering, I
replied that it was no fault of mine that he went away ; I would rather
have kept him here, and puni.shed him by the law. This was the truth,
for I was prosecuting at that very time for misdemeanor. The enr^6 or
enraged man, as I may call him, made no reply ; but the person who first
spoke to me gave me a touch on the side and said, ' Come, take a dram, we
will not detain you.' This I understood to be a hint to go away.
" I give this incident, because that having mentioned it afterward, it
was used as a proof that I had endeavored to infiuence the people against
Kirkpatrick by talking of punishing by law. It is true the man deserves
my resentment, nevertheless I had too much regard for my own feeUngs
and the opinion of the public to avail myself of that occasion to do him an
injury. But my loose expression in the case mentioned was equivocal,
and was understood by them as it was intended to be understood, viz. to
the circumstance which was the ground of their resentment, the defend
ing Neville's house ; my insinuation was that it was punishable by law.
The thought was new to the man, and it occupied his mind for the mo
ment. " Passing on to a range of fires, I found Hamilton's battalion. This
had arrived late in the evening ; it had been long expected, and was
called the ' bloody battalion.' The greatest part of it had been at the
burning of the Inspector's house. We expected desperate measures when
these came. It was commanded by John Hamilton, a man very moderate
and reasonable, and who was disposed to restrain the people from acts of
violence, and with that view had come with them. Daniel Hamilton, his
cousin, was the first that accosted me, and wishing to serve me the people,
«aUed out, ' This is a true whig. But what do you think of that d — d
fellow, James Ross ? He has been here and all through the camp, per
suading the people not to go to Pittsburgh !' I saw now that it was in
vain to oppose the going, and it was better to acquiesce and say they should
go. In that case there would be more management of them than if they
came in spite of opposition. I saw this, and took my part decidedly.
' D— n the fellow,' saij^ I, ' what business has he with Pittsburgh ? The
people of Pittsburgh wish to see the army ; and you must go through it,
and let the d— d garrison see that we could take it if we would. It will

COMMITTEE OF OFFICERS. 107
convince the government that we are no mob, but a regular army, and can
preserve discipline and pass through a town like the French and American
armies in the course of the last war, without doing the least injury to per
sons or property ?' There was a general acclamation, and all professed a
determination to molest no one. Returning to a farm house, just by the
camp, where some of our committee were, I communicated the result of
my observations. Some of them had been through the camp in the same
manner, and had the same impressions that I had, with regard to the im
possibility of preventing the people from coming to town."
The foregoing is given in the words of the author of the " Incidents ;"
it is the minuteness of the details which gives it its greatest value. The
reader is placed in the very midst of the scene which passes before his
eyes; he shares the author's feelings, and profits by his profound reflec
tions drawn from human nature. More than one topic is presented for the
study of our peculiar institutions, and the genius of our American people.
If they have improved since that day, it is simply from the increase in the
proportionate number of enlightened individuals, and the greater spread
of knowledge and education.
In the morning, a council consisting of the principal officers was con
vened in the camp, and it was agreed to form a committee, to be composed
of three from each regiment, to deliberate on what was to be done. Gen.
Wilkins, H. H. Brackenridge and John M'Masters were chosen for Pitts
burgh. In order that the deliberations might be more free, it was pro
posed to retire to some distance, which they did, to a shady ground in
the woods. Edward Cook was appointed chairman, but no secretary was
chosen.* Bradford opened the meeting by stating the cause of their
assemblage in arms, viz. in order to chastise certain parsons who had
avowed sentiments friendly to the excise laws ; that their sentiments
had come to light through the vigilance of some persons who had inter
cepted the mail, and found their letters ; that these letters would speak
for themselves. Here taking out the letters from his pocket, he read them :
from Major Butler of the garrison, giving an account of the outrages com
mitted, and his sense of their atrocity ; from Neville the younger, allud
ing to the authors of the disturbance, and applying to them the epithet
? Hildreth says (see Craig's History, p. 252,) that Gallatin was appointed sec
retary. He was not there at all. Craig ought to have known better. The three
or four pages he extracts from Hildreth, on the subject of the insurrection, con
tain almost as many errors as they contain lines. Craig and Hildreth are of that
class of old Federalists, who, Uke the ancient nobility in France, never learn aud
never forget anything.

108 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
of rascals; from Edward Day, suggesting a project for carrying the
excise law into operation; from Gen. Gibson, stating a motion of Brad
ford, at the Mingo Creek meeting, to support the outrages committed;
from the prothonotary Brison, to the same effect. At the authors of
these two last letters he appeared particularly enraged, as distinguishing
him at the Mingo Creek meeting, and representing him as making snch
a motion. Addressing himself to Mr. Brackenridge — " Were not you
there," said he ; " did I make such a motion ?" " I looked at the man
with astonishment, (says Mr. Brackenridge in the "Incidents,") is it
possible, thought I, that you did not know the scope of your harangue ?
You did not make the motion, but you supported it, and that is all the in
accuracy in the statement in the letter. But is it possible you would regard
the being distinguished to the government as supporting violent counsels,
when you have distinguished yourself so effectually in the very act of
obtaining these letters ? However, it was no time to explain ; it would
involve myself and put it out of my power to save others, to enter into
an altercation with the Robespierre of the occasion, by stating, as the
fact was, that if he did not make the motion, he supported it.* I there
fore evaded it, by saying that the statement in the letter was not accurate,
but that might be the fault of the information given the writers. It was
answered, that it became them to be more cautious in giving credit to infor
mation ; and at all events it evinced a disposition unfriendly to the people,
to be communicating information to the government of what they were
about. There was no answering this." The reader must reflect, that
Mr. Brackenridge was placed in a situation where the least imprudence
on his part would not merely involve himself, but many others, his fellow
townsmen, whose fate was extremely critical.
Bradford having read the letters, and put them up again, said, there is
another person who is an object of resentment with the people. Major
Craig ; he has had the insolence to say, that if the Inspector's office is
shut up in the town of Pittsburgh, he will open it in his own house.
Calling on the deputation from Pittsburgh, said he, " Have any of you
heard this ?" It was answered in the negative. Mr. Brackenridge said
that he had neither heard it from him nor from others, but stated some
thing respecting the Major's uneasiness and alarm — his taking down the
notice on the door, and giving the fragments to Capt. Long ! He caused
a laugh at the expense of the Major ; thinking to save him, as well as
*It is very possible that it may have been designed by Bradford to bring on a
row, which would end in getting rid of the whole Pittsburgh delegation. A vio
lent altercation would have led to fatal consequences.

THE LETTER WRITERS. 109
the Pittsburgh people by substituting mirth in the place of the angry
feelings which prevailed. He also admits that he had some little malice
in this piece of merriment, on account of the Major having accused the
towns people of cowardice in not going out to defend the Inspector's
house in the country. Bradford said that the language of the Major had
been the talk of the camp.
It was now the question, what should be done with these men ? It was
resolved that the question should be taken with respect to them sin
gly. The case of Major Butler was considered first; his offense was two
fold — the interfering with the civil authority of the people, by sending a
military force to the house of the Inspector ; and by his correspondence
with the government. There was no one so rash as to defend these acts ;
but it was observed by Mr. Brackenridge, that being an officer of the
United States, Major Butler was amenable to the Executive for every
thing unconstitutionally done ; and that on a representation to the
President, there could be no question but that he would remove him
from the command in the district. It would be most advisable, there
fore, to take no order in his case, but postpone it until the meeting at Parkin
son's Ferry, and then remonstrate to the Executive, and procure his recall,
which was agreed to. The amusing inconsistency of petitioning the Presi
dent for the removal of a subordinate officer, by persons in arms against the
government, does not appear to have struck any one, nor does it appear
that so transparent a piece of management on the part of Brackenridge
led to any suspicion of his design.
The case of Major Craig was next taken up. It was observed by Mr.
Brackenridge, that it was true that there certainly was ground of suspi-
cion that he had been over zealous in favor of the excise law ; neverthe
less it might be bad policy to order him of the country at this time, for
in his capacity as Quarter-Master, he had the care of the military stores
that were intended for the Indian campaign ; that it might derange these
operations, and give offense to the people of Kentucky, who were also
against the excise law. But he was also an officer of the United States,
appointed by Gen. Knox, the Secretary at War, and the same steps might
be taken against him as against Major Butler. The only difficulty in this
case, was to whom the representation should be made, to the Secretary at
War or the President? James Ross, who happened to be near, was ap
pealed to, and he gave it as his opinion, that the Secretary at War was the
proper authority to be addressed. The effect of the appointment of a del
egation to meet at Parkinson's Ferry, was seen in the two foregoing
instances, in the disposition to refer to its decisions as the highest author-

110 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
ity instituted by the people themselves, Stlthough existing only infuturo.
It also furnished a good excuse for giving the go-by to subjects not other
wise manageable. It was wise to refer such questions to that higher au
thority, as it took away the disposition of the people to act hastily, or from
sudden impulse.
The next cases were those of the two other writers, Neville and Gibson.
Mr. Brackenridge spoke in their behalf also, but it was discovered that
the people were growing impatient at this special pleading of the Pitts
burgh lawyer. With regard to Gibson, he observed, that he was a man
of an inoffensive disposition, and could do little harm go or stay ; being
engaged in trade, to be compeUed to leave home might injure not only
himself but others, and that banishment, in his case, could do no good.
As to Neville, he had used harsh language, but under the influence of
passion, and in a letter to a relation. Some ill humor was now manifested :
there were speakers for and against ; a man leaning on his knees, with his
chin on the head of his staff and a slouched hat on his head, spoke softly
but with great eagerness, for Neville — but at this moment a Capt. Mur
ray, a young Irishman, not long in the country, with great liveliness of
manner, came forward, dressed in a light sky-blue camblet coat, leather
overalls, buff waistcoat, and a cutlass by his side. He had not been
present until that moment. In fact, fresh battalions of militia were con
tinually arriving, and as they arrived they chose deputies to the commit
tee. Murray wishing to make up for lost time, was very active now, and
understanding that the question was for the banishmennt of a certain
individual, was very strenuous for the banishment. If it had been hang
ing, it would have been the same thing ; for the man had no resentment
personally or politically, but simply wished to distinguish himself, and
engage in the revolution.
"I felt Httle or no concern," says Mr. Brackenridge, "in the case of
NevUle,* for I did not see it to be of any consequence to him whether he
was to go or stay. I rather thought it was his interest to be sent away,
and I had understood that it was his wish to get out of the country. He
actually expressed himself to that effect to the messengers from Wash
ington ,t who came with the intercepted mail, and applied to them for a
passport, mistaking their authority. I had seen him the morning of
*He was a man of leisure, and passed much of his time in PhUadelphia. At
this time he was a member of the State Legislature, and was summoned there short
ly after to attend a special sesaion. Craig speaks most patheticaUy of his exile.
tSee Col. Blakeney's statement, of whom he requested a paasport ! Yet he made
a great outcry about his banishment.

COMMITTEE OF OFFICERS. Ill
our march to Braddock's Field, and with as much anxiety of countenance
as a man could discover, who could conceive his life to be in danger —
his expression was, ' The only thing I think of is to escape assassination.'
Well — I thought of nothing but this, the saving of his life and property.
For Gibson I was concerned ; not that I thought it would ultimately be
of any damage to him to be banished, but I supposed his feelings would
be hurt for the present, and he might think it of consequence to be sent
away. "I was standing by Bradford at tlfts time — turning to him, I observed
with some warmth, ' The sending away these people is a farce ; it will be
the best recommendation they can have to the government ; they will get
into office aod be great men by it ; it is better to let them stay and be in
significant where they are ; you could not have done a better thing to those
that are gone than to have sent them off.' My language was candid, and
his answer especially so. ' But,' said he^ ' the people came out to do some
thing, and something they must do.' I now saw, that whatever his theory
might have been with regard to the extent of his power over the people,
his feelings for his own safety corrected his vanity ; and he saw the ne
cessity of giving a tub to the whale. He had heard the declamation of
Murray, viz. that we must be firm, and clear the country of disaffected per
sons, &c.; and conceiving that Murray, being just fresh from the camp,
had brought its sensibilities with him, he was unwilling to relax in his
disposition with regard to the expulsion — we ought to be firm, said he,
and unanimous."
At the first withdrawing of the committee, and taking their station in
the woods, they were followed by numbers of outsiders. The committee
being opened, it was moved, and the chairman was directed to inform the
people, that it was their wish to deliberate in private, and the chairman
addressed them to this effect. Some went away, but others remained, and
accessions were certainly made by new comers. In spite of all that could
be done, there was a gallery of riflemen around them. About a dozen
came up from the camp, and having listened a little, leaning with their
rifles on a log, while the committee was still deliberating on the cases of
Gibson and Neville — "Gentlemen," said one of them, "do something
speedily, or we will go to execution ourselves." This, with the disposi
tion discoverable in the committee, induced the Pittsburghers to think it
not advisable to delay the determination in the cases just mentioned, lest
the multitude should go on, and the committee, of course, break up with
out any determination at all ; and in that case, no resolution having been

112 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
passed and announced with regard to these persons, they would be left to
the mercy of the mob. Under these impressions, the Pittsburgh mem
bers consulting aside, were of opinion that it was best to say at once that
they would be sent away, and they themselves would engage to have it
done ; but requested eight days for them to be ready. Some one of the
members proposed to refer the case to the Parkinson Ferry meeting, but
that was rejected. This undertaking of the Pittsburghers to expel their
fellow townsmen, was not well received ; their wish to do so was distrust
ed, and led to the inquiry whether tb%se who were said to have left the
town, were actually gone or not ? It was affirmed by the towns people
that they were gone, and that they had crossed the Allegheny river the
preceding evening. They were anxious to satisfy the doubt, which seem
ed to be growing serious, and might have terminated badly, when for
tunately a young man who had just come from the camp, announced that
one of the spies employed in thfe Indian war had just eome in, and
brought an account that they had seen Brison and Kirkpatrick ten miles-
on the Sandusky road. Though not true, it answered the purpose. It
was now stipulated that they should not be permitted to come back. Mr.
Brackenridge told the people that if they did come back they might#eize
him in their place ; some one said, " Remember the pledge."
Bradford now moved that the troops should go on to Pittsburgh ;
" Yes," said Mr. Brackenridge, " by all means ; and if with no other view,
at least to give a proof that the strictest order can be preserved and no
damage done. We will just march through, and making a turn come out
on the Monongahela bank, and taking a little whiskey with the inhabi
tants of the town, the troops will embark and cross the river." These
words thus carelessly spoken, became the order of the day, there being no
other orders issued by any other officer or commander. James Ross at
this moment stepping from another part of the committee, whispered to
Mr. Brackenridge, " The veil is getting too thin, I fear it will be seen
through." But the committee had risen and were going away. " It is
well for you," said Benjamin Parkinson, "that the committee has broken
up in such a hurry ; you would have been taken notice of, you gentlemen
of Pittsburgh. Give us whiskey ! we don't want your whiskey." " I
considered his umbrage at these words," says Mr. Brackenridge, " as no
more than a pretense for a quarrel, and was alarmed, but made, in the
softest manner, an explanation that I meant no more than that we should
drink together, and not any offense whatever ; and that it would affect me
in the most sensible manner, if anything inadvertently said by me should

MARCH TO PITTSBURGH. 113
intercept harmony and injure the cause. I got him to seem satisfied ;
but I rather suppose he had begun to suspect me of not being in earnest
in the cause, and that this was the real ground of his resentment."
The situation was a delicate one for those who were obliged to seem
what they were not. Parkinson was a bully, but like such had more
show of desperate courage than reality. The safety of those who were
thus compelled to act so difficult a part, lay in the shortness of time that
the insurgents were assembled together — they did not yet know how far to
confide in each other — or what support they could count upon, and how
far others were supported. The same collection of persons remaining to
gether only a few days, in all probability would have exhibited a different
character. The Pittsburgh committee, in the mean time, had sent messengers to
Major Butler to inform him of the state of things, and that the garrison
would not be disturbed.* Others were despatched to have boats ready for
crossing the river, and refreshments on the ground where they would halt,
so as to leave no pretext for leaving the ranks. Some of the towns people
had gone home, alarmed at the idea of the march, in order to put out of
the way some of their most valuable articles. Some buried their books
and papers. Mr. Brackenridge had' given orders the day before for his
papers to be carried out of town. Officers in the mean time had been ap
pointed : Colonels Cook and Bradford generals ; Colonel Blakeney officer
of the day ; Mr. Brackenridge led the army as guide, from his perfect
knowledge of the country and the roads. In this order this extempo
rized army entered the town by the Fourth Street Road, keeping out of
sight of the garrison; marching down the main street to the Monongahela,
the whole body then passing along the river, and about four o'clock halted
on the plain to the east of the town, the property of Mr. Brackenridge.
Here every possible provision had been made that the short space of time
allowed. Many of the inhabitants besides, had placed refreshments on
tables before their doors. As soon as the Pittsburgh militia, who march
ed in the rear, could be dismissed from the ranks, they were employed in
carrying water to the plain. Members of the committee set the example
by carrying water and whiskey to these " Whiskey Boys," as they have
since been called. " I was employed with the rest," says the writer of
the "Incidents," " very busily. I thought it better to be employed in
extinguishing the fire of their throats than of my house ; most other per
sons thought in the same manner." In spite of all that could be done,
* It afterward appeared that a message to the same effect had been transmitted
by Bradford.

114 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
straggling companies left the ground, came into the town, and were ex
tremely insulting and troublesome. The taverns, by order of the commit
tee, had been closed, but the tavern-keepers were obliged to distribute
gratis.* According to the best estimates, the number which entered the
town was 4,500 — about a fourth part had returned home from Braddock's
Field — so that the whole number assembled there was about 7,000. It is
probable, that all who marched were provided with arms and well acquaint
ed with their use. Here was without doubt a formidable army, which it
would have been the extreme of folly in the two hundred and fifty miUtia
of the town to attpipt to resist. And yet the historian of Pittsburgh,
Neville B. Craig, and'iiis father, Major Craig, hang over them the impu
tation of cowardice and treason for not making the attempt ! The charge
is not, indeed, made in direct terms, but the inference from their lan
guage, as well as from their silence, is irresistible. f
Great activity was used by well disposed persons to preserve order.
General Bradford left all' to his officers, giving himself little trouble. He
had retired to an arbor to cool himself in the shade, and receive the hom
age of his flatterers, to whom he expatiated on his great achievement, the
expulsion of the obnoxious characters ! It was an object of moment for
the safety of the town, to have the multitude thrown across the river as
speedily as possible. There were but three or four boats that could be
collected from the ferries, and it would take a long time to transport so
great a number with these. But it was remembered that the horse, which
was about a third of the number, could ford the river, and Mr. Bracken
ridge being acquainted with the ford, undertook to lead them across, which
he did near the junction of the rivers. The foot, in the mean time, at
least the greater part, had crossed in boats. J
* " Incidents," p. 66. Mr. Brackenridge says it cost him four barrels of whiskey
for his share.
f See notes at the end of this chapter.
J There is an anecdote related by Combe, in his phrenological tour, that is similar
to the foregoing, although on a smaUer scale. Before the late war between thu
country and England, a mob had gone on board a British vessel in the port of PhiE
adelphia, taken off the rudder, and were dragging it along the street with the in
tention of repairing to the residence of the British consul and breaking his windows,
A gentieman of address and some personal influence joined them, and affected to
aid in dragging the rudder, but taking advantage of a pause to rest addressed them
in the fcUowing manner: " FeUow citizens, let us prove to those insolent British
that we are not a rabble of disorderiy persons, as they represent us, but a calm,
reflecting people. Instead of insulting them, let us give three cheers before the
consul's house, and lock up this rascaUy piece of British timber in one of the rooms

DANGER OF THE TOWN. 115
Notwithstanding the greatest exertion, a hundred or two had remained
in town ; these were in concert with some of those who had crossed the
river, and who were to bum some farm buildings belonging to Kirkpat
rick, on Coal HUl, opposite the town, which was to be the signal for those
in town to set his house on fire. It was also said, that the house of the
company where Day was clerk, was to be fired. Gibson's house, Neville's,
Brison' 8, and probably Major Craig's, were to be burnt. The burning of
these would probably have caused the destruction of the whole town.
A company, commanded by a Capt. Riddle, dressed in yellow hunting-
shirts, were seen in the evening parading the town, as having something
in view, and appeared to be bent on mischief. About nine o'clock at
night the alarm was given that they were about to bum Kirkpatrick's
house. Mr. Brackenridge had just returned from bringing over aU the
boats to the town side, when the river was lighted up by the flames from
the hill. He met General WUkins marching in haste at the head of the
Pittsburgh militia, for the purpose of defending the house, and thus
addressed them : " This will not do — it is contrary to the system we
have hitherto pursued, and which has been successful. Return and lay
down your arms. If a drop of blood is shed between the town and the
country, it will never be forgiven. It -will be known that there is a
tumult in the town, between the inhabitants and the country people, and
those that have crossed the river, many of them will return and we shall
fall a sacrifice. If the houses are to be defended, it must be by the
people of the country themselves."
In fact, a number of the country people were in arms to defend the
house. Col. Cook, James Marshall, and a brother of Maj. M'Farlane
who had fallen, had gone down. He had been called upon, on the prin
ciple that having the greatest cause of resentment against Kirkpatrick,
if he should oppose the burning, others could not insist on it. General
Wilkins and his militia advanced no further, and Mr. Brackenridge pro
ceeded to those who were endeavoring to bum the hou.se, and appealed
to them in a manner which those of the worst feeling among them
of the State House, and then disperse." The suggestion was adopted and literaUy
obeyed. At night the rudder was secretly conveyed back to the ship by order of
the mayor. It would have been of no use to attempt direct opposition ; and yet
Mr. Brackenridge was assailed for not making a direct and useless opppsition to
the march to Pittsburgh ! We are told by sage moralists that we are on no account
to countenance wrong, no matter what may be the intention, or what mischief it
may prevent. If we see a madman in pursuit of another with a drawn sword, we
must not set him on a wrong direction, although to save life, for this would be a
violation of truth !

116 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
could not resist. He showed them that it would be impossible to burn
the house of Kirkpatrick without, at the same time, burning that, of Col.
O'Hara, which was close by, both built of wood. That they knew the
Colonel was from home with General Wayne, fighting the Indians ; to de
stroy his property under such circumstances, would be an act for which
they would never forgive themselves. If the house must be destroyed, let it
be pulled down, not burned. If it be puUed down, he would be the first to
pull off a board. But why give themselves the trouble ; the Pittsburgh
people would pull it down and throw it into the river. It was perhaps
mainly owing to the determined stand of Col. Coot, Marshall and M'Far
lane, that the house was saved. The offer to throw the house into the
river, was another of those circumstances brought up afterward against
Mr. Brackenridge, entirely omitting the attending circumstances. There
is no doubt that his interference had considerable effect at the crisis, and
especially in arresting the onset of the Pittsburgh miUtia, which in all
likelihood would have brought on a hostile conflict.
Col. O'Hara was Quarter-Master General. He was one of the earUest
settlers in the West, and more identified with the growth and prosperity
of Pittsburgh than any other individual. He was a man of strong natural
mind, of equal enterprise and business talent. He left his descendants
the largest estate in Pittsburgh, arising chiefiy from the increase in value
in real estate acquired at an early period. He was the first tp establish
some of those manufactures on which the wealth of Pittsburgh rests at
this day. Both houses spoken of stood near the bank of the Mononga
hela, and separated from each other only by a paling, and it was impossible
to burn the one and at the same time prevent the flames from being com
municated to the other. They both stood fifty years after their escape from
the danger of this threatened conflagration, and were only pulled down a
few years ago, for the purpose of erecting other buildings. They were
occupied by descendants of Kirkpatrick and O'Hara.
The representations made to the government by its agents being partial
and incorrect, produced false impressions, and did injustice, especially by
omitting all explanatory circumstances, by which means facts may be
made to tell greater falsehoods than falsehood itself. The praise was al
most universally given to Mr. Brackenridge, of having saved the town
by his activity and address. He was, in fact, the life and soul of all the
measures which were put in practice, and without which it would have
been doomed to destruction. The writer of this, in his youth, has heard
this repeated by the people of the town, a thousand and a thousand
times; and yet by some of his malignant enemies, Mr. Brackenridge waa

MOB DISPERSES.

117

held up as the chief insurgent, and at one moment narrowly escaped
being sent to Philadelphia in irons, for his pains in saving the town and
the West from the horrors of civil war !
By the next day the formidable host had almost entirely disappeared,
and the inhabitants once more breathed freely after their escape from the
imminent peril which threatened thera.*

NOTES TO CHAPER V.

The author of the " Incidents'' placed
in an appendix to his book, numerous
afSdavits and statements, either as proof
of facts, or in corroboration of his own
personal narrative. The inconvenience
of this plan is, that the reader after
reading the text will seldom be induced
to peruse the whole of the documents by
themselves. The author of this history
adopted a different mode of giving these
papers, in the way of notes to each chap
ter, in which mode they would be more
Ukely to secure attention. But instead of
giving the whole of each paper at once,
he has only extracted such portions as
relate to the matter of that chapter. To
have pursued a different course, it would
have led to awkward repetition, and as it
is, some repetition is unavoidable. He has
made an exception iu the cases of the
statements of Messrs. James Boss, Judge
Addison, John Hoge, and some others,
which cover the whole ground of the
insurrection. He repeats, that there is no

instance of a mere historical work bet
ter sustained by what approaches to
judicial evidence ; for to historical trutb
the narrow rules of evidence do not ap
ply — rules which were invented, as is al
leged, to exclude falsehood, but which,.
we say again, more frequently exclude
the truth. Evidence has been defined to
be "that which makes clear" — which
produces conviction and belief, and this
from its probability, vraisemblance, and
the character of tho witness. The evi
dence in the present case is not ex parte,
but given under very peculiar circum
stances. The enemies of the author of
the "Incidents," endeavored to fix cer
tain imputations on him ; he boldly chal
lenged them to appear at the bar of pub
lio opinion, and there confront him.
The proceeding was analogous to that of
a court of equity, where one party
makes his statements, which others are
called upon to answer or contradict, if
they can ; when uo contradiction or de-

*The following is preserved by Mr. Brackenridge, partiy as a literary curiosity,,
and partly to show the confused ideas among the people, of the object of the as
semblage at Braddock's Field : ADVOKTUSMENT.
Notia is heai-by givin to the publig that thare waa a par of portmantles lost last time I went with the
revue from Braddlcks ground to Pisburg betweu the nine mild run aud the too mild run, with pur-
vishins in them and hankenther in them. But I care for noting but the sadlebaga every person that
his fond them will send them to Elizabettowo, or live them at Mr. Wadsins tavrin Pisburg so that
the oner raay get them shall have risnable charges paid for there trnble.
SopriMDRER 2, 1794. 9

118

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

nial follows, the bill is taken ^ro confesso.
There was every opportunity that could
be desired, afforded to the other party,
to contest the allegations, and he or they
were challenged to contest them. But
they were silent at the time, and it was not
until sixty years after the publication of
the book, that one of the descendants of
the "Neville connection," Neville B.
Craig, undertook to question the facts,
on the narrow technical ground, that the
statements were ex parte. This is no ob
jection even in the highest judicial tri-
ibunal, a court of chancery — but there is

" On the first inst. a numerous body
cf armed men assembled at Braddock's
Field, continued there tiU yesterday,
their number increasing, it is said, to
four thousand five hundred, being joined
by a number of the inhabitants of Pitts-
burgh, and commenced their march about
nine o'clock, as it was confidently report
ed, with the design of attacking the fort
But some of the leaders being informed
that every possible means had been taken
for its defense, they prudently conclud
ed to postpone the attack, and sent a
flag to inform the commandant that they

ino such rule applicable to historical evi- intended to march peaceably by the fort

• dence — the very idea is an absurdity,
-and only proves the ignorant and con
tracted mind of him who suggested it.
The historian of Pittsburgh has nothing
to urge but vulgar and unmeaning epi
thets, such as scoundrel, black-hearted
villain, aud other manifestations of mal
ice, which only recoil upon himself ; and
which can have no effect on men possess
ing a proper sense of justice, honor, or
gentlemanly manners, none of which pro
perties are evinced by the self styled his
torian.
Letter of Major Craig to the Secretary at
War.
Craig, in his book, page 253, gives a
letter from his father to Oen. Knox, on
the subject of the Braddock's Field oc
currence, prefaced with the remark that,
" it was no doubt a fortunate circum
stance that Major Butler commanded at
that time." Why so ? As it was not the
intention of the rioters to attack the
fort, what difference did it make whether
Major Butier, or any other oificer, was
in command ? It is weU it was not at
tacked — forty men in a wooden stockade,
against five thousand riflemen ! The let
ter is as follows — a sense of propriety and
ordinary judgment would have forbidden
its publication, by the historian at least: j

into Pittsburgh, cross the Monongahela,
and retum home. Major Butler inti-
mated to the flag bearer, that their peace
able intentions would be best manifested
by passing the fort at a proper distance ;
they therefore took another road into
town." The foregoing contains seveifal impor
tant errors. First, as to the simple fact
to the joinirg the insurgents by the Pitta-
burghers, it was true — but unexplained
by giving the circumstances, and the quo
animo, would be a falsehood ; for it con
veyed the idea that they were also insur
gents, and such must have been the idea
conveyed to General Knox. K Major
Craig possessed ordinary intelligence, he
would have known better, as he certainly
did. He at least knew that Gen. Wilk-
kins, who commanded, was no insurgent.
Was James Boss an insurgent ? For he
too was there.
The second error is the statement that
they desisted from the attack, on ac
count of hearing that Major Butler had
prepared for defense, when in fact, they
had already relinquished the idea for
other reasons. As to the silly bragga
docio message ascribed to Major Bntler,
such a message might have been sent by
a corporal or a sergeant, but not by a
brave officer, and man of sense, "by

MAJOR CRAIG.

119

passing the fort at a respectable dis
tance." What was that distance ? The
public highway passed within fifty yards
of the walls of the stockade, and they cer
tainly had a right to pass there without
the leave of the commander. We have
here a sample of the accuracy of the
representations made to the government.
It may be asked where were Neville,
Kirkpatrick, and the other proscribed
persons, during the march ? Major Craig
and his family were in the fort, and it is
to be presumed that the others were there
also. Their houses in town were vacant,
or only occupied by servants. If the
citizens had not yielded to the storm,
under the advice and direction of the
insurgent Brackenridge, these houses
would have been the flrst to be given to
the flames.
The historian has given us another
paper, much worse than this, and it is a
felicitous instance of that strange obU-
quity of mind which distinguishes him.
His mental and moral vision seem to
present things to him in u, strange dis
torted manner, like objects seen by the
natural eye in looking through a broken
pane of glass.
" So general was the combined influ
ence of actual disaffection upon one por
tion of the community, and dread of the
violence of the turbulent among the
others, that the writer has often heard
Major Craig say, that out of the family
connection of General NeviUe, and out
of the employees of the government,
James Baird, a blacksmith, and James
Robinson, the father of WiUiam Robin
son, Jr. were the only persons in Pitts
burgh on whom reliance could be placed
under all circumstances."
James Baird, the blacksmith, and
James Robinson, were the only persons
out of the "Neville connection" that could
be relied on under all circumstances!
For cool effrontery, it would be difficult

to match thia. I am unwilling to believe
that Major Craig would ever use such
language, and rather ascribe it to the
blundering stupidity of his son. The
two individuals named were, no doubt,
good citizens and worthy men, although
of humble rank ; but why exalt them at
the expense of all the other inhabitants
of the town ? Their names are not
among the committee of twenty-one, and
we must suppose that they were not in
the ranks under the command of Gen.
Wilkins ; but were they better citizens
and more trustworthy than the two
Wilkins, or than George Wallace, Mat
thew Ernest, Col. Irvine, and others?
Was not the historian aware of this
sweeping denunciation, as traitors, of
the whole town? Was he not aware,
that a different interpretation might pre
sent another idea, viz. that the Neville
connection was held in little respect or
consideration, by their townsmen, with
the exception of the two persons named,
and the government employees ? But this
would not be just. They were neither
held in odium by their fellow citizens,
nor did they, or Craig, hold them in such
low estimation. The blunder must be
attributed to N. B. Craig.
Extract from the Deposition of Adamson
TannehUl.
"The deponent hath further heard
the citizens generaUy speaking of him,
H. H. Brackenridge, in the most favora
ble manner, for his activity and address in
saving the town."
From the Affidavit of Peter Audrain.
"In general, the deponent can say,
that in the affair of Braddock's Field,
Mr. Brackenridge acted, as far as this
deponent knows, with good policy to
save the town ; and on other occasions, to
get an amnesty for the people, and save
them from a war with the government."

120

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

From the AffidavU of George Robinson.
"The deponent has been at other
meetings since, in the town of Pitts
burgh, and heard Mr. Braokenridge's
sentiments on various occasions, and
observed his conduct, and can say, to the
best of his knowledge, that with respect
to the people that were expelled from
the town, and every thing else that was
done, he acted from no selfish motive of
resentment or disposition to hurt any
man, but from motives of policy to mod
erate matters and prevent mischief; and
this deponent knows this to be the gen
eral sentiment of the people of Pitts
burgh, and they consider themselves indebt
ed to his policy in a great degree for the
safety of the town, in the affair of Brad
dock's Field, where we were led to appre
hend plunder and destruction from the
fury of the people that had met there.''
Extract from the Affidavit of William
Meetkirk.
" We went next morning to Brad
dock's Field, with a great number of
people from Pittsburgh in company.
When we came there, I discovered a
great number of people much dissatis
fied, on account that Col. Neville and
Gen. Gibson were not also expelled. I
was chosen one of the committee which
did not meet until the next morning ;
when Mr. Bradford produced the letters
that had been kept out of the mail, and
read them before the committee himself.
He appeared much dissatisfied that Col.
Neville and Gen. Gibson were not sent
away ; for he said they were as obnox
ious to the people as any of them that
were gone, and that they ought not to be
suffered t(S remain in the country ; for
they were enemies of the people and
must be sent off. It was motioned for
them to be suffered to remain until the
meeting that was to be at Parkinson's
Ferry on the 14th of August, and for

them to come forward to the meeting,
and endeavor to exculpate themselves
from the charges that were against them,
but it was overruled. Mr. Brackenridge
spoke particrUarly against the expulsion
of Gen. Gibson, by observing that he was
a man advanced in years, and that he
always had conceived him to be a man
who could do little harm, and therefore
thought he might be suffered to remain,
as he was far from being a dangerous
man, in his opinion. Mr. Brackenridge,
iu my opinion, seemed to have a strong
desire that the expulsion of both Gen.
Gibson and Col. Neville should be at
least postponed until the meeting above
alluded to, in order to give them an op
portunity to acquit themselves of the
charges that the people had advanced
against them. It was all overruled, and
I believe through the interposition of
Mr. Bradford.
" Mr. Bradford then spoke concerning
the expulsion of Major Craig; for he
had been informed that Major Craig
should have said, (immediately after the
burning of Gen. Neville's house,) that he
would let the d  d rascals see that
the excise law should be enforced, for
that he would open au office of inspec
tion in his own house. Mr. Bradford
was requested to give his author, he re
plied that he could not recollect, but that
he heard it mentioned among the people.
It was then referred to the gentlemen, the
committee who represented the people of
Pittsburgh, Mr. WUkins, Mr. M'Masters
aud Mr. Brackenridge ; it appeared that
neither of them could give any informa
tion on the subject. It was then mo
tioned by Mr. Brackenridge, or seconded
by him, that if Major Craig was to be
immediatly expeUed, it would lead in aU
probability to defeat the measures of
government in their operations against
the Indians, for Major Craig having
charge of the whole quarter -master'a

AFFIDAVITS.

121

stores theu at Pittsburgh, then if he was
then sent away, and nobody there to sup
ply his place, it might be attended with
very bad consequences to the community.
Mr. Brackenridge said'it would be much
better to suspend the expulsion of
Major Craig at this time, and wait for an
opportunity of applying to the Presi
dent of the United States to have him
removed from office, and some other per
son appointed in his place. No objection
was made to that proposition by any
member of the committee, and after
some trifling business more the commit
tee rose."
Extract from the Deposition of Matthew
Ernest.
"The deponent was present when the
committee of twenty-one drew up cer
tain resolves to be sent to the people at
Braddock's Field ; it was perfectly under
stood that these resolves were not seri
ous, but for the moment, and the using
tlie expression ' common cause,' in one
of the resolves, produced a general
laugh. In general, this deponent can
say that the whole business of Brad
dock's Field, as far as respects the town
of Pittsburgh, was a mask, and the ex
pelling certain persons, was for their own
sakes, as well as for the safety of the
town. This deponent was present at the
meeting of the committee of twenty-one,
who were called upon to furnish Gen. Gib
son and Col. Neville with passports and
a guard when they left the town of
Pittsburgh. That double passports were
made out for them, dictated by Mr.
Brackenridge — a private and a public
one; a public one for the sake of the
country, through which they had to pass,
and a private one for the people else
where, to show the real cause of their
going away. In all this the deponent
could discover nothing but good will, and
a disposition to save those gentlemen."

Statement of Mr. Bron, a French gentle
man of information, who had resided
some time at Pittsburgh.
" Having been forced by some circum
stances to remain in Pittsburgh during
the time of the disturbances which have
lately agitated that country, I was pres
ent at a town meeting which was con-
vocated upon tho news of a large party
of country people assembled at a place
called Braddock's Field, whose intention
was to come to town the next day to lay
their hands on several people of Pitts
burgh, and destroy the place if they
should meet with any resistance ; and I
heard the discourse held by Mr. Brack
enridge ou that instance, in which he con
trived to persuade the interested to quit
the town iu the shortest time, to save
themselves and the people from the dan
ger which was presented to them ; and
he advised the citizens to join the other
part of the people at the rendezvous,
that they might be induced to beUeve
them to be in their party ; but particu
larly expressing, that far from wishing
them to undertake any thing against the
government, these measures were only
tending to furnish time to concert with
the government for means to recall the
tranquility. I was the more struck by
this insinuation, that, (from the little
time I had been iu the country, and the
imperfect knowledge I had of that busi
ness,) I was supposing there existed
a coalition, whose end was to obtain the
redress of grievances, which I did hear
every day to be complained of in that
country against the govemment. I
thought I discovered a defect of good
faith in Mr. Brackenridge, in this re
spect, and that he was rather inclined to
support the government than to assist
the people ; but the rest of the business
having soon demonstrated that the peo
ple in that country were acting without
any sense in their undertaking, I per-

122

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

ceived that he was acting not against the
people, but against the measures they
did employ ; and I have often heard ihe
inhabitants of Pittsburgh acknowledge
that his skillful policy had saved the place
from the greatest danger. I have given
the foregoing statements of opinons and
facts, asserting them on my word of
honor. Geoegb Bron.
Philadelphia, 24th Aug. 1794."
Although somewhat out of the order
of the incidents of the Insurrection, it
has been thought convenient to insert in
this place the statements of Gen. Wil
kins, and that of Mr. Henry Purviance.
General Wilkins' Statement.
PiTTSBUEGH, 7th April, 1795.
"Sir — Tou desire me to detail the
circumstances which led to the expulsion
of the citizens of Pittsburgh by the
committee of battalions on Braddock's
Field. As far as it came within my
knowledge, I shall do it with pleasure.
David Bradford, who seemed to have all
the power and to exercise it in a very
tyrannical manner, opened the business
by relating the preceding conduct of the
people, the robbing the mail, and read
and commented on the more obnoxious
letters. He charged the writers with
having misstated the facts, and to have
misrepresented his conduct and the con
duct of the people to government. He
was warmly supported by many present,
who were caUing out for liberty whilst
they were violentiy disposed to exercise
great tyranny against those who thought
different from themselves.
" The writers of the letters had most
of them mentioned Mr. Bradford's name
in an unfavorable manner, which was the
cause of his immediate resentment ; and
their banishment was the consequence.
The popular fury was sure to be directed

against any man who offended him dw-
ing his reign. A motion was made to
expel Colonel Neville and General Gibson,
whose letters had been interrupted in the
mail, against whom Bradford had pre
viously declaimed with great vehemence.
It was thought by many people present,
friendly to those two gentlemen, that
they might be saved by the question of
their banishment being postponed until
the meeting which was to be soon after
at Parkinson's Ferry.
" To accomplish this object, a motion
was made to refer the case of General
Gibson to that place. This motion was
supported by you; but opposed and
overruled by Bradford and others.
David Bradford moved in addition to
these two, that Major Craig should be
expeUed, saying it was reported that he
had offered his house for an office of
inspection, should another not be found.
Bradford called on the Pittsburgh mem
bers to know if this was true. Tou an
swered it was not true ; and stated soihe
oircumstanoes tending to show the false
hood of the report. But notwithstand
ing, Bradford and others pressed for his
banishment, which in order to obviate,
you mentioned that it would be an injury
to the expedition then carrying on against
the Indians, as he had charge of the
stores for the use of the troops ; and
proposed that the committee should ad
dress the Secretary at War to remove
him, which I considered as management
on your part to save Major Craig.
"It was determined that the people
should march to Pittsburgh. Every
person belonging to the town was under
great anxiety for their families and prop
erty. The town had every thing to fear
from a violent mob of armed men, led by
a few inconsiderate fools. Previous to
the rising of the committee, some of the
most violent exclaimed, that Major Kirk
patrick, aud Mr. Brison, and Mr. Day,

HENRY PURVIANCE.

123

had not gone away; or if they had, it
was only for a day or two, and that they
would return. The Pittsburgh members
alarmed lest the suspicions might induce
the mob, when they came to town, to
search for these gentlemen, not knowing
what the consequence of such a search
might be, pledged themselves that they
were gone and would not return.
"I never heard you express a wish for
the banishment of any individual. I
have often heard you say that the peo
ple had essentiaUy served those that had
been banished; that government would
consider them as martyrs, and reward
them. " I remember it was arranged previous
to the election of delegates for the meet
ing at Parkinson's Ferry, to chose those
that were most friendly to government.
You mentioned to me that you meant to
propose at the meeting, the sending com
missioners to the Executive, to consult
means to compose the disturbances.
You expressed a wish of being one of
the commissioners yourself. You showed
me an address you had drawn up, to be
proposed at the meeting, to be sent to
the President of the United States.
You often declared to me that if the vio
lence continued, you were determined to
leave the county and go to Philadelphia.
I had daUy opportunities of observing
your conduct, and conversing with you,
and never had a doubt but that you were
influenced by the purest motives, and
was anxious for the restoration of order
and the laws.
I am sir, &c. Johk Wilkins."

Henry Purviance to Hugh H. Bracken
ridge.*
"In answer to certain queries proposed
to me by Hugh H Brackenridge, Esq.
* Mr. Purviance, receiving hia appointment after
the Insurrection, was at the time of writing this
communication, District Attorney for the county of
Washington. ,,

I can certify, and were it necessary at
this time, could depose as follows :
"I resided at Washington during the
disturbances whioh lately took place in
the four western counties of Pennsylva
nia, but was occasionally at some of the
public meetings which were held in dif
ferent parts of the same, in consequence
of those disturbances. I have had fre
quent opportunities of observing the
conduct of those who were most con
spicuous in exciting the commotion, but
never had the least reason to suspect
him of any privity or concert with those
leaders. On the contrary, from the
period of my first conversation with him
on the subject, which was on the evening
that the intercepted mail was carried
from Washington to Pittsburgh, through
out the whole of the transaction, he ex
pressed uniformly to me sentiments in
opposition to the ¦violence and outrages
which were taking place. My communi
cations with him were frequent, and I
am persuaded with the most perfect con-
fldence and sincerity on his part. Some
were made in company with James Boss,
Esq. and others without the presence of
any third person ; but in either situation,
was that of a strong disapprobation of
the madness and folly whioh had taken
place. " Ou the morning that the intercepted
mail was brought to Washington, im
mediately on hearing of it I went to Mr.
Bradford's house, and in a few words
requested him to explain to me the mean
ing of what I had heard. His reply to
we was, ' We have discovered that there
are traitors and aristocrats, ( this, I think,
was the language, for it made a strong
impression on me,) who are forming
schemes to trample on the liberties of
the people;' and other conversation to
that effect immaterial to be related. I
asked him who they were, and what had
been discovered ? He answered, that

124

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

there was a certain Mr. Day, and a cer
tain Mr. Brison, also a certain General
Gibson, who did not stand very fnir, and
that Presley Neville had not behaved
very weU. I may err as to the precise
words, but am pretty certain as to the
substance, and to the persons above men
tioned. The letters were not shown to
me by Mr. Bradford, nor did he proceed
to detail to me what the particulars of
the discovery was. The letters were
read the same day at a, town meeting in
Washington, aud also the next day, and
the writers of them denounced as aris
tocrats, and deserving punishment.
" When I went in company with those
who carried the mail from Washington
to Pittsburgh, which was the day previ-
ous to the assemblage of the people at
Braddock's Field, I certainly apprehend
ed great danger of mischief to the town,
and also to the persons whose letters had
occasioned the summoning of the people
to Braddock's Field. My opinion was,
that the best mode of averting this dan
ger, was for those people themselves to
retire. General Gibson and Col. NeviUe
can perhaps remember my communica
ting to them my sentiments to this effect.
Though I felt all its harshness with re
spect to the individuals themselves, who
were thus obliged to relinquish their
families aud country, I compared it
¦with what appeared to me the very
probably dangerous consequences, which
were to result to the persons, and proper
ty of those persons, and of the inhabi
tants of Pittsburgh, for their omitting to
do so.
" I was present at tho conference be
tween the gentlemen who took theHnter-
cepted mail to Pittsburgh, and the dele
gates from the town meeting at that
place theu sitting. As well as I can
recoUect, Col. Neville was there, if not
all the time, certainly a part of it, and
while the business on which the former

had come was explained, which was done
in a few words, and the letters which
have been mentioned were shown.
" The gentlemen from Washington, at
this conference certainly omitted to men
tion the names of Gen. Gibson and Col.
NeviUe, as persons obnoxious on account
of their letters, as being in personal
danger ; or that their removal was neces
sary for the safety of the town. My
reason for remembering this, is that I
was astonished at the omission, and felt
the greatest apprehensions for these two
gentlemen, and considered them as in
danger, if they should be kept ignorant
of their real situation. I also was alarm
ed for the safety of the town, if the
measures recommended by the gentlemen
who carried the mail, and by myself also,
viz. ' that those whose letters had ren
dered them obnoxious should retire,' was
not adopted as to the whole of them.
" I refrained with some difficulty from
mentioning it to Col. NeviUe, and was
persuaded that a very dangerous delicacy
toward him on account of his presence,
and no other cause, had prevented the
mention of his name. I also felt myself
iu a situation too delicate to interfere
thus far in the business ; as I had only
gone to Pittsburgh accidentally, in com.
pany with those who had the custody of
the mail, and was not considered as one
to whom the business was in any degree
committed. My uneasiness, however,
increased so much during the evening,
that I determined to interfere for what
I conceived to be the safety of the town,
as well as of Gen. Gibson and Col. Nev
ille. I caUed upon Mr. Brackenridge,
at near 12 o'clock that same night; told
him of the omission, and my opinion of
its consequences. He immediately pro
ceeded to call together as many of the
members of the town committee as could
be found. This was done. They met at
his house perhaps in an hour and a half,

HENRY PURVIANCE.

125

and I then communicated to them what
I have above stated to have been omitted,
and I think that I also mentioned Major
Craig, as one in simUar circumstances
with the other two gentlemen, and told
them my opinion of the consequences.
It is my belief that it was solely in con
sequence of my interfering in this man
ner, that those gentlemen first came to
know that they were considered as in
danger, and that General Gibson and
Col. NevUle were informed of their
being considered as obnoxious. What
took place at Braddock's Field the next
day iu the committee, confirmed my
opinion of the night before with respect
to them.
" I certainly did not observe in Mr.
Brackenridge at any time during the
business, the least symptoms of ill will
or maUgnant disposition toward those
two gentlemen last mentioned. I remem
ber shortly after the above transaction,
something like the following to have
taken place between Mr. Brackenridge
and myself: I mentioned to him, (in
consequence of my having frequently
heard that he was on bad terms, if not
with Col. NeviUe, with some of the con
nections of the family,) that it was prob
able the banishment of Col. Neville, and
perhaps I might have mentioned the
burning of General Neville's property,
would by some be attributed to his means.
He replied that he supposed it might be
so, but that it would be a great mistake ;
for if he had meant to serve them, he
could not do it more effectually than by
such conduct ; that it would make their
fortunes, as the government would cer
tainly pay them weU for all loss or in
jury. "My opinion of his conduct in public
at the Red Stone meeting, where the
terms of accommodation proposed by the
commissioners were discussed, was that
it was icfluenced by the sincerest desire

to procure the accession of that com
mittee to the terms proposed, and his
speech on that occasion contained the
most unequivocal declarations of his
sense of the propriety and necessity of
accepting them.
" In private I do not recollect to have
had any communication with him at that
time, or to have made any remarks upon
his conduct or conversation out of the
committee. "At Braddock's Field, as at Redstone,
I had little communication with Mr.
Brackenridge. He was engaged as a
member of the committee, and of course
principally taken up with those who
were most immediately concerned in the
transactions of the day. I rode in com
pany with him from Pittsburgh to Brad
dock's Field on the day that the inhabi
tants of the town went to meet the peo
ple there assembled, and had some con
versation with him on the road, relative
to the business, in which conversation
his mind appeared to me strangly im
pressed with the alarming situation of
this country, and his sentiments and in
tentions to be such as I wished to find
them. My opinion of his conduct on
that day, formed partly from my subse
quent conversation with himself on tho
various transactions of it, and partly
from conversation with James Ross,
Esq. and others there present, respect
ing the same, is that it had for its object
the averting danger from the town of
Pittsburgh. " My opinion of the whole of his con
duct throughout the insurrection in
this country, I shall give without re
serve : It appeared to me to have two
objects — to arrest the progress of the
present violence, and to procure an
amnesty for that already committed, and
thus prevent the flame from spreading
beyond that country in which it origina
ted. Though in some instances during

126

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

the transactions, my opinion differed
from his with respect to the measures
adopted for the accomplishment of par
ticular points, I never entertained any
doubt of the propriety of the principle
which actuated him.
" Whatever may be the solidity or
justness of this, or any other opinion.

I have here given of Mr. Brackenridgs'g
conduct and principles, in the disturban
ces of the western country, I can -with
safety vouch for the sincerity with which
it is given ; and he is at Uberty to make
any use, either pubUc or private, of
these sentiments in reply to his queries.
Hknrt PuEVIAltCE."

CHAPTEE VI.
ACTS or VIOLBNCE FOLLOWING THE ASSEMBLAGE AT BRADDOCK's FIELD — TOM THB
TINKER  DELEGATES TO PARKINSON'S FERRY.
FiNDLET expresses the opinion, that the assemblage at Braddock's Field, '
and the presence of so many persons of standing and reputation, appa- ¦
rently giving it countenance, was attended with very bad consequences.
This is probably true j it was an evil, and if those who contrived it were
aware of the effects which might have followed, they deserved the most
exemplary punishment. It was an affair of a most reckless character. But
with respect to those who attended it, from the laudable motive of pre-"
venting or lessening the evils likely to attend the lawless gathering, a
more philosophical historian would draw a wide distinction. Findley
himself was not there, and the remark may be regarded as an excuse for
his absence, when, according to the celebrated law of Solon, it is the duty of
every citizen to take part. Perhaps he was governed by abstract consid
erations of moral propriety. Such considerations are often pernicious in
real life, where mixed questions of right and of expediency so often occur;
and the course to be pursued must be determined by the inquiry, wheth
er the evils attending the unyielding perseverance in what may be abso
lutely right in the abstract, are not vastly greater than those arising from
a compromise with circumstances. Findley enumerates the bad effects, yet ,
admits that it was necessary to temporize on the occasion. No one could
pretend that it was in itself a good thing, but only a choice of evils, and
it is every day's experience, that we are compelled at times to make that
choice. Your uncompromising men are children or bigots in the affairs
of the world.* Let any one imagine the effect of burning the town, and
of the blood which would have been shed in its defense ! If so much
madness and desperation were occasioned by the destruction of Neville's
house, how much greater fury would have followed the destruction of the
town, not to speak of the misery and distress of the population, and the
loss of many lives !
* A learned Judge, Addison, on the trial of Norris Morrison, and others, 1795,
said: "'When there was real danger, all the town went to Braddock's Field" —
regarding this case as one of necessity for self-preservation. — Addison's Reports,
p. 276.

228 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
Althouo-h the popular rage was thus deprived of the aliment requisite
to feed its fury, yet its manifestations were suflBoiently deplorable. Some-
thino' of the French revolutionary epidemic had seized on a portion of
the people, but this was entirely independent of any influence of the so
ciety of Mingo Creek, or that in the town of Washington.* They were
both very circumscribed and limited in their influence; and the latter had no
concern or part in the insurrection. The imputations of this kind are
supported by no evidence whatever. As to the former, although it had
no direct bearing on the disturbances, yet the tendency of the principles
of the Mingo Creek Society no doubt had the effect to lessen the respect
for law and government in its immediate neighborhood. The hot-bed of the
insurrectionary violence was in the vicinity of the residence of the Inspector,
and of the offices in the survey, and in a great measure accompanied with
personal hostility to the officers. Parts of Westmoreland, Allegheny and
Fayette counties, were comparatively peaceful. The opposition to the ex
cise law was not everywhere equally violent, but it was everywhere preva
lent. No one dared to defend it openly, and none ventured to condemn
the excesses which had been committed. One of the first evidences of
excitement was the erection of what was called " liberty poles," 'with flags
and emblazonings. This was generally practiced in the revolutionary
war, and was regarded as an indication of popular rising on some common
cause. Whether derived from the ancient Druidical custom of erecting
'' May poles," or from some German or Swiss custom, it is impossible to
say. They were then regarded as ominous indications of popular move
ment pointing toward insurrection, treason, or rebellion, while they point
ed toward the heavens ! At the present day, they are among the harmless
means of giving vent to party differences, and it is to be hoped will ever
be regarded as only peaceful emblems of that salutary diversity in opinion
which is the life of our free institutions.
A few days only had elapsed after the affair of Braddock's Field, when
a party proceeded to the residence of Wells, the collector for Fayette and
Westmoreland counties, burned his house, in spite of the remonstrance
of the more prudent of them, and compelled him to resign his commis
sion ; at the same time requiring him to take an oath not to hold the
office in future. The party which committed this outrage appeared to be
*The Democratic Society of Washington was instituted in AprU, 1794. HUdreth
says Mr. Brackenridge was a member. This is an error ; he never was a member
of any such societies. When the word error is used here, perhaps a much more
emphatic word would be more appropriate. The Mingo Creek Society was institu
ted some time before. See the note at the end of this chapter.

"TOM THB TINKER." 129
of a much more savage and revolutionary character than that which per. i
petrated the destruction of the house of Neville ; few or none of the better
class joining with the intention of restraining or moderating their violence,
being fearful of being present at the commission of acts now condenined
by the moral sense of the community. Threatening letters were sent into
the southern and central part of Westmoreland county, and a comparatively
small party, some of them from Bedford, went against Webster, the col
lector of Bedford county. He made no resistance, but brought out his
papers, tore them up and trod upon them. Some were disposed to tar and
feather him, and others attempted to burn his stacks of grain ; but by the
interference of the more moderate, he was, after some indignity, finally
suffered to go free. It is alleged that in his case there were circumstances
besides his connection with the excise, which had exasperated the people.
That he had abused his official station, and used it as the means of op
pression, having seized without the authority of law the whiskey of poor
men on the road, while on their way across the mountains to purchase their
small supply of salt and iron.''' The general impression seemed to be,
that the execution of the excise laws was now suspended by the immediate
act of the people ; and yet, in other respects, there was no disregard of
the authority of magistrates, although a general feeling of insecurity pre
vailed. Mr. Brackenridge says : " Liberty poles, with inscriptions and
devices were raised everywhere ; such as ' an equal tax, and no excise ;'
' united we stand, divided we fall ;' with a snake divided for a device.
I met no man that seemed to have an idea that we were to separate from
the government, or to overthrow it, but simply to oppose the excise law ji
and yet the people acted and spoke as if they were in a state of revolution !
They threatened life and property familiarly. Addison, the Judge of the
district, was then absent in Philadelphia, and a report having been spread
that he had encouraged the Marshal to serve process, they threatened to
prevent his return." The alarm was general, and there can be no doubt
that all restraint of law would have been thrown off, but for the contem
plated assemblage of an authority emanating directly from themselves,
and which kept in check the prevailing tendency to anarchy.
About this time, the term of "Tom the Tinker," came into very gen
eral use. Pasquinades were put up on trees in the highways, or in other
conspicuous places, over the signature of " Tom the Tinker," threatening
individuals, or admonishing them on the subject of the excise law. These
letters threatening to burn houses and barns, produced great alarm among
the peacefully disposed, over the whole country. In the march from
* Findley, p. 107.

130 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
Braddock's Field, the acclaim was, " Huzza for ' Tom the Tinker 1' " It
was not now, are you whig or tory, but are you a Tom the Tinker's man ?
Every one was willing to be thought so ; and some had afterward trouble
to wipe off the imputation to the contrary. Advertisements sometimes
appeared averring the falsehood of the charge of favoring the odious excise
law.* Although the danger which threatened the town of Pittsburgh seemed
for the present, at least, to be past, yet the inhabitants were far from think
ing themselves safe. They knew the temper of the country people, espe
cially toward the proscribed persons, and that they might at any moment
be excited to return in sufficient numbers to burn the town, and as likely
at night as in the day time. The garrison shared in the common appre
hension. The commander labored to improve its defenses, and laid in two
months provisions in case of siege. The danger of the town arose from
the supposed want of good faith on its part in the banishment of the pro'
scribed ; it was believed by many to be only a sham, and that the real in
tention was to protect them from harm until they could reappear with
safety.f This was no doubt the truth, but their own safety made it a
serious matter to conceal it. To the obnoxious persons, it was an act of
injustice and injury, especially to those who had families to protect, and
business to transact. But then if the measure had not been adopted, the
necessity of which was at first clearly seen by the objects of it themselves,
they would have fallen the victims — their property first doomed to de
struction, and if unable to effect their escape, their lives would have paid
the forfeit. It was principally on their account that danger still hung
* The foUowing is a specimen of this writing of " Tom the Tinker :''
"In taking a survey of the troops under my command, in the late expedition
against that insolent exciseman, John Neville, I find there were a great many deUn-
quents now amongst those who carry on distilling. It will therefore be observed,
that 'Tom the Tinker' wiU not suffer any certain class, or set of men, to be ex
cluded the service of this my district, when notified to attend on any expedition ia
order to obstruct the execution of the law, and obtain a repeal thereof.
" And I do declare upon my solemn word, that if such deUnqnents do not come
forth on the next alarm, in equipments, and give their assistance as in them lies, in
opposing the execution, aud obtaining a repeal of the excise laws, he, or they, will
be deemed as enemies, and standing opposed to the virtuous principles of republi
can liberty, and shaU receive punishment according to the nature of the offense,
and that at least consumption of his distillery."
Notices like this were sometimes addressed to particular persons, accompanied
with threats of burning their houses, barns, or bodily harm.
t The inhabitants were not too confident that there were not some among them
selves too ready to join the "Whiskey Boys."

FABLE OF THE TWO TRAVELERS. 181
over the town ; it was therefore a choice of evils in which there was no
room to hesitate. Mr. Brackenridge, in his usual vein of wit, illustrates
the predicament of the proscribed, by a fable of Pilpay, whether original
with himself, or taken, as he asserts, from an Eastern collection called the
Negaristan, it ia not material.
" Two travelers passing by a pool on the side of the road, one of them
missing a foot, fell in. The surface of the pool was some feet beneath
the level of the bank, and of itself deep ; laying hold of the bank, he
struggled to get up, but it was steep and he could not. His companion
extending himself on his breast, and reclining over the bank of the pool,
and reaching down his hands, got hold of the hair of the other, and
with some difficulty extricated him from the pool. But in dragging
him against the bank, by some means an eye was injured, so as to lose
the sight thereof. The rescued man conceived himself entitled to dam
ages against his companion, who had thus without his request dragged
him out. He claimed the sum of ten thousand dinars. The cause came
before the cadi, who was puzzled, and took the opinion of a famous law
yer, Ala Joseph.
" The decision recommended by Ala Joseph was, that the injured man
should have his selection of two things ; either to go back to the pool,
from which he had been rescued, and take his chance of getting out,
or be satisfied with the act of his companion, and the consequence of it,
even though no application for assistance had been made, and his con
sent to be dragged out formally obtained."*
Two days after the alarming march of the Whiskey Boys from Brad
dock's Field, it was rumored that Kirkpatrick had been seen in town. The
rumor was traced to one of the inhabitants, on which the committee was
called upon to inquire of that person, and to admonish him in case he had
circulated a false report. As the committee was assembling, Major Craig
and Col. Neville were met coming from the garrison, and on being inters
rogated, acknowledged that Kirkpatrick was then in the garrison, having
returned to town. The fact caused indignation in the committee ; they
considered themselves ill used, after the exertions they bad made to save
Kirkpatrick, and the dangers to which they had been exposed on his ac
count and that of his connections, and resolved that Craig and Neville
should be seized in his stead. The former returned to the garrison ; the
* It has been seen that great complaints were made against the towns people, by
the proscribed, for their civil treatment of the proscribed, in their saving their
lives and property.

132 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
latter came before the committee, but in contemptuous manner smoking
his cigar ; but seeing they were in earnest, he expressed himself with dis
cretion, and stated that Kirkpatrick had returned for want of an escort,
havino- been dogged by a party from whom his life was in danger. The
committee undertook to furnish the escort, which was done ; and he es
caped by a circuitous way, until he reached the mountains, where he took
the direct road to Philadelphia.
While this affair was before the committee, but before it was generally
known, the people of the town hearing of the return of Kirkpatrick, talk
ed of seizing, and some were of waylaying and shooting him. On being
informed of this, the committee called a town meeting, in the evening, in
order to impress upon the people the impropriety of entertaining such
ideas. Mr. Brackenridge was requested to address them, which he did
at considerable length, denouncing in strong terms the purposed intention
in the case of Kirkpatrick, and enlarging upon the false impression among
many persons that all law was at an end. " It is only the excise law,"
said John Wilkins, the elder (who was much of a humorist), " that is re
pealed by the people."
Edward Day had gone down the river; Brison was concealed a few
days at the house of Robert Galbraith, Esq. the prosecuting attorney,
who resided a few miles out of town. The country getting wind of it, col
lected in a mob, and surrounded the house at night, and insisted on search
ing, but in the meantime he had left the place. Gibson and Neville, at
the instance of the Pittsburgh committee at Braddock's Field, had been
allowed ten days to prepare for their departure, with passports for their
security. This comedy of banishment resembled the barring out of the
school master during the holidays ; the banished were sure to return with
the force that would come to put down the insurrection, and with the recom
mendation of having been martyrs for the sake of the government. In order
to enhance this merit, it afterward appeared that they took pains to ex
aggerate their sufferings, denouncing the towns people, as well as the in
surgents, as the cause, observing a profound silence with respect to the
circumstances which rendered their course unavoidable, as well for the
safety of the supposed martyrs as of their own. Mr. Brackenridge, as
being one of the most conspicuous, and at the same time personally at
variance with two of the Neville " connection," had to feel in a special
manner the effects of that enmity, and was -assailed with groundless
charges and insinuations. There can be nothing more absurd than to
suppose that any man of common sense would resort to such a mode of

UNJUST SUSPICIONS OF COL. NEVILLE. 133
gratifying personal enmity, whioh put his enemies to a mere temporary
inconvience, for which they might be expected to be repaid, and which, at
the same time, was their best security from present danger.
About this time Mr. Brackenridge was informed by Henry Purviance,
Esq. of Washington, who had taken so patriotic a part in the late events,
that Col. Neville had expressed the opinion that he (Brackenridge) was in
confidence with Bradford; and had been privy to the intercepting the
mail, as a part of a plan he had laid for the expulsion of the persons de
nounced. Mr. Purviance could not but express his surprise at such an
absurd and groundless suspicion, and did not hesitate to say that it was
not only utterly improbable, but impossible ; for he could not, at the same
time with the plan of intercepting the mail, contrive that the few indi
viduals whom it was supposed he wished to gxpel should write letters by
that mail, and of such a nature as to be laid hold of by Bradford and
others — having no invisible power over the minds of such persons ! This
could not be answered, but Neville said, "If he had not proje'cted it, he
was pleased 'with it now that it had taken place." " I was struck," ob
serves Mr. Brackenridge, " for the first time, that Neville had not per
fect confidence in me ; but it did not make much impression on me, as I
conceived him in a fever, and, like persons in that state, ready to com
plain of those that were taking the best care of them." Although the
author of the "Incidents" was thus disposed to excuse Neville, the impar
tial reader will be less indulgent. The frivolous suspicion will be regarded
as an evidence of weakness, as well as of injustice, which was more likely
to originate in the confused brain of some other of the " connection." In
the controversy which was carried on some time ago between the nephew
of Col. Neville, Mr. Craig, and the writer of this work, it was said by
Craig, that in looking over some papers of the family, it appeared that Nev
ille never had any confidence in Mr. Brackenridge I This, it may be pre
sumed, is the extent of his crimination. In reply to this, it may be
retorted, that Mr. Brackenridge had, unfortunately, too much confidence
in Col. Neville, or he would not have yielded to his solicitations to attend
the Mingo meeting, where, from motives of benevolence, and with a view
of serving Neville, he had first involved himself in the affairs of the
Whiskey Insurrection. The incident may serve as a clue to the subse
quent hostile conduct of the Neville connection, which ultimately forced
upon him the task of vindicating his cause, and which it would have been
well for the connection they had never provoked. If he had harbored the
malicious design of injuring those persons, instead of being willing that
they should leave the place, he would have preferred their staying and
10

134 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
riskin" the fury of the mob ; and this would have made short work with
them. But such a course would have been at variance with his well
known benevolent and philanthropic disposition, even to his enemies.
" As to myself," says Mr. Brackenridge, "I canvassed my situation
fully, and began seriously to think of emigration ; but in that case, I
would have been considered in the light of a deserter, and my property
become a sacrifice. I thought of being absent on some pretense that
might be plausible, and it struck me to prevail upon the people of Pitts
burgh to appoint me as an envoy to the Executive, to state the motives of
their conduct."
On inquiry, he found that the people were unwiUing that he should
leave the place ; there were many of them in the same predicament, and
they did not like to lose coiSpany. He therefore resolved to remain, at
least until after the meeting at Parkinson's Ferry.
At the time appointed for the election of delegates to this meeting,
Mr. Brackenridge publicly announced his desire not to be chosen, being
of opinion, from occurrences since the Braddock's Field affair, and the in
creased excitement throughout the country, that there was little prospect
of their stopping short of open hostility. Bradford, on his return to
Washington, had used the expression, "a glorious revolution affected
without bloodshed." From this it might be inferred that he was re
solved on supporting what had been done at all hazards. Marshall had
inconsiderately involved himself, and would perhaps have been happy to
get out of the situation ; but the people would not permit him ; he would
not dare to talk of any thing but war, and such was his situation, from
his acts, that it had become his policy, as much as any man's, to meditate
defense. On that principle, Mr. Brackenridge thought that it would be
more advisable to send to the meeting some persons who would not be
under the necessity of taking a conspicuous part, by being called upon to
speak, not being in the habit of it, as he was, professionally. To save ap
pearances, it was necessary to send some persons ; but, at the same time,
such as had it in their power to remain obscure. On communicating
these sentiments to James Ross and Gen. Wilkins, they were of a differ
ent opinion ; and thought it advisable to use endeavors to send delegates
from all parts of the country, opposed to violent measures. In conse
quence of their reasoning, he consented to ^, if elected. The same re
luctance is stated by Findley to have occurred in Westmoreland and Fay
ette counties ; these, although at first inclined to doubt the policy of the
meeting, at length decided to send delegates to it. Gen. Wilkins exerted
himself in Pittsburgh, and James Ross repaired to Washington with the

CONVERSATION WITH COL. NEVILLE. 135
same object. The Pittsburgh election was conducted by John Wilkins,
Sr. a justice of the peace, who indulged his propensity for fun by ma
king it the test of the right to vote, that the voter should declare himself
in favor of "^Tom the Tinker." Some, not aware of the joke, at first ap
peared to be offended, and refused to answer. When Mr. Brackenridge
came to vote, Wilkins observed, "We need not require the test of you, as
you are 'Tom the Tinker' himself;" alluding to his appearance at Brad
dock's Field at the head of the committee. But this jesting occasioned,
afterward, some uneasiness to Justice Wilkins, affidavits having been
collected respecting it, and transmitted to the Executive by its over zeal
ous friends. Mr. Brackenridge, George Wallace and Peter Audrain, were
chosen delegates.
" General Gibson," says Mr. Brackenridge, " at this time, or before it,
had left the country; Col. Neville was about to go, but had some reluc
tance. It struck me with surprise, as he had been thinking how to stay,
and I' of getting away."* " He came to me after the election of dele
gates," (says the author of the " Incidents,") " and expressed the idea that
he had 'a right to expect of me and others delegated from the town, that at
the meeting we should demand an examination of his case, and repeal
the sentence of the committee at Braddock's Field ; that he had a right
to expect this, inasmuch as it was on account of the town that the sen
tence was to be carried into effect. I was hurt at his want of a just con
ception of his case, in supposing that it was on account of the town that
he was to go away. It was on his account, and of others, that the town
was in danger, and it was for his own sake, more than that of the town,
that he was to go away.'f" I had considered him as consigning hLs
case to my management, from what he had said to me the morning I went
to Braddock's Field, and I never managed a case at the bar with more
fidelity than I did his, on this occasion. I had thought the business well
managed in diverting an infuriated mob from coming to seize him and the
others; and this was accomplished by the policy of getting the mob to
condense themselves into a committee, and managing that committee to
adopt the mild resolution of leaving him in the hands of the committee
of Pittsburgh, as guardians in fact of his safety, though nominally the
executors of the sentence. I stated this candidly to Neville ; and per
haps in a more pointed manner than I would otherwise have done, had
* His family and property, under the guardianship of the town, was in less dan
ger than if he had remained. NeviUe could not comprehend that the act was that
of the country, of his own constituents, who had voted him into office.
f His own property would have shared the fate of others.

136 WESTERN INSURREpTION.
not my feelings been hurt by his suspicions, which had been suggested to
me. But I further observed to him, that supposing it demandable of
the town to go forward and propose the recalling of him, was it practica
ble? Did he not know that he was considered by the people as the
Inspector himself? It is known that before your father accepted the
office, you were consulted, and advised the acceptance. It is known that
application has been made to you, to advise your father to resign the
office. You have said no. Would any of them resign an office of bo
much value ? It is known that you are the author of that advertisement
which appeared in the Gazette, alleging that certain certificates and
bonds were plundered and carried off at the time your father's house was
burnt. Although there was a proportion of those at the house capable
of what was alleged, yet the bulk of the leaders, although guilty of a
great offense, would have shrunk from the violation of moral truth or
the commission of dishonesty. They resent the idea of being thought
capable of theft or forgery. In your letter to the Mingo meeting, you
gave offense. They thought your casuistry, prevarication ; and Kirkpat
rick's intrepidity, of which you spoke, they thonght stupidity.. From
this, they join you with Kirkpatrick in their feelings ; and more espe
cially as it is known to be a trait igi your family character to support any
branch of it, however insupportable. Neville behaved mildly, and said
little ; but I suppose thought the more, and set this down as a further
proof that I was an insurgent, and has mentioned it as such." *
Shortly before this conversation, Mr. Brackenridge had received a note
from Neville, addressed to him as chairman of the committee, demand
ing a passport and an escort. Although not the chairman, (as no chair
man had been appointed,) he resolved to overlook the incivility, and
calling the committee together, double passports were made out for him
and Gen. Gibson; one to the country, for their protection, the other to pro
duce when safe, showing that there was no real cause for their expulsion,
and explaining the circumstance. The first one only, as we have stated,
was used when in safety, and disingenuously, as a proof of the persecution
they bad suffered from tlieir fellow townsmen, and especially from the
author of the passports. "j"
About the same period, a letter was addressed by Mr. Brackenridge
*It was a sort of famUy quarrel between the Nevilles and their constituents,
for they had contributed as much as any others to render excise laws odious.
They paid the price of popularity ; the people did not distingnish the State excise
laws from those of the Federal government.
fSee notes, as to the danger of those passports.

LETTER TO TENCH COX. 137
to Tench Cox, Esq. at Philadelphia, who was then connected with the
government, but which was misunderstood by the person to whom it was
sent. It was chiefly prompted by a conversation he had with Col.
Neville, the day after the affair at Braddock's Field. The conversation
turning on the state of the country, Mr. Brackenridge observed, that it
would not be an easy matter to put down the insurrection by force.
Neville was of opinion that three thousand men would do it; the former
thought that if it was attempted with less than fifteen thousand men, it
would only add strength to the opposition, and perhaps give rise to a
dangerous civil war. Thinking that Neville, going to the government
with this erroneous view, would lead to the same mistake that was made
by Amherst in England, or by the French refugees at Coblentz, he
wished to convey more correct information. His letter was in reply to
one from Mr. Cox, and was intended to be communicated to the govern
ment, if thought advisable by Cox. Taking a wrong view of the letter,
and strangely enough. Cox regarded it as a proof that the writer was an
insurgent, threatening the government. Some expressions in relation to
the excise were purposely introduced, in case it should fall into the hands
of insurgents by another robbery of the mail; but even without this
explanation, the letter was patriotic, and contained valuable information
for the government. As it was in the first instance a private letter, it
could not have been intended to inflame the public mind ; and if it tended
to produce that effect, the fault was in those who made it public, and to
whose discretion it was confided.* It was dated the Sth of August, and
coincides in a singular manner with the communication of Edmond Ran
dolph, Secretary of State, of the 5th, three days before. A second letter
was addressed by Mr. Brackenridge to Mr. Cox, contradicting the mis
conception, but which was not published, as it ought to have been, in
justice to the writer, although requested by him. The subsequent action
of the government, as respects the formidable character of the insurrec
tion, was in conformity to the foregoing suggestions ; whether in conse
quence of them, or incidental, is not material. The plan of the writer
was, first, conciliation and amnesty ; and if these failed, then to send a
force sufficient to crush the rebellion at once.
The writer of those letters spoke his mind freely, as it became a free
man to speak, on the subject of' the funding system, the favorite measure
of the Secretary; and as he had a right to speak, even suppose on this ques
tion of expediency he was in error. But the strongest terms of vitupera-
*See the affidavits of H. Beaumont and others, in notes to this chapter. Also,
the letter, and the reply to Mr. Cox.

138 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
tion were applied to him by persons who seemed not to be aware that there
is a difference between a subject writing to a monarch and a citizen of a
democracy addressing a public servant or agent, and expressing an opinion
of the propriety of his acts. The insolence (the term applied to him,)
consists in the agent taking offense, and not in the citizen who has freely
used his privilege of expressing his opinion. The first letter was no doubt
of a character to be made a handle of by the proscribed persons on their
reaching the seat of government, who seized the opportunity of directing
the displeasure of the government against those toward whom they
were personally unfriendly. The letter certainly exhibited an alarming
state of things in the West, and if the danger had not been put aside in
the manner we are about to relate, there would have been no exaggeration.
Reports were now in circulation, but much exaggerated, that the people
of the eastern counties were as much excited as those on the west of the
mountains. Tt was said that they had everywhere raised liberty poles,
and had committed various outrages. " I saw before me," says the author
of the " Incidents," " the anarchy of a period ; a shock to the govern
ment, and possibly a revolution impregnated with the Jacobin principles
of that of France, and which might become equally bloody to the the prin
cipal actors. It would be unavoidably bloody to them and destructive to
the people. Let no man suppose that I coveted a revolution. I had seen
'the evils of one already, the American — and I had read the evils of an
other, the French. My imagination presented the evils of the last so
strongly to my mind that I could scarcely cast my eyes over a paragraph of
French news. It was not the excise law alone that was the object with
the people; it waswith many not the principal objeot. A man of some
note, and whose family had been at the burning of Neville's house, was
seen on horseback in Pittsburgh, the day of Braddock's Field, riding along
with a tomahawk in his hand and raised over his head, saying — ' This is not
all that I want ; it is not the excise law only that must go down ; your dis
trict and associate judges must go down ; your high offices and salaries — a
great deal more must be done. I am but beginning yet.'"
The Mingo Creek Society proposed, after dispensing with judges and
justices of the peace altogether, to draw causes to their own examination,
and exercise judicial authority. Benjamin Parkinson was the president
of this disorganizing association. An incidental circumstance indepen
dently of other causes, aided in giving a wrong direction to the people's
thoughts. In a contest for the office of sheriff, a canJMate in order to se
cure his election and obtain the votes of the /Ignorant)' was clamorous
against offices and salaries, unconscious of the cWtradiction that on these

DISORGANIZING NOTIONS. 189
principles his office, if elected, would be attended with no emolument.
Like some other politicians, he did not mean what he said in any practical
sense, at least where his own interest came in question. " I had frequent
ly heard it said," says Mr. Brackenridge, " by the people of the country
since the introduction of the excise law, that it were better for them to be
under the British ; and at this time such language began to be common.
But I cannot say that I ever heard any person of note breathe the idea.
It was also said, that arms and ammunition could be obtained from the
British 1"
There is no doubt that a vague notion prevailed among the ignorant,^,
that if the march to Braddock's Field, and the expulsion of Nie persons
who had become obnoxious for their peculiar support of the excise law, had
not the effect of repealing that law, still it had accomplished something
toward it ; although they could not clearly discern in what way, unless by
the mere effect of showing their strength in arms. It was regarded as a
precedent to prove that an unpopular law could be annulled by the people
assembling in force and expelling those connected with its execution, or
compelling them to give up their commissions and their papers.
In Fayette county, a disposition had been shown to submit to the law.
At a meeting of distillers, shortly after the service of the writs by the
Marshal, they agreed to employ counsel and make defense. But it ap
peared that the writs were made returnable to a term when no court was
sitting, and were, in consequence, set aside. In the course of this meet
ing, the invitation to attend the congress of delegates at Parkinson's
Ferry was rejected; but afterward they thought it more advisable to
send them. In Westmoreland county, according to Findley, there was, at
first, the same reluctance. This is explained by the fact that the &gme
would be more fierce where it first broke out, and would thence more rapidly
spread, the assemblage at Braddock's Field having greatly contributed to
produce that effect. Washington county, and part of Allegheny, contained
the most inflammable portion of the population, although the same feeling
prevailed, more or less, over the whole of the western counties, and with
some on the east of the mountains, with much less cause for discontent.
The more reflecting and intelligent, however, settled down under the
conviction that the assemblage of delegates at Parkinson's Ferry was the
last hope, the best remedy against the progress of anarchy, and against
the necessity of calling out the military power of the general government.
Accordingly, the elections for these delegates was general, although, as
might be expected, not as regular, or conducted with as much care in the
choice of persons, as could be desired.

140

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

NOTES TO CHAPTER VI.

The Mingo Creek Society.
"This society was instituted in Febru
ary, 1794. It was to consist of Hamil
ton's battalion, and to be governed by a
president and council. The council to
consist of members chosen every six
months by the people of the several
captains' districts ; the electors of every
such district to be from eighteen years
and upward ; a councilman to be of
the age of twenty-five years, and not
when elected to be an inhabitant of that
district in which he shall be chosen.
The members of council not to exoeed
one for every district; in the case of a
vacancy, notice to issue of an election
to fill such vacancy. The society to have
a treasurer, secretary and other officers,
and to choose deputies to confer oc
casionally with deputies from other so
cieties of the Uke nature that might be
formed; a majority of the society to
constitute a quorum ; but a, minority to
have the power to adjourn, and to com
pel the attendance of the absent mem
bers ; two-thirds to have the power of
expelling. The society to meet the first
day of every month ; to keep a journal
of its proceedings ; the secretary and
deputies to be rewarded at the discretion
of the society; the president, council
and deputies, for any speech or debate
in the society, not to be questioned in
any other place. No person holding an
office of trust or profit under the State
or United States, to be president, &c.
The societies to have the laws of the
United States, minutes of Congress, acts
of Assembly of Pennsylvania, necessary
books, &c.; to have power to recommend
capable persons to the several legislative
bodies ; to hear and determine all mat
ters in variance and disputes between

party and party ; encourage teachers of
schools; introduce the Bible and other
religious books into schools ; to encourage
the industrious, and the man of merit.
No money to be drawn from the society
but in consequence of appropriations
made by law ; no district citizen to sue,
or caused to be before a single justice of
the peace or any court of justice, a citi
zen of the district, before applying to
the society for redress, unless the busi
ness ^ill not admit of delay ; the presi
dent not to be under twenty-five years of
age, and to be elected by baUot ; in case
of vacancy of the president, a temporary
one to be appointed by the councU. The
president and councilmen to be remov
able from office on impeachment, and
conviction of bribery and high crimes
and misdemeanors. Nothing in this con
stitution to be so construed as to pre
judice any claims of the State or of the
United States. The constitution to be
amendable by a convention for the pur
pose." — Incidents, p. 148-9.
"The place of convening was usuaUy
the meeting-house; they did not as a
society project the first outrages, but
these naturally sprung from that licen
tiousness of idea with regard to law and
liberty, which the articles of their in
stitutions held out, or were calculated
to produce. The society was to have a
cognizance of suits between the members,
and they actually went on to determine
in all cases." — Incidents.
Affidavit of John M'Donald, Secretary of
Mingo Creek Society.
"At the time of Marshal Lenox being
in Pittsburgh, about the 13th or 14th of
July last, being a few days before the
attack on General NeviUe's house, I was

AFFIDAVITS.

141

in the office of Mr. Brackenridge, on
some business with him; was asked by
him about the constitution of the Mingo
Creek Society, and laughing at some
parts of it, he asked what could put it
into the people's heads to form such a
one. I said the people had been aU
running wild, and talked of taking Ne
ville prisoner and burning Pittsburgh;
and this forming the society was thought
of by moderate persons, to turn off to
remonstrating and petitioning, and giving
them something to do that way to keep
them quiet. Mr. Brackenridge asked,
what could put it in t^eir heads to think
of burning Pittsburg? I said, I did
not know ; but they talked of it. I am
of opinion that at the time of their
march to Pittsburgh, there was great
danger. I was at the Mingo Creek meet
ing-house at the time of the meeting
there after the burning of Gen. NeviUe's
house; and numbers of people were dis
satisfied at Mr. Braokenridge's speech
there, as it appeared he was unwilling to
engage to support what was done, and
was supposed to be on the side of gov
ernment." Sworn and subscribed before
WiUiam Meetkirk, &c. — See Incidents.
Extract from the Affidavit of James Clow.
"At a meeting of the committee [of
twenty-one, of which Mr. Clow was a
member,J some time after the day of
Braddock's Field, it was explained to the
committee by Mr. Brackenridge, that the
two gentlemen, Gen. Gibson and Col.
NeviUe, who were to leave the town by
order of the committee of battaUons of
Braddock's Field, and which the com
mittee of Braddock's Field had under
taken to see carried into effect (as this
deponent understood), wished the com
mittee to appoint persons to go with
them on their way, as a guard, until
they should be at such a, distance as to
think themselves safe, and also to furnish

them with passports. At the opening of
the meeting of the committee, John Wil
kins, Esq. was first in the chair, but
leaving it to attend to some business,
this deponent was appointed to the
chair, but had some hesitation, as not
knowing but it might bring him into
trouble. On which Mr. Brackenridge
said, that it was at the request of the
gentlemen themselves, that the com
mittee met to give a guard and pass
ports, and that it was for their service
and not their injury, so there need be no
apprehension of giving offense ; and that
if this deponent did not take the chair,
and sign the passports, he himself was
willing (if chosen) to do so.
"On this the deponent took the chair,
and it was agreed that persons should
be appointed, and that the gentlemen
themselves, who were to go away, should
choose who they would wish to go with
them, and that any or all of the com
mittee would go with them to any dis
tance. "Double passports were made out for
each; the one of a few lines, the other
of considerable length, dictated by Mr.
Brackenridge to the clerk. The having
double passports, was suggested by Mr.
Brackenridge. The question being asked
by some person, what was the use of the
double passports, Mr. Brackenridge, to
this effect, said the one would serve as
a mask, and show to the people in the
country that the committee had done
what they had undertaken to do, and
would serve as a safeguard to the persons
sent away, as no one would molest per
sons supposed to be under guard; aud
the other would explain to the people
below, how it was they were sent away,
and for what cause, and that it was by
the people of Braddock's Field, and not
by the people of Pittsburgh; and that it
was not for anything that could hinder
them gaining a favorable reception where

142

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

they went, it not affecting theu- char
acters. "This deponent, in all the course of
this business, did not discover the small
est design in all Mr. Braokenridge's
actions but for the safety of those gentle
men." Sworn, &c. February 10th, 1795.
Affidavit of Alexander M' Connel.
"After the meeting at Braddock's Field,
the country was in a ferment, and every
body was afraid of another to speak their
minds. The people seemed to think that
law was at an end, every one was ready
to fall upon another, where there was a
difference ; it being supposed they could
not be called to account for it. Guns were
fired into a house near me. I came into
Pittsburgh aud talked over this with Mr.
Brackenridge; and as to myself, not
knowing what to do, said, many of the
people talked, if matters got worse, of
coming into town, if they could be safe.
Mr. Brackenridge said the town was
obnoxious enough already ; that people
taking refuge there would make it
much worse, and the country would
rise against it; that it was not our in
terests nor theirs, that any should come
into town; that if we could stand it out
a little while, matters might be got
settled. I asked Mr. Brackenridge if an
army could be got to come. He said it
could, and he feared it would be neces
sary." Statement of John Scull.
" I can certify, and am ready to make
oath if required, that a day or two before
Gen. Gibson left Pittsburgh, when he was
ordered to quit the country by the com
mittee at Braddock's Field, iu conversa
tion with Mr. Brackenridge on the sub
ject, Mr. Brackenridge expressed concern
that Gen. Gibson intended taking his
family with him, as he considered that he
would soon be enabled to return, and if

not, that many more of ourselves would
be obliged to follow ; and it would then
be time enough to remove his family.
Mr. Brackenridge requested me to men
tion this to Gen. Gibson as his opinion.
I called on Gen. Gibson that evening in
company with Gen. Wilkins, but did not
mention the conversation I had with Mr.
Brackenridge, but advised him not to
take his family for the same reasons. I
never discovered any symptoms of satis
faction in Mr. Brackenridge, on the ex
pulsion of any of the persons in any
manner whatever."
Extract from the Affidavit of Jacob Ferree.
"I was a member of the meeting of
battalions at Braddock's Field, and in
case of expelling Gibson and NeviUe, saw
that Mr. Brackenridge opposed it as long
as it seemed to do any good. The dan
ger seemed to be that the people would
go into Pittsburgh and take them them
selves ; parties of riflemen were coming
aud going and about us, and lastly some
of them said, we do not understand this
way of mystery ; the men wUl wait no
longer ; do something immediately or we
will go and execute it ourselves. I was a
member of the meeting at Parkinson's
Ferry, and Mr. Brackenridge said some
thing to humor the people (in my opin
ion), that might seem to favor them, but
I saw that it was to manage the minds of
the people to keep them from mischief ;
and I am of opinion, on the whole of
what I have heard and saw, that Mr.
Brackenridge being much iu the minds of
the people at that time, had it in his
power, and did render great service in
keeping them from going to war against
the government."
Statement of Judge Addison, toith respect to
the letter to Mr. Cox.
" I was in your house on the 5th of
September last (1794), when you re-

WILLIAM BEAUMONT S STATEMENT.

143

ceived by post an answer from Mr.
Tench Cox to your letter to him. You
showed me a copy of your letter and his
answer. You expressed surprise that he
mistook the aim of your letter, (which
you said you had calculated without ex
posing yourself to the raging prejudices
of the people here, to convey to govern
ment an impression of the magnitude of
the disturbances and the propriety of
conciliatory previous to coercive mea
sures,) and that he should have thought
it necessary to convince you of the ne
cessity of submission ; and you observed
that he reasoned with you as if you was
an insurgent."
Extracts from Statement of William II.
Beaumont.
" That Mr. Brackenridge usually dic
tated his letters of correspondence to
deponent ; [he was his clerk ;] that dur
ing the whole of the insurrection but two
letters were dictated by Mr. Bracken
ridge to this deponent that had the least
reference to any political subject ; nor
does this deponent know of any written
or sent by Mr. Brackenridge to any per
son on any political subject whatever,
except these two letters which were to
Tench Cox, Philadelphia, both dictated
to this deponent, viz. one of the Sth of
August, 1794, and the other of tbe 1-Hh
of September following.
"At the time of the writing aud dic
tating the first, this deponent suggested
to Mr. Brackenridge that it was neces
sary to be cautious how he expressed
himself with regard to the country, at
that moment, as it was probable the mail
might again be robbed, ^.nd he might be
rendered obnoxious to the people. His
answer was, near as this deponent can
recollect, in words to this effect, that he
had taken care of that; that he meant
to give government a real statement of
the ferment the country was in, but at

the same time had put in some things
that would save him from the people,
should tbe letter fall into their hands.
This deponent understood at the time,
that Mr. Brackenridge was apprehensive
that the government might be misled by
wrong information respecting the mag
nitude of the danger, and the extent of
the insurrection, and it was his wish
that the danger might be viewed in the
light it appeared to himself, great and
momentous, not trifling and insignificant;
that measures might be taken accord
ingly. That this deponent had that im
pression at that time, as he expressed
apprehension that a just statement
would not be given by the proscribed
persons who were sent away. That at
tho time Mr. Brackenridge dictated the
second letter to this deponent, he ex
pressed some warmth and irritation of
mind that his first letter should have
been misunderstood by the government,
as he was informed it was; that he wrote
this second letter to explain it. This
deponent understood Mr. Brackenridge,
that it would bo natural for these per
sons (the expelled persons,) to wish a
force sent at all events, and as it might
alarm the government to be under the
necessity of sending a large force, they
would be disposed to represent it as
repressible by u, small oue. Whereas,
in Mr. Bractenridge's opinion, the policy
should be an accommodation in the first
place, and if that should fail, an efficient
force."
Extract from the Statmient of Judge Lucas
with respect to the letter to Mr. Cox.
"The deponent says, that by the
answer of Mr. Cox, in answer to one
from Mr. Brackenridge, that gentleman
did repeatedly say, that Mr. Cox had
not understood him on many things he
had expressed to Mr. Tench Cox, to
secure himself in case his letter had

144

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

been intercepted on this side the moun
tains." Mr. Brackenridge to Tench Cox.
"Pittsburgh, Aug. Sth, 1794.
" Sir — I have received no papers from
you; your letter by the post is tbe first
I have heard from you. I take the op
portunity to give you in. return, a sum
mary of the present state of this country,
with respect to the opposition that ex
ists to the excise law. It has its origin
not in any anti-Federal spirit, I assure
you. It is chiefly the principles and op
erations of the law itself that renders it
obnoxious. Be this as it may, the facts
are these :
" The opposition which for some time
showed itself iu resolves of committees,
in representations to government, in
masked attacks on insignificant deputy
excise officials — for only such woulfi ac
cept the appointment — did at length, on
the appearance of the Marshal in this
county to serve process, break out into
au open and direct attack on the Inspect
or of the revenue himself. General Nev
ille. These circumstances you will by
this time have heard from the General
himself, and from the Marshal, Major
Lenox. " Subsequent to their departure from
the country, notice was given of a meet
ing on the Monongahela river, about
eighteen miles from the town of Pitts
burgh. Six delegates, of whom I was
one, were sent from this town. Nothing
material was done at this meeting, but
the measure agreed upon of a more gen-
aral meeting, on the I4th of August,
near the same place, to take into view the
present state of affairs of the country.
' ' Subsequent to this the mail was inter
cepted, characters in Pittsburgh became
obnoxious by letters found, iu which sen
timents construed to evince a bias in
favor of the excise law were discovered-
"In consequence of this, it was thought

necessary to demand of the town that
those persons should be delivered up, or
expelled, or any other obnoxious charac
ter that might reside there ; also, that
the excise office, still kept in Pittsburgh,
or said to be kept there, should be pulled
down; the house of Abraham Kirkpat
rick burned or pulled down ; other hous
es also, that were the property of persons
unfavorable to the cause. For this pur
pose, circular letters were sent to the
battalions of the counties, detachments
from which met on Braddock's Field, to
the amount of at least five thousand men,
on the second of the month. It was
dreaded on the part of the town, that
from the rage of the people involving the
town in the general odium of abetting
the excise law, it would be laid in ashes.
And I aver that it would have been the
case, had it not been for the prompt and
decisive resolutions of the town, to march
out and meet them as brethren, and com
ply with all demands. This had the ef
fect, and the battalions marched into
town on the 3d, and during their delay
there, and cantonment in the neighbor
hood, with a trifling exception of a slight
damage done to the property of Abra
ham Kirkpatrick, in the possession of
his tenant, whioh was afterward com
pensated,* behaved with all the regular
ity and order of the French or American
armies in their march through a town
during the revolution 'with Great Britain.
' ' The town of Pittsburgh will send del
egates to the meeting of the 14th instant.
What the result will be, I know not. I
flatter myself nothing more than to send
commissioners to the President with an
address proposing that he shall delay
* In this 1 waa mistaken ; it had been proposed
to compensate, but had not been done. I have
called it a slight damage, as I presume the value
of tho house and grain destroyed could not have
been more than one hundred dollars; perhaps not
80 much. [An Act of Congress passed subse
quently.]

MR. BRACKENRIDGE TO TENCH COX.

145

any attempt to suppress this insurrec
tion, as it will be styled, until the meet
ing of Congress. This will be the ob
ject, simply and alone, with all that la
bor to avert a civil war. On the part of
the government, I would earnestly pray
a delay, until such address and commis
sioners may come forward. This is my
object in 'Writing to yon this letter, which
I desire you to communicate either by
the Gazette, or otherwise.
"It will be said, this insurrection can
be easily suppressed— it is but that of a
part of four counties. Be assured it is
that of the greater part — and I am induc
ed to believe, the three Virginia counties
this side the mountnin will fall in. The
first measure, then, will be the re-orgaa-
ization of a new government, compre
hending the three Virginia counties,
and those of Pennsylvania to tbe west
ward, to what extent I know not. This
event, which I contemplate with great
pain, will be the result of the necessity
of self-defense. For this reason, I ear
nestly and anxiously wish that delay on
the part of the govemment may give
time to bring about, if practicable, good
order and subordination. By the time
the Congress meets, there may be a fa
vorable issue to the negotiation with
regardio the navigation of the Missis
sippi, the western posts, &o. A suspen
sion of the excise law during the Indian
war, a measure I proposed in a publica
tion three years ago, in Philadelphia,
may perhaps suffice. Being then on an
equal footing with other parts of the
Union, if they submitted to the law, this
country might also submit.
" I anticipate all that can be said with
regard to example, &c. I may be mista
ken, but I am decisive in opinion that
the United States cannot effect the oper
ation of the law in this country. It is
universally odious in the neighboring
parts of all the heighboring States, and

the militia under the law in the hands
of the President cannot be called out to
reduce an opposition. The midland
counties, 1 am persuaded, will not even
suffer the militia of more distant parts
of the Uniou to pass through them.
" But the excise law is a branch of the
funding system, detested and abhorred
by all the philosophic men, and the yeo-
minry of America, those that hold cer
tificates excepted. There is a growling,
lurking discontent at this system, that
is ready to burst out and discover itself
every where. I candidly and decidedly
tell you, the chariot of government has
been driven Jehu-like, as to the finances ;
like that of Ehfeton, it has descended
from the middle path, and is like to burn
up the American earth.
"Should an attempt be made to sup
press these people, I am afraid the ques
tion will not be whether you will march
to Pittsburgh, but whether they will
march to Philadelphia, accumulating iu
their course, and swelling over the banks
of the Susquehanna like a torrent — irre
sistible, and devouring in its progress.
There can be no equality of contest be
tween the rage of a forest and the abun
dance, indolence, and opulence of a city.
If the President has evinced a prudent
and approved delay in the case of the
British spoliation, in the case of the In
dian tribes, much more humane and
politic will it be to consult the internal
peace of the government, by avoiding
force until every means of accommoda
tion are found unavailing. I deplore
my personal situation; I deplore the sit
uation of thia country, should a civil
war ensue.
" An application to the British is spo
ken of, which may God avert. But what
will not despair produce?
Your most obedient servant, &c.
HcoH H. Brackenridob.
Tench Cox, Esq."

146

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

Mr. Brackenridge to Tench Cox.*
"Pittsburgh, Sept. 15th, 1794.
" Sir— Suppressing your name, I have
just given your letter to the printer of
the Gazette of this place, conceiving that
it will be of service in composing the
minds of the people of this country.
"It is an elegant and sensible essay;
but would be entirely lost upon me, as
inculcating sentiments with whioh I have
no need to be more impressed than I am.
"In some expressions I had used in
my letter, you have understood me as
speaking of the excise law. Review it,
and you will find it was of the funding
system in general. Of that system I
have been an adversary from the com-
--iSencement, iu all its principles and
effects. At the same time, I have never
charged the Secretary, who was said to
be the author of it, with anything more
than an error in judgment.
"A scale ought to have been applied
to certificates in the market, and re
deemed at that rate. The case of the
Continental money was au example. I
would refer you to a famous letter of
John Adams to the Count De Vergennes,
containing reasonings in the case of the
Continental money, that would equally
have applied in the case of certificates.
But at all events, the assumption of the
State debts was unnecessary aud im
poUtic. "Were it possible that we could be
freed from this system by a revolution
without greater mischief, it is possible I
might be brought to think of it. But
that is impossible. The remedy would
be worse than the malady; honest cred
itors would suffer, and we should lose
the advantages of a general union of the
States. These advantages are immense,
and far outweigh all other considerations.
"Though in a country of insurgency,
*From the original, furnished by Mr. Brioton
Cox.

you see I write freely ; because I am
not the most distantly involved in the
insurrection; but deserve the credit of
fnntrJJMjllng tn riifujrjrnniig and rndm^ajt
" From paragraphs in the papers I find
it is otherwise understood with you; but
time will explain all things.
"The arrival of commissioners from
the government was announced to the
delegates of the 14th at Parkinson's
Ferry, when actually convened, and
superseded what was contemplated, the
sending commissioners from hence.
" You will have heard the result,
"By the measures taken, the spirit of
the insurrection was broken. The gov
ernment has now nothing to fear. The
militia may advance, but will meet with
nothing considerable to oppose them.
But had it not been for the pacific mea
sure on the part of the President, and
the internal arrange.ments made by the
friends of order here, which I cannot in
a few words devetope, affairs would have
worn a differenif aspect, aud the standard
of the insurrection would have been by
this time iu fhe neighborhood of Carlisle.
But I hope that this will always remain
matter of bpinion, and have no experi
ment in tlie like case to ascertain the
event. /
" My :frriting to you at first was owing
to my paving received a letter from you
ou an/ indifferent subject, and it struck
me that through you government might
receive information that might be useful,
and if published, which was left to your
discretion, it might operate ag an apology
for the government with the people, in
acfopting pacific measures, representing
in strong terms the magnitude and ex
tent of the danger; for it was not the
^orce of this country that I had in view,
but the communicability to other parts
of the Union, the like inflammable causes
of discontent existing elsewhere. I am
told my letter has been considered as

SECRETARY OP STATE TO THE PfeESIDENT.

147

intending to intimidate the government,
and gain time until the insurrection
should gain strength.
"It might have been with that view;
but that it was not so, will be proved by
my conduct aud sentiments here. No ;
from the tenor of my life, I expect and
demand to be considered as the advocate
of liberty, a greater injury to which
could not bo, than by the most distant
means endangering the existence or in
fringing the structure of the noblest
monument which it ever had, or ever will
have in the world — the United States of
America. "You will do me the justice to com
municate this letter to the same extent
with the first.
"I have further to observe that I am
iu the meantime not without apprehen
sion for the town of Pittsburgh. The
- moment of danger will be on the advance
of the militia ; if the insurgents should
embody to meet them, they will, in the
first instance, probably turn round and
give a stroke here for the purpose of
obtaining arms and ammunition ; and, if
resisted, and perhaps whether or not,
will plunder the stores, and set on fire
all or some of the buildings.
Yours, with respect,
H. H. Brackenridge.
"P. S. Since writing the 'within,
which was two or three days ago, appre
hension of danger, with ourselves, or op
position of force, considerably vanishes
or diminishes.
"I have received your publications.
They are ingenious and useful. At
present, our papers are filled with our
political affairs. In due time they will
be inserted.
"As an instance of order gaining
ground, I am just informed from the
town of Washington that the liberty tree

was cut down, and none came forward to
erect another, or revenge the affront.
H. H. B."
Secretary of State to the President.
"Philadelphia, Aug. 5th, 1794.
"SiE — The late events in the neigh
borhood of Pittsburgh appeared, on the
first intelligence of them, to be extensive
iu their relations. But subsequent re
flection and the conference with the
Governor of Pennsylvania, have multi
plied them in my mind ten-fold. Indeed,
sir, the moment is big with a crisis which
would convulse the oldest government,
and if it should burst on ours, its extent
and dominion can be but faintly con
jectured. "At our first consultation, iu your
presence, the indignation which we all
felt, at the outrages committed, created
a desire that the information received
should be laid before an associate justice,
or the district judge ; to be considered
under the act of May 2d, 1792. This
step was urged by the necessity of under
standing without delay all the means
vested in the President for suppressing
the progress of the mischief. A caution
was prescribed to the Attorney General,
who submitted the documents to the
judge, not to express the most distant
wish of the President that the certificate
should be granted.
"The certificate has been granted, and
although the testimony is not, in my
judgment, yet in sufficient legal form to
become the ground work of such an act,
and a judge ought not, a priori, to decide
that the Marshal is incompetent to sup
press the combinations by the posse com
itatus; yet the certificate, if it be minute
enough, is conclusive, that, 'in the
counties of Washington and Allegheny,
in Pennsylvania, laws of the United
States are opposed, and the execution

148

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

thereof obstructed by combinations too
powerful to be suppressed by the ordi
nary course of judicial proceedings, or
by the powers vested in the Marshal of
that district.'
"But the certificate specifies no par
ticular law which has been opposed.
This defect I remarked to Judge Wilson,
from whom the certificate came, and ob
served, that the design of the law being
that a judge should point out to the
Executive where the judiciary stood in
need of military aid, it was frustrated if
military force should be applied to laws
which the judge might not contemplate.
He did not yield to my reasoning, and
therefore I presume that the objection
will not be received against the validity
of the certificate.
"Upon the supposition of its being
valid, a power arises to the President to
call forth the militia of Pennsylvania,
and eventually the militia of other States
which may be convenient. But as the
law does not compel the President to ar
ray the militia in consequence of the
certificate, and renders it lawful only
for him to do so, the grand inquiry is,
whether it be expedient to exercise this power
at this time.
" On many occasions have I contend
ed that, whensoever military coercion is
to be resorted to in support of law, the
militia are the true, proper and only in
struments which ought to be employed.
But a calm survey of the situation of
the United States has presented these
dangers and these objections, and ban-
ishesjevery idea of caUing them into imme
diate action.
"1. A radical and universal dissatis
faction with the excise pervades the four
transmontane counties of Pennsylvania,
having more than sixty-three thousand
souls in the whole, and more than fifteen
thousand white males above the age of

sixteen. The counties on the eastom
side of the mountains, and some other
populous counties, are infected by simi
lar prejudices, inferior in degree, and
dormant, but not extinguishedi
" 2. Several counties in Virginia, hav
ing a strong militia, participate in these
feelings. " 3. The insurgents, themselves numer
ous, are more closely united by like dan
gers with friends and kindred scattered
abroad in different places, who will enter
into all the apprehensions, and combine
in all the precautions of safety adopted
by them.
"4. As soon as any event of eclat
shall occur, around which persons dis
contented on other principles, whether
of aversion to the govemment or dis
gust with any measures of the adminis
tration, may rally, they will make a com
mon cause.
" 5. The Governor of Pennsylvania has
declared his opinion to be, that the mili
tia which can be drawn forth will be un
equal to the task.
"6. If the militia of other States are
called forth, it is not a decided thing that
many of them may not refiise. And if
they comply, is nothing to be appre
hended from a strong cement growing
between all the militia of Pennsylvania,
when they perceive that another militia
is to be introduced into the bosom of
their country ? The experiment is at least
untried, " 7. The expense of a military expedition
will be very great ; and with a devouring
Indian war, the commencement of a na
vy, the sum to be expended for obtaining
a peace with Algiers, the destruction of
our mercantile capital by British depre
dations, the uncertainty of war or peace
with Great Britain, the impatience of the
people under increased taxes, the punctual
support of our credit ; it behooves those

SECRETARY OF STATE TO THE PRESIDENT.

149

who manage our fiscal matters to be sure
of their pecuniary resources, when so
great a field of new and unexpected ex
pense is to be opened.
" 8. Is there any appropriation of
money which can be immediately devo
ted to this use. If not, how can money
be drawn? It is said that appropriations
are to the war department generally, but
it may deserve inquiry whether they
were not made upon particular state
ments of a kind of service essentially dis
tinct from the one proposed.
"9. If the intelligence of the overtures
of the British to the western counties be true,
and the inhabitants should be driven to
accept their aid, the supplies of the west
ern army, the western army itself, may
be destroyed; the reunion of that coun
try to the United States wiU be imprac
ticable; and we must be engaged in a
British war. If the intelligence be proba
ble only, how difficult will it be to recon
cile the world to believe that we have
been consistent in our conduct ; when
after running the hazard of mortally
offending the French, by the punctilious
observance of neutrality ; after depre
cating the wrath of the English, by
every possible act of government ; after
the request of the suspension of the
settiement of Presq' Isle, which has
in some measure been founded on the
possibility of Great Britain being rous
ed to arms by it ; we pursue measures
which threaten coUision with Great Brit
ain and which are mixed with the blood
of our fellow citizens !
" 10. If miscarriage should befall the
United States in the beginning, what
may not be the consequence? And if this
should not happen, is it possible to see
what may be the effect of ten, twenty,
or thirty thousand of our fellow citizens
being drawn into the field against as many
more ? There is another enemy in the
heart of the Southern States, who would not

sleep iHth such an opportunity of advan
tage. " 11. It is a fact well known, that the
parties in the United States are highly
inflamed against each other ; and that,
there is but one character which kee^
both in awe. As soon as the sword shall
be drawn, who shall be able to restrain
them? "On this subject the souls of some
good men bleed. They have often asked
themselves, why they are always so jeal
ous of military power, whenever it has
been proposed to be exercised under the
form of a succor to the civil authority ?
How has it happened that with a temper
not addicted to suspicion, nor unfriendly
to those who propose military force, they
do not court the shining reputation
which is acquired by being always ready
for strong measures ? This is the rea
son: that they are confldent that they
know the ultimate sense of the people ;
that the will of the people must force
its way in the government ; that not
withstanding the indignation which may
be raised against the insurgents, yet if
measures unnecessarily harsh, dispro-
portionably harsh, and without a previ
ous trial of every thing which law or the
spirit of conciliation can do, be executed,
that indignation will give way, and the
people will be estranged from the ad
ministration which made the experiment.
There is a second reason : one motive
assigned in argument for calling forth
the militia, has been, that a govemment
can never be said to be established until
eome signal display has manifested its
power of mUitary coercion.* This maxim,
if indulged, would heap curses upon the
government. The strength of the gov
ernment is the affection of the people ;
and while that is maintained, every in
vader, every insurgent, will as certainly
count on the fear of its strength, as if
* Hamilton I

11

150

'WESTERN INSURRECTION.

it had with one army of citizens mown
down another.
" Let the parties in the United States
be ever kindled into action, sentiments
Tike these wiU produce a flame which wiU
not terminate in a common revolution.
Knowing, sir, as I do, the motives which
govern you in office, I was certain that
you would be anxious to mitigate as far
as you thought it practicable, the miU
tary course which has been recommend
ed. You have accordingly suspended
the force of the preceding observations,
by determining not to call forth the mi
litia immediately to action, and to send
commissioners who may explain and ad
just, if possible, the present discontents.
"The next question then is, whether
the mUitia shall be directed to hold
themselves in readiness, or shall not be
summoned at all ?
"It has been supposed by some gen
tleman, that when reconciUation ia of
fered with one hand, terror should be
borne in the other, and that a full am
nesty and oblivion shall not be granted
unless the excise laws be complied with
in the fullest manner.
"With a language such as this, the
overtures of peace will be considered de
lusive by the insurgents, and the most of
the world. It will be said aud believed,
that the design of sending commissioners
¦was only to gloss over hostility, to en
deavor to divide, to sound the strength
of the insurgents, to discover the most
culpable persons to be marked out for
punishment, to temporize until Congress
can be prevaUed upon to order further
force, or the western army may be at
leisure from the savages, to be turned
upon the insurgents, and many other
suspicions will be entertained which can
not be here enumerated. When Congress
talked of some high-handed steps against
Great Britain, they were disapproved
as counteracting Mr. Jay's mission — ^be

cause it could not be expected she would
be dragooned. Human nature will, to
a certain point, show itself to be the
same, even among the AUegheny moun
tains. The mission wUl, I fear, faU;
though it would be to me the most grate-
fid occurrence in life to flud my predic
tion falsified. If it does fail, and m
consequence of the disappointment the
militia should be required to act, then
will return that fatal train of events,
which I have stated above to be sus
pended for the present.
"What would be the inconvenience of
delay ? The result of the mission would
be known in four weeks, and the Presi
dent would be master of his measures
without any previous commitment. Four
weeks could not render the insurgents
more formidable; that space of time
might render th'em less so, by affording
room for reflection ; and the government
will have a sufficient season remaining
to act on. Until every peaceable attempt
shall be exhausted, it is not clear to me
that as soon as the call is made, and the
proclamation issued, the militia may not
enter into some combination which will
satisfy the insurgents that they need
fear nothing from them, and spread those
combinations among the militia.
"My opinion, therefore, is, that the
commissioners will be furnished with
enough on the score of terror, when they
announce that the President is in pos
session of the certificate of the judge.
It will confirm the humanity of the mis
sion ; and, notwithstanding, some men
might pay encomiums on decision, vigor
of nerves, &c. &c., if the militia were
summoned to be held in readiness, the
majority would conceive the merit of the
mission incomplete if this were to be
done. "It will not, however, be supposed
that I mean these outrages are to pass
without animadversion. No, sir! That

SECRETARY OF STATE TO THE PRESIDENT.

151

the authority of the government is to be
maintained, is not less my position than
that of others. But I prefer the accom
plishment of this by every experiment
of moderation, iu the first instance. The
steps, therefore, which I would recom
mend are :
"1. A serious proclamation, stating
the mischief, declaring the power pos
sessed by the Executive, announcing
that it is withheld from motives of
humanity and a wish for concUiation.
"2. Commissioners prof erly instruct
ed to the same objects.
"8. If they faU in their mission, let
the offenders be prosecuted according to
law. "4. If the judiciary authority is, after
this, withstood, let the militia be called
out.

"These appear to me to be the only
means for producing unanimity in the
people; and without their unanimity,
the govemment may be mortified and
defeated. "If the President shall determine to
operate with the miUtia, it will be neces
sary to submit some animadversions ujJon
the interpretation of the law. For it
ought closely to be considered, whether
if the combinations should disperse, the
execution of processes is not to be left
to the Marshal and his posse. But these
will be deferred until orders shall be
discussed for the militia to march.
I have the honor, sir, to be,
With the highest respect.
And sincerest attachment.
Your most obedient servant,
Edmund Randolph.''

CHAPTER VII.
MEETINO OF IHE DELEGATES AT PARKINSON'S FERRY — THE RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED
THERE  APPOINTMENT OF A COMMITTEE OF CONFERENCE.
On the day appointed, the delegates elected from each township con
vened at Parkinson's Ferry, on the Monongahela, afterward Williamsport,
now Monongahela City. The place was an open field on the hanks of the
river, with fallen timber and stumps, with a few shade trees, instead of
buildings, for the accommodation of this important assembly, whose delib
erations might be attended with the most serious consequences for good
or evil. The number of members was two hundred and twenty-six ; from
Allegheny forty-three, from Washington ninety-three, from Bedford two,
from Fayette thirty-three, from Westmoreland forty-nine, from Ohio in
Virginia six. There was a still greater number of spectators, or out
siders. The pointof assemblage might have been better chosen, as it was too near
the scene of the recent disturbances, and too convenient for the attend
ance of those who had been actually engaged in them. It cannot be sup
posed that the utmost fairness had prevailed at the elections. There was
too large a proportion from the infected district, (if the expression may be
used,) and sufficient pains had not been taken, every where, to send to
the meeting only the well disposed, and the men of most weight and in
fluence. Still it was superior to the promiscuous mob it was intended to
supersede. It was impossible to ascertain, at a glance, what proportion
was in favor of peaceful measures, or disposed to apply for an amnesty, or
oblivion of the past, according to the suggestion of Mr. Brackenridge at
the Mingo meeting-house, and where the idea of the present meeting,
composed of delegates from the whole of the western counties, was
adopted at his instance.* But no one entertained a doubt, that in spite
of this first winnowing, there would still be a majority, in the present state
of things, who would vote for any measure that might be proposed by
Marshall or Bradford, the acknowledged leadersjiin opposition to the ex
cise law. /¦
i
* See the account of the meeting at the Mingo meeting-house, chap. III.

i i i Ai

CONGRESS OF PARKINSON'S FERRY. 153
The proceedings of the assembly were happily controlled by Messrs.
Brackenridge, Gallatin, Edgar and others, who succeeded in retarding, if
not defeating for the present, the extreme and violent measures contem
plated by the enemies of peace and order. Messrs. Brackenridge and
Gallatin were chiefly looked to by the friends of order; the former at the
head of the western bar, and occupying the highest rank in point of tal
ents; the latter already distinguished, but with a reputation far short of
what he afterward attained, when elected to Congress, and a career and
opportunities of distinction were opened to him. They attended with
the same motive, but under different circumstances, and with different
views as to the mode of action. These two gentlemen had never before
met, and had.no interchange of sentiments, until after the business of the
meeting was ended. They had taken opposite sides some years before, in
the animated contest for the adoption of the Federal Constitution; Bracken
ridge on the Federal side, and Gallatin Findley, and Smiley, on the anti-
Federal. These latter had also been engaged in those meetings against
the excise law which the Secretary of the Treasury had stigmatized as
bordering on treason, and alleged by him to have greatly contributed to
bring about the present disorder. Gallatin had regretted the part he had
taken at the meeting which had passed " intemperate resolutions," to
which so much evil had been ascribed, and was desirous to make amends,
by exerting himself at this meeting on the side of the government, in the
most direct and decided manner. Indeed, it was asserted that he had made
his peace with the government on this condition; but this surmise must be
rejected as not supported byany tangible evidence, and he must be regard
ed as entitled to the merit of pure motives until the contrary appears.
Gallatin was, closely alKed with Findley and Smiley in party politics, local
as well as Federal, although not personally at enmity with Brackenridge,
as was the case with the other two. He had no intimacy, or perhaps even
acquaintance with Marshall and Bradford; and not much personal influ
ence with the delegates, while a friendly understanding had existed be
tween Brackenridge and Marshall and Bradford, and with many others of
the assembly. The former regarded Marshall aa a moderate sensible man,
until he became involved in the recent difficulties. With Bradford he
had been frequently associated professionally; and they had agreed in their
support of the Federal constitution, and until the Mingo creek meetingj
had been on familiar terms. Marshall and Bradford had come preparedj
with resolutions, to be offered to the meeting, contemplating hostile oppo-|
sition to the government. Having exhibited them to Gallatin, he without
hesitation declared his objections, and made known his determination to

154 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
oppose them. This at once deprived him of any influence he might have had
with the assembly, and placed it out of his power to defeat any measure
by direct attack, no matter what might be his power of persuasion, or force
of reasoning, the two leaders having the control of the majority of the
body. It will be seen, hereafter, how unavailing were the efforts of Galla
tin, with the exception of some unimportant changes of words, or phrases,
in the resolutions as at first presented. His influence would be still fur
ther impaired, by the circumstance of his having taken a conspicuous part
against the excise law, while he was now taking a stand on the side of the
government, in opposition to those with whom he had formerly acted.
Such, at least, would be the light in which his course would be regarded.
The situation of Mr. Brackenridge was entirely different from that of
Mr. Gallatin ; as was also the policy which he had determined to pursue.
He had taken no part at the public meetings against the excise law, al
though understood to be, like every other person in the western counties,
opposed to it, and this doubtless exaggerated by the circumstance of hav
ing occasionally been of counsel for persons under prosecution by the gov
ernment. The popularity he had lost at the Mingo meeting, he had par
tially regained at Braddock's Field, and there now existed a desire on the
part of the insurgents to enlist him in their cause. He had, therefore,
ground to stand upon in a course dictated by policy, and he knew that
from the position he occupied, something would be conceded to him, which
could not be accomplished by direct attack. He determined to take ad
vantage of these circumstances, and pursue a course different from that of
Gallatin; that is, to effect, if possible, by indirect means, what he knew
Gallatin would fail to accomplish by a different course. Affecting to act
with the two leaders, at least to some extent, he determined to avail him
self of legislative tactics, which like strategy in war, often gains victories
without battles. With the generous design of preventing the horrors of
civil war, and even of saving those leaders themselves from the ruinous
course they were prepared to pursue, dissimulation was not only justifiable,
but became a duty. In this course, the sequel will show he was so fortu
nate as to be successful, but in the peculiarly delicate situation in which he
was placed, not without niuch difficulty. The impartial reader will see the
absurdity of attempting to give to Gallatin the credit of results which
his very position prevented him from effecting. But for the management
and address of Mr. Brackenridge, the leaders would have been precipita
ted into the very measures from which they were to be diverted. He
acted in pursuance of a plan he had carefully settled in his mind ; tbe
first step had already been taken — the withdrawal of power from the mob,

THE SIFTING OPERATION. 155
and placing it in a delegation ; the next was at this meeting, by a set of
resolutions, tocoHtiuue the sifting operation, through a standing committee ;
and from this, again, choosing a smaller committee of conference; every
remove from the mob increasing the chances of having men of good sense
to deal with. The object at present, was to prevent any decisive measures.
Mr. Gallatin, on the other hand, offered no resolutions, had no plan, and
depended entirely on the effect of direct opposition to thalt which might be
offered by Bradford and Marshall. In the plan of Mr. Brackenridge we re
cognize the principle that "power is ever stealing from the many to the few;"
and in the present instance it was curiously exemplified.* The sub-com
mittee of three, consisting of Messrs. Cook, Gallatin and Brackenridge,
finally confided the business chiefly to the latter, and this was scarcely per
ceived or suspected, until the winding up of the negotiations. We are,
however, anticipating the proceedings of the assembly, to which we return.
"In the morning of the meeting at Parkinson's Ferry," says Mr. Bracken
ridge, " I saw James Marshall, and in order to reconcile him with his
own feelings, and dispose him favorably toward me, I observed that the
calling out of the people at Braddock's Field was a rash act, but it might
have a good effect. It would impress the government with a fear of the
extent of the opposition to the law. He seemed pleased with the apology
made, and observed, 'that Bradford was hasty in undertaking things, and'
had not abilities afterward to manage them.' I considered thia aa an
apology to me for the rashness of what had been done. But I found
that he contemplated the going on to support by force of arms, those un
lawful acts. He showed me a set of resolutions, which he had drawn up to
lay before the meeting, one of whioh contemplated force against the gov
ernment. He gave me to understand, that Bradford also had made a min
ute of some things he meant to move. Bradford here joined us, and I
saw his schedule. It contained the heads of particulars that would be the
subjects of consideration. A committee of safety, magazines, clothing,
provisions, &c.
"There were two or three of the resolutions of Marshall, in substance,
the same 'with those I had discussed in my mind, and I approved of them.
I developed my plan of sending commissioners to the Executive, and
showed the address I had drawn up to be presented to him. They
approved of it.
¦* First, the standing committee of sixty — then the committee of conference of
twelve — these chose a sub-committee of three, and thus the principal share of the
negotiations was placed in the hands of Mr. Brackenridge, who was on that com
mittee.

156 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
"In order to retain the management of Bradford, it was my policy, at
that period, to conceal from him my total disapprobation of what had
been done; nor did I venture to oppose him on the subject of making war ;
but to keep him from thinking, and coming to a close conversation, I
amused him with pleasantry and kept him laughing."*
The meeting was organized by placing Edward Cook in the chair, as
was usual at all meetings where he was, on account of his age and high
respectability of character. Albert Gallatin was appointed secretary.
Bradford now opened the business with some account of what had taken
place — the appearance of the Marshal to serve writs, the attack on Neville's
house — the flight of the Inspector — the expulsion of obnoxious characters,
&c. — here he read the letters intercepted in the mail.
" Marshall, who followed Bradford, now brought forward his proposi
tions. " First — The taking citizens of the United States from their respective
abodes or vicinage, to be tried for real or supposed offenses, is a violation
of the rights of the citizen, is a forced and dangerous construction of the
constitution, and ought not under any pretense whatever to be exercised
by the judicial authority.
" It was alleged by Marshall that the language of this resolve, as of the
others, might not be correct, or the idea well expressed ; and wished the
secretary to frame it as it might seem proper. I spoke on this occasion,
and observed, that by the constitution the whole State was made the
vicinage; and the judiciary had it in their power to make use of it to
that extent. Nevertheless, it certainly was an abridgment of that
advantage which the citizens had before the constitution existed, where
the vicinage waa the county; and that it waa a hard construction of
the constitution, to suppose that it contemplated such a judiciary system
as would bring citizens from one end of the State to the other. For that
reason, I approved of the substance of the resolution ; but as probably it
might be improved in expression, I proposed that we should go over the
resolutions, and having agreed upon the substance, refer them to a
committee of three or more, to digest the arrangement, and express the
same in the best manner, and lay them before the meeting for their final
consideration. It was agreed, and we passed on to the second resolu
tion." The foregoing, the reader will perceive, was a most important move.
The object was to prevent a final vote being taken on any of the resolu-
*The course of GaUatin was the reverse— and what was gained by it? But for the
address of Mr Brackenridge, everything would have been lost.

HOSTILE RESOLUTIONS. 157
tions in their present form, by referring them to a small committee, where
they would be calmly dicusssed, and the dangerous debates, which might
ensue in the meeting of delegates, already much inflamed — surrounded
by persons still more so — might be avoided. It was subsequently adopted
as the means of escaping such debates, by a reference of the resolution
under discussion to the committee suggested by Mr. Brackenridge ; it
was therefore vastly more important than the verbal alterations afterward
suggested by Mr. Gallatin, in the committee of four.*
The second resolution — " That there shall be a standing committee to
consist of  members from each county, to be denominated a
committe of public safety, whose duty it shall be to call forth the resour
ces of the western country to repel any invasion that may be made against
the rights of the citizens or of the body of the people."
" Comparing this resolution," observes Mr. Brackenridge, " with the
first, I saw that Marshall had conceived that the act of the district
officer, in serving writs in the country to answer at Philadelphia, was
illegal and void, and that it might be constitutionally resisted ; and also,
that an attempt of the government to enforce such an act by pursuing
those that had resisted, might be constitutionally opposed, on the same
principle that the money tax, and the force of government in aid of it,
was constitutionally opposed by Hampden, or the declaratory act, and the
enforcing of it, was opposed by America against Great Britain. "j"
Coupling, therefore, these resolutions, they would seem to contemplate
the resisting the officer of the district, and protecting by arms those who
resisted him. Taking the words by themselves, they were not exception
able, for doubtless the people retain the right to repel hostile attempts
against their rights ; on the same principle that I may repel the 'officer
who would seize me without process. But coupling the word with the
preceding resolution, (that of ' taking persons from their abode, &c. is
a violation of the rights of the citizens, is a forced and dangerous con
struction of the constitution,') with the acts perpetrated in the country,
* Findley and others erroneously confound the private disussions in the
committee with the proceedings before the delegates in public. It was in the
committee that the verbal alterations of Mr. Gallatin, to which Findley attaches so
much importance, were made. The real difficulty was to prevent a declaration of
war, which was defeated by Mr. Brackenridge seeming to coincide with Brad
ford. f The power of the Supreme Court of the United States to decide on the constitu
tionality of an act of Congress at that time, was not even suggested — it is of a later
growth.

158 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
and with the state of it, they appeared to be exceptionable. These were
my reflections from the time I had read the resolutions in the morning
until the present moment.
" The resolutions being read, secretary Gallatin now rose, 'What reason,'
said he, ' have we to suppose that hostile attempts will be made against
our rights ? and why, therefore, prepare to resist them ? Riots have
taken place, which may be the subjeot of judiciary cognizance ; but we are
not to suppose a military force on the part of the government.'*
" If I am not accurate in stating this language or these words of the secre
tary, it ought to be attributed to defect of memory, not design. It was my
impression at that time, either that it was the only pretense that occurred
to him to use to evade the resolution, or that actually he did not know
that the acts committed brought it within the power of the President to
call out the militia."f
Not to suppose a military force on the part of the government ! A
case had occurred, and during the session of thia aasembly the proclamation
of the President waa actually received, producing a bad effect. It was
the general belief that the military would be called out, and would march
unless prevented by the submission of the people, or an amnesty ob- ,
tained. The latter could only be attained in one or two modes ; by a delega
tion from the meeting bearing a petition to the President, as was contem
plated by Mr. Brackenridge, or by a voluntary offer on the part of the
government — which actually took place. The design of the hostile resolu
tion, was to meet the force expected ; and those who desired to give it
the go-by, placed their hopes on being able to induce the assembly to
solicit an amnesty, which would render the march unnecessary. In what
ever manner Mr. Gallatin would have been replied to by Bradford, the ac
tual state of things would have been represented, and a question put, which
might have committed the assembly in favor of defensive war. It was
afterward admitted by Mr. Gallatin, in his evidence on the trials, " that it
appeared to me, from the temper of those present, that if the question had
been put it would have been carried." The merit, then, of having parried
*Wilkiuson (American Pioneer, a work of more fancy than authority): " Gallatin
presented the folly of past resistance, and the ruinous consequence to the country
of a continuance of the insurrection. He urged that the govemment was bound to
vindicate the law, and that it would surely send an overwhelming force against
them." On what authority does WUkinson make this assertion or venture to con
tradict Mr. Brackenridge ? Was he there ? He was but a child at the time,
perhaps not yet born. If he ever made those remarks at aU, it must have been at
a late period, at the BrownsviUe meeting. WUkinson is no authority.
¦j-" Incidents."

A CRITICAL MOMENT. 159
the dangerous question is due to Mr. Brackenridge, and it was thus ac
complished. " I knew," continues the author of the "Incidents," " that this resolu
tion was a favorite one with all those who had been involved in any of the
outrages, and at the same time a popular one generally. I was alarmed,
therefore, at the idea of any discussion of it ; and instantly, before any
one could have an opportunity of speaking, affected to oppose the secre
tary, and thought it might not be amiss to have the resolution, but it might
be softened in terms, without altering the substance; it might be said,
' the committee shall have power to take such measures as the situation
of affairs may require,' and that the committee of four should have the
modeling of the terms. Marshall acquiesced, and there was no debate."
It is highly probable that the success of Mr. Brackenridge in fending
off the debate, is in part to be attributed to the disposition of the leaders
to indulge him, in the hope of securing him on their side, which he
appeared to take on this occasion. Afterward, in the committee of four,
(not in the assembly, as stated by Findley and others,) following up the
above suggestion of a vague diplomatic generality, Mr. Gallatin introduced
in the resolution the words, " and in case of any sudden emergency, to
take such means as they may think necessary." The words in the origi
nal resolution were, " to repel any hostile attempts that may be made
against the rights of the citizens or the body of the people." This mere
verbal alteration waa unimportant, compared to the main objeot in view —
the preventing a direct vote in the assembly on the resolution as at first pre
sented. Gallatin is lauded for the change of phrase, the merit of which, if
any, does not belong to him. Such quibbling would not have been listened
to by the assembly, or the bystanders, if brought to a serious discussion.
The third resolution — "That a committee of  members be appointed
to draft a remonstrance to Congress, praying a repeal of the excise law,
and that a more equal and less odious tax may be laid, and at the same
time giving assurance to the representatives of the people, that such tax
will be cheerfully paid by the people of these counties, and that the said,,
remonstrance be signed by the chairman of this meeting, in behalf of
the people we represent." This resolution was opposed on the ground
that it was useless to remonstrate to Congress, that body having treated
with contempt all former remonstrances on that subject ; it was, however,
carried — those who had opposed it acquiescing.
Fourth resolution — " Whereas, the motives by which the western
people have been actuated, in the late unhappy disturbances at Neville's
house, and in the great and general rendezvous of the people at Brad-

160 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
dock's Field, and we are liable to be misconstrued as well by our fellow
citizens throughout the United States as by their and our public ser
vants, to whom is consigned the administration of the Federal govem
ment ; Resolved, That a committee of  be appointed to make a fair
and candid statement of the whole transaction to the President of the
United States, and to the Governors of Pennsylvania and Virginia ; and
if it should become necessary, that the said committee do publish to the
world a manifesto or declaration, whereby the motives and principles of
the people in this country shall be fairly and fully stated."* This was
committed to the committee of four without debate.
Fifth resolution — "That we will, with the rest of our fellow citizens,
support the laws and governments of the respective States in which we live,
and the laws and government of the United States, the excise laws and
the taking away citizens out of their respective counties only excepted;
and therefore we will aid and assist all civil officers in the execution of
their respective functions, and endeavor by every proper means in our
power to bring to justice all offenders in the premises."
On the consideration of this rflsolution, the state of the country,
without law or safety to persons or property, was represented at some
length by Mr. Brackenridge. Mr. Gallatin followed on the same side,
supporting the resolution with a view to the establishment of law and the
conservation of the peace. Though he did not venture to touch on the
resistance to the Marshal, or the expulsion of the proscribed, yet he
strongly arraigned the destruction of property ; the burning of the barn
of Kirkpatrick, for instance. "What!" exclaimed a fiery fellow in the
meeting, "do you blame that?" Mr. Gallatin found himself embarrass
ed; he paused for a moment — "If you had burned him in it," said he,
"it might have been something; but the barn had done no harm."
"Aye, aye," said the member, "that's right enough." This shows how
much easier it is to talk of an open and undisguised opposition to the
measures and temper of such a meeting, than to practice it. The secre
tary was obliged to dissemble as well as Mr. Brackenridge, with whom he
is so favorably contrasted. Perhaps his allusion to Kirkpatrick would
not have passed unnoticed, if, like the former, he had been on unfriendly
terms with the " Neville connection !"
A member who had seen the schedule of Bradford, relating to provi
ding arms, &c. now moved that it be brought forward and laid on the table.
Several persons spoke on the subject of forming magazines of arms and
* This is the only language from which a contemplated declaration of indepen
dence, and withdrawal from the Union, can be inferred.

LEGISLATIVE TACTICS. 161
ammunition, and seemed to desire that resolutions be introduced, carry
ing into practical detail the principle of Bradford's schedule. Gallatin
labored in direct opposition to the principle itself, but apparently with no
success ; and there was danger of a question of some kind being put.
Mr. Brackenridge had been out of the circle, but at this juncture return
ed. As before, he affected to oppose Gallatin ; he began by making some
remarks to conciliate those who were for providing the means of war ;
and then observed, " that it was well to talk of such things, tO show that
tho people were in earnest. By holding out an idea of fighting, the ne
cessity for it might be avoided ; just as a general displays column, to
avoid an engagement. The idea of a preparation for defense may quick
en the disposition of the government to come to an accommodation, and
grant the reasonable demands of the country. But enough has been said,
let these things bo left to the committee of four."
This apology saved the pride of the speakers, and satisfied the hopes of
the violent, and there was nothing more said. Mr. Brackenridge was
thought to be for war ; he was applauded by the outside people ; and it
was said that he now had regained what he had lost at the Mingo Creek
meeting.* '* Findley says Brackenridge "was probably actuated by the same motives as
Gallatin, but supported the measure in a different manner. He often kept up the
appearance, and sometimes the boasting language whioh was acceptable to Brad
ford's party, and opposed GaUatin ; yet always contrived to bring the proceedings
to the same issue." If Mr. Brackenridge always brought the proceedings to the
same issue with GaUatin, it was not only probable, but pretty certain, that he was
actuated by the same motives I And why not say, that the first effected by supe
rior address what the other failed to accomplish by direct means ? Mr. Bracken
ridge proved himself the abler man on this occasion. He could act with policy for
wise and benevolent ends; but when it was necessary to go straight forward to his
purpose, and there was a prospect of success in doing so, he could do it as boldly
as anyone; as was afterward proved at the Brownsville meeting, in reference to
which the same writer, Findley, observes, "that his argument was of the more
consequence, that it waa decisive ; as formerly he had temporized so as to induce^
the rioters to believe that he was friendly to their cause."
He had, at the BrownsviUe meeting, different minds to deal with from those at
Parkinson's. If at Parkinson's he had pursued the same course with GaUatin,
like him, he would have effected nothing. That gentleman, in his evidence ou
the trials, says, "I doubted his (Braokenridge's) real intentions. He explained to
me his real meaning five or six days afterward, the first time we had a private con
versation. He had disapproved the proceedings which had taken place as much as
I did, but was attempting to do by art, what I had tried to do by direct means."
He might have said, with more candor, Mr. Brackenridge had accomplished by
address, what he, GaUatin, had failed to do by direct means. Jamea Ross and

162 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
The assembly adjourned to the next day. The committee of four, who
were to model the resolutions, were to meet early the next morning ; they
were Messrs. Gallatin, Bradford, Brackenridge and Herman Husbands.*
"I lay that night," says the author of the "Incidents," "at a farm
house in the neighborhood, with a hundred or more of the gallery spec
tators and of the assembly, about me. The whole cry was war. From
the manner in which they had understood me, I was greatly popular with
them." ' Stand by us,' said they, ' and we will stand by you.'
" I felt my situation with extreme sensibility. I had an attachment to
the people because they had an attachment to me; and I thought of the
consequences. Suppose that in the prosecution of the plan I have in
view, arrangements cannot be made to satisfy them, and that a war must
come, what shall I do ? I am under no obligation of honor to take part
in supporting them, for I have no way contributed to produce the dis
turbance. And though on principles of conscience it may be excusable
in them to make war — for they think they are right — yet it would not
be so in me, for I think them wrong. But on the score of self-preserva
tion and personal interest, what am I to do ? It is a miserable thing to
be an emigrant ;¦{" there is a secret contempt attached to it, even with
those to whom he comes. They respect more the valor, though they dis-
General Wilkins were in Mr. Braokenridge's confidence at this time, and not Mr.
Gallatin untU after the aasembly had adjourned.
*"I had heard of this. extraordinary character (Husbands) many years ago,
when a principal of the insurgents known by the name of Regulators, iu North
Carolina. I had seen him in the year 1778, when he was a member of the Legisla
ture of Pennsylvania. I was present when a Quaker lady was introduced and
preached before the House. Herman, who was a divine as well as a politician,
thought her not orthodox, and wished to controvert ; but the House, willing to avoid
reUgious controversies, would not permit.
" I had visited him in the year 1780, in the glades of the Allegheny, on my
retum from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh. He had then just finished a Commentary
on a part of the prophet Ezekiel ; it was the vision of the temple, the walls, the
gates, the sea of glass, &c. Loggerhead divines had heretofore interpreted it of
the New Jerusalem, but he conceived it to apply to the western country ; the waUs
were the mountains; the gates, the gaps in them by which the roads pass; and the
sea of glass, the lakes on the west of us. I had no hesitation in saying that the
Commentary was analogous to the vision. He was pleased, and said I was the
only person, except his wife, that he ever got to beUeve it. Thought I, your
church is composed, Uke many others, of the ignorant and diasembling." — In
cidents, p. 95.
f He alludes to the French emigrants from political causes compeUed .to leave
their country.

CONSEQUENCES OP RESISTANCE. 163
approve the principles, of those that stay at home. All I have in the
world is in this country ; it is not in money; I cannot carry it with me,
and if I go abroad I go poor; and I am too far advanced in life to begin
the world anew.
" But as to these people themselves, what chance have they ? They
may defend the passes of the mountains ; they are warlike ; accustomed -•
to the use of arms; capable of hunger and fatigue, and can live in the
rocks and woods, like badgers. They are enthusiastic to madness, and the
effect of this is beyond calculation.
" The people to the east of the mountains are, many of them, dissatis
fied, and will be little dispoaed to disturb the people here, if they should
mean to defend themselves. It is true, the consequence of war, suppo
sing the country independent of the United States, will be poverty and a
miserable state of things for a long time ; but still, those who stand by
the country where they are, have the best chance and the most credit in
the end. In either case, the election is fearful; the only thing that can
suit me, considered merely as a matter of personal interest, is an accom
modation without civil war. But ia there a prospect of this ? Will the
Executive be disposed to act with mildness or severity ? The excise is a
branch of the funding system, which is a child of the Secretary of the
Treasury, who is considered the Minister of the President. He will feel
a personal antipathy against the opposers of it, and will be inclined to
sanguinary counsels. The President himself will consider it a more dan
gerous case than the Indian war or the British spoliations, and will be
disposed to apply more desperate remedies. He will see that here the
vitals are attacked, whereas there the attack was on the extremities.
Nevertheless, the extreme reluctance which he must have to shed the
blood of the people, by whom he is personally beloved, will dispose him to
overtures of amnesty. These were my reveries, as I lay with my head
upon a saddle, on the floor of a cabin.
" In the morning, the committee of four having met, we proceeded to the
arranging and amending the resolutions. Bradford was not satisfied with
the indefinite power given to the standing committee, (to provide for de
fense, &c.) but wished to have it in plain terms ; probably with a view
to get something to pass the assembly that would involve all equally
with himself in the treasons committed. I wished to evade it, and en
deavored to divert his attention by keeping him laughing. I put Hus
bands on the explanation of his 'vision of Ezekiel, and endeavored to
amuse Bradford with him, as a person would amuse a boy with a bear.
But Bradford was too intent on getting the resolutions amended to an ex-

164 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
plicit declaration of war; he complained of the laughing, and wished him
to be serious. Gallatin, not perceiving the drift, said, cynically, ' He
laughs all by himself.' He let Bradford alone then, who puzzled the
secretary enough, and obliged him to put in a sentence, to avoid a worse,
' and in case of any sudden emergency, to take such temporary measures
as they may deem necessary,' instead of the expressions of the resolution
of Bradford, 'whose duty it shall be to call forth the resources of the
country, to repel any hostile attempt that may be made against the, rights
of the citizens or the body of the people.' "
It may be remarked that the aim of the friends of peace was to restrain
the violence of the people, led by inconsiderate men ; this was to be ac
complished by keeping the assembly from taking any action whatever;
but the mere substitution of an ambiguous phrase — this diplomatic fence
of words — would do but little toward the accomplishing of that end.
The secretary's amendment had somewhat the appearance of precaution
against the use of treasonable words ; and it may be recollected that a
design had been entertained of instituting prosecutions on a former occa
sion, against the authors of the "intemperate resolutions." Nor were
the other objectionable words of the resolution much improved by sub
stituting the phrase, " to support the municipal laws, &c." in the place of
the words, " the support of the laws and government, &c. the excise law
and the taking citizens from their vicinage excepted." There is little
difference between not supporting the excise laws, and opposing them; and
moreover, an unconstitional law, that is to say a law that is void, may be
opposed by legal means, through the courts, or by efforts to procure its
repeal — or even by force at the peril of the person who resists the uncon
stitutional law. What was accomplished by Mr. Gallatin in the com
mittee of four, amounted to nothing, although exalted by Findley above
his associates. Gallatin is applauded by his partisan, for his direct and open
opposition to the measures of Bradford, which opposition, it is admitted,
was a failure ; his diplomacy was no better ; and yet he is favorably
contrasted with the politic course pursued by Mr. Brackenridge, which
proved effectual. It is not always that the motive sanctifies the act, but
where it is to prevent bloodshed and civil war, the decision may be safely
left to the judgment of upright and sensible men, whatever may be the
opinions of mere casuists or fools.
The resolutions being perfected by the committee of four, were reported
as soon as the assembly met in the morning. They were reduced to
three in number, instead of the original five, several having been con
densed into one.

RESOLUTIONS. 165
First, Resolved, That taking the citizens of the United States from^
their respective abodes, or vicinage, to be tried for real or supposed
offenses, is a violation of the rights of the citizens ; is a forced and dan
gerous construction, and ought not, under any pretense whatsoever, to be
exercised by the judicial authority.*
The^ foregoing resolution, which expressed a grievance that none could
deny, was in fact the immediate cause of the insurrection. It constitutes
one of the most serious of those complained of in our Declaration of In.
dependence— " for carrying us beyond seas to be tried for imaginary
offenses." What would we now say of taking parsons from the remote
parts of Texas or California to be tried at Washington City ? The con
stitution limits the trial or venue to the State or district, leaving it to the
discretion of Congress to designate the district. The common law principle
of confining the trial to the county was familiar to the people. The "-ov-
ernment had become convinced of the injustice of making Philadelphia
the place of trial for the people west of the mountains ; a law to remedy it,
as we have seen, had been passed, but had not gone into operation. If
this act had been in practical operation before the service of the writs
returnable to Philadelphia, it is highly probable that no riots or insur
rection would have taken place.
The second resolution, that a standing committee of members from
each county be appointed, for the purpose hereinafter mentioned, viz.:
To draft a remonstrance to Congress, praying a repeal of the excise law ;
and at the same time requesting that a more equal and less odious tax be
laid ; and giving assurances that such tax will be willingly paid by the
people of these counties ; to make and publish a statement of the trans
actions which have lately taken place in the country, relative to the ex
cise law, and of the causes which gave rise thereto; and make a repre
sentation to the President on the subject; to have power to call together
a meeting of the deputies, here convened, for the purpose of taking such
further measures as the further situation of affairs may require ; " and in
case of any sudden emergency, to take such temporary measures as they
may think necessary."'}'
Third. That we will exert ourselves, and that it be earnestly recommend- ,
* This unques-tionable grievance, it will be seen, was foremost in the minds of
the people.
f These words were introduced by Mr. Gallatin, according to the previous
suggestion of Mr. Brackenridge. 12

166 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
to our fellow citizens to exert themselves in support of the municipal
laws of the respective States ; and especially in preventing any violence
or outrage against the property and person of any individual.
The first resolution was read and adopted unanimously.
On reading the second, it was moved by Mr. Brackenridge, to fill the
blank with the word two, and to change the word county for township. His
argument was, that they might act as conservators of the peace in support
of the civil magistrate. It was necessary that they should be distributed
as much as possible over the four counties, so as to enable the committee
to act more promptly, and at the same time to disseminate their ideas and
resolutions among the people. The real object, although not avowed, was
to prevent promptitude of action, and the violent measures which a con
centrated, permanent body might be induced to adopt.
It was further moved by him to insert, instead of " to call together a
meeting of the deputies," these words, viz. "a meeting either of a new
representation of the people, or of the deputies here convened." His ar
gument was, the democratic principle of a frequent change of repre
sentatives. His real object was to enable him to withdraw, in case he.
could not succeed in bringing about an accommodation. It was seconded
with avidity by James Edgar, and probably with the same view, and was
carried. An adjournment now took place to choose the standing committee,
which was done by each township for itself. Mr. Brackenridge was cho
sen as one for the township of Pittsburgh. This committee, although an
improvement on the assembly, in temper and intelligence, was still far
from being all that could be desired. It still contained too large a por
tion of the violent ; but nearly an equal number were openly in favor of
peace, another portion was also in favor of moderate measures, but obliged
to conceal their real sentiments through fear. After electing the stand.
ing committee the deputies again assembled.
Mr. Brackenridge had drafted the following resolution : "That 
commissioners be appointed to wait on the President of the United States
with the representation of the people, and report to the standing com
mittee the answer they may receive."
But it having been announced in the course of the sitting, that com-
.piissioners from the Executive to the assembly of deputies had unex
pectedly arrived in the country, he changed his resolution to the following:
" That a committee of  members from each county be appointed
to. meet any commissioners that have been or may be appointed by the

COMMITTEE OP CONFERENCE. 167
government, to report the result of this conference to the standing com
mittee." It was carried, and the blank filled with the number three.*
There was considerable opposition to this resolution. It waa said that
as the commissioners were now in the country, and supposed to be but half
a day's journey distant; the assembly would wait until their arrival, and
hear their propositions and determine for themselves."!"
This was extremely dangerous to the object now in view. James Ross,-
who was present, and had received his appointment as commissioner, but
known only to a few of the leaders on the pacific side, was of opinion that
in the present temper of the assembly, and the people around, no proposi
tion which the commiaaionera had in their power to make would be ac
cepted. It was, therefore, of the greatest moment to carry the resolution
as it stood. In support of it, the inconvenience of staying at the place
was alleged ; there was no accommodation for the members, or the com
missioners ; it would take a long time to understand each other ; the ne
gotiation must consist of conference and correspondence; that there was
not even the convenience for writing at the place. These, and many
' other reasons, were urged. It was not without great difficulty that the
resolution to appoint a committee of conference was carried.
It was again moved, that the assembly of delegates should wait where
they were until the committee of conference should report to them. This
was considered equally dangerous. It was plain that the chances would
be more favorable in reporting to the standing committee, both on account
of the time gained and the larger proportion of the friends of peace on
that committee. The length of time required for the conference, and the
inconvenience of remaining on the ground, were urged, again and again ;
but the avidity of curiosity was such, that they were anxious to remain.
Gallatin had exerted himself very much in these debates, and on the last
especially; others had supported him, but seemed to fail. Gallatin was
* William Beaumont, in hia affidavit, says that Mr. Brackenridge did not appear
to be one of the principal speakers at this assembly. The reason is, that his mind
was more intent on the moves of the game than in making speeches. Few per
sons are aware of the importance of these noiseless steps, and attribute all to the
loud declaimers, who seem to make the day-light.
-j- It was about this time that WiUiam Findley made his appearance, having hith
erto kept aloof probably from design! To make amends, he officiously brought the
intelUgence of the arrivalof go vernment commissioners ; but who they were and
where, was not yet known, although James Ross was on the spot conferring with
the friends of order, especiaUy Brackenridge and Gallatin. Findley's officiousness
led to serious embarrassment among the friends of peace, when they attempted to
effect an adjournment of the assembly.

168 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
now pursuing, by indirection, the design of defeating the insurgent lead
ers, after his open opposition had been unavailing.
Mr. Brackenridge was walking outside the circle, much disheartened,
when Commissioner Ross came to him and wished him to make another
effort. "I do not see that I can do anything," said he; "Gallatin and
others have said every thing th.at is reasonable in the case, and yet have
failed." " You can do it,'' said Ross. Determined to make another
trial, and knowing that it was the impatience of curiosity which made
them anxious to stay, he observed, that it was not probable that the com
missioners had any thing of consequence to propose, the President not
having the people's representations before they set out; and therefore,
although on principles of common decency it was proper to hear them;
yet it waa not worth while for the committee to waste their time in wait
ing for them. Thia had its effeet. Something is to be ascribed to the
disposition of people, when wearied with discussion, to lay hold of some
plausible reason to end it, especially coming from one who had not been
so warmly engaged in the debate. It is also probable that Mr. Bracken
ridge had, by this time, established an influence with the members; even
the more violent regarding him as having, in some measure, come over to
their side. The resolution was then carried, as it stood.
Instruction movers now appeared ; the committee of conference must
be instructed by the assembly ! • This was parried by getting it to be ob-
. served and pressed, that instructions could not be given in regard to prop
ositions when it could not be known what those propositions were.
It is stated by Findley, that the day after the announcement of the
arrival of the commissioners, the President's proclamation and the orders
to call out the militia, reached the place, and were made known. Its effect
was unfavorable — it seemed only to displease the people, already too much
excited, and increased the difficulty of bringing them to reason. It was
but the day before that Gallatin expressed his surprise that any one
should suppose that the military would be called out by the government!
It was now moved, that the time of meeting of the standing committee
should be fixed. It was agreed that it should be fixed by themselves.
The standing committee met and appointed the second day of Septem
ber, and the place Brownsville, on the Monongahela. 7'hey chose the
committee of conference of twelve, three from each county, and these
fixed the time of conference with the commissioners, the 20th of August,
the place Pittsburgh.
The committee of conference, which had thus been double-distilled from
the mob of deputies, contained, as had been expected by Mr. Bracken-

COMMITTEE OF CONFERENCE. 169
ridge, a decided majority — almost an unanimity in favor of submission to
the government. The whole power of the assembly being merged in the
standing committee and committee of conference, the three resolutions
adopted by the assembly were lost sight of, and were no longer regarded of
any consequence ; and it mattered little in what terms expressed, either
in those of Marshall, or in the diplomatic phrase of Gallatin. They had
served to let off the surplus steam, and that sufficed for the moment.
The committee of conference consisted of the following members, viz.
Messrs. John Kirkpatrick, John Sneth and John Powers, for Westmore
land ; David Bradford, Jamea Marahall and James Edgar, for Waahing-
ton; Edward Cook, Albert Gallatin and James Lang, for Fayette; Thos.
Morton, John B. 0. Lucas and H. H. Brackenridge, for Allegheny.
Three other gentlemen from Ohio county, Virginia, united with the above
named; they were, Messrs. Robert Stevenson, William M'Kinley and
William Southerland. Col. Cook was chosen chairman of the committee.
" The point was now gained, to which I have always looked forward —
the point where the foot waa to be fixed in order to make an open statfS
against the insurrection." This was Mr. Braokenridge's language to Mr.
Ross, as he stepped from the circle after carrying the committee of con
ference. "There is a basis now laid from which we can act: to this
point I have always looked forward, not expecting commissioners from
the government to commissioners on our part, holding out an amnesty,
which I took to be the great secret of composing the disturbance. Until
that appeared, the disposition of those involved would lead them to cut
throats to support themselves ; and the whole country, conscious that
every man had in some degree contributed, by words or actions, to pro
duce that mental opposition to the law which had terminated in actual
force, could not reconcile it to their feelings to abandon those who had
acted with precipitation in the late instances. But, an amnesty being
given, these could say to their countrymen. You are now on the same
ground with us — atop, we will go no farther ! I considered the appoint
ment of commissioners on the part of the government aa a pledge of am-
neaty, though I had yet no information of their power. I, therefore, aaw
longer to be a for the country to get out ; and now the conduct ought no
the way clear concealment of the intentiona, and half way acquieacence,
but an explicit avowal of opinion.
" On this principle, I took the first opportunity I had with Marshall
and Bradford, and it was in the presence of one of the committee, be
fore any conference with the commissioners, to inform them of my real
sentiments with regard to the violations of the law which had taken

170 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
place, and particularly with regard to those in which they had been impli
cated — the intercepting the mail and the rendezvous at Braddock's Field.
Bradford looked red and angry ; Marshall, pale and affected."
These men, especially Bradford, could not forgive the being treated
like children by the person they supposed they had half converted and
enlisted in their designs, whatever they might be. The vanity of Brad
ford was offended, and the advice given him to cease opposition to the
government and submit to its authority, was thrown away. With Mar-
s^ll it was different, and from that moment he acted with the friends of
the government with sincerity; but, such is human nature, cherished ever
after in his heart an unkindly feeling, to use no stronger expression,
toward his adviser. It has been asked, why did not Mr. Brackenridge
address them in this manner at the opening of the assembly? If he
had done so, he would have had no infiuence over them, and if they had
listened to him, they would have lost all influence over the assembled
deputies. He found it necessary to use them as the instruments for indi
rectly controlling that body, and effecting the transfer of power, first to
the sixty, and then to -the twelve. And it may be asked, what injury
was done to those men beyond the mortification of vanity and pride?
None — but a real, though no flattering benefit, was conferred by opening
a door for them to escape; and at the same time the momentous object of
a pacification of the country was accomplished. No confidence was vio
lated, for none had been reposed in Mr. Brackenridge.
What would have been the consequence if the pernicious measures of
Bradford had not been baffled, and a direct vote defeated on his proposi
tion to prepare for war, collect aums, magazines, and organize a military
force ? There is no doubt an armed opposition would have been set on
foot; and possibly an army of riflemen would have occupied the passes of
the mountains, while the people of the counties of Bedford, Franklin and
Cumberland, almost as much excited as those in the west, with much less
cause, would have harrassed the rear of a force sent to subdue the insur
gents, as soon as they entered the defiles of the Allegheny, where neither
cavalry nor artillery could be employed to advantage. The war once
begun against the excise law, who could tell where it would end ? Ken
tucky and Western Virginia shared the same feeling, and at the time were
bound by slender ties to the States of the Atlantic. There were men who
had already conceived the idea of a western confederacy, embracing the
magnificent region which now forms the body of the American empire.
The hostile feeling of Great Britain and Spain would eagerly embrace the
opportunity of dismembering the Union, of whose future, if preserved,

SERIOUS CONSEQUENCES TO BE FEARED. 171
they already entertained a just conception. The rise and progress of the
young giant republic was regarded with extreme jealousy and dislike by
those powers. Here is a subject for deep reflection; and when thus
viewed, the Western Insurrection might have swelled into an importance
equal to that of our war with Great Britian. It was regarded by Wash
ington in that light. It is true, there was the army of Wayne on the
frontier — but its supplies could have been out off, and in case of domestic
war, many of the soldiers would desert rather than fight against their
countrymen. We should have, at least, witnessed those demoralizing
dissensions and unhappy divisions, which have prevented all steady pro
gress in the republics of South America. It is fortunate that no one pos
sessed of abilities and daring held the position of Bradford at this crisis
— some bold spirit, actuated by a criminal ambition, and regardless of
consequences. It was well that Washington was so fully alive to the
momentous dangers which threatened the Union, and called out a suffi
cient force "to crush to atoms," at once, every particle of rebellion; and
it is still more fortunate, that there were men of patriotism and talents in
the West, with so large a proportion of enlightened and virtuous citizens,
who were enabled to arrest the growth of the insurrection, even before
the march of that army, and which, joined to the wise and humane policy
of Washington, had rendered it unnecessary.
A very incorrect account is given by Findley of the proceedings of the
assembly. He either did not comprehend them, or was infiuenced by his
prejudices against Mr. Brackenridge, and his desire to exalt Gallatin at
his expense. Why did he not pursue the report of Mr. Brackenridge in
the "Incidents," while it waa before him, and which is minute, clear and
consistent? He would thus have avoided the gross blunders, which any
one may see by comparing his "History" with the detail which has
been here faithfully given from the "Incidents."
Bradford complained that Mr. Brackenridge had not given him his
confidence at an early period. On this, the latter exclaims,* " Heigh, in
deed I Give my confidence to a man who had gone on to the commission
of high crimes, and had a mob at his command ! But did I not speak
plainly at Brownsville ? Surely he had my confidence there, for all the
meeting had it ; and yet, he answered me with all the pomp that his idea
of superiority over me, in the possession of the public confidence, could
inspire; and if he insulted me after our negotiations with the commis
sioners, what would he not have done at an earlier period, when he had
those at his back, who, having no amnesty to which they could look for-
* Incidents, II. p. 47.

172 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
ward, would be disposed to take the most desperate resolutions in regard
to all who differed from them ? I did speak as soon as it was prudent to
do it ¦ that is, in the committee of conference at Pittsburgh."
The most disgusting epithets have been applied to Mr. Brackenridge
by N. B. Craig, who avows his heredita7-y ijrejudices against him, and
among other terms, applies that of "cold-blooded, calculating villain," in
reference to his skillful course at Parkinson's Ferry. The writer of this,
althouo-h viewing this impotent malignity with the indignation it is cal
culated to excite, can safely plead the vindication of his father on the
motive in view, and the object accomplished by him, which must com
mand the gratitude of every honest man, of every friend of humanity and
of his country. He must go farther, and unhesitatingly declare that his
case is one of the most extraordinary in history, of great services remain
ing not only unacknowledged, but even denounced as criminal by a few
malignant individuals. But it so happens, that the most irresistable
testimony is contained in the Appendix to the "Incidents," from men
whose veracity and impartiality cannot be doubted, for a moment, and
which annihilates all the insinuations, slanders and vulgar epithets of his
enemies, at whatever period. No one having the feelings of common
honesty, or a single characteristic of the gentleman, can indorse such
language, after reading the testimonials of Messrs. Ross, Wilkins, Addison,
Purviance, Hoge, Roddick, Scott, and many others, who speak from inti
mate and personal knowledge. With Mr. Ross he was- on terms of close
confidence during the whole of the insurrection ; his letter, which will be
placed in the note to this chapter, completely covers the whole ground.
It will be followed by those of Judge Addison, Senator Hoge, Mr. Scott
and Judge Lucas — the others have been placed at the end of different
chapters, as they seemed more particularly to relate to the subjects narra
ted in them.*
"^¦"The vindication of his father's memory, it is hoped, will not be regarded by the
generous reader as incompatible with his obligations as a truthful and honest his
torian.

LETTER TO JAMES ROSS.

173

NOTES TO CHAPTER VII.

Letter addressed to James Ross, Esq., and
Reply.
"Sir: — I take the Uberty of making
to you a few queries relative to myself,
in the transactions of the late insurrec
tion in this country, your answer to which
wiU obUge me.
"1st. Were you not in the town of
Washington at the time of the return of
individuals to that place, who had been
at the meeting at Mingo Creek; and
what was the impression which seemed
to have been made on their minds with
respect to what was said by me at the
meeting; was it that of kaving supported
or evaded the proposition of Bradford,
and the measures proposed by the more
violent ?
"2d. At what point of the business
did you come forward, and was present
in the committee of battalions at Brad
dock's Field; and what was the impres
sion on'your mind with respect to my
conduct in the cases of Neville, Gibson
and Craig; and what do you recollect,
or was your impression with respect to
our engagement, I mean those of the
committee from Pittsburgh, with regard
to Abraham Kirkpatrick and others that
had been sent away ; did we not pledge
our persons for theirs, that they had
gone and would not return ; and did not
this stipulation appear to you to be the
result of necessity at that juncture to
.>Uay the rage of the people against the
town on account of these persons ?
"3d. Shortly after the day of Brad
dock's Field, do you recollect my stating
to you the deUcacy of my situation, and
wish to extricate myself from it ; that I
had thought of procuring myself to be
sent to the Executive, on behalf of the

people of Pittsburgh, to represent their
situation and the motives of their con
duct ; and having done this, not to re
turn ; and that with this view, I wished
you to sound some principal persons,
and see whether it would seem that I
could be so appointed ; and did you not
give me information afterward, that you
had sormded, and found an unwiUingness
that I should leave the town or the coun
try, but rather remain, in order to assist
in ways of our general safety?
"4th. Before the election of delegates
for the town of Pittsburgh to the meet
ing at Parkinson's Ferry, did I not
express to you my determination of not
suffering my name to be mentioned as a
delegate, recollecting with what dif
ficulty I had extricated myself at the
Mingo meeting-house ; that it would be
better, in order to save appearances on
the part of the town, to let some person
go forward who would not be expected
to speak, or take any conspicuous part
in the business ; was it not rather your
opinion, that it was a turning point in
the business to get forward as many as
possible of moderation, address, ability
and influence, in order to parry the
desperate measures that might be pro
posed ; and did you not undertake to go
to Washington, and accomplish as far as
in your power, the procuring persons to
be elected of that description ; and was
it not on this ground that I acquiesced
and changed my determination ?
"Sth. At the meeting at Parkinson's
Ferry, did I not explain to you the plan
I had devised, which was that of send
ing commissioners to the Executive ; and
did not I then show you an address I had
prepared to the President, such as I

174

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

thought the people would be willing to
send ; that the commissioners sent would
expose the real situation of the country,
and devise measures for the paciflcation
of it ; and did I not suggest to you that
the obtaining au amnesty for what was
done, would be the means — those that
were desperate, from a sense of the
violation of the law, seeing theu a pros
pect of safety, or a way of getting out ;
and did you not, with my consent, take
this address to read over, and show to
the commissioners, as it would give them
the same information which was in
tended for the President ?
"6th. At Parkinson's Ferry, toward
the close of the business, at what was
considered a delicate crisis, when it was
agitated whether the commissioners who
had been announced as having arrived,
should come forward to the people there
present, or a delegation to be made of
persons to confer with them at a separate
place ; and was it not considered by us,
that the coming forward there would be
fatal, as whatever propositions were
brought forward would at this instant
be rejected by the multitude ; aud when
several speakers of the moderate descrip
tion seemed to have failed in advocating
a separate conference, was I not called
upon by you, and addressed in these
words, 'This is the turning point; you
must now speak.' I had a considerable
time before that left the circle, and was
walking at some distance from the crowd.
Did I not inform you that I despaired of
it, so many others ha'nng spoken in vain ;
you said I could do it. Did I not ihen
come forward, and with great difficulty
accompUsh it, and returning to you from
the crowd, say, ' The point is now gained ;
there is a ground whereon to establish
peace?' "7th. What, in general, is your im
pression of my zeal in accompUshing the
point I had in view, of serving the people

by saving them with the government;
and at the same time serving the govern
ment with them.*
"You may, if you please, annex yonr
answers to these queries, or answer the
substance in a letter.
I am, your humble servant,
Hugh H. Braokeneidqe.
11th April, 1795."
"Pittsburgh, 11th April, 1795.
" Sir — Want of time before you leave
this place, prevents me from answering
your queries of this day so fully as I
could wish, but I shall endeavor to state
as concisely as possible, my recollection
of the facts to whioh they are pointed.
"I lived at Washington at the time
General Neville's house was destroyed,
and during the time of the late disturb
ances. On the return of the Washing
ton gentlemen from the Mingo Creek
meeting, I understood from them that a
proposal had been made in the meeting,
that those guilty of the outrage should
be supported by force against all at
tempts to punish them, and this had been
warmly advocated by some of the Wash
ington people ; but that you were of a
different opinion, and had stated that in
all probability the government might be/
induced to forgive it, and that a combi
nation of this sort would involve the
whole country, and oblige government
to take notice of those who had trans
gressed. This meeting ended by a pro
posal to have a, more general one from
the four counties west of the mountains,
in Pennsylvania, and as I understood,
the western counties of Virginia were
to be notifled to attend on the 14th of
August, at Parkinson's Ferry. Before
this day arrived the mail was robbed,
several obnoxious letters were found in
* " To speak the truth to the king in the hearing
of tho people, and to the people in the hearing of
the king." — Juniiis.

JAMES ROSS.

175

it ; a project for taking the pubUc arms,
ammunition and stores at Pittsburgh was
set on foot ; this plan also embraced the
seizing and punishing in an exemplary
manner, the writers of those letters,
who were called traitors to their country ;
and the militia were called to assemble
at Braddock's Field, and to march from
thence to Pittsburgh.
"The names of those publicly denoun
ced in Washington in presence of the
troops, (who were hesitating whether
they would march or not,) were Thomas
Butler, Abraham Kirkpatrick, John Gib
son, James Brison and Edward Day.
When the troops were assembled at Brad
dock's Field, Hi large committee was ap
pointed to consider and settle what
should be done. This committee sat for
K long time, and the soldiers became
'lamoroua for a march to Pittsburgh.
At this time I came to the committee, who
were at some distance from the main
body. I then learned that the design
of attacking the fort was abandoned ;
that the committee had resolved to peti
tion the President for the removal of
Col. Butler from the command of the
fort ; that they had ordered the banish
ment of Major Kirkpatrick, Mr. Brison
and Mr. Day ; and they were taking the
question whether Col. Neville and Gen
eral Gibson should not be banished.
John Wilkins and you made a proposal
to postpone their banishment until the
meeting of the 14th of August ; but this
was negatived. I am not certain whether
this proposal was confined to these last
named gentlemen, or extended to aU,
but rather think Neville and Gibson only
included. Ono of the committee then
denounced Major Craig for having said
he would keep an inspection office in his
own house, rather than the excise law
should be defeated. A good deal was
said on this subject ; his expulsion was
at last prevented by a proposal of yours,

that a petition should be sent to General
Knox for his removal. It being very
questionable whether Butler would not
protect him in fort aa belonging to the
army ; and at all events the public busi
ness would suffer from the want of a proper
person to take care of the military stores.
This was agreed to. The time within
which the banished men must depart
was fixed, and passports allowed them.
The Pittsburgh committee now were
called upon to pledge themselves for the
full execution of the resolutions, which
they did ; but whether their own persons
were pledged or not, I do not recollect.
After this was settled, one of the Wash
ington members rose and proposed that
the troops should march home through
Pittsburgh, and that they should all go
in a body, professing his belief that they
would do no harm, and stating that the
newa of the five thousand men having
marched through that place, would strike
terror into the minds of all below, who
might dream of punishing any thing
that had been done. From the first of
the meeting at Braddock's Field until
this time, it had been my opinion that
we could prevail on the troops to go
home from thence ; but finding a major
ity of the committee for marching to
town, I doubted of the practicability of
preventing them, and it was evidently
the best policy to carry the weU disposed
along with the violent in order to con
trol them.
" This waa the opinion of aU the well
dispoaed part of the persons assembled
there, and accordingly the unarmed, as
well as the armed, were put in the ranks
and proceeded to Pittsburgh. These ex
pulsions, and this march, was the result
of the meeting at Braddock's Field ; and
nothing but the apparent concert of the
Pittsburgh people to all these measures
could have saved their property from ut
ter destruction. Almost all the inhab-

176

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

itants of the town were at the Field,
and expressed their despair of saving
the town, provided the insurgents march
ed into it. You exerted yourself amongst
others to the utmost in order to prevent
this measure. But when it was resolved
on, in my opinion, no person who wished
the safety of the place, would either
have opposed the march by force, or
sent home the peaceable and well dispo
sed part of the militia.
"The facta mentioned in your third,
fourth, fifth and aixth queries, are, to
the best of my recollection, correctly
stated. I may forget words ; but the
impressions made on me, and sentiments
expressed by you, are substantiaUy as
there stated; and it would be only a
waste of time to repeat the several sub
jects there alluded to. I saw many
alarmed and anxious for the safety of
their country, for the re-estabUshment
of the govemment, and who expressed
an abhorrence of all that was doing. I
thought none of them more seriously so
than yourself ; and when you came as a
committee man to settle the terms of
submission, I am persuaded there is none
¦wUl deny that you exerted yourself to
get every reasonable concession on the
part of the government in favor of your
constituents. "Finally, sir, there is no impression
on my mind, from any part of your con
duct in the late distm-banoes, which I
have seen, nor from anything I have
heard you say, that attempted in any,
instance to inflame the minds of any of
the people against an individual, or to
turn the force of othera against a private
enemy. I am, sir, yours, &o. |
James Ross." '*
•The ancestors of Mr. Koss settled in the same
neighborhood with those of Mr. Brackenridge, in
York connty, PannaylTania, and those of M'MiUan
and John Rowan. Mr. Brackenridge found him a'

Letter of Mr. John Hoge.*
"Washington, Feb. 16th, 1795.
"Sir — I received your letter of the
13th instant, and have no doubt but that
you are entitled, at least, to a full state
ment by letter, of your expressions to
me in Pittsburgh ; but I much doubt the
propriety of voluntarUy going before a
magistrate, and making a deposition on
the subject And as it is an extra-judi
cial business, I presume no magistrate
will call on me by subpoena for the pur
pose. "I know well you have enemies, and
beUeve they are my friends. I respect
them and regard you. It is not for me,
therefore, on the one hand, by a volun
tary act of mine, to lose my friends, or
wound their feelings, even though they
be your enemies ; nor on the other handA
to retain their friendship, by withhold^
Canonsburg, teaching the first classical school
opened in the West. He, at first, designed to enter
the ministry; but afterward resolved to study law,
and Mr. Brackenridge furnished him copies of
Reeve's history, and of Blackstone, brought in hia
saddle-bags, on his way to Washington court. He
afterward gave him letters to Philadeliihia, where
Ross completed hia studies ; after which he soon
rose to distinction in the West; married a lady of
fortune, and devoted himself chiefly to politics.
He became one of the Federal leaders in the Senate
of the United States. He was a splendid man;
great as an orator, in the Senate and at the bar.
He was a truly great man. Waahington appointed
him one of the commissioners to the insurgents.;
here he met Mr. Brackenridge, as negotiator for
the people. Mr. Ross showed himself a true friend
to Mr. Brackenridge, when the letter was exposed
to false accusations, and hut for him, would prob
ably have been carried a prisoner to Philadelphia.
There is the greater merit for this, when it is con
sidered that his brother-in-law and bosom friend.
General Woods, and Mr. Brackenridge were bitter
enemies. * Mr. Hoge was at this time in the Pennsylvania
Senate, a particular friend of Col. Neville, and an
ardent supporter of the Federal administration.
He waa a gentleman of fortune, of fine character,
and splendid talents. He wrote with the elegance
of a Junius. His character for manly indepen
dence was remarkable. The testimony ot such a
man is peculiarly important.

JOHN HOGE.

177

ing an act of justice from you. I have,
therefore, determined to do no more on
either side than strict justice, which
will be effected by answering your letter.
If any man doubts my words, I presume
he would not respect my oath ; and I
flatter myself that all who know me,
will doubt neither.
"1 recoUect perfectly, that on the day
I think previous to conference being
opened, between the commissioners on
the part of tbe United States and the
committee appointed by the deluded
people, I entered without reserve into a
short conversation with you, relative to
the situation of the western country.
Your sentiments, I recollect fully, co
incided with mine on that occasion. One
sentiment of yours struck me as strongly
characteristic of your opinion, which
was, ' that if the designs of individuals,
or the obstinaoy of the multitude, should
prevent submission to the govemment,
you were determined to leave the coun
try; that the consequent sacrifice of
your property should not influence you ;
that the sacriflce would probably be but
temporary; for that obedience would,
and ought to be enforced ; that govern
ment had the power, and, no doubt,
would exert it on that occasion.' One
of us mentioned the necessity of inducing
Mr. Bradford to comply with the terms
which might be proposed by the com
missioners. I suggested the propriety
of the use of your influence with him.
You doubted whether you had any; and
said, the only way you ever could man
age him, was by pretending to anticipate
his opinions, and thus persuade him to
come into measures as his own, than
which nothing could be more foreign to
his thoughts ; but that you would leave
no means unessayed, to effeet a change
of his mind.
"It cannot be expected that I should
now give tho words of our conversation

without occasion ; but I am persuaded I
have given the ideas. The belief that
you were directly or indirectly concerned
in the late insurrection, can only be
entertained by those, who, from the dis
tance from the scene of action, have been
imposed upon by misrepresentations, and
have therefore formed conclusions upon
ill-founded premises ; or by your ene
mies, whose prejudices have totally pre
vented inquiry.
"The dangerous and unpopular part I
took in the late insurrection, and the
detestation I entertain for all those
defamatory societies, whioh have for
their object the dissemination of jea
lousies against the government ; and
which, I have no doubt, contributed
greatly (perhaps undesignedly,) to the
late dishonorable insurrection, are, I
hope, sufficient pledges of the truth of
this statement, even when it is made in
favor of you, who unfortunately by mis
representation, or partial statements of
facts, have incurred the displeasure, or
at least the suspicion of government.
I am, sir, with respect.
Your obedient servant,
John Hoge."
Letter of Judge Addison.
"Sir: — I have received your letter
desiring me to state to you my know
ledge of your aentiments and conduct
respecting the adoption of the Federal
constitution ; aud to state also whether
I have discovered from you any idea of
overthrowing it ; or have any reason to
believe that you advised or countenanced
any illegal opposition to the excise law ;
or had any concern in eiciting or sup
porting the late disturbances.
"In making this statement as sincerely
and as candidly as I can, I shall speak
from my observation of your conduct in
an acquaintance of more than nine years,
and in your company in social and fa-

178

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

miUar conversation at the courts of this
circuit within almost the whole of that
time ; from my confldence that your con
versation on political subjects is frank
and sincere; and from my opportunity
of learning the opinion entertained of
you by the judges, my associates, and
other respectable citizens in the respec
tive counties of this circuit.
"Your approbation of the Federal
constitution, from its publication, and
your exertions to incline the minds of
the people toward it, and promote its
adoption, are notorious. Since its adop
tion, I believe that you have constantly
retained your respect and attachment to
it ; and I know nothing to induce any
suspicion of your conceiving any idea of
overthrowing it.
"It is impossible for me, without era
sing aU my impressions of your char
acter and conduct, to suppose that you
ever advised or countenanced any illegal
opposition to the excise law; I think
your sense of civil duty strong and ac
curate, and believe you incapable of sug
gesting or approving any unlawful act.
" During the disturbances here, until
the first conference with the commis
sioners at Pittsburgh, I was absent from
this country. At the time of that con
ference, you there expressed to me the
utmost disapprobation of the preceding
acts of violence, and regret for their
effects ; your perfect satisfaction with
the terms proposed by the commissioners,
as the best that could be offered, and
your resolution to exert every endeavor
to induce the people to accept them;
and if you should fail — to leave this
country. I am persuaded that you spoke
your mind; all your subsequent conduct,
so far as I can understand, (and I knew
much of it,) uniformly corresponded
with those declarations; and I believe
you contributed greatly to the restoration
qf peace and civil submission in ihis coun

try. It must be supposed, that the out
rages which had been committed would
be frequent subjects of conversation;
but I have never heard from any man of
understanding, information and impartial
ity, that you had any participation in the
guilt of them.
" The imputation of this to you was
matter of surprise to me ; and I am
persuaded that it arose from ignorance
and misconception of your motives, or
from prejudice.
I am, sir, yours, &c.
Alexander Addison."
After reading the foregoing letters,
and those of General Wilkins, H. Pur
viance, Judge Lucas, and many others of
the like import, or confined to particular
instancea, it must certainly excite aston
ishment in the reader, greater than the
surprise of Judge Addison, that Mr.
Brackenridge should have come under
the suspicion of the government, or that
a participation in the insurrection should
even be imputed to him by any individ
ual — that he should have been subjected
to an examination by Secretary Hamil
ton, and compelled to vindicate his in
nocence by the publication of numerous
documents, aud a general narrative of
the incidents of the insurrection ! It is,
if possible, still more astonishing, that
at the distance of half a century, his
descendants have been compelled to re
state his case, and reproduce his evi
dence, to repel slanders, renewed in a form
of ten-fold malignity, which it was sup
posed he had lived down; or at least,
that it was rectified by time, the great
corrector of error. But, it is an instance
to show the wonderful vitaUty of slander
and malignant misrepresentation. It
seems almost immortal— -crush it out a
thousand times, and it will still come to
life, whUe there is a human bosom in
which malignity and falsehood hold their

JUDGE ADDISON.

179

abode. It is even more astonishing, that
one pretending to the high functions of
a historian, like Hildreth, in a grave
production, having the ambitious title of
a "History of the United States," should
attempt to revive these obsolete slanders,
when he had before him the "Incidents
of the Western Insurrection," containing
the documents now re-published ! That
N. B. Craig, the descendant of the Ne
villes and Craigs, should have availed
himself of Hildreth's disreputable pages,
as the foundation of his own vile insinua
tions and falsehoods, is not surprising.
There was a settled enmity on the part
of the "Neville connection" against Mr.
Brackenridge ; and although the fire was
smothered down for a time, it broke out
at length in the misnamed "History of
Pittsburgh," after the lapse of two gen
erations, and that fire has been attempted
to be rendered immortal ! That enmity
had its origin in something besides the
excise law. It is due to truth aud justice
that it shoOld be exposed; it is neces
sary, although painful and unpleasant.
The character given by N. B. Craig
of his relative Major Kirkpatrick, might
prepare the reader for what the author
of this work is about to relate. About
two years before the insurrection, it be
came the professional duty of Mr. Brack
enridge to institute proceedings against
Kirkpatrick, to compel him to bring back
a free colored woman, named Eve, whom
he had sent off to Kentucky, and either
sold into slavery or intended to sell.
The cause was prosecuted with energy,
and the defendant held so firmly in the
grip of the law, that he was compelled
to bring the woman back and restore her
to freedom. Kirkpatrick was furious,
and threatened assassination; and his
brother-in-law, General Neville, and per
haps Major Craig, entered warmly into
his feelings. It was a subject pecuUarly
calculated to excite the anger of the old

Virginian, and his Maryland brother-in-
law. The grandson of Gen. Neville is
now one of the ultra abolitionists of the
country, the very opposite of his ances
tor ! Kirkpatrick, armed with a blud
geon, came suddenly on Mr. Bracken
ridge, while sitting carelessly under the
shade of some trees, on the bank of the
river. The blow missed his head, but
fell on his left shoulder, from which he
never entirely recovered. They seized
each other, and rolled down the bank,
but were almost immediately separated.
A prosecution was pending for this, du
ring the insurrection ; and it was in
reference to it, that at Braddock's Field
he said he would rather keep Kirkpatrick,
in order to prosecute him according to
law, and which was understood by the
insurgents as referring to the attack on
Neville's house. The writer of this,
then only ten years old, was present at
the trial in the old tavern court in Pitts
burgh. He saw the round drops of sweat
roll down Kirkpatrick's face, as his
father lashed him with terrific sever
ity. The writer had crawled just to
the foot of the bench, where sat Judges
Yates and Smith, and (according to tbe
etiquette not then obsolete, of inviting
old and respectable citizens to take a
seat with the Judges,) where also sat
General Neville ; and he heard him say, in
a whisper, to Yates, "In Virginia, in a
case of this kind, we would impose a
fine of flve shiUings." The Judges, no
doubt, dined that day with one of the
Neville connection, a practice continued
long afterward, and which Mr. Bracken
ridge, when appointed to the bench, con
demned in no measured terms. True to
his profession, he never would accept an
invitation to dine out while on the cir
cuit, and which was, no doubt, set down
as one of his eccentricities.' Major Craig
had also his particular cause of offense
from being made the butt of ridicule

180

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

by Mr. Brackenridge, on various occa
sions. It was even said, by some, but
very erroneously, that he was intended
to be represented in the character of
Teague O'Regan, in his satirical pro
duction, " Modern Chivalry.'' The read
er will now be at no loss for the key
to the abiding and rancorous enmity of
the Neville connection to the "insur
gent" Brackenridge. Affidavit of Judge Lucas. *
" That on the 13th or 14th of last July
(1794), being lately returned home from
a voyage which he had undertaken^^to the
Illinois country, Hugh Henry Brack
enridge, attorney-at-law, living in Pitts
burgh, Allegheny county, State of Penn
sylvania, came to his house, being one or
two days before the first riot had taken
place at General NeviUe's house, and as
it was the first time this deponent had
seen Mr. Brackenridge since his arrival,
a miscellany of news, reciprocally given,
soon became the whole topic of their con
versation. This deponent perfectly re
members, that among other things, he
mentioned to Mr. Brackenridge, that
while he was passing through Kentucky,
he had heard that numbers of people iii
that State were displeased at the con
duct of the Federal government toward
them ; that several committees had been
held there, and had already went to great
lengths ; that this said deponent had
read a printed paper, pasted up in a pub -
lie place in Kentucky, containing several
resolves of a committee, and especiaUy
one by which the people of Kentucky
* This gentleman wae a native of France, who
came to this country after the revolution. He was
of a noble French family, son ofthe Chief Justiciar
of Normandy; but being a repubUcan in princi
ples, left his native country. He settled near Pitts
burgh on a farm, -was elected to Congress, and after
ward appointed by Jefferson, Judge of the Superior
court of Missom-i, where some of his descendants
still reside.

were invited at large to meet and take
in consideration the circumstances o'
the country ; that some talked of a sep
aration from the Union, others thought
of other measures to be adopted. Upon
which account so given Mr. Bracken
ridge by this deponent, he appeared to
be highly displeased, and asking this de
ponent who might be the leader in this
system of reform, this deponent says
he answered him, that he, this said depo
nent, had been told that several lawyers
were amongst the leaders ; to which Mr.
Brackenridge replied, that he supposed
those lawyers must be trivial ones, prob
ably shifting in that manner to obtain
some notice from the public. This de
ponent further says, that he told Mr.
Brackenridge he had heard of several
lawyers, distinguished by their talents,
who were at the head of these commit
tees, and many other persons of good
standing in Kentucky ; which Mr. Brack
enridge appeared to wonder at greatly,
and seeming to sink into hftnself with
great concern, in a deep reflection, for a
little while, this deponent says, he soon
expressed himself in the foUowing man
ner : ' I cannot perceive what advan
tage the people of Kentucky could
obtain by disturbing the Union. But
should they separate, our situation in
this part of the country would become
very critical. On the one hand, the peo
ple of Kentucky would not fail to inter
rupt our trade on the Ohio, should we re
fuse to join with them; and should we
join them, we would immediately lose
the great advantages we derive from the
Union.' This deponent further declares,
that the first opportunity he had of
perceiving the disposition of Mr. Brack
enridge, iu the late disturbance, was
a few days after the committee held at
the Mingo meeting-house, where Mr.
Brackenridge said to this deponent, that
on his going to meet with the committee

JUDGE LUCAS.

181

at Mingo meeting-house, he fairly ex
pected he would be able to defeat any
violent measures that could be proposed
there; but to his astonishment he had
met with a numerous assembly of men,
respectable by their property, their abiU
ties, and the popularity a great many of
them enjoyed ; that things seemed go
ing to take a more serious turn than he
expected ; and added, only that the con
dition of an emigrant was but a sorry
one, that for his part he did not like to
emigrate. The deponent says, that the
next opportunity he had after, of perceiv
ing the disposition of Mr. Brackenridge
in the late disturbances, was on the 14th
of August last, at Parkinson's Ferry,
where the said Mr. Brackenridge gave
him to read, (a letter before the commit
tee* was formed,) a piece of writing in
tended to be an address to the President
of the United States, in behalf of the
people of the western part of Pennsyl
vania ; which -vrriting, Mr. Brackenridge
told to this deponent, he would present
to the then committee, and would exert
himself to make it be adopted. The
deponent further says, that the object
of that draft, was to solicit from the Ex
ecutive to suspend its activity in putting
the excise law in force, until the next
session in Congress, upon the solemn
promise from the people of the fourth
surrey to obey and to continue to keep in
force among them, without interruption,
aU other laws, both of the Federal and
State governments. This deponent says,
that Mr. Brackenridge told him since,
that he had not thought proper to
present the aaid draft of address to
the committee, upon his hearing during
the time the committee was holding,
that commissioners from the Executive
were arrived on the spot. This de-
' The meetings were sometimes called committees;
which is at present understood of a smaller body
taken from a larger one.

ponent says also, that the third circum
stance that drew bis attention to the
conduct of Mr. Brackenridge, took place
on the 21st of August, when the commit
tee of twelve went to confer at Pitts
burgh with the commissioners in behalf
of the Executive. The nine deputies
from Westmoreland, Washington and Al
legheny counties, met together, and while
they were waiting for the three deputies
from Fayette, who were not yet arrived,
Mr. Brackenridge opened the conversa
tion on the momentous subjeot of resist
ance or acquiescence in the laws of the
United States ; and this deponent, who
was one of the three deputies from Al
legheny county, says he witnessed Mr.
Brackenridge saying openly, before any
body had given his opinion, that he
thought that submission was the best step
to be taken ; that for his part he was
determined to submit to the laws. The
deponent says, that amongst the many
that were wishing secretly to see the
people returning to obedience to the
laws, Mr. Brackenridge is the first man
he did hear speak of submission, after the
insurrection. The deponent further says,
that he went the best part of the was
from Pittsburgh, to attend the com
mittee of Redstone, held on the 28th and
29th days of last August; and as they
were going along the deponent saw in
Mr. Brackenridge all the tokens of dis
tress at the appearance of so many
liberty poles raised through the coun
try, and so little corresponding with
the pacific views, he (ilr. Bracken
ridge,) was going with his other col
leagues to propagate and support before,
the standing committee of Redstone.
" This deponent says likewise, that af
ter the report of the conference held on
the 21st was made on the 28th to the
standing committee, aud the said com
mittee having adjourned to meet on the
morrow, 29th, Mr. GaUatin came to Mr.

13

182

'WESTERN INSURRECTION.

Brackenridge in the street, and in pre
sence of this deponent, Mr. GaUatin
proposed to Mr. Brackenridge to open
the matter on the foUowing day, which
Mr. Brackenridge declined, devolving
the task on Mr. Gallatin, with promise
that he would support him with all his
might. This deponent says, that he
went that night to lodge at a neighbor
ing farm with Mr. Brackenridge, that
the said Brackenridge gave to him, the
deponent, during the whole evening, the
most persuasive tokens of anxiety and
dissatisfaction, expressing repeatedly,
how unwell the good of the country ap
peared to be understood by many mem
bers of the standing committee. This
deponent says, that on the day following
he attended this committee as a member
of it, and heard Mr. Brackenridge echo
ing there in his own language, the co
gent and powerful arguments first made
use of by Mr. GaUatin, and adding new
ones of his own ; all to the purpose of
disposing the committee to submit to
the laws, and propagate that disposition
among their constituents.
"This deponent recollects that not
long after the beginning of the late dis
turbances, Mr. Brackenridge read to him
a letter he had received from a gentle
man of Philadelphia, in answer to ano
ther one he had written flrst to that
gentleman, whose contents Mr. Bracken
ridge had mentioned in substance to this
deponent, who remembers that, amongst
other things. Mr. Brackenridge told him
he had written to this said gentleman of
Philadelphia, (which he told me since
was of the name of Tench Cox,) to wit:
that government had perhaps as much
reason of being afraid of the western peo
ple, as the western people had of fearing
government ; that should a few hundred
of the .western insurgents attempt to
pass over the mountains, thousands,
greatly displeased at the funding system

and its effects, would immediately flock
with the former ones, and like a torrent
would increase more and more in their
rapid course toward the seat of govern
ment. This deponent declares, that this
idea so suggested by Mr. Brackenridge,
seemed to him rather grounded on exag
geration, at the early period Mr. Brack
enridge mentioned to him the contents of
this letter of Mr. Tench Cox; but
having been informed since by the most
undoubtful reports, the discontent that
had prevailed through the minds of a
considerable number of people, in the
counties of Bedford, Cumberland, Frank
lin, Northumberland, and in some parts
of Maryland, &c. thia deponent is at
present fully persuaded, had the leaders
of the insurgents thought of such mea
sures, aud given execution to it, that
what seemed to him an exaggeration at
the first, might have been Uterally a
fact, and considers that the hint Mr.
Brackenridge had so justly given of the
impending danger, to a gentleman near
government, must have been of a great
use to the Executive, if justly apprecia
ted. The deponent says, that Mr. Tench
Cox, by his answer to the one of Mr.
Brackenridge, Mr. Brackenridge did re
peatedly say to this deponent, that Mr,
Tench Cox had not understood him
upon many things he had expressed to
Mr. Tench Cox, to secure himself in
case his letter should be intercepted this
side the mountains. Lastly, the depo
nent declares, that he knows Mr. Brack
enridge since more than ten years ; that
during that period of time he has culti
vated his acquaintance without inter
ruption as a Uterary and a philosophic
man. That although he spoke seldom
with him on political subjects, neverthe
less, from some conversations he had
with him relating to poUtics, and from
other circumstances, the said deponent
has been and is strongly impressed with

PROCLAMATION.

183

the idea, that Mr. Brackenridge is a
warm and zealous supporter of the pre
sent Federal constitution, a real friend to
the Union ; and from some former instan
ces, the deponent further says, that he
thinks Mr. Brackenridge is even an ad
mirer of the Federal constitution, or at
least has beeh so perhaps in a greater
degree than many other persons from
this part of the country, who bear, very
deservedly in the opinion of this depo
nent, the name of good citizens.
John B. Lucas."
Sworn before A. Addison.
"Proclamation.
"Whereas, Combinations to defeat
the execution of the laws levying duties
upon spirits distilled in the United States
and upon the stills, have, from the time
of the commencement of those laws, ex
isted in some of the western parts of
Pennsylvania. And whereas, the said
combinations, proceeding in a manner
subversive equaUy of the just authority
of government and of the rights of indi
viduals, have hitherto effected their dan
gerous and criminal purpose by the in
fluence of certain irregular meetings,
whose proceedings have tended to en
courage and uphold the spirit of opposi
tion ; by misrepresentations of the laws
calculated to render them obnoxious ; by
endeavors to deter those who might be
BO disposed from accepting offices under
them, through fear of public resentment
and injury to person and property, and
to compel those who had accepted such
offices, by actual violence, to surrender
QP^orbear the execution of them ; by
circulating vindictive menaces against
all those who should otherwise directly
oi>-ifidirectly aid in the execution of the
said laws, or who, yielding to the dic
tates of conscience and to a sense of ob
ligation, should themselves comply there
with, by actually injuring and destroying

the property of persons who were under
stood to have so complied; by inflicting
cruel and humiliating punishment upon
private citizens for no other cause than
that of appearing to be the friends of the
laws ; by intercepting the public officers
on the highways, abusing, assaulting, or
otherwise ill treating them ; by going to
their houses in the night, gaining admit
tance by force, taking away their papers,...
and committing other outrages ; employ
ing for their unwarrantable purposes the
agency of armed banditti, disguised in
such a manner as for the most part to
escape discovery. And whereas, the en
deavors of the Legislature to obviate ob
jections to the said laws, by lowering the
duties and by other alterations condu
cive to the convenience of those whom
they immediately affect, (though they
havo given satisfaction in other quar
ters,) and the endeavors of the execu
tive officers to conciliate a compliance
with the laws, by explanations, by for
bearance, and even by particular accom
modations founded on the suggestion of
local considerations, have been disap
pointed of their effect by the machina
tions of persons whose industry to excite
resistance has increased with every ap
pearance of a disposition among the peo
ple to relax in their opposition and to
acquiesce iu the laws : insomuch that
many persons iU the said western parts
of Pennsylvania have at length been
hardy enough to perpetrate acts whioh I
am advised amount to treason, being
overt acts of levying war against the
United States ; the said persons having,
ou the sixteenth and seventeenth of July
last, proceeded in arms (on the second
day amounting to several hundreds,) to
the house of John Neville, Inspector of
the Revenue for the fourth survey of the
District of Pennsylvania, having repeat
edly attacked the said house, with the
persons therein, wounding some of them ;

184

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

having seized David Lennox, Marshal of
the District of Pennsylvania, who previ
ous thereto had been fired upon, whUein
the execution of his duty, by a party of
armed men, detaining him for some time
prisoner, till, for the preservation of his
life and the obtaining of his liberty, he
found it necessary to enter into stipula
tions to forbear the execution of certain
official duties, touching processes issuing
out of a court of the United States, and
having finally obliged the said Inspector
of the Revenue and the said Marshal,
from considerations of personal safety,
to fly froa that part of the country in
order, by a circuitous route, to proceed
to the seat of government ; avowing aa
the motive of these outrageous proceed
ings an intention to prevent, by force of
arms, the execution of the said laws, to
oblige the said Inspector of the Revenue
to renounce his said office, to withstand
by open violence the lawful authority of
the government of the United States,
and to compel thereby an alteration of
the measures of the Legislature and a re
peal of the laws aforesaid.
" And whereas, by »¦ law of the Uni-
,ted States, entitled, ' An Act to provide
for calling forth the militia to execute
the laws of the Union, suppress insur
rections and repel invasions,' it is en
acted that whenever the laws of the
United States shall be opposed, or the
execution thereof obstructed in any
State by combinations too powerful to
be suppressed by the ordinary course of
judicial proceedings, or by the powers
vested in the Marshals by that act, the
same being notified by an Associate Jus
tice or the District Judge, it shall be
lawful for the President of the United
States to call forth the miUtia of such
State to suppress such combinations, and
to cause the laws to be duly executed.
" And if the militia of a State where
such combinations may happen, shall re

fuse or be insufficient to suppress the
same, it shall be lawful for the Presi
dent, if the Legislature of tbe United
States be not in session, to call forth
and employ such numbers of the militia
of any State or States most convenient
thereto as may be necessary, and the use
of the militia so to be called forth may
be continued, if necessary, until the ex
piration of thirty days after the com
mencement of the ensuing session ; Pro
vided always, that whenever it may be
necessary in the judgment of the Presi
dent to use the miUtary force hereby
directed to be called forth, the President
shall forthwith and previous thereto, by
proclamation, command such insurgents
' to disperse and retire peaceably to their
respective abodes within a limited time.'
"And whereas, James Wilson, an Asso
ciate Justice, on the fourth instant, by
writing under his hand, did, from evi
dence which had been laid before him,
notify to me, ' that in the counties of
Washington and Allegheny, in Pennsyl
vania, laws of the United States are op
posed, and the execution thereof ob
structed by combinations too nowerful
to be suppressed by the ordinary course
of judicial proceedings, or by the powers
vested in tbe Marshal of that district.'
"And whereas, it is in my judgment
necessary, under the circumstances of
the case, to take measures for calling
forth the militia in order to suppress the
combinations aforesaid, and to cause the
laws to be duly executed, and I have ac
cordingly determined to do so, feehng
the deepest regret for the occasion, but
withal the mosc solemn conviction, that
the essential interests of the Union de
mand it — that the very existence of gov
ernment, and the fundamental princi
ples of social order are materially in
volved in the issjie ; and that the patri
otism and firmness of all good citizens
are seriously called upon, aa occasion may

PROCLAMATION.

185

require, to aid in the effectual suppres
sion of so fatal a spirit.
"Wherefore, and in pursuance of the
proviso above recited, I, George Wash
ington, President of the United States,
do hereby command all persons being
insurgents as aforesaid, and all others
whom it may concern, on or before the
first day of September next, to disperse
and retire peaceably to their respective
abodes. And I do moreover warn all
persons whomsoever, against aiding,
abetting, or comforting the perpetrators
of the aforesaid treasonable aets. And
I do require all officers and other citi
zens, according to their respective duties
and the laws of the land, to exert their
utmost endeavors to prevent and sup
press such dangerous proceedings.
" In testimony whereof, I have caused
the seal of the United States of America
to be affixed to these presents, and
signed the same with my hand.
" Done at the city of Philadelphia, the
seventh day of August, one thousand
seven hundred and ninety-four, and of
the Independence of the United States
of America the nineteenth.
By the President,
Geo. Washington, [l.s.]
Edm. Randolph."
" By the President of the United States of

A PROCLAMATION.
"Whereas, from a hope that the com
binations against the constitution and
laws of the United States in certain of
the western counties of Pennsylvania
would yield to time and reflection; I
thought it sufficient in the first instance
rather to take measures for the calling
forth of the militia than immediately to
embody them; but the moment has now
come when the overtures of forgiveness
with no other condition than a submission
to law, have been only partially accepted ;

when every form of conciliation not in
consistent with the being of government
has been adopted without effect; when
the well disposed in those counties are
unable by their influence and example to
reclaim the wicked from their fury, and
are compelled to .associate in their own de
fense ; when the proper lenity has been
misinterpreted into an apprehension that
the citizens will march with reluctance ;
when the opportunity of examining the
serious consequences of ii, treasonable
opposition has been employed in prop
agating principles of anarchy, endeav
oring through emissaries to alienate
the friends of order from its support,
and inviting its enemies to perpetrate
similar acts of insurrection; when it is
manifest that violence would continue to
be exercised upou every attempt to en
force the laws ; when, therefore, govern
ment is set at defiance, the contest being
whether a small portion of the United
States shall dictate to the whole Union,
and at the expense of those who desire
peace, indulge a desperate ambition.
Now, therefore, I, George 'Washington,
President of the United States, in obedi
ence to that high and irresistible duty
consigned to me by the constitution, 'to
take care that the laws be faithfully
executed,' deploring that the American
name should be sullied by the outrages
of citizens on their own government ;
commiserating such as remain obstinate
from delusion, but resolved in perfect re
liance on that gracious Providence which
so signally displays its goodness toward
this country, to reduce the refractory to a
due subordination to the law ; do hereby
declare and make known that with a sat
isfaction, which can be equaled only by
the merits of the militia, summoned into
service from the States of New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia,
I have received intelligence of their pa
triotic alacrity in obeying the call of the

186

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

present, though painful, yet commanding
necessity; that a force, which, according
to every reasonable expectation is ade
quate to the exigency, is already in motion
to the scene of disaffection; that those
who have confided or shall confide in the
protection of government, shall meet full
succor under the standard and arms of
the United States ; that those who having
offended against the law have since enti
tled themselves to idemnity, will be trea
ted with the most liberal good faith, if
they shall not have forfeited their claim
by any subseqaent conduct, and that in
structions are given accordingly. And I
do moreover expect aU individuals and
bodies of men, to contemplate with abhor
rence the measures leading directly or in
directly to those crimes which produce
this military coercion ; to check in their
respective spheres the effort of misguided
or designing men to substitute their mis
representations in the place of truth, and
.their discontents in the place of stable
government, and so call to mind that as
the people of the United States have been
permitted uuder the Divine favor, in per
fect freedom, after solemn deliberation,
and in an enlightened age, to elect their
own govemment ; so will their gratitude
for this inestimable blessing be best dis
tinguished by firm exertions to maintain
the constitution and laws. And lastly,
I again warn aU persons whomsoever, and
wheresoever, not to abet, aid, or comfort
the insurgents aforesaid, as they will an
swer the country at their peril; and I do
also require all officers aud other citizens
according to their several duties as far
as may be in their power, to bring under
the cognizance of law all offenders in
the premises. In witness whereof, I
have caused the seal of the United States
of America to be affixed to these presents,
and signed the same with my band. Done
at the city of Philadelphia, the twenty-
fifth day of September, one thousand sev

en hundred and ninety-four, and of the
Independence of the United States of
America the nineteenth.
Geo. 'Washington, [l. s.]
By the President,
Edm. Randolph.
(True copy.) George Taylor."
Findley's account of the proceedings at
Parkinson's Ferry
As a matter of curiosity we here ex
tract from Findley's Hiatory of the pro
ceedings related in the foregoing chapter.
It has been generally followed by other
writers to the disparagement of Mr.
Brackenridge, and to the advantage of
Gallatin. It is a striking instance of the
errors which may be perpetrated by pre
judiced, or ignorant and stupid chroni
clers. "The meeting at Parkinson's Ferry
was pretty full, but not a true or equal
representation. There were upward of
two hundred delegates; three of them
were from Ohio county in Virginia, and
two from Bedford county in Pennsylva
nia, besides those from the four counties.
The place of meeting was unfavorable,
being in the neighborhood in which the
resistance had originated, and within a
mile of the dwelling house of M'Farlane,
who had been killed, and there were
probably a greater number of spectators
than of delegates.
"The delegates convened on an emi
nence under the shade of trees ; Col. Cook
was appointed chairman and Albert Gal
latin secretary. It was soon discovered
that there were a number of inflammatory
persons among the delegates; few of
them, however, had talents. Bradford
opened the meeting with a statement of
the events that had taken place and con
cluded with reading the letters which had
been taken from the intercepted mail,
with some explanatory comments there
on."

FINDLEY'S VERSION.

187

[Thus far, Findley is tolerably cor
rect.] " At this time the arrival of commission
ers from the President — with power for
restoring order in the western country,
if a corresponding disposition was met
on the part ofthe people — was announced
to the meeting."
[This is not true. The arrival of com
missioners in the country, waa flrat an
nounced by Findley toward the close
of the meeting, and after the report of
the resolutions of the committee. Find
ley himself was absent until this time.
The resolutions reported by the commit
tee of four proposed sending commission
ers to the President, 'with an address, but
on hearing of the appointment of com-
missioners by him, this was changed at
the instance of Mr. Brackenridge, and a
. committee appointed to confer 'with those
of the government. Findley proceeds:]
" After a short pause. Col. Marshall
rose and expressed some satisfaction at
the information ofthe commissioners, but
said that they should not on that account
neglect the business of the meeting, and
read some resolutions which had been agreed
on between him and Bradford."
[ The resolutions were read on the
first day of the meeting, not on the an
nouncement of commissioners. The re
marks of Bradford were made after tbe
report of the resolutions by the commit
tee, and then adopted by the meeting.
It was at that time that the resolution to
send commissioners was changed in con
sequence of the intelligence just received.
Findley proceeds:]
"The first resolution being against
taking the citizens out of the vicinity for
trial, occaaioned no contest; the second
and most important resolution was in the
following words :
"Resolved, That a standing committee
to consist of  members from each
county, to be denominated a committee of

public safety; whose duty it shall be to
call forth the resources of the western
country, to repel any hostile attempt that
may be made against the citizens or the
body of the people."
[This was one of the five resolutions
presented by Bradford, on the flrst day
of the meeting. It was directly opposed
by Gallatin, on the ground that it was
not necessary, as there was no reason
to expect the resort to force on the
part of the government. It would have
led to a dangerous discussion, in which
Gallatin would have been in a hopeless
minority. But it was most adroitly par
ried by Mr. Brackenridge, who proposed
a reference of this and the other resolu
tions to a committee of four to perfect
them, and report. He at the same time
suggested a modification of the terms so
as to be less deflnite — as for instance," to
take such measures as the situation of
affairs may require." The resolution was
then passed over without vote or debate.
We continue Findley's version:]
"This, compared with the subsequent
resolutions, was preparing the proceed
ings of the meeting by a direct question
whether the western counties would raise
the standard of rebellion or not. This
was certainly a bold attempt to form a
combination hostile both to the govern
ment of the State and of the United
States. If such a resolution had been
offered before such a number of persons
had become desperate by being involved
in the preceding riots, it would not have
been heard -svith patience, but now it re
quired both patience and great address
to parry it. "
[And who parried it? Hear Find
ley:] " Fortunately there was a man among
the delegates ; a- man well qualified for
that purpose, I mean Mr. Gallatin, the,
secretary. He rose, and began by criti
cising on the word hostUity ; asked what

188

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

it meant, or from whence the hostilities
were to come ? He alleged if it was
the exactions of the government that
wa^ to be opposed, the time was impro-
^'fei- ; the exactions of the government
on the citizens iu support of the laws,
being coercive and not hostile. He en
couraged them to expect no other means
of coercion from the government but
through the judiciary ; and after a num
ber of sensible observations, moved to re
fer the resolutions to a select commit
tee. [This is false ; the motion was
made by Mr. Brackenridge.] But so
great was the prevaiUng panic, that not
withstanding the number of well dis
posed persons that were in the meeting,
he was not seconded ; after some delay,
however, Marshall himself offered to
withdraw the resolution, that a commit
tee of sixty should be appointed with
power to call a new meeting of the peo
ple or their deputies. [What an absurd
mixture of the different stages of the
proceedings, as weU as palpable false
hoods. We refer to Mr. Braokenridge's
statement, Mr. Ross's letter, and the evi
dence of Gallatin himself.] This was
instantly agreed to, and a new resolution
was studiously modified so as to insure
its adoption, and was agreed to by the
meeting. [The resolution was modified
in the committee of four, and reported
the next day.] In it a determination was
expressed to support the State laws and
afford protection to the citizens ; this was
an important step toward the restoration
of order, for at that time no man thought
himself safe, in many places, in telling
his real sentiments ; threats were not
only circulated in anonymous letters,
but were contained in the mottoes of lib
erty poles ; one was erected on the morn
ing of the meeting, and within view of
it ; it was erected under the direction of
those who signed the Braddock's Field
orders. The motto was: Ijieerty and

NO excise, and no asylum por cow
ards. Every man was esteemed a cow
ard or traitor by these disorganizers,
who disapproved of their measures. "
[ Making every allowance for the
blunders of an illiterate man, it still
is a matter of wonder, that any man of
common sense should exhibit so much
confusion and absurdity in his attempt
to play the historian, and record the pro
ceedings of an important assembly. He
appears to have been totaUy ignorant of
the difference between the^ue resolutions,
as read in the meeting on the first day,
and the three reported by the committee
on the day following. He mingles what
passed in the committee with the
speeches iu the Assembly. He pro
ceeds :]
" Mr. Gallatin had the fortitude to ob
ject to the exception against the excise
law, originally contained in the resolu
tion [before the committee] for the sup
port of the municipal laws, and had it
struck out ; but durst not offer an affir
mative resolution in favor of submitting
to it. Indeed, the doing so at this time
would have been imprudent, nor would
success in such a resolution have been
of use till the submission to the munici
pal laws had been restored.
" In short, the resolutions being five
in number, [the resolutions read by Brad
ford ; Findley ignores the resolutions re
ported by the committee,' three in num
ber, and adopted by the assembly,] were
discussed, [the discussion was prevented
by Mr. Brackenridge, ] and referred to a
committee, consisting of Bradford, Gal
latin, Brackenridge, and Herman Hus
bands, who new-modeled them before
the next day's meeting, at which they
passed without much difficulty, [we re
fer the readerto Mr. Braokenridge's ac
count, contained in the foregoing chap
ter — " without much difficulty" — these
are Findley's words.] The committee of

FINDLEY S VERSION.

189

sixty, or one from each to'wnship, to meet
at Bedstone Fort, (Brownsville,) on the
second of September, and a committee
consisting of twelve, three from each of
the four counties, was appointed to con
fer with the commissioners appointed by
the President.
" The commissioners came to a house
near the meeting before it adjourned.
[Not true.] This rendered the situation
of the friends to order more delicate.
It was urged by some, that the meeting
should not be dissolved till they would
know, and decide on the terms proposed
by the commissioners. [Mr. Ross was
the only one present, but it was not
known at that time that he was a com
missioner.] With great address, how
ever, they were prevailed upon to ad
journ without day. [Who prevailed upon
them to do this?] Men of discernment
knew that nothing would bring the peo
ple to a proper sense of their duty with
out time for reflection, and for the pres
ent agitated state of the public mind to
subside. They knew also, that if time
could be procured to disseminate knowl
edge among the people, every thing that
was necessary would be gained. There
fore to restore quietness, and gain time,
was the great object of Mr. Gallatin.
[The object of that gentleman was to
oppose Bradford, and he failed in every

thing he attempted. For of what im
portance was his petty criticism alluded
to by Findley? The assembly did not
care a straw for it. The thing was to
keep them from taking any decisive step
until the power could be taken out of
their hands,* and this was accomplished
by Brackenridge, and not by GaUatin.]
" Brackenridge, probably, was actua
ted by the same motives as GaUatin,
but supported the measures in a differ
ent manner ; he often kept up the ap
pearance, and sometimes the boasting
language of Bradford's party, and op
posed Gallatin, yet he always contrived
to bring the proceedings to the same issue. "
[What amusing simpUcity and innocence,
on the part of " Traddle the Weaver,"
the name under which Findley is alluded
to in " Modern Chivalry. " If it were
possible for the weaver to be a devU, the
cloven foot is here discoverable. J
The account of the meeting given by
Wharton is au abridgment of Findley,
with additional errors. Hildreth is no
better. He represents GaUatin as being
secretary to the meeting at Braddock's
Field — he was not there at all. Pity it
is that historians do not always inform
themselves on the subjects of which they
write ! * By means of sub-committees.

CHAPTER VIII.
THE MEASURES OF THB GOVERNMENT  ARRIVAL OF COMMISSIONERS — THE
CONFERENCE.
As soon as information of the burning of the house of the Inspector,
and the march from Braddock's Field, reached Philadelphia, then the seat
of government of the State of Pennsylvania, and also of the Union —
great alarm was occasioned. The President called a council of the heads
of the departments, while the subject was also taken into consideration
by the Governor,* with the Chief JusticCj'j" and the Secretary of State.|
A certificate was obtained by the Federal government from Judge Wilson,
of the Supreme Court, to meet the requisition of the act of Congress for
calling out the military, in consequence of opposition by armed com
binations, too powerful to be controlled by the civil authorities. This
certificate was given on mere rumor, or on private letters, and not on
evidence on oath, and cannot be approved as a precedent, whatever justi
fication it may find in the urgency of the occasion.
The President, in conformity with his benevolent character, was in
favor of mild measures, and the offer of an amnesty to the country j pro
vided forcible and unlawful opposition would cease. Some of the cabinet
were for the most prompt and energetic course ;|| the Secretary of State §
*'as opposed to calling out the militia, before exhausting every means of
pacification. The State authorities differed from the general government,
appeared disposed to palliate the conduct of the rioters, and to throw the
blame on the excise law, regarding it as a personal affair between the
people and the collector of the western district or survey. The Chief
Justice, M'Kean, at this juncture suggested the sending commissioners,
both on the part of the State and of the Federal government, directly to
the disturbed district, and endeavoring to bring about a peaceful submis
sion to the laws. This mild and pacific course met the approbation of
the President; and Messrs. Ross, Yeates and Bradford, (U. S. Attorney
General,) were selected for the United States, and M'Kean and Irvine on
* Miffiin. t M'Kean. J DaUas. || Hamilton. § E.Randolph.

PRESIDENT RESOLVES ON AN AMNESTY. 191
the part of the State. The President had previously issued his proclama
tion, dated the 7th of August, only six days after the assemblage at
Braddock's Field; and at the same time a requisition was made on the
adjoining States for a draft of militia to the number of fifteen thousand
men, to be ready to take the field at a moment's notice.
These commissioners on the part of the State and Federal governments,
hastened to the West ; and as already related, reached the country about
the time of the assemblage of the delegates or deputies at Parkinson's
Ferry. Their instructions had been to communicate at once with this
body;* but when near it, it was found not to be safe or judicious 'with
the respect to the objects proposed, from the inflamed state of mind
among the deputies and through the country. They repaired to Pitts
burgh, to meet the committee of conference, at the time fixed by that
eommittee. On the first consultation held by the conferees among themselves, all,
except Bradford, agreed that the interests of the country and the duty
of the citizens rendered submission necessary and proper. It was opened
by Mr. Brackenridge, who at once recommended submission, and declared
his determination to do so, as respected himself. Every effort was
made within, as well as out of the committee, to overcome the obstinacy
of Bradford ; persons having influence with him, were engaged to speak ¦
to him, especially General Irvine, for whom he professed particular respect;
and it was thought he had been brought over, for at the next meeting of
the committee he declared himself perfectly reconciled to submission.
Marshall was sincerely so, and was pleased 'with the first opportunity of
abandoning a cause so much at variance with his better judgment ; and
it is really surprising, that a man of his sense and high character should
have ever seriously engaged in it. Neither of those men had led the
people. It was the voice of the mass, which they obeyed and feared to
offend; and if, in consequence of allowing time, and taking pains to
enlighten those very people, they should happen to change, those who
now seemed to be their leaders would change with them. Bradford, as
the most obstinate, proved the most wanting in the moral courage neces
sary to encounter the popular displeasure. He was too short-sighted to
see the more distant danger from the government, but was alarmed at
that just before his eyes from the people. To be the idol of the populace
* If this assembly had not been convened, the commissioners would have found
no organized body with which they could open a communication. This fact fur
nishes an argument in favor of such a delegation, although springing directly from
the people, and revolutionary in its origin.

192 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
was the ruling passion of his nature, and this is the key to his whole
conduct, for he does not appear to have been otherwise a bad or un
principled man.
Mr. Brackenridge being personally acquainted with Judge Yeates and
the Attorney General, Mr. Bradford, with whom he had a friendship of
early years, called on the commissioners at the public house where they
lodged. Here he found Major Craig, giving a tragical account of the
treatment of Kirkpatrick, Neville and others, by the people of Pittsburgh
in sending them away. Mr. Brackenridge was indignant, and said, "Tha
representation is unjust — you are imposing upon these gentlemen — yon
-are leading them to suppose that the people of Pittsburgh expelled those
men ; it was the country. We acted as their guardians in sending them
away ; the act was for them, more than for ourselves." He then related
the circumstances which had evidently been misconceived, and of course
not fairly represented by Major Craig ; that the property, and perhaps
the lives of the obnoxious persons would have been the first to be sacri
ficed, and then the destruction of the town would have followed. Craig
soon withdrew. Mr. Braokenridge's feelings were much hurt by an
inconsiderate remark of Mr. Bradford. In his observations, he had said,
"I am not an insurgent, but engaged in negotiating for those that are,
which does not imply the fact that I am one." Mr. Bradford replied,
"That will be a subject of future consideration."
This remark was exceedingly wounding, especially from an old friend.
It struck him with astonishment, after the stand in favor of submission
which he had taken in the committee, which he supposed was well known.
He knew that he had enemies among the violent of the people, but this
was the first intimation that his loyalty to the government was suspected.
It caused him to retire at once, and with the impression that the com
missioners were already prepossessed against him. He did not attach so
much importance to Craig's representations, but supposed them to indicate
the sentiments with which Col. Neville had left the country, and which
had thus found their way to the gentlemen delegated by the government.
He thought it poor encouragement after the exertions he had made, and
was making in behalf of the government, to be treated in this injurious
and repulsive manner. He had not reflected suflBiciently on the extent to
which he was liable to be injured by misrepresentation, perhaps miscon
ception. He relates, that his thoughts that night were very serious, and
the temptations from the indignity just offered, and a sense of despera
tion which suddenly came over him. But they were only the thoughts
of a night, and passed away after more cool and just reflections. These

INJUDICIOUS REMARK OF A COMMISSIONER. 193
thoughts he very ingenuously reveals. "I began to consider whether it
would not be better to stand with the sans culottes of the country; but I
oould not reconcile it to myself, to disturb the Union ; that would be a
wickedness beyond all possibility of contemplation. But this country
might secede from it ! That is a right that is never given up in society.
A part of a country, as well as an individual, may quit a government ;
and, no doubt, this country will quit the United States in due time. That
may be by the consent of the Union, or without.* But at present, there
would be no consent ; the example would be dangerous to give. Com
mon interest would not suffer it. We are bound to the Union for our
portion of the publio debt, contracted in the struggle for independence ;
demands against the Union must first be satisfied, before it can be dis
solved. The United States have lands beyond us ; they cannot be shut
out from these, by an independent government betweenr But is it
practicable to establish and support such a government? Perhaps it
might claim those lands to the westward, and invite all the world to take
possession of them ; collect all the banditti of the frontier of the States
to help us to fight for them — tell the Spaniards to come up to the mouth
of the Ohio and give us free trade — let the British keep the posts and
the southern shores of the lakes, and they will gladly furnish us with
'* It must be recollected that these observations relate to a period when the
Union was not yet consolidated under the Federal constitution, although the ideas
are remarkable, coming from one who was almost au enthusiast in its favor. The
idea of future distinct confederacies was then common. The vast extent of coun
try, separated by natural boundaries, and great diversity of interests, opposed ap
parently hopeless obstacles to a permanent union. The day of steam had not yet
risen; there were no canals, rail roads, or even turnpikes, scarcely any thing more
than pack-horse paths. The lakes and the south belonged to foreign nations, and
the wildernesa was held by the savages. The idea of identity of interests was then
new ; that of separation, as necessity prompted, was still fresh from the recent
separation from Great Britain. It was impossible to have foreseen the changes
effected in the habits, history and attachments of the people during three genera
tions. The immense increase in the faciUties of communication could not have
been conceived by the most poetic imagination. No one could have conceived that
in half a century the country should have thus become consolidated, and for all
practical purposes diminished in extent ; unless he could also have foreseen the
giant progress of invention and science. If Mr. Brackenridge had lived to this
day, he would have opposed the separation under all circumstances, as creating ten
thousand evils, when it might possibly escape one by that fatal resort. In the
expression that the time would come when the West would fall off from the East,
he spoke according to fhe prevailing opinion and the state of the country at the
time, whioh no one could foresee would in so short a period be so marvelously
altered, and fitted for a PERrETUAL union.

194 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
arms and means of war — get the Indians of the woods to assist us, which
could be done by the British, in spirit still hostile and eager to embrace
the opportunity for revenge, and willing to check the progress of this
republic. We might wage war — formidable war — and might succeed.
But what would be that success ? A poor and dependent republic, in
stead of this great and rising confederacy. If selfish considerations should
prevail, even this would be better than to be suspected by the govern
ment, while acting with fidelity to it, and at the same time incurring the
contumely of the people for supposed infidelity to a cause which I con
demn. But these were only the thoughts of a night. I saw Mr. Ross
the next morning, and explained to him my chagrin of the preceding
day, and my reflections in consequence of it ; giving him to understand
that I had half a mind to become an insurgent in earnest. He took it
more seriously than I intended. His expression was, 'The force of
genius is almighty — give them not the aid of yours.' * I told him that
nothing but self-preservation would lead me to think of it." Mr. Braoken
ridge's mind was soothed by Mr. Boss, who assured him that no suspicion
could possibly fall on him j that the commissioners, the preceding day,
were perfectly satisfied with the explanations he had given>'in the presence
of Craig ; and that what the latter had said, had not left the least im
pression. The expressions of commissioner Bradford, considering the critical
situation of the country, were, to say the least, inconsiderate. The
relations of the United States with Spain and Great Britain were such,
that it must be admitted, that the reflections of Mr. Brackenridge were
not altogether visionary. The consequence of spurning such a man with
contumely, without first hearing him, might have been followed by
serious consequences. He might have been placed at the head of the
insurgents, if possessed of less exalted and patriotic feelings ; in that
case, he would soon have established relations with the two powers just
named; organized a force to seize the passes of the mountains — procured
money and arms, until a war would speedily have issued between those
* Mr. Brackenridge never professed to be a fighting man, but somehow or other
was never found wanting when it was necessary for self-defense. He speaks very
candidly of the fears he experienced on various occasions, and even with a touch
of humor. Cowards do not jest about their fears. His courage waa of the kind
described by Abb^ Barthelmy, "He knew his danger, feared it, yet met it." If he
had taken hold of the insurrection, it would soon have worn a different aspect.
Like Rienzi, his habits were Uterary, but his instincta those of the statesman and
aoldier.

THB CONFERENCE. 195
powers, which, " if not victory, would have been at least revenge." But
Mr. Brackenridge was an enthusiast in the "rising glory of America,"jS---
and could not be, however wounded by the remarks of those who did
not know his real sentiments and position, induced to swerve from the
path of patriotic duty. As a speaker and a writer, he had taken a
decided part in the revolution, and was a zealous supporter of the Federal
constitution and that of the State. He was neither a demagogue nor an
aristocrat, but gave his support both to the people and to the government.
Still he had within him a fiery spirit, a keen sense of injustice, capable
of being roused to desperation by insult and contumely.
An occurrence took place almost immediately after the arrival of the
commissioners, calculated to produce a very unfavorable impression, and
which disclosed the existence in town of a dangerous spirit among a
small portion of the thoughtless and worthless. A riotous and disorderly
assemblage raised a liberty-pole before the lodgings of the commissioners,
and would have run up a flag with seven stars for the four western coun
ties, and for Bedford and the two counties of Virginia, but this was pre
vented by the well disposed citizens, who prevailed on them to substitute
the flag of the fifteen States. This was the first and only distinct mani
festation among any class of a desire to separate from the Union, even if
such an inference must be necessarily drawn from this act. The matter
was afterward the subject of indictment as a disturbance of the peace,
and the parties were convicted by a jury and fined by the court.l
The commissioners of the United States and on the part of the State,
and the conferees on the part of the people, having met, the conference
was opened on the part of the commissioners, by expressing the concern
they felt for the events which had occasioned that meeting ; but they
declared their intention to avoid any unnecessary observations on them,
said it was their business to endeavor to compose the disturbances which
prevailed, and to restore the authority of the laws by measures wholly of
a conciliatory nature.
It is important here to bear in mind that this was a formal recognition
of the committee of conference, instead of being regarded as a mere off-
* When a student at Princeton College, he wrote, in conjunction with Freneau, a
poem entitled the "Rising Glory of America," in the form of dialogue. It is
printed in Freneau's works, and in a late edition the part appertaining to Mr.
Brackenridge is left out. The poem foreshadowed in a remarkable manner the
future greatness of America. It was composed some years before the American
revolution. t Addistfn's Reports, 274.

196 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
shoot of a treasonable assemblage. Although representing the people,
they at once united with the government comipissioners for the purpose
of accomplishing the same object, the pacification of the country. This
was equivalent to an act of oblivion as respected them, as to every previous
act, provided their subsequent conduct continued in conformity with their
present action; and yet, strange to say, even those who exerted themselves
most to bring about the desired submission, and especially Mr. Bracken
ridge and Mr. Gallatin, were still regarded as traitors by the intemperate
partisans and supporters of government !
It was further stated by the commissioners, that the forcible opposition
which had been recently made to the laws of the United States, violated
the great principles on which the republican government is founded;
that every such government must at all hazards enforce obedience to the
general will; and that so long as they admitted themselves to he a part
of the nation, it was manifestly absurd to oppose the national authority.
The commissioners then proceeded to speak of the obligation on the
part of the President of- the United States to cause the laws to be ex
ecuted ; the measures he had taken for that purpose ; his desire to avoid
the necessity of coercion, and the general nature of the powers he had
vested in them ; and finally requested to know whether the conferees
could give any assurance of a disposition in the people to submit, or
would recommend such submission to them ?
The commissioners on the part of the State of Pennsylvania, after this,
addressed the conferees on the subject of the late disturbances in that
country; forcibly represented the mischievous consequences of such con
duct; explained the nature of their mission, and declared they were
ready to promise in behalf of the Executive authority of the State, a full
pardon and oblivion for all that was past, on condition of entire submis
sion to the laws.
It is proper here to remind the reader that the conferees were intrusted
with the cause of the people whom they represented, and it was their
duty to represent it in the most favorable light as negotiators, and ob
tain for their constituents the best terms they could, although the con
ferees for themselves had unanimously agreed to submit to the govern
ment. They had appointed a sub-committee, consisting of Blessrs. Cook,
Gallatin and Brackenridge, which chose the latter to conduct the negotia
tions, both verbally and in writing, and who now made the following
reply. He gave a narrative of the causes of discontent and uneasiness
which very generally prevailed ; these were stated not with a view of
founding any demands, but for the purpose of explaining the existing

CAUSES OF DISAFFECTION. 197
disaffection. Many of the causes had long existed, and some from the
first settlement of the country. Among other things, the people com
plained of the decisions of the State courts, whioh discountenanced im
provement titles, and gave the preference to those existing only on
paper. They complain of the war with the Indians, whioh has so long
vexed the frontier ; and of the inefficient manner in which it has been
conducted by the government ; they complain, that they have been con
tinually harassed by military duty, in being called out to repel incursions ;
that the general government had been inattentive to the treaty of peace,
respecting the western posts, whioh formed the rallying points of those
Indians; they complain of the indifference of the government as to the
securing the free navigation of the Mississippi, in consequence of which,
together with the hostility of the Indians, the people of the West had no
outlet by tho natural channel for the produce of their farms, while the
mountains shut them in on the East. That in consequence of these
things, the tax on distilled spirits was particularly unequal and oppres
sive ; and this, together with the ruinous practice of compelling them to
appear in the Federal courts in Philadelphia, was particularly grievous,
whioh last was the immediate cause of the late disturbances. That Con
gress had neglected their remonstrances and petitions ; and that there
was a great hardship in being summoned to answer for penalties in the
courts of the United States, at such a distance from the vicinage. The
suspension of the settlement at Presq' Isle — the engrossing large bodies
of land as purchasers from the State, by individuals, was mentioned among
the prevailing causes of discontent. Also the killing certain persons at
General Neville's house, and the sending soldiers from the garrison with
out authority of law. To these was added the appointment of General
Neville as Inspector of the survey, whose former popularity, and favors
received from the people, had made his acceptance of that office particu
larly offensive. It was observed, in conclusion, that the persons who were
the actors in the late disturbances, had not intended originally to proceed
to such extremities, but were led to it from the acts of those who opposed
them, which occasioned the shedding of blood; that the forcible opposition
which had been made to the law, was produced by the pressure of griev
ances, and not by hostility to the government ; but if there was any pros
pect of redress, no people would more readily show themselves good citizens,
and cease their opposition to the obnoxious measures of the government.
The commissioners expressed their surprise at the extent of these
complaints, and intimated that if all these matters were really causes of
uneasiness and dissatisfaction in the minds of the people, it would be
14

198 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
impossible for the government to satisfy them. But some of them were of
a nature more serious than others. Though they would not speak officially,
they stated what was generally understood as to the conduct, measures and
expectations of government with respect to the Mississippi navigation,
the treaty of peace, the suspension of the settlement at Presq' Isle, &c.
That as to the acts of Congress which had been forcibly opposed, if it
were proper that they should be repealed. Congress alone could repeal
them ; but while they were laws, they must be carried into execution.
That the petitions of the western counties had not been neglected, nor
their interest overlooked ; that in fact, the local interests of these coun
ties were better represented than those of any other part of the State;
they having no less than three gentlemen in the House of Representatives,
when it appeared by the census that their numbers would entitle them
only to two. .That the acts in question had been often under the consider
ation of Congress ; that they had always been supported by a considerable
majority, in whioh they would find the names of several gentlemen, con
sidered in these counties as the firmest friends of the country. That
although the laws relating to the general interests of the Union did not
admit of a repeal, modifications had been made, and some favorable altera
tions in consequence of their representations; and that at the last session,
the State courts had been vested with jurisdiction over offenses against
those acts which would enable the President to remove one of their prin
cipal complaints. That the convenience of the people had been, and
always would be consulted ; and the conferees were desired to say, if there
was any thing in the power of the Executive that yet remained to be
done, to make the execution of the acts convenient and agreeable to the
people, it would be granted.
One of the conferees then inquired, whether the President could not
suspend the execution of the excise acts, until the meeting of Congress;
but he was interrupted by others, who declared that they considered such
a measure as impracticable. The commissioners expressed the same opin
ion, and the conversation then became more particular, respecting the
powers the commissioners possessed; the propriety and necessity of the
conferees expressing their views upon the proposal to be made, and of
their calling the standing committee together before the first of Septem
ber. But as it was agreed that the propositions and answers should be
reduced to writing, these must be referred to for the result of the confer
ence, of which the outline has just been given.
When men of sense, and honest intentions, come together, it does not
require much discussion to arrive at a proper understanding. It had been

WRITTEN STATEMENTS. 199
represented on the part of the conferees, that they did not consider them
selves authorized to do more than report to the standing committee, and
these again to the deputies at Parkinson's Ferry. It was also said, that
time was very desirable to reconcile the people to the result of the con
ference. But the commissioners gave the most cogent reasons against this,
and among others, that much dissatisfaction was beginning to show itself
on the other side of the mountains, and if any thing could be done to
obtain tho Executive clemency, it must be done at once. The conferees,
in consequence of this representation, agreed to yield to the wishes of
the commissioners. They had done their duty to their constituents
in fully representing all their complaints, well or ill-founded; it now
became them as lovers of peace, not to persist with obstinacy in unreason
able demands. The following correspondence now took place. A simi
lar and separate conference was held by the conferees and the commis
sioners on the part of the State, Messrs. M'Kean and Irvine, and followed
by a similar correspondence.
From the Commissioners on the part of ihe United States to ihe Committee of Conference
Assembled at Pittsburgh. " Pittsburgh, August 21st, 1794.
"Gentlemen: — Having had a conference with you, on the important subject
which calls us to thia part of Pennaylvania, we shall now state to you in writing
agreeably to your request, the nature and object of our mission hither. Consider
ing thia as a crisis infinitely interesting to our fellow citizens, who have authorized
you to confer with us, we shall explain ourselves to you with that frankness and
sincerity which the solemnity of the occasion demands.
"You well know that the President of the United States is charged with the ex
ecution of the laws. Obedience to the national will being indispensable in a re
pubUcan government, the people of the United States have strictly enjoined it as
his duty, ' to see that the laws are faithfuUy executed.' And when the ordinary
authorities of the government are incompetent for that end, he is bound to exert
those higher powers with which the nation has invested him for so extraordinary
an occasion.
"It is but too evident that the insurrections which have lately prevailed in
some of the western counties, have surpassed the usual exercise of the civil au
thority; and it has been formaUy notified to the President by one of the associate
Judges, in the manner the law prescribes, ' that in the counties of Washington and
AUegheny, in the State of Pennsylvania, laws of the United States are opposed,
and the execution thereof obstructed, by combinations too powerful to be sup
pressed by the ordinary p curse of judicial proceedings or the powers vested in the
Marshal of that district.' He, therefore, perceives with the deepest regret, the
necessity to which he may be reduced, of calUng forth the national force, in order
to support the national authority, and to cause the laws to be executed ; but he has

200 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
determined previously to address himself to the patriotism and reason of the
people of the western counties, and to try the moderation of government, in hopes
that he may not be compelled to resort to its strength. But we must not conceal
it from you, that it is also his fixed determination, if these hopes should be disap
pointed, to employ the force — and if it be necessary, the whole force of the Union,
to secure the execution of the laws. He has, therefore, authorized us to repair
hither, and by free conferences, and the powers vested in us, to endeavor to put an
end to the present disturbances, and to the opposition to the execution of the laws,
in a manner that may be finally satisfactory to all our fellow citizens.
" We hope that this moderation in the government will not be misconceived by
the citizens to whom we are sent. The President, who feels a paternal solicitude
for their welfare, wishes to prevent the calamities that are impending over them —
to recall them to their duty, and prove to the whole world, that if military coercion
must be employed, it is their choice, not his.
" The powers vested in us, will enable us so to arrange the execution of the acts
for raising a revenue on distilled spirits and stills, that little inconvenience will
arise therefrom to the people — to prevent, as far as is consistent with the public
interests, the commencing prosecutions under those acta, at a distance from the
places where the delinquents reside — to suspend prosecutions for the late offenses
against the United States — and even to engage for a general pardon and oblivion
of them.
"But, gentlemen, we explicitly declare to you, that the exercise of these powers
must be preceded by full and satisfactory assurances of a sincere determination in
the people to obey the laws of the United States ; and their eventual operation must
depend upon a corresponding acquiescence in the execution of the acts which have
been opposed. We have not, and coming from the Executive, you well know that
we cannot have any authority to suspend the laws, or to offer the most distant
hopes, that the acts, the execution of which has been obstructed, will be repealed.
On the contrary, we are free to declare to you our private opinions, that the na
tional councils, while they consult the general interests of the republic, and en
deavor to conciliate every part, by local accommodations to citizens who respect
the laws, will sternly refuse every indulgence to men who accompany their requests
with threats, and resist by force the public authority.
"Upon these principles, we are ready to enter with you into the details necessary
for the exercise of our powers — to learn what local accommodations are, yet want
ing to render the execution of the laws convenient to the people — to concert 'with
you measures for restoring harmony and order, aud for burying the past in obliv
ion, and to unite our endeavors with yours, to secure the peace and happiness of
our common country.
"It is necessary to apprize you thus early, that at present we do not consider
ourselves as authorized to enter into any conferences on this subject after the first
of September ensuing. We therefore hope that the business will be so conducted,
that some definite answer may be given to us before that day.
"We cannot believe, that in so great a crisis, any attempts to temporize and pro
crastinate will be made by those who sincerely love their country, and wish to se
cure its tranquility.

WRITTEN STATEMENTS. 201
"We also declare to you, that no indulgence wUl be given to any future offense
against the United States, and that they who shall hereafter, directly or indirectly,
oppose the execution of the laws, must abide the consequences of their conduct.
James Ross,
J. Yeates,
Wm. Bradford.''
To the foregoing, the conferees made the following answer, signed by
the chairman : Answer of the Committee. " Pittsburgh, August 22d, 1794.
"Gentlemen:— Having in our conference, at considerable length, stated to
you the grounds of that discontent which exists, in the minds of the people of this
country, and which has lately shown itself iu acts of opposition to the excise law,
you wUl consider us as waiving any question of the constitutional power of the
President to call upon the force of the Union to suppress them.* It is our object,
as it ia youra, to compose the disturbance.
" We are satisfied, that in substance you have gone as far as we could expect
the Executive to go. It only remains to ascertain your propositions more in detaU,
and to say what arrangement it may be iu your power to make with regard to con
venience in collecting the revenue under the excise laws; how far it may be consist
ent with the pubUc interest, to prevent commencing prosecutions under those laws
at a distance from places where the delinquents reside ; on what conditions, or cir
cumstances, prosecutions for the late violations shall be suspended ; that is to say,
whether on the individual keeping the peace, or ou its being kept by the country
in general — and also with regard to the general amnesty, whether the claiming the
benefit of it, by an individual, shall depend on hia own future conduct, or that of
the whole community ?
"We have already stated to you, iu conference, that we are empowered to give
you no definitive answer with regard to the sense of the people, on the great ques
tion of acceding to the law ; but that in our opinion, it is the interest of the coun
try to accede ; and that we shall make this report to the committee, to whom we
are to report, and state to them the reasons of our opinion ; that so far as they
have weight, they may be regarded by them. It will be our endeavor to conciliate,
not only them, but the public mind in general, to our views on this subject. We
hope to be assisted by you, in giving all that extent and precision, clearness and
certainty, to your propositions, that may be necessary to satisfy the understand
ings, and engage the acquiescence of the people.
"It is to be understood, that in acceding to the law, no inference is to be drawn,
or construction made, that we will relinquish a constitutional opposition ; but that
we will, undeviatingly, and constantly, pursue every legal means and measures for
obtaining a repeal of the law in question.
'*A doubt existed in the mind of the Secretary of State, Edmund Randolph,
whether a case had been made out, by the certificate of Judge Wilson, to author
ize the caUing out of the militia. Whatever might be the legal question, the fact
of the necessity was notorious.

202 WESTERN INSURRECTIOpr.
"As we are disposed with you, to have the sense of the people taken on the sub
ject of our conference as speedily as may be, with that view, we have resolved to
call the committee to whom our report is to be made, at an earUer day than had
been appointed, to wit : on Thursday, the 28th instant, but have not thought our
selves authorized in changing the place, at Redstone, Old Fort, on the Monon
gahela. By order of the committee. Edward Cook, Chairman.
" To the Commissioners on the part of the Union."
In compliance with the request for more specific details as to the con
ditions, &c. the commissioners communicated the following note :
"The commissioners appointed by the President of the United States to confer
with the citizens in the western part of Pennsylvania, ha'ving been assured by the
committee of conference of their determination to approve the proposals made, and
to recommend to the committee appointed by the meeting at Parkinson's ferry, a
submission to the acta of Congress, do now proceed to declare what assurances of
submission wUl be deemed full and satisfactory, and to detail the engagements
they are prepared to make.
"1. It is expected, and required by the aaid commissioners, that the citizens
composing the said general committee, do on or before the 1st day of September,
explicitly declare their determination to submit to the laws of the United States,
and they will not directly or indirectly oppose the acts for raising a revenue on
distilled spirits and stills.
"2. That they do explicitly recommend. a perfect and entire acquiescence under
the execution of said acts.
" 3. That they do in like manner recommend that no violence, injuries or threats
be offered to the person or property of any officer of the United States, or citizen
complying with the laws, and to declare their determination to support (as far as
the laws require) the civil authority in affording the protection due to all officers
and citizens.
"4. That measures be taken by meetings in election districts, or otherwise, the
determination of the citizens iu the fourth survey of Pennsylvania to submit to
the said laws, and that satisfactory assurances be given by the said commis
sioners that the people have so determined to submit, on or before the 14th of Sep
tember next.
"The said commissioners, if a full and perfect compliance with the above re
quisition shall take place, have power to promise and engage in the manner follow
ing, to wit:
"1. No prosecution for any treason, or other indictable offense, against the
United States, committed in the fourth survey of Pennsylvania, before this day,
shaU be proceeded on, or commenced, until the 10th day of July next.
"2. If there shall be a general and sincere acquiescence in the execution of the
said laws, until the said 10th day of July next, a general pardon and obUvion of
all such offenses shaU be granted, excepting therefrom, nevertheless, every person

CONDITIONS OF SUBMISSION. 203
who shall in the meantime willfully obstruct, or attempt to obstruct, the executiou
of any of the laws of the United States, or be in any wise aiding or abetting
therein. "S. Congress having by an act passed on the fifth day of June last, authorized
the State courts to take cognizance of offenses against the said acts for raising
revenue upon distilled spirits and stills, the President has determined that he will
direct suits against such delinquents to be prosecuted therein ; if upon experiment,
it be found that local prejudices, or other causes, do not obstruct the faithful ad
ministration ot justice. But it is to be understood, that of this he must be the
judge, and that he does not mean by this determination to impair any power vested
in the Executi ve of the United States.
" Certain 1 eneficial arrangements for adjusting delinquencies and prosecutions
for penalties, now depending, shaU be made and communicated by the officers ap
pointed to carry said acts into execution.
" Given uuder our hands at Pittsburgh, this 22d day of August, 1794.
James Ross,
J. Yeates,
Wm. Bradford.
" To the Committee of Conference."
The following note was sent by the committee of conference :
"Pittsburgh, August 23, 1794.
" Gentlemen : — We presume it has been understood by you that the confer
ence on our part consists of members, not only from the counties west of the Al
legheny mountains, but from Ohio county in Virginia, and your propositions made
in general by your first letter, being addressed to this conference, the Ohio county
was considered as included; yet iu your propositions made in detail by your last,
you confine them to the survey within Pennsylvania. We would request an ex
planation on this particular.
"We have only further to say, we shall make a faithful report of your propo
sitions, which we approve, and will recommend them to the people; and however
they may be received, we are persuaded nothing more could have been done by you,
or us, to bring the business to an accommodation.
By order of the committee. Edward Cook, Chairman.
" To the Commissioners on the part of the Union. "
Reply of the Commissioners. *
"Pittsburgh, August 23d, 1794.
"Gentlemen:— Having received your assurances of your approbation of the
propositions made by us, and your determination to recommend them to the peo-
*This letter does not appear to be in the report made by the conferees to the
committee. It saya: "In consequence of the above, a, conference took place with
the gentiemen from Ohio, and some arrangements were made accordingly. "

204 ' WESTERN INSURRECTION.
pie, we have nothing further to add, except to reply to that part of yonr letter
which relates to the gentlemen from Ohio county.
" The whole tenor of our letter of the 21st inst. shows that we had come among
you in consequence of the disturbances which had prevailed in the western parts
of Pennsylvania ; to prevent the actual employment of military coercion there, as
contemplated by the President's proclamation; and that the late offenses referred
to, were the insurrections which had prevailed in some of the western cotmties.
We therefore cannot extend our propositions.
" In addition to this, we were weU assured that the people of Ohio county have
not generally authorized those gentlemen to represent them, and we cannot at pres
ent undertake to make any deflnite arrangements with them.
" We are, however, willing to converse with those gentlemen on the subject ; and
we have no doubt that on satiafactory proofs of their determination to aupport the
laws of their country, and of an entire submission to them by those from whom
they came being given, the President will, upon our recommendation, extend a
similar pardon to any late offense committed against the United States, if any snch
have been committed. We are wilUng, on receiving such assurances from them, to
recommend auch appUcation accordingly. James Ross,
J. Yeates,
Wm. Bradford.
" To the Committee of Conference.''
While the commissioners prepared their report to the govemment of
the United States of the result of the conference, the conferees committed
to 3Ir, Brackenridge the task of preparing that to be laid before the
standing committee at Brownsville. Mr. Gallatin in his speech in the
Legislature, states that he differed from its author, in some particulars.
He might have been right, but a mere difference does not of itself prove
him to have been so. This report was submitted to a friendly examina
tion by the commissioners, who made some suggestions which were
adopted by the author.
The following letter was delivered to Mr. Brackenridge just before his
departure from Brownsville, directed to Messrs. Kirkpatrick, Smith,
Powers, Bradford, Marshall, Edgar, Cook, Gallatin, Lang, Martin, Lucas,
and Brackenridge, late conferees : "Pittsburgh, Augti8t27, 1794.
" Gentlemen : — Since your departure from Pittsburgh, we have transmitted
information of our proceedings to the Secretary of State, and it being evident from
them, that the saiisfactory proof of a sincere submission cannot be obtained before
the flrst of September, we may undertake to assure you, that the movement of the
mUitia will be suspended until further information is received from us.
" We also authorize you to assure the friends of order, who may be disposed to
exert themselves to restore the authority of the laws, that they may rely upon aU

BKPOBI 0? IHE COKFHBSSS. 205
&e proteetiai i^ie gOTQum^t can ^^re, and that ev^y measnie seee^ary to re-
^es aad pmisk &e tioleDee of IQ-ffi^posed indiridails Tho may dBssait firom the
gaiaal seatiraeB^ (if thoe should be any such,} -siH be promptly iakea in the
aaBB^ ihe law ^Fecls.
We aie, genflerasi, yonr most obedieat servants, Jau^ Boss,
J. Teatbs,
Wk. Bsabfobb. "
« Li diaffi^ flie report," says Mr. Braekeniidg^ •'¦' I had introduced
&B general ^ateneat of ^evanees, iridi a 'view to show tiiat 've had
Blade die most of om ease.* Sat the cominisdoneis thought it irould
lafliereBcoais^ oppc^tion thansobmisaon-— it iras therefore stricken out.
"I had ^sAed, sonrngfy, the sense of the eoirnnissioneis of Ae out
lines oiKaiuilted] Ae boming, tiie expnMomj the iafeceepting the mail,
Ae nmcii fcma. Braddock's Meld. It 'was wiUi a "new of plarang Aese
Aii^ in Ae ^9^e^ li^t be&HeAepeopI% in order AatAeynogbtAe
bettiBr ^piedate Ae'?ahie of Ae amnesty. I am disposed to belie^re Aat
A^ ^ve <^nse to Bradford and MaishaD. Srom this time Aey
showed a n^iked ccxdness tcward me. I cannot belieTe Aat MaishaJl 'was
at aD dissadassiflii at b^Bg idieTed from Ae estremdy baiaidois Mtaation
iB'iAieh be Md been pkeed.
"I added, in Ae eonefa^tHi, some reasoiB as gnmndb Sir cooeeding to
Ae popoaA^ of Ae eommi^oneis. Thev 'were sach as I Acmgbt
'WDRold bare 'w^^i wiA Ae people. . Mr. Gallatin, in bis speech in Ae
Ii^i^ataie of P'^mstyhrama, on Ae snbje^ of Ae IitsiiEFeeAHi, sajs,
'!&ey 'were saeb, I suppose, as, in Ae judgment of Ae anAcff, 'wonld
sake most impre^on upon Ae people ^ on Aat bead, bowerer, I thmk
be was msiaken.' I Aink now (continues ib. Braefcenrid^^) as I did
Aea, Aat Aey 'were the most likely to produce Ae enect; but that is a mere
Batter of nptiwyn^ wbieh I am not going to ^^nie. The fenae demo-
aalie pinmpie on wbieb I thinV it sboold be pnt, ifas, -wiAont donbt,
Aat Ae will of Ae people shmild govern. She national will had made
.Ae law, and should be obeyed. It fe an ai^cart aigoment Aat must safc-
^^ Ae nndeistandiDg, but eannot lecondle Ae heart. It is diSenlt to
reeoneOe Ae idea that Ae majoiifey made Ae law, bowevHr oppn^ve to
^ yra Ae good of Ae wbde, or of Ae grea^r number, leqnires us to
sobraiL My ^gament, Aesef<ae, ehiefly e«nteia|Jated Ae 'want of
*It is to ihis Mr. Bos altad^, in his lettCT to :Ht. Biaekesaidge, irhai he says:
"Ami ThaiyoH eame as a coniiBiiteeJiffln to seiile ihe ierais of sal^^on, I am
pasaaded thae is sane inB. daiy that yoa e^aied yourself to ge* evsy leasoa-
shle ctoe^aim ^ the part of fie govemHiaitjin ferorof yonr oa^sSta^te."

206 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
power. I also introduced the idea of postponement, and submitting under
present circumstances, and thus acquiescing in a present evil, in the
hope of a future remedy. But, said one to me, ' the people can never be
roused again.' I know that, and it is therefore safe to refer them to a
future day. The people would begin to look back when passion had sub
sided, and thus see the precipice on which they had been standing. Let
the law go into operation, and they would not find it the evil they ima
gined it to be."
The above reasoning would not be likely to suggest itself to one brought
up under a despotic government, where the sovereign is every thing and
the people nothing 5 where obedience — mere obedience, is all that is re
quired ; and where the crouching slave must prostrate himself before
the cap and plume of power. It is a kind of reasoning which, perhaps,
savors of Machiavelism — yet there are but two ways of influencing the
action of the people, moral suasion or brute force. The proud spirit of
the freeman is not to be subdued by a frown or a blow ; whenever this is
the case, the vital spark of liberty is extinguished. The sovereign will of
the majority must, notwithstanding, be respected, and the people made to
yield to it as, in part, their own will ; and, at the same time, care must be
taken not to crush that sturdy spirit of resistance, without which free
institutions will soon degenerate into despotism. Mr. Brackenridge,
always a democrat, maintained that a free people should be induced by
reason to be the conquerors over their own passions, and not humbled and
broken by outward force. These were the sentiments which governed
his course during the insurrection : the reverse of those which then pre
vailed in the Federal party, with its strong Hamiltonian government, its
sedition laws and its standing army. In a government like ours, all the
arts of persuasion and peace should be exhausted, before a resort to force;
not so with despotisms and those who mimic them.
During the negotiations, a publication appeared in the Pittsburgh
Gazette, which had an injurious effect, both as respects Mr. Brackenridge
personally, and the object he was then laboring to effect with so much,
earnestness. It was a spurious attempt at wit in the form of a dialogue of
Indian chiefs, either intended as a burlesque on the insurgents, or a
satire on the excise law, it is difficult to say which. Persons of little dis
crimination attributed this production to Mr. Brackenridge, as is often
the case, merely on the ground of his reputation for wit ; for there is not
the slightest resemblance in style, and besides, without any motive which
could induce him to write such a thing. He promptly denied it, and the
denial was corroborated by Mr. Scull, the printer. Moreover, it appeared

THE INDIAN TREATY DIALOGUE. 207
afterward that the production was that of a decided friend of the excise
law, who left his name with the printer for any one who might wish to
know it. The puerile production was ascribed to Mr. Brackenridge by
his enemies, and represented as intended to ridicule the government.
Even after the lapse of half a century, his enemies persist in attributing
it to him, and Mr. Wharton, in his voluminous compilation in the volume
entitled " State Trials," says it was denied by Mr. Brackenridge at the time
in a "lame sort of way." It was impossible for the denial to have been
more explicit, and the fact placed beyond doubt by the editor of the paper.*
In these negotiations, it will be seen that Mr. Brackenridge occu
pied that position to whioh his superior talents and high character
entitled him. The transactions were too much of a public and official
character, to permit Findley, and others prejudiced against him, to cast
him in the background by exalting Mr. Gallatin above him. Let justice
be done; and there is nothing further from the desire of the author of
this work than to detract from the merit of Mr. Gallatin ; he freely ac
knowledges his eminent talents, and valuable services in putting a stop to
the insurrection. He goes farther, and does not hesitate to defend him
from those enemies of his, and of the rights of the people, who assailed
him with the epithets of disorganizer and demagogue, and even traitor,
on account of those resolutions, passed at public meetings two years before,
against the excise law. The whole history of these transactions — the
govemment documents and admissions — all prove that this was oppres
sive and unequal ; that the people had reason and right to complain, even
in language rude and " intemperate." If those complaints must only be
uttered in humble and temperate language, who is to prescribe the terms
of that language ? The oppressor, of course. Would not be the fit person
to prescribe it! Surely the rights of the people stand upon higher
ground than this! "Yet, I admit, that the people should be solemnly
impressed with the sentiment, that there is nothing more atrocious in a
free government, than violent and forcible opposition to the laws, or re-
'* " Understanding that a certain publication which appeared in our paper some
time ago, containing speeches in imitation of an Indian treaty, and supposed to re
flect on the miUtia of Jersey, &c. has been attributed abroad to Mr. Brackenridge,
we are ready to declare that Mr. Brackenridge is not the author.
" The printer is sorry that the publication ab«ye alluded to has given ofi'ense.
The author, who has always been an open and avowed advocate against the violent
proceedings, had no other intention than to give the commissioners of the United
States a representation of the different ideas of the people in this country at that
time, without meaning a reflection on any man or set of men. It is expected that
these facts wiU remove aU prejudices that may have taken place."

208 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
sistance to their execution, which saps the foundation of all government
and all security. While this truth was fully acknowledged by the con
ferees, it will be seen, by the correspondence, that they were most careful
to preserve to the people the right to pursue all constitutional and lawful
means of procuring a repeal of the excise laws, which they honestly re
garded as unjust and oppressive.
The terms offered by the commissioners on the part of the President,
cannot be too much praised. They bear that stamp of humanity and
firmness combined, which distinguished the true greatness of Washington.
It is a lamentable reflection, that they were not afterward adopted aa
frankly and as promptly, hy the standing committee at Brownsville, and
a large portion of the people, as they were by the committee of confer
ence. If this had been the case, the country would have settled down
in peace, and much misery, suffering and anxiety would have been spared.
At this distance of time, it is difficult to account for the fact that terms
so reasonable and moderate, presented in a way so little calculated to of
fend the feelings of the proudest freeman, were not at once, and unani
mously, embraced by the people. Let us hope that since that day our
countrymen have made some advance in virtue and intelligence.
Although a vantage ground had been obtained by the committee of
conference, in the favorable terms obtained from the commissioners, still
the battle was yet to be fought; and owing to the height of insane pas
sion to which the people had been wrought, the issue was very doubtful,
and full of danger to Messrs. Brackenridge and Gallatin, (and especially to
the former,) who would be compelled to confront this mass of violence and
ignorance — bold, noisy, and perhaps outnumbering the peaceful and well
disposed, who would gladly hail the report of the conferees as the har
binger of peace.
Already the leaders in the committee of conference, and especially Mr.
Brackenridge, began to feel the effects of vulgar detraction. A great out
cry was made, and more particularly among those who had been most ac
tive in the late scenes of violence. It was asserted that he had been
bribed ; that it was known that lawyers would take fees ; that the com
missioners had brought gold with them ; and that he had received enough
to render it unnecessary for him to practice law during the remainder of
his life ! His moral courage was put to the test, while his personal safety
was by no means certain. By voluntarily incurring the loss of his pres
ent popularity, he had abandoned all hope of being elected to Congresa,
for which he was then a candidate, and previous to this, with almost a
certainty of being elected. As to Bradford, he very soon relapsed into

DISSATISFACTION OF THE PEOPLE. 209
his old ways — ^the moment he thought the popular tide was beginning to
turn, he was swept along with it ; and showed himself at the last to be
the same weak, mischievous being that he had been from the first. Was
he possessed of eloquence, the only quality on which his popularity could
rest ? No ; but he conld declaim, and thus supplied a voice to the rash
and inconsiderate. There is also a reason which may be discovered, by
looking a little deeper into human nature. The acts of violence com
mitted in burning Neville's house, had formed a sort of conscious sepa
ration in society between those who had shared in it and those who had
not — a separation of the bulls from the goats, which served to keep alive
the ferocity which had been engendered by that act of outrage. Those
who had openly approved of that and other similar acts, were placed in the
same footing with the participators of them. It was guilt thirsting for
the commission of new crimes, or companionship in its worse than misery.
Mr. Gallatin in his evidence on the trials, says : " I spoke but two words,
'amnesty and repeal.'" He spoke the word "repeal," but Mr. Brack
enridge first spoke the word " amnesty" — and in addition, the word " sub
mission." These two words were first spoken by him at the Mingo Creek
meeting, where he so happily drew the line of distinction between those
who were compromised in the late acts of violence, and those who were
not. The idea of amnesty was never lost sight of by him, and events
had verified what he then said of the mildness and clemency of Washing
ton, and " his unwillingness to shed the blood of his countrymen, by whom
he knew he was universally beloved." The evidence of Mr. Henry Pur
viance is conclusive on this head. It is alone sufficient to put to rest the
slanders of a thousand Hildreths and Craigs — his words are, " The course
pursued by Mr. Brackenridge, through the whole of the insurrection, had
but two objects in view, to bring about submission, and at the same time
procure an amnesty for the country." Mr. Purviance stood high as a
lawyer, and at the time of making this statement, was the public prose
cutor. What more meritorious motives could actuate any man than those
just mentioned ? He sacrificed a most brilliant political career in Con
gress, (afterward occupied by Mr. GaUatin,) to his love of country, and
his devotion to virtuous principles. When we have the evidence of all
his distinguished ootemporaries, without a single contradiction, is it not
surprising that any one at this day should have the audacity- to speak of
him in the language of the two writers just named ?*
* Hildreth and Craig.

210

•WESTERN INSURRECTION.

NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII.

An Indian Treaty.
"Speeches intended to be spoken at a
Treaty now holding with the Six United
Nations of White Indians, settied at
the town of Pittsburgh, on the 20th of
August, 1794, by the Commissioners
sent from Philadelphia for that pur
pose. "Captain Blanket, an Indian chief,
spoke as foUows :
" 'Broiheks — We welcome you to the
old council fire at this place — it is a
lucky spot cf ground for holding Indian
treaties. No good has attended your
treaties at Beaver Creek, Muskingum,
&c. As the proffer of this treaty has
originated with your great council at
PhUadelphia, we therefore expect you
have good terms to offer. But you
know, brothers, that it ever has been a
custom to pay Indians well for coming
to treaties; and you may be assured,
that unless we are well paid, or fully satis
fied, your attempts of any kind will not
have the least efi'ect. However, we do
not doubt but the pay is provided ; and
that you have a sufficiency of blankets
and breech-clouts, powder and lead ; and
that the wagons are close at hand. You
know, brothers, tfiat our neighbors, the
British, over the lakes, pay their Indians
well ; that they have inexhaustible stores
of blankets and ammunition, and that if
they were offering us a treaty, they
would not hesitate a moment to satisfy
all our demands.'
" Captain Whiskey spoke next : —
"'Beothebs — My friend. Captain
Blanket, has indulged himself in a little
drollery about blankets, &c. but I must
speak to the point. I am told that the

people of your great council caU us a
parcel of drunken ragamuffins, beca,use
we indulge ourselves with a Uttle of our
homespun whiskey ; and that we ought
to pay well for this extraordinary luxury.
What would they think if the same was
said of them, for drinking beer and
cider 1 Surely the saying wiU apply with
equal force in both cases. We say that
our whiskey shall not be saddled with an
unequal tax. Tou say, it shall; and tq
enforce the collection of three or four
thousand dollars per annum of net pro
ceeds, you will send an army of 12,950
men, or double that number if necessary.
This is a new fashioned kind of economy,
indeed. It is a, pity that this army had
not been employed long ago, in assisting
your old warrior. General Wayne, or
chastising the British about the lakes.
However, I presume it is the present
policy to guard against off'ending a nation
with a king at their head. But remem
ber, brothers, if we have not a king at
our bead, we have that powerful monarch,-
Captain Whiskey, to command us. By
the power of his influence, and a love to
his person, we are impelled to every great
and heroic act. You know, brothers,
that Captain Whiskey has been a great
warrior iu all nations, and in all armies.
He is a descendant of that nation called
Ireland ; and to use his own phrase, he
has peopled three-fourths of this western
world with his own hand. We, the Six
United Nations of White Indians, are
principally his legitimate offspring; and
those who are not, have all imbibed his
principles and passions — that is, a love
of whiskey ; and will therefore fight for
our bottle till the last gasp. Brothers,
you must not think to frighten us ¦with

INDIAN TREATY BURLESQUE.

211

fine arranged lines of infantry, cavalry
and artillery, composed of your water
melon armies from the Jersey shore ;
they would cut a much better figure
warring with crabs and oysters, about
the capes of the Delaware. It is a com
mon thing for Indians to fight your best
armies, in a proportion of one to five ;
therefore we would not hesitate a moment
to attack this army at the rate of oue to
ten. Our nations can, upon an emergency,
produce twenty thousand warriors ; you
may then calculate what your army ought
to be. But I must not forget that I am
making an Indian speech ; I must there
fore give you a smack of my national
tongue — Tougash Getchie — Tougash Get-
chie; very strong man me, Captain Whis
key.' "Captain AUiance next took the floor :
" ' BaoTHEES — My friend, Captain
Whiskey, has made some fine flourishes
about the power of his all-conquering
monarch, Whiskey; and of the intre
pidity of the sons of St. Patrick in
defense of their beloved bottle. But we
wiU suppose when matters are brought
to the test, that if we should flud our
selves unequal to the task of repelling
this tremendous army, or that the great
councU will stiU persevere in their deter
mination of imposing unequal and op
pressive duties upon our whiskey, who
knows but some evil spirit might prompt
us to a separation from the Uniou, and
caU for the alliance of some more friendly
nation. Tou know that the great nation
of Kentucky have already suggested the
idea to us. They are at present Mis
sissippi mad, and we are whiskey mad ;
it is, therefore, hard to tell what may be
the Issue of such united madness. It
appears as if the Kentuckians were dis
posed to bow the knee to the Spanish
monarch, or kiss the Pope's a — e, and
wear a crucifix, rather than be longer
deprived of their darling Mississippi;

and we might be desperate enough, rather
thau submit to an odious excise, or un
equal taxes, to invite Prince William
Henry, or some other royal pup, to take
us by the baud, provided he would guar
antee equal taxation, and exempt our
whiskey. This would be a pleasing over
ture to the royal family of England;
they would eagerly embrace the favorable
moment, to add again to their curtailed
dominions in America, to accommodate
some of their numerous brood with king
doms and principalities. We would soon
find that great warrior of the lakes,
Simooe, flying to our relief, and employ
ing those numerous legions of white and
yellow savages for u, very different pur
pose to what they have now in view.
If the Kentuckians should also take it
into their heads to withhold supplies
from your good old warrior Wayne, who
is often very near starving iu the wilder
ness, his army must be immediately an
nihilated, and your great council might
forever bid adieu to their territory west
of the mountains. This may seem very
improbable indeed ; but as great wonders
have happened iu Europe within the
course of three years past.'
"Captain Pacificus then rose, and con
cluded the business of the day:
" 'Beothees — My friend Alliance has
made some very alarming observations ;
and I confess they have considerable
weight with me. A desperate people
may be drove to desperate resources ; but
as I am of a p.eaceable disposition, I
shall readily concur in every reasonable
proposition which may have a tendency
to restore tranquility, and secure our
union upon the true principles of equal
ity and justice. It is now time to know
the true object of your mission ; if you
are messengers of peace, and come to
offer us a treaty, why attempt to deliver
it at the point of the bayonet. If you
are only come to grant pardons for past

212

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

offenses, you need not have fatigued
yourselves with such extraordinary dis
patch on the journey ; we have not yet
begged your pardon ; we are not yet at
the gallows or the guillotine, for you will
have to catch us before you bring us
there. But as I am rather more of a
counselor than a warrior, I am more
disposed to lay hold of the chain rather
than the tomahawk. I shall therefore
propose that a total suspension of all
hostilities, and the cause thereof, shall
immediately take place on both sides,
until the next meeting of our great na
tional council. If your powers are not
competent to this agreement, we expect,
as you are old counselors and peaceable
men, that you will at least report and
recommend it to our good old father who
sits at the helm. We know it was his
duty to make proclamation, &c. &c. , but
we expect every thing that can result
from his prudence, humanity and benev
olence, toward his fellow creatures.'
"A belt on which is inscribed ' Plenty
of whiskey, without excise.' "

"A report of the proceedings of the
committee appointed at the meeting
at Parkinson's Ferry, on the 14th of
August, 1 794, to confer with the com
missioners on the part of the Execu
tive of the Union, and on the part of
the Executive of Pennsylvania, on the
subject of the late opposition to the
laws of the Union, and violation of
the peace of the State government.
On the part of the Execattve of the Union.
William Bradford, Attorney General of
the United States.
Joseph Yeates, Associate Judge of the
Supreme Court of Pennsylvania.
Jasper Ross, Senator in the Congress of
the United States;
On the part of the Executive of Pennsylvania.
Thomas M'Kean, Chief Justice of the
State of Pennsylvania.

William Irvine, Eepresentative in the
Congress of the United States.
COMMITTEE OF CONFERENCE.
Westmoreland County. Washington County.
John Kirkpatrick, Da'vid Bradford,
George Smith, John Marshall,
John Powers. James Edgar.
Fayette County. Allegheny County,
Edward Cook, Thomas Morton,
Albert Gallatin, John Lucas,
James Lang. H. H. Brackenridge.
Ohio County (Virginia).
William M'Kinley, WUliam Sutherland,
John Stevenson.
"A committee having met on the 20th,
proceeded to the election of a chairman,
npon which Edward Cook was nominated
and took his place.
"A question was made, whether the
proposed conference with commission
ers from the government should he
private or public. It was determined
that it should be private, as less Uable
to interruption, and as leading the com
missioners from the government to give
a more frank and full communication of
their sentiments and intentions ; and that
after the preUminary arrangements, the
correspondence as to what was material,
would be in writing, which the committee
were not at liberty to communicate to
the public immediately, but to report to
the committee of safety, whioh was to
meet ou the first Tuesday of September.
" It was moved and directed that two
members be appointed to wait upon the
commissioners on the part of the Union
and of the State government, and to ad
just with them the place and time of
conference, "Thomas Morton and James Edgar
were appointed.
"Agreeable to arrangement, a confer
ence took place at ten o'clock next day,
and was opened by a communication on
the part of the commissioners of the

REPORT OF COMMITTEE OF CONFERENCE.

213

Union, stating with all the solemnity due
to the occasion, the extreme pain it had
given to the Executive, to have heard
from time to time of the deviations from
the constitutional line of expressing a
dislike of particular laws, to those means
of violence and outrage which would
lead to the having no laws at all ; that
in the case of the present infractions,
they were solemnly called upon by the
constitution to exert the force of the
Uniou to suppress them ; but that in the
first instance all those lenient measures
of accommodation were about to be tried,
that the great reluctance of the Execu
tive to have recourse to force, had indu
ced it to use; that for this purpose they
had been commissioned with certain pow
ers from the Executive, in order that, if
possible, short of bloodshed, submission
to the laws might be obtained, and peace
restored ; that in the meantime the most
effectual and decisive measures had been
taken, that should a pacification be found
impracticable, by an address to the pa
triotism and reason of the people, sub
mission must be enforced, and however
painful, the strength of the Union drawn
out to effect it; that the militia were
actually draughted, and their march de
layed only until the first of September
next; within which time, it behooved the
people of this country to make up their
minds and give answer, that the govern
ment might know what to expect.
"On the part of the commissioners
from the Executive of Pennsylvania, it
was stated, that it was in like manner
vrith greiCt pain that it had been heard
by the State government, that a resist
ance to the laws of the Union, and vio
lations of the public peace, had taken
place within this particular jurisdiction;
violations of so flagrant a nature as the
invasion of personal security in a domes
tic habitation of an ofScer of govern
ment; the burning down his mansion

house ; reducing him to the necessity of
relinquishing the country by a flight at
an unreasonable hour, aud by a circui
tous route of many hundred miles through
a wilderness; the attacking the Marshal ;
expelling an Associate Judge, the Pro
thonotary of the county, &c., and above
all, invading the cabinet of government,
in the intercepting of the public mail,
and violating tbe right of the citizen by
breaking the repository of his private
thoughts, which ought to have been con
sidered as sacred as in his scriitoire ; that
the laws of the Union were a part of the
laws of Pennsylvania, and the State gov
ernment, on principles of delicacy and
honor, could not avoid taking a very sen
sible part in defending them, independ
ent of that obligation under which it
was by the constitution ; but that these
outrages were breaches of the municipal
law, and as such the State government
was under the indispensable necessity of
taking notice of them, and by every ne
cessary coercion repressing them ; that
for this purpose the Governor had deter
mined to give the most prompt and deci
ded assistance to the general government,
in the requisition of militia, and had
thought it proper to call the Assembly, in
order to make provision for any further
force that the exigency of repressing the
insurrection might require ; but that it
must be peculiarly distressing to be under
the necessity of arming against a country
always heretofore respectable for its
obedience to the laws ; a country which
had been peculiarly the object of atten
tion with the present Executive ; never
theless, it was impossible to avoid it,
unless order, by the voluntary act of
the citizens, could be restored ; that to
effect this object the Governor had com
missioned them to cooperate in their good
offices with the commissioners on the
part of the Union, and for this purpose,
inasmuch as the consciousness of having
15

214

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

violated the laws might lead to a further
violation as a means of impunity, they
were authorized, on an accommodation
with commissioners of the United States,
and an assurance of a disposition to
preserve peace, to stipulate and en
gage a free and full indemnity for what
was past, so far as regarded the com
monwealth of Pennsylvania, and that it
would give them, personally, great pleas
ure indeed, if by these means a return
could be f' .litated to this country to
the bos 1 of peace and happiness.
" Uii the part of the committee, a nar
rative was given of the grounds of that
uneasiness and discontent which have
existed in this country, and have grown
up at length to that popular fury which
has shown itself in the late transactions.
"To this the commissioners replied,
and then proceeded to state more partic
ularly the nature of their powers, and
that certain assurances were necessary
previous to their exercise, all which hav
ing been reduced to writing, the docu
ments will speak for themselves. They
also declared their expectations that the
committee would declare their sense on
this subject.
"It was answered by the committee,
that it was their duty to hear, and re
port, for to this purpose were they ap
pointed ; but no power lay with them to
stipulate for the people.
"It was stated on the part of the
commissioners, that such was their situa
tion, that they could not dispense with
requiring from the committee, at least to
recommend what opinion they themselves
should form on the subject of the pro
positions made, as otherwise they could
have no encouragement to go on, and
wait the result of the opinion of the
people of the country.
" This was thought reasonable, and it
was agreed on the part of the committee
tiiat it should be so.

"It was thon agreed that the propo
sitions of the commissioners should be
received iu writing, and the conference
was adjourned."
"The following letter was now received
from the commissioners on the part of
the Union :
"At a conference between Thomas
M'Kean and William Irvine, commission
ers appointed by the Governor of Penn
sylvania, in behalf of said State, and
Messieurs Kirkpatrick, Smith, Powers,
Bradford, Marshall, Edgar, Cook, Gal-
latiii; Lang, Brackenridge, Morton aud
Lucas, appointed at a meeting of com
mittees from the several townships with
in the counties of Westmoreland, Wash
ington, Fayette and Allegheny, for the
purpose, in behalf of said counties, had
at Pittsburgh, in the presence of three
commissioners appointed by the Presi
dent of the United States, August 20th,
1794: "1st. It is insisted upon as a preliminary
by the commissioners for the State, that
the gentlemen conferees for the four
counties, each for himself, shaU sign an
instrument in writing, expressing that
they will at all times be obedient and
submit to the laws of the State, and also
of the United States of America; and
that they will jointly and severally re
commend the like obedience and submis
sion to our fellow-citizens within the
said counties, and moreover engage to
use their utmost exertions and influence
to insure the same.
"2d. It is proposed that the commit
tee of sixty, denominated the committee
of safety for the said counties, shaU
jointly and severally give satisfactory
assurances to the commissioners of the
State in an instrument in writing, signed
by them, of the same import and effect
with the preceding article, and that on
or before the — day of August, inst.
"3d. In case the above articles are

REPORT OF COMMITTEE OF CONFERENCE.

215

bona fide complied with, and the people
of said counties shall keep the peace,
and be of good behavior until the first
day of June next, the commissioners for
the State, conformable to the power and
authority delegated by his Excellency,
Thomas Mifiin, Esq., Governor of the
State of Pennsylvania, do promise an
act of free and general pardon and
obUvion of all treasons, insurrections,
arsons, riots, and other offenses inferior
to riots, committed, perpetrated, coun
seled, or suffered by auy person or per
sons, complying as aforesaid, within the
counties of Westmoreland, Washington,
Fayette and Allegheny, since the four
teenth day of July last past, so far as
the same concerns the State of Penn
sylvania or the government thereof.
Thomas M'Kean,
William Irvine.
"Pittsburgh, Aug. 21, 1794."
"PiTTSBUEQH, Aug. 22, 1794.
"Gentlemen: — The committee of con
ference having made up their opinion
aud expressed it to the commissioners
on the part of the Union, that it is the
interest of this country that on the terms
of accommodation proposed by them,
there should be a submission to that law
which has been the occasion of certain
acts of opposition, lately said to be com
mitted within the jurisdiction of Penn
sylvania, it wiU of course be the opinion
of this committee that acts of opposition
shaU cease, and they 'wiU be disposed to
recommend this temper and principle to
others. They will report it particularly
to the committee of safety, to whom
they are to make report ; and they will
state the reasons which have influenced
themselves in being disposed to wish a
general subordination to the laws of the
Union. But the signing any instrument
of writing wiU have the air of a recog
nizance, and of having broke the peace,

or of being disposed to do it on their
part, whereas in fact we expect to be
considered as a body well affected to the
peace of the country, and coming for
ward not only on behalf of those who
may have violated the peace, but of the
great body of the country who have
organized themselves in committees in
order to preserve it.
"As to what the committee of sixty
may do, must remain with themselves.
We shall make report to them of the
proposition. "We wish it to be understood that it
will be one thing for us or them to
declare our sentiments, and to support
them by arguments, and another to sub
scribe our names to any writing in any
other manner than as other public bodies
by their official representative of chair
man or president. We would request,
therefore, that the proposition would be
reconsidered, and that some other evi
dence of submission to the laws may be
accepted from the people whioh may sub
stantially have the same effect, without
a form which may be misunderstood by
them, and iu which they may not so
readily acquiesce.
"It is also our wish and expectation
that the proposition of au amnesty may
extend to the county of Bedford.
"It is our idea also, that it will have
a good effect in reconciling the public
mind to have the amnesty considered as
absolute at this time, liable to be for
feited only as to its benefits, by the
future violation of the laws by the in
dividual. By order of the committee.
Edward Cook, Chairman.
Thomas M'Kean and
William Irvine,
Commissioners on the part of Pennsylvania."
"PlTTSBUROH, Aug. 22, 1794.
' ' Gentlemen : — We have received your

216

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

answer, signed Edward Cook, chairman,
of this day's date, and observe that you
have in a degree confined yourselves to
a subordination of the laws of the Union.
These we consider as part of the laws
of Pennsylvania — but independent of a
breach of the laws of the United States,
you cannot be insensible that the laws,
the peace and dignity of the common
wealth of Pennsylvania have been more
essentially violated in the county of Al
legheny ; and though from a knowledge
of your characters and confidence in
your dispositions, we rest assured of
your cheerful obedience to the laws of
the State, and that you will inculcate
the like among our fellow-citizens, yet
we would have been pleased had it been
expressed. "Your objections to signing your
names respectively to your answer, we
have considered, and, though the signing
the name as chairman, speaker or presi
dent, in regular constituted bodies, im
plies the consent of the majority, which
binds the whole, yet it means no more;
and in the present body of twelve, one-
half of the nupiber present may not
have acquiesced in the act, and yet it
may be formally true. For this reason
we wished for your respective signatures ;
or that it had been written, signed by
the unanimous consent of the committee,
or that you had otherwise ascertained
the number.
"We have never before heard it sug
gested, that a person signing his name
to any instrument, implying an engage
ment or promise to do a lawful act, had
the air of a recognizance ; nor did we
ever mean that it could be supposed,
that any gentleman of this committee
was implicated in the late riots in these
counties. We only wished to have the
weight that your names and character
would give to the effectual quieting the
present uneasiness among the people.

"When we were* commissioned to the
present pacific and humane service, it
was not known to the Governor that any
aggression of the nature you allude to
had been committed in the county of
Bedford, and of course our powers do
not extend to them; but if no future vio
lations of the peace shall happen ou a
similar occasion, it is no more than
probable his ExceUency will extend his
pardon to what has passed since, and
which may require an amnesty.
"We cannot grant a general pardon
as yet, but when we shall receive reason
able assurances that the inhabitants of
these counties have returned to their
duty, to obedience to the laws, and that
peace, order and tranquility have been
restored, we shall rejoice in having the
opportunity of granting it 'without a
day's delay.
We are, gentlemen.
Your most obedient servants,
Thomas M'Kean,
William Ievine."
"PiTTSBnRon, August 23, 1794.
"Gentlemen: — We are satisfied with
the explanation given of what was in
tended by requiring our individual sig
natures to any assurance we should have
given of our own disposition to preserve
peace, or to conciliate that temper in
others. "We are certainly disposed to pre
serve peace and to recommend it to oth
ers, not only with regard to the laws of
the Union, on the terms of accommoda
tion settled with the commissioners from
thence, but more especially with regard
to the laws of our respective States, and
Pennsylvania in particular ; we are unan
imous in declaring our resolutions to
support the laws so that no impediment
shall exist to the due and faithful admin
istration of justice, and we can with the
* Printed are in the DaUy Advertiser.

REPORT OF COMMITTEE OF CONFERENCE.

217

more confidence engage this on behalf of
our fellow citizens, as at a general meet
ing of the representatives of townships,
on the 14th of August, inst,, a resolu
tion to this effect was expressed by the
unaaimous voice of the meeting : and in
fact we can assure you, though it may
have been otherwise construed, that a
great and leading object of that meeting
was the establishment of peace amongst
ourselves, and subordination to the State
government. By order of the committee.
Edward Cook, Chairman.
The Commissioners on behalf of the State."
"The committee deliberating on the
above, the great and solemn question
was considered whether we should ac
cede or reject, in other words, whether
we should have peace or a civil war.
"It was considered that a convulsion
at this time might affect the great inter
ests of the Union — that notwithstanding
an unworthy debt was accumulated in
the hands of moneyed men, by means of
the funding system, yet the foreign debt
was justly due, and also a considerable
part of the domestio, for which actual
service had been rendered, or value given
— that it might affect the payment of
these two species of debt, to countenance
au opposition which might communicate
itself to other branches of the revenue.
That a convulsion of this nature becom
ing general might affect a nation of Eu
rope struggling at this moment for life
aud liberty, by impeding the United

States in making those remittances in
payment of the debt due to them, which
their situation essentially demanded;
that a convulsion even in this country
might affect the negotiations pending, in
which our interests were essentially con
cerned — the free navigation of the Missis
sippi — the delivery of the western posts,
and our protection from a frontier enemy.
That it might give offense to our fellow
citizens elsewhere, who might excuse
a sudden outrage, but might resent a
formed system undertaken without their
consent ; more especially as they might
not yet know the local and peculiar
grievances of this country, and be dis
posed to make a proper allowance for the
consequences; that the constitutional
means of remonstrance might not yet be
altogether exhausted, and so it might
become us still yet to persevere ; that
even a contest with the United States,
should it be successful, must involve this
country, for a time at least, in ruin.
" That for this reason, he ought to lay
his hand on his heart and answer, wheth
er he would think himself justifiable in
countenancing the idea of the war ; he
ought to make up his mind, and be sure
that on every principle he was justifiable,
having a confidence not only of right,
but of power also.
"For these and other reasons it was
thought advisable to concede, as contain
ed in the answer to the commissioners,"
— American DaUy Advertiser, Sept. 5,
1794.

CHAPTER IX.
report of THE COMMITTEE OF CONFEEENOE LAID BEFORE THE STANDING COMMIT
TEE  DIFFIOnLTIES ENCOIJNIEEED  VOTE BT BALLOT  MAJOEITT POR PEACE,
BUT NOT SATISFACTOET TO THE COMMISSIONEES.
The report of the conferees, with the proposals of the commissioners,
were intrusted, by common consent, to Mr. Brackenridge, to lay before
the standing committee for its approbation, which was to be followed by a
general amnesty. A very strong current of prejudice against him pre
vailed at this time among the people, on account of the part he had
taken in the committee of conference. Five or six hundred copies of
his report had been printed, for the purpose of being distributed. From
the sudden outcry raised against the conferees as soon as it was known
that they had agreed to submit, he was apprehensive of being stopped on
the way and the papers taken from him; he succeeded, however, in
reaching Brownsville in safety. Bradford had gone to Washington, and
finding the current of obloquy very strong against the acceptance of the
terms among his more violent partisans, denied having ever agreed to
them, and threw the blame on Brackenridge and Gallatin. The former,
who had hitherto enjoyed a solid popularity, found that popularity, for the
present, greatly impaired. He was even apprehensive of personal danger;
for by this time the revolutionary spirit had reached its height of effer
vescence ; it was in fact boiling over, and the enrage thought more of giv
ing than of receiving an amnesty. Yet, it was just at that crisis when a
turn may take place equally sudden. They were exasperated at the
thought of having been betrayed, as they believed, by their agents, the
conferees; but they were also in that state when that feeling might re-act,
if they could be convinced that the best that could have been expected
had been done for their interests.
The committee met on the 28th of August, on the Monongahela, at
Brownsville, then a very small village in Fayette county. Mr. Gallatin,
although in his own neighborhood and less obnoxious than Mr. Brack
enridge, was not free from apprehension of personal risk.
The first thing which occurred after the committee had convened, which

CASE OF JACKSON, THB QUAKER. 219
was at an early hour, was the appearance of about seventy men, armed
with rifies, who had marched from the upper part of Washington county,
some twenty or thirty miles, but it is said, ignorant of the intended assem
blage of the committee on that day. Their intention, it was said, was to burn
the barn, mills and dwelling of Samuel Jackson, a Quaker, who had incur
red odium by calling the committee a scrub congress ! A circumstance cu
rious to notice, as showing the light in which they regarded the authority
established by themselves.- They were dissuaded, with some difficulty,
from effecting their purpose, but held the offender in custody, and now
brought him before the committee for trial and sentence. The committee
being organized. Col. Cook in the chair and Albert Gallatin secretary, the
first business was the case of the unlucky Quaker, against whom the
charge was proved by two witnesses ; but there was a difficulty to know
what to make of the case. In the Scripture language, it would be " speak
ing evil of dignities ;" by the Scotch law, " leasing-making." It might
be construed sedition at the common law, in the then critical state of the
country, as tending to lessen the respect due to the constituted authorities,
and evincing a bad disposition to the cause of the people. I
Mr. Brackenridge, according to his usual manner in desperate cases,
resorted to pleasantry, as more efficacious than any attempt to reason this
armed mob out of their predisposition to lynch-law. " I recollect," said
he, " to have read, that in the time of Oliver Cromwell, Lord Protector of
England, when he was in the height of his glory, a person came to him
and gave him information of words used by another, greatly contemptuous
of his dignity, viz. ' He has said that your Highness may kiss  —.'
' You may tell him,' said Cromwell, ' that he may kiss mine !' This
Quaker has called us a scrub congress ; let our sentence be that he him
self be called ' a scrub.' " The story of Cromwell produced a sudden, in
voluntary and loud laugh, and had thrown a light on the affair of the
prisoner, introducing a proper sentiment ¦with regard to him, viz. that
there was more magnanimity in disregarding his expressions than in pun
ishing them. The armed party which had arrested, took him off to give
him the epithet ; he got a bucket of whiskey and water to drink with
them, and nothing more was heard of an affair which might have had a
tragical end.*
* Dr. Carnahan, who was probably present, gives the following account of the
affair: "Mr. Brackenridge very gravely proposed that he should be punished ac
cording to the Jewish law, ' an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth.' He eulogized
this law as one of the most just and humane laws ever enacted ; that it required
injuries to be punished in kind, just iu proportion to the offense — neither more nor

220 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
The report was read, and appeared not to be well received, either by the
committee or the bystanders. At some sentences there was a murmur, as
in a church at the response — not " Lord help us to keep this law," but
" Good Lord deliver us." The people had expected a repeal of the excise
law — at least a suspension of it — and were greatly disappointed. It was
seen by the author of the report, that it would not do to urge its accept
ance immediately. Notwithstanding his apparent acquiescence, Bradford
urged the rejection of the terms without delay. He said the conditions
were so degrading, that no one possessing the spirit of a freeman would
hesitate a moment. It was important to give time to prepare the
minds of the committee, and some of the outsiders. Findley, Gallatin,
Smiley, and other persons capable of exerting an influence, were on the
ground, and might go among the people. Edgar begged for a little time
for considering, before they took a step that might involve their country
in a civil war. In a strain of keen irony, which Bradford mistook for
truth, he extolled the talents, learning, penetration and courage of the
eloquent gentleman. He said that Mr. Bradford could see, by intuition,
into the most difficult subjects, and when he saw the path of duty plain
before him, he had the skill and courage adequate to every consequence.
For his part, he was slow of apprehension ; he could not, at once, like
the gentleman who urged an immediate decision, know what might be
said against the motion. He wanted a little time to think the subject
over, and perhaps he might be brought to see his way clear to follow the
gentleman, as his leader. There might be others in the same state of
mind with himself, and he appealed to the gentleman's acknowledged
can'dor and liberality, to give his weaker brethren a little time to think of
less. He also told an anecdote respecting the manner in which Oliver Cromwell
punished a man who had used insulting language toward him; aud although this
was the most effective part of his speech, I shall not repeat it. ' My proposition,'
continued Mr. Brackenridge, ' is, that we punish this man according to the Jewish
law, and after the manner of that illustrious republican, Oliver Cromwell. -And
whereas it has been proved that Samuel Jackson has called us, the honorable the
representatives of the four western counties of Pennsylvania, ' the scrub congress,'
I move that we pay him in his own coin — that we call him ' a scrub,' and that he be
known by the name of 'scrub Samuel,' as long as the world lasts, and then we
shall be even with him.' This motion was carried by acclamation in the midst of a
tremendous roar, in which the riflemen heartily joined. Jackson apologized, and
ordered a couple of buckets of whiskey to be brought out, took a drink with the
riflemen, and they parted good friends." The apearance of the riflemen, although
not premeditated, had its effect on the committee, and was one cause of the fear,
after this, over the members.

DIFFICULTIES ENCOUNTERED. 221
the subjeot; that unanimity in so important a crisis was greatly to be de-
aired. It was moved to adjourn until the next morning. When this
took place Bradford called out the Washington members, and they retired
to consult apart.
Mr. Brackenridge had crossed the river to a farm-house to pass the
night, and in order to be out of the way if any violence had been med
itated, whioh he thought not improbable in the present excited state of
the assemblage; that is, of the committee and outsiders. "For," says
the author of the " Incidents," " what is popularity at such time ? It is
but the turning of the hand up or down, from the height of favor to the
lowest point of obloquy and persecution. Was there any man in Penn
sylvania more popular than Dickinson, at the commencement of the
American Revolution ? He was said to be opposed to a declaration of
independence, and became obnoxious. James Wilson was at the height
of his political power amongst the people ; but he had disapproved of the
form of constitution they had adopted in the commonwealth, and they
were about to murder him in his own house. I possessed, up to this
present time, the best kind of popularity — a popularity obtained after
much obloquy, which had been suffered to correct itself through a series
of years — a popularity obtained, doubtless, by sailing a little with the pop
ular gale, at least not opposing it ; but chiefly by a steady and upright
demeanor in my profession. The popular mind, though passionate, is
generous, and if it becomes sensible that it has wronged a man, it will
repair the wrong. I knew that a breath on the subject of the excise law
would put it to a temporary death. However, I had no thought of the
loss of popularity, but so far as it would produce personal danger on the
ground. Gallatin was in his own county, and yet was not without fear,
and with reason."
The appearance of the seventy men armed, and with a lawless design,
gave good reason for uneasiness; for no one could tell how far this spirit
extended with others, or what direction it might take. There had been,
during the evening, much warmth among the Bradford party, and even
some talked of offering violence to the opposite leaders. Mr. Bracken
ridge crossed back early in the morning, and met Gallatin, James Lang
and others of the committee of conference, who were much alarmed at
the bad feeling which prevailed. Strong terms were applied to. Mr.
Brackenridge for having employed his talents as a lawyer to persuade
the committee of twelve. • Bribery was insinuated; in fact, such a dispo
sition seemed to prevail, that he began to doubt the propriety of proceed
ing any farther in the business, as it was not understood that the con-

222 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
ferees were to run the risk of their own lives in recommending to the
people their interests. But, as Gallatin was disposed to try it, he deter
mined to run the same risk. It now became a question who should lead
off in the appeal to the exasperated people. Mr. Brackenridge proposed
that James Edgar''' should open the way; but he declined for some reason
or other, and it was therefore assigned to Gallatin.
The meeting having convened, with a formidable number of outsiders
— many of them from the Mingo Creek settlement, the hot-bed of the in
surrection — Gallatin addressed the chair in a speech of several hours, and,
contrary to expectation, was listened to with great attention, not the
slightest interruption or disturbance occurring during its delivery ; a cir
cumstance which, perhaps, goes to show that there was more appearance
of violence than reality. The speeches, of which we are about to give
a mere naked outline, were no holiday declamations, but true eloquence
brought forth by a real occasion, where the object was to sway the minds
of a reluctant audience, and to prevail upon them to adopt the measures
proposed by the speakers. It was unlike the case of those modem
"stump speeches," as they are called, where the design is to amuse, or
produce a general impression, and not to carry a distinct proposition by
means of argument and persuasion. Such occasions rarely occur, unless
it be on jury trials.
Gallatin began by tracing, in the clearest manner, the difference be
tween the case of the people in the western counties and the cause of the
American Revolution. In the present case, no principle had been vio
lated ; the West had been represented in making the law ; it was their
act by their own agents, and not the mandate of one assuming a false su
premacy. He then entered into a minute examination of the law itself,
and the alterations it had undergone from time to time, to accommodate
it to the convenience of the people. The amount of tax had been re
duced, and the mode of collecting it changed ; and there was just reason
to expect that the law would be repealed altogether. Every effort would
be made to effect the repeal, and there was a well-founded hope of success.
* The following is the characteristic notice of this gentleman, by Mr. Bracken
ridge, in the " Incidents :" " He was an Associate Judge of Washington county
and a leader in the Presbyterian Church of the western country ; had been a Pres
byter or Elder from his youth ; had been a member of committees in the early pe
riod of the Revolution, and of legislative assembUes or deliberative committees, ever
since. His head was prematurely gray ; his face was thin and puritanic, Uke the
figures of the old repubUcans ofthe Long ParUament. He was a man of sense, and
not destitute of eloquence."

SPEECH OF GALLATIN. 223
He explained the concessions of the United States commissioners, as set
forth in the report of the conferees, in relation to relinquishment of ar
rearages, as comprehended under the words, "beneficial arrangements
will be made."
He proceeded to discuss, very fully, the local and existing reasons of
complaint against the government. He spoke of the prevailing Indian
war, the obtaining the posts, and the navigation of the Mississippi,
through the negotiations of the Federal government, and which it would
be impossible for this small portion of the Union to accomplish, of itself.
He represented the mischiefs that had been done and were Ukely to
follow, if the people persisted in their opposition. It would have the
effect of weakening the spirit of liberty itself; for ultimately they would
be compelled to yield. An example may be seen in the State of Massa
chusetts — formerly the most democratic, now the most aristocratic — since
the insurrection in that State was put down by military force. Certain it
is, that illegal opposition, when reduced, has a tendency to make the
people abject and the government tyrannic. He then represented the
injury done to the spirit of liberty throughout the Union, and the injury
to the republican cause throughout the world.
He demonstrated the superiority of the structure of our republic over
all that had been, and denounced the atrocity of shaking or undermining
so fair a fabric. Then followed a clear and conspicuous view of the com
parative strength of the Union in a contest with this country, and the
folly of looking for aid from Spain or England, or any of the adjoining
States. Next followed an estimate of what would be lost and what would
be gained, even by success.
Finally, the complicated ignominy and ruin on all these principles
which would attend the persisting in this course of opposition, when
there was no longer the slightest reason for it.*
* Mr. Gallatin was a native of Geneva, in Switzerland. He was of a good faraily,
received an excellent general education, and came, in early youth, to the United
States ; that is, during the Revolutionary War, in which he took some part. He
excelled as a mathematician and financier, but was not bred to any particular pro
fession. His talent for public speaking was developed by circumstances. Without
being eloquent or animated, he commanded attention by his clear and forcible rea
soning and extensive information. He was at first opposed to the Federal con^otu-
tion, and it is believed that his mind was cramped by the narrow confederacy in
which he was born, so as to disqualify him, in some measure, for conceiving the pos
sibUity of one adapted to the vast surface of the United States of America. In
consequence of this, he was rather opposed to the extension of our territory. His
brUUant poUtical career belongs to our national history.

224 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
Mr. Brackenridge followed Mr. Gallatin, under the disadvantage of a
subject on which the prominent topics had been elaborately and very ably
discussed. Gallatin had been didactic and deliberate, though animated.
Mr. Brackenridge entered more directly into the question to be deter
mined, and was more vehement and impassioned, addressing himself
chiefly to their consciences, their interests and their fears. It may be
remarked, that the speakers all seemed to take it for granted that the
question to be decided was one of peace or war, as it would be the neces
sary consequence ot the acceptance or refusal of the terms offered by the
commissioners. He began by asking, what end did they propose to attain by refusing
to accept the propositions held out by the commissioners ? Do you not
know that the consequences will be war ? Are you prepared for war ?
Have you seriously considered the responsibility of such an act ? Can
you make war upon the Federal government, yet remain part of it ? No ;
you must declare independence ; and not only of the United States, but
you must also separate from the State. Have you reflected upon this
necessity ? Where are your armies, your supplies of military stores, your
treasury? You have none of these; and yet, you harbor the idea of
going to war with fifteen States, possessing them all; and with experi
enced officers and Washington at their head !
Do you expect to obtain a repeal of the law by war, and such a war ?
The idea is madness. There can be but one alternative — we must over
throw the government, or it must overthrow us ; and is there any man ao
visionary as to think that in the end you will not be compelled to yield,
whatever small advantages you may obtain in the beginning ? And even
if success were possible, you cannot, as moral men, reconcile it to your
consciences. You owe a part of the public debt contracted in the war of
Independence; can you quit the confederacy without discharging your
share of that debt ? The state has public lands in the western countries,
have we any right to deprive her of these ? Have we any right to shake
off the burdens of the present Indian war, in which the government is
engaged for us ? We can do none of these things without a disregard to
common honesty as well as patriotism. Neither a citizen of any commu
nity, nor any portion of that community, can honestly abandon it, so long
as there are obligations yet remaining to be fulfilled. He is a deserter
who quits his countr;^ under such circumstances.
But where is the imagination so wild as to hope for success against
such odds ? It is not in your power to secede. The example of success
would be fatal to the confederacy. It cannot be permitted. The whole

MR. braokenridge's SPEECH. 225
force of the nation will be brought against you. Suppose that, by seizing
the passes of the mountains, you give a check to the first fifteen thousand
men, doable the number will return. The passes of the mountains will
be taken and fortified. You know the firmness of Washington ; his duty
will require him to call forth the whole energies and power of the nation,
and it must subdue us in the end. What will be your condition then,
and what your sufferings in the mean time 'i Your country laid waste,
your towns in ashes, and your bones and those of your sons bleaching on
many a field of battle ! The Indians defeated Harmar, then St. Clair, and
are now driven into the lake by Wayne 1 Can yon maintain a war of
years against numbers and the purse ? Can you even count upon a per
fect union and fidelity among yourselves ? This country is new and thinly
settled, and every part is not equally jil concert in the cause. And you
will blindly persevere in an opposition which can lead to nothing but
war — civil war, the most horrible of all wars. You are even now standing
on the brink of a precipice I
Let us suppose the attempt at separation successful, what can you gain ?
Its fruits would be poverty, dependence and degradation. You would be
shut out from the sea on the east; the mouth of the Mississippi would
still be closed to you ; and on -the north-west the British would^till retain
the posts, as a refuge for the Indians. If the whole force of the Union
has not been able to accomplish the two last, how can you expect that it
will be effected by a small, disjointed portion of that Union ? Do you
count upon the aid of England or Spain ? This would be like leaning on
a broken staff. You would be compelled to pay for such aid by servile
dependence ; and have you so soon forgotten the struggles you went
through in the war of Independence '< War is a dreadful state under any
circumstances, but more especially civil war — brother against brother,
father against son, and nearest neighbors either at daggers drawn or living
in fear of each other. Do you think all are sincere who are clamoring for
war '( Some wish to be thought brave, some have no experience of the
sufferings incident to a state of war, others join the cry from the mere
force of example, and because they are wanting in the moral courage to
think and act for themselves. Let the voice of the majority be for peace,
and you will soon find all on that side. I have my eye on men in this
very committee, and could name them, who have privately avowed them
selves for peace, and yet affect to be for war from a fear of expressing
their real sentiments. These very men are desirous of getting out of
the present difficulties, almost on any terms ; and after what has passed,
almost any terms short of life should be accepted..

226 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
The outrages which have been committed have been wanton, grievous,
useless. In construction of law, they aniount to treason. And yet,
through the benevolence of Washington, a way has been opened for recon
ciliation and for oblivion of the past, which you can accept without hu
miliation or dishonor. Those acts were committeij, it is true, under the
influence of passion, but they were wrong, they were criminal; and now
that there has been a time for reflection, this senseless 9,ui ainiless oppo
sition should cease. '-^ -
The committee of conference, in its negotiations with the commission
ers, has been careful to stipulate, that in accepting the amnesty yoi), sur
render no legal and constitutional right "to seek for a repeal of the excise
law, by constitutional means.* When the hunter is on a wrong track, his
course is to go back and take another start. The, amnesty will leave you
where you were before these unlawful acts were committed ; you may then
start fair again in efforts better directed and better deserving success.
We are destined to be a great, flourishing and powerful nation, if we
are only true to ourselves. Nothing can prevent it but such dissensions
and disorders as we have recently witnessed. The prospects of this con
federacy are glorious, and if unfortunately we have done iiny-4hing"^tb mar
these prospects, let us hasten to repair the-errSfT I have, I confess it
candidly, felt myself, like others;" at a loss what course to pursue, until
/ke offer of amnesty-^wSs'so generously tendered by the President. The
way isjiow-elear ; nothing but obstinacy and slavery to unbridled passion
can'induce any man to hesitate. I own I have regarded the feelings of
the country with partiality of heart, and would make -every reasonable
allowance for the prevailing dislike -to the law, on account of its inequality
and hardship. I have made excuses in my own mind for their breaking
out in open acts of violence. I have attributed these to wrong judgment
in not distinguishing between the right of opinion and the right to act.
I was impressed with the reflection that the disapprobation of the law,
having been general in the country and expressed by almost every one,
no man could tell how far, by words, he might have contributed to that
current of sentiment, which, swelling beyond the constitutional bounds of
'* Mr. GaUatin said, in his evidence : " I spoke but two words — amnesty and re
peal." The word amnesty was first spoken by Mr. Brackenridge. It is surprising
to find, iu one of the fine reasoning powers of Mr. Gallatin, the strange inconsistency
of uniting the two words, amnesty and repeal. This would be, in fact, offering an
amnesty to the government on the condition of repeal! It is strange that he did
not see this, after the attempt to compel the repeal by force of arms ; it was for the
government to hold out a pardon, on condition of submission.

MR. BRACKENRIDGE'S SPEECH. 227
remonstrance, has at length broken out into open aets of insurrection.
Every man should feel a disposition to repair the mischief that has been
done, and use his endeavors to save those who have rashly been drawn
into the commission of acts not previously contemplated — acts in violation
of the peace and safety of society — acts destructive of his own happiness.
It is but natural that my feelings should be enlisted for those among
whom I have resided for so many years, and with whom I have been so
often connected in business and social intercourse, or in professional re
lations. My attachments are all here; and I have no higher aim than td
save my fellow-citizens by giving the best advice in my power. If I,
who have not participated, directly or indirectly, in any of these acts which
have brought our country to its present crisis, am willing to embrace the
amnesty, surely those who have been actually implicated well may.
When I was the first to suggest an amnesty, and application to _th«
clemency of the Executive, I had little thought it would have been ten-
(Jered to us in the manner it has been. I have uniformly disapproved,
whenever a suitable and proper opportunity presented itself, of those un
fortunate doings which require the act of oblivion on the part of the gov
ernment, and I disapprove of them now. No man who is not blinded by
passion can approve them. This is my last effort, and my last advice to
you is to accept of the proffered amnesty. Having done my duty as a
citizen, I am determined to withdraw for the future from all interming
ling in these affairs ; conceiving myself discharged, in honor and con
science, from all farther participation in these negotiations.
The acceptance of the amnesty, cheerfully, and if possible unanimously,
is the only course left to save the country, whose march of prosperity has
already been much impeded by these events. Notwithstanding the causes
of complaint, it was beginning to improve ; farms were opened, buildings
were erected, and lands were improving in value. We now see the reverse
of this picture. A depression has followed upon this general state of in
security. Instead of an accession of population, many are endeavoring to
sell their lands for the purpose of going farther west — to some country
where law and order still prevail. No country can flourish where person
and property are insecure. Every man has felt the effect already in the
depreciation of his farm or his house. I don't value what property I
possess at more than half what it was worth before the late disturbances.
I give it, then, as my last and most earnest advice, that you accept the
act of oblivion, so generously tendered to you by the President of the
United States, and presented, as it is, in a form so acceptable by the com
missioners, with whom our committee was appointed to confer.

228 WBSTERJif INSURRECTION.
James Edgar followed in a speech of some length and solemnity of
manner ; his speech was replete with good sense, and well adapted to the
persons to wjiom it was addressed. From the respectful attention given
to these speeches for at least ten hours, great hopes were entertained that
they had produced a favorable effect.
Bradford now rose to speak ; he had been urged by his followers, who
besought and threatened. What, said they, will you suffer Brackenridge
and Gallatin to run us down? Thus urged on, and contrary to his engage
ments to the commissioners, he broke out in one of his most violent fits of
declamation, and in the Sempronius style, declaring himself " still for
war." In allusion to the concluding part of Mr. Braokenridge's speech, he
said, "Dastardly to talk of property, when liberty is at stake; we will
defeat the first army that attempts to cross the mountains; we will seize
their arms and baggage, and then organize an army that will prevent any
further attempt." "Not so easy, either," said one of the outsiders —
a Col. Crawford, an old Indian fighter, who had some experience of war,
which Bradford had not. Bradford continued, in a speech or declamation,
in favor of war, and even used the word independence, in his boasting
harangue, perhaps the only instance in which it was spoken by the ene
mies of peace during the insurrection, but which must be regarded as
mere idle boasting. He sought to rekindle the flame of the violent,
while the fears of many, and the conscious guilt of others, appeared to
counterbalance the sound and wholesome advice they had just listened to
from the other speakers.
Gallatin, after some remarks, now moved to take the vote on the propo
sitions of the commissioners. Objections were made to taking any vote
at all. The question was put, shall a vote be taken ? It was determined
in the negative, the committee of conference, only, rising. It was then
moved to take a vote by ballot on the propositions, as it was presumed that
there might be a reluctance among the members of the standing commit
tee, to let their sentiments be known. It was moved, shall a vote by
ballot be taken ? But this was also negatived, the committee of confer
ence alone voting.
Here was a momont of delicacy indeed. The refusal to take a vote was
tantamount to a rejection of the propositions ; and what would be the
consequence ? Measures must have been taken instantly to prepare for
war. Bradford would have come forward with his specification of arms,
ammunition and funds, in which he had been baffled at Parkinson's
Ferry. Brackenridge and Gallatin would probably have been arrested on
the spot. For the example of the French terrorists was then in the public

RELUCTANCE TO VOTE, 229
mind, especially with Bradford, who had caught not a little of the revolu
tionary spirit of France.
Gallatin, at this critical juncture, proposed to take a vote by ballot, not
to be made a part of the answer to the commissioners, but merely " to
know our own minds." There was unwillingness at first to agree even to
this, for every man was afraid that the handwriting of his ballot would be
known, and it might transpire how he voted.
In this unpleasant dilemma, whioh so singularly displays the des
potism of publio opinion in a democratic community, a member of the
committee of sixty (whose name has not been preserved,) rising, and
having a scrap of paper in his fingers with the word yea written on one
part and nay on the other, held it up, and proposed that sixty such scraps,
with the words yea and nay, written in the same manner, should be pre
pared by the secretary, and a scrap given to each of the members ; and
let every one divide his scrap into two parts, with the yea on the one part
and the nay on the other, and let him chew or tear the nay or the yea, as
he might think proper, and put the other piece into the hat held by the
secretary. When these were drawn out, it would be seen what the private
sense of the committee was, without the possibility of knowing how
another voted. This was thought safe, and adopted ; thus virtually, and
to all intents and purposes, taking a vote by ballot. Perhaps the curios
ity to know where the majority existed, was the principal inducement to
the adoption of this singular plan.
It was curious to observe the care with which every one divided his
ticket so as to conceal his vote. All having now voted, and the tickets
drawn out, there appeared thirty -four yeas and twenty-three nays.* Here
was certainly a very respectable majority, and verified the declaration of Mr.
Brackenridge, in his speech, that there were members who privately enter
tained a different opinion from that which they publicly avowed. And
yet it is surprising, that after the masterly reasoning and powerful ap
peals of Brackenridge, Gallatin and Edgar, there should be so many votes -
in the negative. The vote was, notwithstanding, decisive, and suddenly
changed the face of affairs. The supposed dreaded majority was now
proved to be a minority, and the fearful influence of that supposed major
ity was gone. The mountain, if it may be so called, was enraged, but it
was the rage of disappointment, despair and impotence. Tho friends of
order were suddenly relieved from the reign of terror, and began to exhibit
a bolder countenance. The clouds of insurrection were broken, and began
* Six afterward declared that they had voted nay by mistake ; the vote then
stood forty against seventeen. 16

230 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
to scatter ; the mutterings of the thunder were still heard, but it was of
the retiring, and not of the coming storm. Bradford stood appalled ; his
power and influence were at an end ; he withdrew from the place almost
immediately, and was not heard of again until some time after, when he
was one of the first to hasten to seize the horns of the altar, or in other
words, to take the benefit of the amnesty, in the midst of his deserted
followers, who now cried out, " Dagon, how art thou fallen !" But being
excepted, on account of his last act, and perhaps on account of his robbery
of the mail, he took to the river and escaped, leaving a lesson to after-times
of the folly of empty popularity.
After a short recess, the standing committee again met in the after
noon ; in the meantime, the outsiders, who had manifested the most de
cided disapprobation of the vote, had, for the greater part, withdrawn,
leaving the committee almost alone. The opposition had no leader in the
committee. The resolution approving the report was adopted without
objection, and even without a division, and was certified to the commis
sioners. It was now proposed to choose a new committee of conference,
in order to see if some modifications of the terms, and prolongation of the
time, might not be obtained ; but nothing was hinted as to unwillingness
to submit, or of opposing the excise law, after the passage of the resolu
tion declaring it to be the interest of the people to adopt the report of the
first conferees. These conferees could not, with propriety, oppose the new
motion, and were no doubt pleased with this fair opportunity of withdraw
ing from their thankless office. Yet they were convinced that it was
idle to hope for better terms than those which had been obtained, or even
a desirable modification of them, as they had been assured by the com
missioners that they had already gone to the full extent of their powers in
favor of the people." They had at the same time privately intimated, that
the alarming intelligence from the east of the mountains rendered any
delay out of the question. It thus appears that the state of mind of the
people in the eastern counties, whether exaggerated or not, had an unfor
tunate infiuence on the disposition of the commissioners toward those in
the west ; and it is very possible, that but for this, the severe terms after
ward exacted would not have been imposed.
The friends of peace in the committee, who had been afraid of express
ing their sentiments, were now emboldened in each neighborhood, and
six of them, after the balloting, endeavored to exculpate themselves from
the suspicion of having voted in the negative, by asserting that the nay
had been given by mistake. The more timid, or those who had been
most violent on former occasions, but had been convinced in the com-

INSURRECTION BROKEN DOWN. 231
mittee, were still afraid to avow themselves openly, through fear of their
neighbors, or from unwillingness to incur the charge of inconsistency.
Yet there was no instance of any insult or violence offered to any one for
his vote. The feeling which showed itself in the committee after the re
moval of the restraint of fear, was now visible over the whole country.
The violent were awed, and the lovers of peace and order ceased to be
afraid to speak out; and this state of things continued rapidly to gain
ground — public meetings were called every where in favor of submission,
until the approach of the army, when all appearance of opposition had not
only ceased, but was changed into general alarm for their own safety.
The standing committee adjourned without day, and the resolution,
which was expected to be followed by a general amnesty, was certified to
the commissioners, accompanied by a letter from the chairman, explaining
the appointment of the new committee of conference.
"At a meeting of the standing committee of the western counties, held at
BrowuevUle ou the 28th and 29th of August, 1794,
" The report of the committee appointed to confer with the commissioners of
govemment being takeu into consideration, the foUowing resolutions were adopted
to wit :
" 1. Resolved, That iu the opinion of this committee, it is the interest of the
people of the country to accede to the proposals made by the commissioners on the
part of the United States.
"2. Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing resolution be transmitted to the
commissioners. (A true copy.) Edwaed Cook, Cfiairman.
Albert Gallatin, Secretary." Letter of the Chairman. "Beownsville, Aug. 29, 1794.
" Gentlemen :^Difficultie8 having arisen with us, we have thought it necessary
to appoint a committee to confer with you, in order to procure, if possible, some
further time, in order that the people may have leisure to reflect on their true sit
uation. I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant, Edwaed Cook.
" P. 8. — Inclosed, you have a copy of the resolutions on that subject.
" The Honorable the Commissioners of the United States."
The new committee of conference was composed of the following per
sons : John Probst, Robert Dickey, John Nesbit, David Phillips, John
M'Clelland, Geor;.fC Wallace, Samuel Wilson and .John Marshall.
It is much to be regretted that the measures so wisely devised by
Washington were not accepted, at once and unanimously, without any
further proceeding in the vain hope of improving the conditions, but'

232 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
which could have no other effect than to give the appearance of a reluc
tant assent, and make it the justification for imposing terms more severe.
If this had been done, it is probable that there would have been a general
amnesty according to the stipulation and agreement between the first con
ferees and the commissioners, and the army would have been disbanded.
At least, this ought to have been the case, unless the administration, en
tertaining the views imputed to the Secretary of the Treasury by Findley,
had determined that the army should march in any event.
The commissioners took a different view of the subject. In their opin
ion, the acceptance was imperfect and unsatisfactory in the committee, on
account of the opposition there and the want of unanimity; that the reign
of terror which deterred the peaceful citizens from accepting, still pre
vailed ; that it prevailed to such a degree as to be incompatible with the
free, full and liberal terms offered by the government. The author of
this work cannot but regard that view of the subject as unfortunate, and
with the highest respect for the eminent talents and unimpeachable inten
tions of the commissioners, erroneous. This has been attributed to the
Secretary of the Treasury by Findley, whose leaning toward a strong
government was well known ; but that he ever entertained or expressed
the sentiment imputed to him, that the new government oould not be
considered as permanently established until it made itself felt by physical
force, the author is unwilling to believe, without more positive evidence
than he has yet seen. He is rather disposed to attribute this determina
tion on the part of the commissioners to the distance between the scene
of action and the seat of government, and the great difficulty of knowing
the true state of things on the east as well as on the south-west side of the
mountains. It is impossible, at this day, to form any just idea of the
state of communication at that period, between portions of country be
tween which all barriers have been removed. The author firmly believes
that if Washington could have been on the spot to judge with his own
eyes, the insurrection might have ended differently. The great body of
the western people were influenced by an honest belief that they had
been treated unjustly, and were neither depraved nor disloyal. It could
not in reason be expected, that after so much excitement, the terms of
submission, however reasonable, would be at once accepted, and without
some appearance of reluctance. The opposition could not be quelled in
stantaneously, without, at the same time, breaking down the spirit of a
free people, and with it all the nobility and worth fitting them to be the
citizens of a free country. The substantial adoption of the terms, the
authorcannot but think, was a sufficient fulfillment of the compact between

THE NEW CONFEREES. 233
the conferees and the commissioners. A bare majority ought to have
sufficed, even if the commissioners had any right to go behind the resolu
tion to inquire how it was passed. The opposition having been once de
feated, we know that it is in the nature of things, in such assemblies, for
the majority to grow stronger and the minority weaker. All that was
asked was the further favor of a short delay, but not as a condition at
tached to the acceptance of the terms ; and the only effect of the denial
would be to leave the resolution in full force, as if nothing of the kind
had accompanied it. This subject will be again adverted to.
On the 1st of September, a few days after the adjournment of the
standing committee, the new committee appeared in Pittsburgh and ad
dressed the following note to the commissioners on the part of the United

" Pittsburgh, Sept. 1st, 1794.
"Gentlemen: — The committee appointed by the committee of safety at Bed
stone, the 28th of August last, to confer with the commissioners of the United
States, and State of Pennsylvania, and agreeable to the resolutions of said com
mittee, do request :
" 1st. That the said commissioners give an assurance on the part of the general
government, to an indemnity to all persons as to the arrearages of excise, that
have not entered their stills to this date.
"2d. Will the commissioners aforesaid give to the 11th day of October next, to
take the sense of the people at large, of the four counties west of Pennsylvania,
and that part of Bedford west of the Allegheny mountains, and the Ohio county
in Virginia, whether they will accede to the resolution of the said commissioners,
as stated at large in the conference with the committee of conference met at Pitts
burgh the 21st day of August last.
"By order of the committee. John M'Clelland.
" The Honorable the Commissioners on the part of the United States, and of the
State of Pennsylvania."
To this Ul-concocted letter, the commissioners returned the following
reply: "PiTTSBUEGH, Sept. Ist, 1794.
"Gentlemen: — We have received your letter of this date; and as time presses,
have determined to give it an immediate answer, although we shall be prevented
thereby from making so full and correct a reply as the importance of the subject
requires. "In our correspondence with the late committee of conference, we detailed
those assurances of submission to the laws, which would have been deemed full
and satisfactory, and which were necessary to the exercise of the powers vested in
us. This detaU was minutely settled in the conference, with a sub-committee of
that body. From a desire on our part to accommodate, and to render the pro
posals as unexceptionable as possible, they were altered and modified at their

234 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
request, tiU being superior to aU exception, they received the nnanimons approba
tion of those gentlemen;
" The detail thus settled, required from the standing committee assurances of
their explicit determination to submit to the laws of the United States; that they
would not directly or indirectly oppose the execution of the acts for raising a
Avenue upon distiUed spirits and upon stills ; and that they would support as far
as the laws require, the civU authority in affording protection due to all officers
and other citizens. These assurances have not been given. On the contrary, we
learn 'with emotions, difficult to be repressed, that in the meeting of the committee,
at Bedstone, resistance to the laws and open rebelUon against the United States
were publicly advocated, and that two-fifthx of that body, rq>resenting twenty-three
townships, totally disapprove the proposals, and preferred the convulsions of a dvU
contest to ihe indulgence offered them by their country. Even the members compering
the majority, although by a secret and undistingnishing vote they expressed an
opinion that it was the interest of the people to accede to the proposals, did not
themselves accede to them, nor give the assurances, nor make the recommendationB
explicitly required of them. They have adjourned 'without day, and the terms
are broken on their part.
"Our expectations have been unfortunately disappointed; the terms required
have not been acceded to. Tou have been sent hither to demand new terms; and
it is now necessary for us to decide whether we wiU return home, or enter into
other arrangements.
"Upon reflection, we are satisfied that the President of the United States, whUe
he demands satisfactory proofs fhat there wiU be in future a perfect submission to
the laws, does not wish the great body of the people should be finally concluded
by the conduct or proceedings of that committee ; and if the people themselves
wiU make the declaration required of the standing committee, and give satisfactory
proofs of a general and sincere determination to obey the laws, the benefits offered
may still be obtained by those individuals who shall expUcitly avow their submis
sion as hereinafter mentioned.
"It is difficult to decide in what manner the said declarations and determinar
tions of the people to submit peaceably, should be taken and ascertained. We
have thought much on this subject, and are fully satisfied that a decision by boUot
wiU be wholly unsatisfactory, and that it wUl be easy to produce by these means
an apparent but delusive unanimity. It is, therefore, necessary that the deter
mination of every individual be pubUcly announced. In a crisis, and on a ques
tion like this, it is dishonorable to temporize. Every man ought to declare him
self openly, and give his assurances of submission in a manner that cannot be
questioned hereafter. If a civil contest must finaUy take place, the government
ought to know not only the numbers, but the names of the faithful citizens, who
may otherwise be in danger of being confounded with the guilty. It therefore
remains with you to say, whether you will recommend such a mode of procedure,
and wiU immediately arrange with ns the manner in which the sense of the people
may be pubUcly taken, and written assurances of submission obtained, within the
time already limited. We desire an expUcit and speedy answer in writing.
"Tou request us to 'give assurances ou the part of the United States, that an

TERMS OF SUBMISSION. 235
indemnity shall be granted, as to the arrears of excise to all persons that have
not entered their stills to this date.' If it were proper to remit all arrears of
duty, we cannot conceive why those who have entered their stills should not
receive a similar indulgence with those who have refused to do so ; nor why you
demand peculiar favors for the opposers of the acts, while you abandon those who
have compUed to the strictness of the laws.
"We have gone on that subject as far as we think advisable. The clause was
introduced at the request of tbe late committee of conference ; and even the style
of expressing it was settled with them. We, therefore, have nothing more to add
to th,^t subject.
"Ton require also that time be given until the 11th day of October, in order to
ascertain the sense of the people. That is wholly inadmissible. On the day of
the conference, the time aUowed was deemed sufficiently long ; and we are sorry
to perceive that delay only tends to produce an indisposition to decide. There are
strong reasons, obvious to a reflecting mind, against prolonging the time a single
hour. Nothing is required but a declaration of that duty which every man owes
to his country, and every man before this day must have made up his mind on the
subject. Six weeks have already elapsed since the ordinary exercise of civil
authority has been forcibly suppressed, the officers of government expelled, and
the persons and property of well disposed citizens exposed to the outrages of pop
ular violence. The protection which is due to peaceable citizens, the respect which
every government owes to itself, and the great interests of the United States,
demand that the authority of the laws be quickly restored. To this we may add
that the mUitia (which, by late orders from the President, have been increased to
15,000 men, including 1,500 riflemen from Virginia, under the command of Major
General Morgan,) have received orders to assemble; and we cannot undertake to
promise that their march wiU be long suspended. AU possible means to inform,
to conciliate and to recall our feUow-citizens to their duty, have been used. That
their infatuation stiU continues, we regret, but are persuaded that further modera
tion and forbearance wiU but increase it.
"If the whole country shall declare its determination peaceably to submit, the
hopes of the Executive wUl be fulfilled ; but if a part of the inhabitants of the
survey shall persist in their unjustifiable resistance to the lawful authority of the
United States, it is not the intention of the government to confound the innocent
with the guilty ; you may therefore assure the friends of order and the laws that
they may rely upon promptly receiving all the protection the government can
give ; and that effectual measures will be taken to suppress and punish tbe violence
of those individuals who may endeavor to obstruct the execution of the laws, and
to involve their country in a scene of calamity, the extent and seriousness of which
it is impossible to calculate.
"It is easy to perceive, from the whole scope of this letter, that no part of it is
addressed to the gentlemen of Ohio county, Virginia. James Ross,
Jaspee Teates,
Wm. Beadfoed.
"Messrs. Dickey, Probst, Nesbit, MarshaU, PhiUips, M'CleUand, Wallace and
WUson."

236 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
The conferees replied as follows : "PiTTSBUEGH, Sept. 2, 1794.
"Gentlemen: — We have received your letter of yesterday, and after having
duly considered its contents, we are all of opinion that it is the interest and duty
of the people of the western counties of Pennsylvania to submit to the execution
of the laws of the United States, and of the State of Pennsylvania, upon tha
principles and terms stated by the commissioners; and we will heartily recom
mend this measure to them. We are also ready to enter into the detail 'with you
of fixing and ascertaining the time, place and manner of collecting the sense of
the people upon this very momentous subject.
"Signed by the unanimous order of the committee. John M'Clelland.
"To the Commissioners of the United States and of the State of Pennsylvania."
Thus it appears that the new committee, which does not seem re
markable for ability, instead of obtaining better, very gladly accepted
worse terms than those presented by the report of the first committee of
conference. It is proper to remark here, that they do not refer these
terms to the standing committee, which had ceased to exist; all they had
authority to do, was to request some favorable modification of the condi
tions proposed to the first committee. If they failed in this, the only
question that arose would be as to the fact of rejection or acceptance of
the propositions by the standing committee. On this question, we have
taken issue with the commissioners. We contend that the vote was a
sufficient acceptance — and there can be no question, but that the arrange
ment entered into with the new committee was totally unauthorized, and
cannot be regarded in the light of a compact, as in the case with the first
committee of conference. The following is the record of the new con
ference :
"At a conference between the commissioners from the United States and the
State of Pennsylvania, on the one part, and Messrs. Probst, Dickey, Nesbit, Mar
shall, PhiUips, M'Clelland, Wallace and Wilson, conferees, appointed by the stand
ing committee at Brownsville, (Redstone Old Fort,) ou the 28th and 29th days of
August, 1794, it was agreed, that the assurances required from the citizens in the
fourth survey of Pennsylvania, should be given in writing, and their sense ascer
tained in the following manner :
"That the citizens of the said survey, (Allegheny county excepted,) of the age
of eighteen years and upward, be required to assemble on Thursday, the 11th
instant, in their respective townships, at the usual place for holding township
meetings ; and that between the hours of twelve and seven, in the afternoon of
the same day, any two or more of the members of the meeting who assembled at
Parkinson's Ferry on the 14th ultimo, resident in the township, or a justice of
the peace of said township, do openly propose to the people assembled, the follow
ing questions, 'Do you now engage to submit to the laws of the United States, and

TERMS OF SUBMISSION. 237
that you will not hereafter, directly or indirectly, oppose the execution of the acts
for raising the revenue upon distUled spirits and stills T And do you also under
take to support, as far as the laws require, the civil authority in affording the
protection due to all officers and other citizens? Yea, or nay ? '
"That the said citizens, resident in .\llegheny county, shall meet in their respeo-
tive election districts on the said day, and proceed in the same manner aB% they
were assembled in townships.
"That a minute of the number of yeas and nays be made imniediately after as
certaining the same.
"That a written or printed declaration of such engagement be signed by aU
those who vote in the affirmative, of the foUcwing tenor, to wit :
'"I do solemnly* promise henceforth to submit to the laws of the United
States; that I wiU not, directly nor indirectly, oppose the execution of tbe acts
for raising a revenue on distilled spirits and stills ; and that 1 will support, as far
as the law requires, the civil authority in affording the protection due to aU
officers and other citizens.'
" This shaU be signed in the presence of the said members or justices of the
peace, attested by him or them, aud lodged in his or their hands.
" That the said persons, so proposing the questions stated as aforesaid, do as
semble at the respective county court houses, on the 13th inst., and do ascertain
and make report of the numbers of those who voted in the affirmative in the
respective townships or districts, and of the number of those who voted in the
seg&tive ; together vrith their opinion whether there be such a general submission
of the people in their respective counties, that an office of inspection may be im
mediately and safely estabUshed therein.
" That the said report, opinion and written or printed declarations, be trans
mitted to the commissioners, or any one of them, at Uniontown, on or before the
16th instant.
'•If the said assurances shall be bona fide given in the manner prescribed, the
commissioners on the port of the United States do promise and engage in the man
ner foUowing, to ¦wit :
"1. No prosecution for any treason or other indictable offense against the
Dtiited States, committed within the fourth survey of Pennsylvania, before the 22d
day of August last, shall be commenced or prosecuted before the 10th day of July
next, against any person who shall, within the time Umited, subscribe such as
surance and engagement as aforesaid, and perform the same.
"2. On the said 10th day of July next there shall be granted a general pardon
and obUvion of aU the said offenses, excluding therefrom, nevertheless, every per
son who shaU refuse or neglect to subscribe such assurance and engagement in
manner aforesaid, or shaU, after such subscription, violate the same, or wUlfuUy
obstruct or attempt to obstruct the execution of the said acts, or be aiding or
abetting therein.
"3. Congress having, by an act passed on the Sth day of June last, authorized
the State courts to take cognizance of offenses against the said acts for raising a
?This word, and "henceforth," being objected to, was omitted by consent of
the commissioners.

238 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
revenue upon distiUed spirits and stills, the President has determined that he will
direct suits against such delinquents to be prosecuted therein, if, upon experiment,
it be found that local prejudices or other causes do not obstruct the faithful ad
ministration of justice; but it is to be understood that of this he must be the
judge, and that he does not mean by this determination to impair any power vested
in the^xecutive of the United States.
" 4. Certain beneficial arrangements for adjusting the deUnquencies and prose
cutions for penalties now depending, shall be made and communicated by the
officers appointed to carry the said acts into execution. James Ross,
J. Teates,
Wm. Beadfoed.
"Signed, in behalf of the committee* representing the fourth survey of Penn
sylvania, unanimously by the members present — John Probst, Robert Dickey, John
Nesbit, David Philips, John Marshall, Samuel Wilson, George Wallace, John
M'CleUand. Pittsburgh, Sept. 2, 1794."
"We, the underwritten, do also promise, in behalf of the State of Pennsylvania,
that in case the assurances now proposed shaU be bona fide given and performed
until the 10th day of July next, an act of free and general pardon aud oblivion of
aU treasons, insurrections, arsons, riots, and other offenses inferior to riots, com
mitted, counseled, or suffered by any person or persons within the four western
counties of Pennsylvania, since the 14th day of July last past, so far as the same
concerns the said State, or the government thereof, shall be then granted ; exclud
ing therefrom every person who shall refuse or neglect to subscribe such assur
ance, or who shall after such subscription willfully violate or obstruct the laws of
the State or of the United States. Thomas M'Kean,
William Ievine.''
The proceedings in relation to the amnesty having been thus detailed,
the measures which were adopted by the commissioners will be considered
on the principles of justice and sound policy. There is no reason w^
these should not be the same as would govern other parties in their nego
tiations ; when the government condescends to negotiate at all, this must
be admitted. What was the question presented to the standing commit
tee, as a recognized body ? It was the adoption or rejection of the terms
of amnesty which the committee of conference had agreed to recommend
to the standing committee of sixty, and which they could not do unless
they were first approved by the conferees ; this must be implied without
any express declaration on their part to the commissioners. The con
ferees, it cannot be denied, fully complied with their engagements, by
urging the acceptance of the terms by every means in their power. These
*In behalf of a committee which had not authorized them, and which at the
time of signing had ceased to exist.

WERE THB TERMS FAIR? 239
terms formed a part of their report, in language that oould not be mis
taken, and the acceptance was certified by the chairman and secretary.
The mere phraseology, whether it be expressed in the simple words, " we
accept the terms proposed," or, " we consider it the interest of the country
to accept them," can make no difference — the meaning is the same.
On what grounds was the acceptance rejected by the commissioners?
First, that the resolution was not adopted by a sufficient majority, or by
unanimity, being only three-fifths in its favor ; and second, that the vote
was not open, or viva voce, but secret, by ballot ; and for that reason, not
a fair expression of the will of the voters. The answer to the first is, that
to expect absolute unanimity, as in the case of a Polish diet, was unrea
sonable, and contrary to all our republican ideas. Among freemen, where
diversity of opinion will prevail, it is next to impossible to obtain a unan
imous vote on any proposition whioh has been the subject of free discus
sion. And as to the vote by ballot, surely no one will contend that it is
not the most reliable mode of obtaining an expression of the unbiassed
will of the voter. No matter how the vote was taken, provided it was
free, and, in point of fact, was taken. There was no mode prescribed.
The commissioners, as one party, had nothing to do with the mode, but
only with the result. The mode was for the standing committee, and the
commissioners had no right to know what passed in it, what angry debates
tocA place, or what arguments were used, or who opposed, or who sus
tained the resolution. There was no agreement that the vote should be
taken viva voce, or be unanimous. There was none that the acceptance
should be in any set form of words, or in exact terms prescribed by the
commissioners. The recommendation to the people was the proper mode,
because the standing committee was only acting on delegated power from
the congress of delegates, who had the power to give the final decision,
although practically the vote of the standing committee would be regarded
as conclusive. That congress did actually assemble in two weeks after, and
unanimously ratified the resolution, and accepted the terms in the very
words a7id in the manner required by the commissioners 1
As to the violent debates in the committee, it could not be expected
that nothing but passive submission would be witnessed there ; and with
respect to the treasonable expressions said to have been uttered, this was
only imputable to one man ; and the Christian religion might as well be
rejected, because there happened to be a Judas among the Apostles.
During nearly ten hours the committee and outsiders listened to the
speeches of those who supported the government and urged submission,
and this without impatience or interruption, which surely ought to coun-

240 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
terbalance the intemperate language of a few speakers on the side of the
opposition. No one, except Bradford, rose to reply to Messrs. Bracken
ridge, Gallatin and Edgar. But the sudden and great revulsion which
took place the moment the vote was announced, not only with the com
mittee and circumstante corona, but throughout the country, ought to
have been known and weighed by the commissioners. From that moment,
it was evident to all that the insurrection was broken down ; and it be
came certain that the beautiful spectacle was about to be exhibited, of an
insurrection against the laws subdued by the moral power of the people
themselves, without the necessity of calling out the military force  a
spectacle a thousand times more interesting to humanity than the experi
ment whether there was sufficient energy in the government to subdue
them by the bayonet ! The additional reason given by the commission
ers, that there was danger of the rising of the people on the other side of
the mountains and in Maryland, (no doubt much exaggerated,) only goes
to prove that they themselves were not in a situation to judge coolly and
impartially. At this distance we can view all the circumstances with a
degree of coolness which no one was capable of at the time. Even the
two cotemporary writers, Mr. Brackenridge and William Findley, are
disposed to cast the censure on the standing committee rather than on the
commissioners; perhaps influenced by chagrin, or mortification at the un
reasonable difficulties made by the standing committee.
If the rejection of the vote of the standing committee by the commis
sioners, does not meet the approbation of the author of this work, still
less, on fair and just principles, can he approve of the substitute, requi
ring individual assurance, instead of the general one, by the whole coun
try in its collective or representative capacity. That substitute confounded
the innocent with the guilty — it was revolting to a man who was con
scious of having done his duty as a citizen, and on no occasion having
opposed the execution of the laws, to be required to make a declaration
which he felt as degrading, as publicly expressing repentance for a crime
which he never committed, and making a promise to refrain for the future
from the commission of acts which he never contemplated. It was like
the passing subjugum, or under the yoke, of the inhabitants of conquered
cities in ancient times. Besides, practically considered, it was impossible
for the whole population, in one day, even in separate districts, over an
extent half as large as the whole State, without allowance for sickness or
other causes which might prevent attendance, to comply with the terms
imposed. At least a week should have been allowed for signing. The
mode agreed upon on the part of the conference would have answered

INJUSTICE TO THB WESTERN PEOPLE. 241
every purpose — the plan of general submission, instead of the one requi
ring each individual to come in person to affix his name to a paper. There
was nothing to prevent the commissioners from presenting the question to
the congress of delegates, which could have been assembled in a week.
Again, there is a serious question to be answered — by what authority
was the arrangement made with the new committee ? The standing com
mittee, after adopting the report of the first conferees, appointed the new
committee for a specific purpose, and then adjourned without day, neither
requiring them to report to themselves nor to the congress at Parkinson's
Ferry. The duty of the new committee was to obtain, if possible, a pro
longation of time, to allow the people to become more fully impressed
with the necessity of submission, and to declare it through their dele
gates. This was perfectly compatible with the resolution declaring it to
be the interest ofthe people to accept the terms offered them by the com
missioners ; and if that request were refused, then the resolution still re
mained in force, notwithstanding the appointment of the new committee.
The new agreement, accepting new and less favorable terms, was a nullity;
they had no authority to set aside a benevolent stipulation, and accept in
its stead one of the most unjust and unreasonable.
In concluding this chapter, one observation ought to be made in justice
to the people of the western counties, then new and little better than a ¦
wilderness frontier, now populous enough to form a kingdom ; it is this .""-
with the exception of the riot at Neville's house, and some half dozen other
minor acts of violence over the whole extent of Western Pennsylvania during
four months, no serious outrages were committed on the property or person ^
of any individual. How different from the ruffianly acts of other coun
tries in such a state of anarchy ! The people, although legally wrong,
honestly believed they were morally right. The excise law was univer
sally odious ; the Legislature of the Stite had instructed their Senators to '
exert themselves for its repeal, and the State Executive had protested
against it in strong language. It was acknowledged by the Federal gov
ernment that it required amendments to satisfy well grounded causes of
complaint, and some additional modifications were stipulated by the com
missioners, as far as they had authority to do so. The western people
were, without mitigation, stigmatized as insurgents, and their acts asso
ciated, in the minds of many, (and continue to be at this day,) with those
of thieves, incendiaries and outlaws — not murderers, for not a drop of
blood was shed by them during the whole period, although the lives of
some of them were sacrificed. Without attempting to justify their un
lawful acts, still, in order to do justice to them, their motives, as well as

242 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
their general conduct, should be taken into consideration. But whatever
may be said, by way of apology or palliation, it was not the less obligatory
to maintain the supremacy of the law, and crush all opposition to the law
ful authority. It was the duty of the good citizen to submit to the evils
of the law until, in the proper way and at the proper time, they could be
removed, there being no evil greater than anarchy and insubordination.
Hitherto but one side, and that the unfavorable side, as respects the in
surgents, has been given by historians and public functionaries There is
another side, and it is that of the conduct of the government agents to
\the western people, in the pretended suppression, by military force, of an
insurrection already suppressed by themselves. In doing this, there was
a hundred times more gross violation of law — more cruel injustice — more
wanton, ruffianly acts, than were committed by the insurgents, and this
without provocation. These outrages have hitherto been passed over al
most in silence; but, if it be a duty to record and pronounce sentence of
condemnation on the opposition to law and order, as a warning in future,
it is not less so to hold up to just reprobation the cruel, wanton and op
pressive of those government subordinates.* All this would have been
avoided by a simple proclamation of amnesty to the whole country, as at
first proposed, by the commissioners, under the instructions of Washing
ton, agreed to by the first committee of conference, and, as we contend,
sufficiently ratified by the standing committee. Reason, gratitude, inter
est — every consideration in this case, would have shed their benign influ
ence over a well-meaning, but erring people. The march of an army of fif
teen thoiisan3"men, at a greater expense than the whole whiskey tax ever
yielded — a tax which, after the trial of a few years, was repealed — would
not have taken place, to subdue a portion of our own fellow-citizens; and
the historian would not have had to record this unfortunate episode in
our national history.
* Macaulay, in his recent volumes of the History of England, has been justly
censured for his leniency to William, on the subject of the massacre of Glencoe.
The difference in that case and the present, is, that William did not forbid the act,
while, in the case of the arrests of the "dreadful night," they were in plain disregard
of the orders of Washington. The perpetrators were not called to account, because
the victims were outlawed in public opinion by having the epithet of insurgents
applied to them. For that reason it becomes the more urgent duty of the histo
rian to do them justice.

BBPOBT OF UNITED STATES COMMISSIONER.

243

NOTES TO CHAPTEE IX.

gxtratt from ii» Report of tie United
Sfitt Comamtioner* to tie SxeaUise.
" The hopes exerted by the favorable
issue of thb eonference, [tie Jirst eoit-
ferenei,'\ were not realiied by a cor-
T^pondent conduct in the cltiiens who
composed what 'was caUed the 'standing
committee.' They assembled at Browns-
Tille, (Redstone Old Fort,) on the 28th j
of August, and broke np on the 29th, and {
on the foUo'wing day a letter was rec^ved .
from Edward Cook, their chairman, an
nouncing that difficulties had arisen, and
that a new eommittee of conference 'was j
appointed ; and although tie resolve
rJUdl it iereto annexed was passed, it did !
not appear that the assurances of snb-
nisaon which had been demanded had
bera ^ven.
"The underwritten were informed by
several of the members of that meeting,
as weU as other citiiens who were present
at it, that the report of the comniittee
of aonference,* and the proposals of the
Gommisaoners were unfavorably recav-
ed ; liat rtbeUion and hostile rtsixtmux lo
fie United Suites were pabUcly recom
mended by some of the members, [bt/
Braird onlg,'} and that so excessiTe a
spirit pievaQed that it was not thought
proper or safe to urge a compliance with
the terms and preliminaries prescribed
by the underwritten, or the commission
ers from the govemment of Pennsyl
vania. [TMs Kut done bg Gallatin, Braek-
aridge and Edgar.'] All that could be
obtained, -was the resolve already men
tioned, the qn^tioa upon it being deci
ded by baBot; by wMch means eaeh num-
*Tbxtis,0>ejjaetwUhoppttsaiOM: Sottaas's
Biji <tf the auraesl subpart thej received, or tbe
address^ of Mesia. Gallatiii, BrndEeoiidge and
Mgar. b this ftir?

6«r had an cj^rtunity of eoneealing his
opinion, and of sheUaing iinudffrom tie
resentment oftiosefrom viom violence was
appreiended. [A eery strange objection. '^
Bat notwithstanding this caution, the
opinion 'was for from being unanimous,
[teas this reasonaitef] that out of fifty-
seven votes there were twenty-three
nays, leaving a m^ority of only eleven ;
and the commissioners have been re
peatedly assured by different members
of that meeting, that if the question had
been publicly put, it would have been
carried in the negative by a con^derable
msaority.* "With a, -riew of counteracting the
acts and influence of the violent, the
underwritten on the 27 th of August ad
dressed a letter to the late conferees,
authorizing them to assure the friends of
order, who might be disposed to exert
themselves to restore the authority of
the laws, that they might rely npon the
protection of government, and that mea
sures irould bt taken to suppress and pun
ish the violence of those individualt teio
might dissent from the generai sentiment*.
[ Where iros tie protection of govemment
at iha: raoment f And what uioald lie the
effect of sudi a threat f This is most
as'.onisiing ! '\ This letter was deUvered
to one of the conferees going to Browns
viUe; but he afterward informed the
onderwritten, that the gentleman to
«How does it ^pear that the ^r^olTe^ vaf not
parsed by an nnanimoaa vote ? The &ct is not ex-
{H^^Bly oomnHQiicaied by the rfi«ir™n|Y — it most
have reached the oommissioners ^m other sour
ces — hnt there is reason bo beUeve that tbe "ze-
scdve^^ ivas not pased on tbe bd&at vote alone, bat
aftervaid latided in tbe afiiaiMOn, when that ter
the appointmeJit of a new committee vras passed,
and -rhicb takes it fiir planted that sabmisaon
to.

244

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

whom it was addressed, did not 'think it
prudent to make use of it,' as the temper
which prevailed was such that it would
probably have done more harm than
good. [Most certainly — where would have
been the freedom of deliberation, with such
a threat suspended over them ? Any man
of spirit would have regarded it as a gross
insult.'] "The conduct of the meeting at
Brownsville, notwithstanding the thin
veil thrown over it, by the resolve already
mentioned, was said to be considered by
many, and especially by the violent party,
as a rejection of the terms. [This is
strangely incorrect. The propriety, the
necessity of submission, the great question
to be decided, was never called in question
after that resolve. Every subsequent act
of ihe people took this question as settled]
It was certainly a partial rejection of
those proposed by the commissioners,
who had acquired assurances from the
members of that meeting only, and not
from the people themselves. [And was
not this assurance given by the members of
ihe meeting, by the acceptance qf the report,
in the most comprehensive terms, and with
out attaching any condition? It is true,
they asked for some modification of ihe
terms after accepting them, but this was a
matter of favor, which, if not granted,
left the matter where it was ai the adoption
of the resolve. The subsequent acts of ihe
people, in their delegations as well as mass
meetings, prove their determination to sub
mit, although many of them objected to ihe
mode of exacting that submission, which no
reasonable man at ihis day can defend."]
"Having, therefore, no longer any
hope of an universal or even general
submission, it was deemed necessary by
a solemn appeal to the people to ascer
tain as nearly as possible the determina
tion of every individual; [this unwise
determination, and unjust, more than un
wise, has been already discussed;] to en

courage and oblige the friends of order
to declare themselves ; to recall as many
as possible of the disaffected to their
duty, by assurances of pardon, dependent
on their individual conduct ; and to learn
with certainty what opposition the govern
ment might expect, if military coercion
should be unavoidable. [The best course
would have been, immediately after the
Brownsville meeting, to have recommended
a general and universal amnesty. It would
have had the effect of magic, and all op
position would have ended — e^ery one would
have vied in the emulation to display their
loyalty — ihe standing committee having
voted to submit, no opposition could have
been expected.]
" To secure these advantages, the
underwritten were of opinion that the
assurances of submission required of the
people, should not only be publicly given,
but ought also to be reduced to writing ;
and that the state of each county should
be certified by those who were to super
intend the meetings at whioh the dis
position of the people was to -be ascer
tained. "Ou the 1st instant, nine of the gen
tlemen [new committee of conference,] ap
pointed by the meeting at BrownsviUe,
assembled at Pittsburgh, and in the
afternoon required a conference with the
commissioners, which was agreed to.
They produced the resolves by which
they were appointed, and entered into
some explanation of the nature of their
visit ; but being desired to communicate
in writing, they withdrew, and soon after
sent a letter addressed to the commis
sioners of the United States and of the
State of Pennsylvania, to which an
answer waa immediately written.
"As no part of their letter, although
addressed to the commissioners of Penn
sylvania, related to the preUminariea
presented by them, they mode no answer
in writing ; but in a con£ar«noe held the

REPORT OF THB UNITED STATES COMMISSIONERS.

246

neit morning with those nine gentlemen, I standing eommittee and among the people,
they verbally declared to them their entire for we say again, the only question now

concurrence in ihe sentiments contained in
the letter from the underwritten ; and they
expressed at some length their surprise
and regret at the meeting at Browns
ville. The conference declared them
selves satisfied with the answer they had
received ; avowed an entire conviction of
the necessity and propriety of an early
submission in the manner proposed; and
offered immediately to enter into the
detail for eettUng the time, place and
manner of taking the sense of the peo
ple." The whole of the letter of the com
missioners, or rather report, wiU be
given in the appendix to this work,* and
will afford a practical commentary on
the working of the plan devised by them.
It will prove that the plan was in fault,
and not the disposition of the people to
submit. This second committee not only
went farther thau the first in willingness
to submit, but were willing to accept any
terms offered by the commissioners. Can
it be inferred from the appointment of
such a committee, that the standing
committee were less disposed to submit
after, than before the passage of their
resolution! If it proves any thing, it
proves that somehow or other, a very
great change had taJcen place both in the
•Omitted.

was as to the time and mode of submis
sion ; and we think it will be seen, that
with some few exceptions of no impor
tance, this was the only difficulty. We
repeat, that a general proclamation of
amnesty, as agreed on with the first con
ferees, would have produced an universal
acquiescence, according to the wish of the
commissioners. The majority of the peo
ple would have echoed the majority of
the committee, (as in fact it did,) and
that majority would have gone ou in
creasing, until all appearance of opposi
tion would have ceased. That there
should have been, at first, some partial
display of opposition after the resolve,
was to be expected; it was not in human
nature for perfect quiet to be instantly
restored among a free people; the dead
calm of despotism ought not to have
been required, instead of the gradual
subsiding of the billows after the storm.
The writer feels great reluctance in ex
pressing these sentiments, but the justice
and truth of history deraand a fearless
and unbiassed judgment, without regard
to the authority of great names — and
that judgment supported only by the
weight of reason. To this decision we
refer the reader, without arrogance on
the one hand, or affected humility on the
other.
17

CHAPTER X.
EBLDOTANCE OF THE PEOPLE TO SIGN THE SUfiMISSION  MEETINO OF THE COKOEESS
OF DELEGATES, AND A GENERAL SUBMISSION.
As had been foreseen, the plan of submission proposed by the commis
sioners would be very reluctantly acceded to by the people. The objec
tions suggested, not only as to the manner, but the time allowed, were
fully sustained by the event. The 5th of September was the day ap
pointed for the whole extent of the four western counties, including Bed
ford, lying partly within the mountains, the whole equal in extent to three
or four of the New England States. Although the two cotemporary histo
rians pass no censure on the motives of the commissioners, in thus unin
tentionally defeating the benevolent design of Washington, yet they un
qualifiedly disapproved of their plan. They supposed, however, that they
could not act otherwise, in the circumstances in which they were placed,
and they conceived themselves to be acting in conformity to the spirit and
letter of their instructions. Findley is of opinion, that as their own pow
ers terminated the day after that appointed for the submission, they could
not affi)rd longer time to the people ; but it does not seem that this would
have been any very great stretch of authority. There was certainly too
much haste in. a matter of such importance. The report of the commis
sioners to the Executive was evidently written in the midst of much ex
citement, occasioned by the prevailing temper of the people ; nor could
they foresee the change which a few weeks, or even days, would produce
in their minds. Findley is more full on these topics than Brackenridge,
having written a year afterward, with the advantage of facts subsequently
brought to light, and at the same time of more mature deliberation. The
views presented by the commissioners, given in this hurried manner, are
therefore to be received with caution, as well as allowance.
The test to be subscribed, by each individual, in the presence of two
members of the standing committee, or a justice of the peace, was as fol
lows: " I do solemnly promise, hereafter to submit to the laws of the United
States, and that I will not, directly or indirectly, oppose the execution of

PRACTICAL OPERATION OF THE TEST. 247
the act for raising revenue on distilled spirits and stills ; and that I will
support, as far us the law requires, the civil authority in affording the pro
tection to all officers and other citizens."
The test, which was regarded as a nauseous dose as soon as made pub
lic, was not printed until tho 4th df !-!eptumber — having been agreed
to by tho new conferees two days before — and was not generally circu
lated until after the 4th, when the conferees left Pittsburgh. But six
days were therefore allowed for tho distribution of the papers over tho
extensive rcf^iou before mentioned, containing a very ,<-'c;ittcrod people,
and possessing imperfect raeans of intercommunication. It wiis soon dis
covered that the word solemnly was objected to by relij.'ious people, as
equivalent to an oath ; and tho commissioners, in consequence, gave notice
in the Pittsburgh Gir.cltv, the only paper then printed in the western coun
ties, that it might bo omitted ; but this reached few of the districts in
time. With the peculiar views of the rit;;iJ Presbyterians, much import
ance would be attached to the use of such words. It was also thought by
other conscientious persons, that tho word henaforth implied that hereto
fore they had committed acts in violation of law and hostile to the gov
ernment, and which they denied to be tho fact. Many of those who had
taken the extreme caution to remain quietly at their homes, and had ab
stained frora attendance at any of the meetings, of whatever description,
were unwilling to attend those appointed by the commissioners, and there
was not time to enlighten them on the subject. Some, in remote districts,
received no notice at all ; but the greater number of those who would not
attend, were influenced by a mistaken but honest opinion, that the signing
the submission would carry with it tho acknowledgment that they had
committed some act which required this evidence of repentance ^ and
being conscious of having done nothing in violation of the laws, they
thought they could not, on principle, make such an. unjust, self-accusing
confession. These wore honest scruples, and entitled to respect, but un
foreseen by the commissioners, and ultimately proved the whole plan to
be radically defective. In fact, the people generally, in the rural dis
tricts, when they attended, had no opportunity of reading and examining
the test (or whatever it might be called,) until the moment of their coming
together; there was, of course, but little opportunity amid the confusion
for the more intelligent to make the necessary explanation. Some had
objected to the words directly or indirectly, which they construed to ex
tend even to tho right of petition for repeal; others, on being bettor
informed of tho nature of tho test, becarae solicitous the next day to sign,
and even followed those who had the papers, in order to obtain permission

248 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
to write down their names. All these things serve to prove the necessity
of a lono-er time; and to this cause may be attributed the want of a more
general acquiescence, rather than to the fear of the violent, which ope
rated to a much less extent than was represented at the time. It was not
reasonable to expect that an uninformed people, unless slavishly indiffer
ent to their rights, or basely submissive, could, in so short a time, make
up their minds to subscribe a new test of allegiance, mixed up with what
appeared to be confessions of guilt, when they were conscious of innocence.
On the other hand, there were, in many districts, persons who hang
loosely on society, and who take advantage of such occasions to show their
power over the more respectable people by exciting terror and alarm. It
is a fact, that on the withdrawal of the army after the insurrection, it was
chiefiy among persons of that class that enlistments were made of the
standing force, kept up for some time, to overawe the insurrectionary
propensity which might still exist, and for which these very people had
been most conspicuous. The distrust which had been engendered, espe
cially by the anonymous threats of " Tom the Tinker," and the shortness
of time, prevented the well disposed from coming to proper understanding
with each other. The lawless conduct alluded to, occurred in some small
districts where no excesses had been previously committed. In two or
three instances the papers were seized and torn up, and in one place the
papers were saved by concealing the genuine document and giving up a
copy. Although such ruffians formed but a small proportion of those
assembled, yet, says Findley, "desperation and threats of burning supplied
the place of numbers, and it was not thought prudent on that day to put
the law in execution, as the country districts did not know the situation
and feelings of the county towns, or whether the attempt to arrest and
take to prison might not lead to further riots." It is to be feared that
there is no state of society in which characters of this description will not
be found ; and who, during this partial condition of anarchy, will not be
drawn forth by the spirit of mischief to take revenge for their insignifi
cance in a settled state of things, and where they are made to feel that con
tempt which their worthlessness entails. " The result," says Findley, "was,
that out of about forty diflerent places of meeting, at only two of them were
the papers destroyed by a desperate banditti. One of these was at a place
where the people who needed the amnesty were numerous ; the other was
that in which I reside, where very few had been guilty of any excesses.
At one place in Allegheny county, the signing was prevented by violence,
or terror, where it was the interest of many to subscribe ; at a few other
places the subscribing was accomplished with difficulty. Nevertheless,

FAYETTE COUNTY REFUSED TO SIGN. 249
those who had been deeply engaged in the excesses, signed, with the ex
ception of a few of the most ignorant aud obstinate. There were some,
indeed, who had dared to engage in the greatest outrages, who had not
courage to subscribe from fear of their own safety, lest they should be
considered as deserters." Thus it would appear, that the fear of public
opinion among themselves was even greater than that of the threatened
march of an army.
In some of the townships on the frontier, even those who attended re
fused to sign, because there were none among them who had given ofi'ense
or were opposed to the excise law. They probably had no stills ; it was
only in the older and more wealthy settlements that the business of dis
tilling was connected with farming. These poor, out of the way settlers,
more hunters than agriculturists, took ofi'ense at the very idea of being
called upon to sign a paper of submission. Some districts in the upper
part of Washington county were not even notified. In fact, the people
around the whole frontier were very little implicated in the disturbances,
and scarcely knew of them until called upon to send delegates to Parkin
son's Ferry for the purpose of restoring order ; and they contributed every
thing in their power to that desirable end, until called upon to sign the
submission, when their answer was, " Let those sign in the places where
they have been involved ; we have had nothing to do with it." They had
not only behaved well, but from some places, had actually tendered their
services to General Wilkins to assist in quelling the insurgents.
But the county of Fayette furnished the most remarkable illustration.
Not more than fifteen persons of the county were at Braddock's Field,
and those from patriotic motives ; not one had been in any of the riots ;
and having made no opposition to the service of process, but on the con
trary, having employed counsel to defend the suits — their delegates
having exerted themselves to restore order — they could not com
prehend the necessity of the form of individual submission, which to
them appeared to confound the innocent with the guilty. The whole
county, therefore, rejected the terms of submission; but in order to
show that this was not done through any hostile feeling to the govern
ment, they pursued a course of their own, and at a meeting of delegates
from the different townships, those delegates unanimously agreed to sub
mit to the laws of the United States, and of Pennsylvania, and not to
oppose, directly or indirectly, the laws for raising revenue on distilled
spirits and stills. They further called on the people in their election dis
tricts to declare their submission to the laws. Many declined to attend,
especially in those districts whioh were remote from the scene of

250 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
the disturbances. Our later experience proves how small a proportion
usually attend these special or irregular meetings, for vague purposes ; but
of those who did attend, five hundred and eighty voted for submission,
and two hundred and eighty against, and most of these, in all probability,
from misapprehension. When the army, and the United States Judge,
afterward came to the county, but one arrest was made, and that of an
innocent man, who had been out of the State during the disturbance. Can
there be a greater proof than this, that the course adopted by the com
missioners, to say the least, was ill-advised ? And were they not in error
in representing the whole of the western counties in a state of open oppo
sition to the government, which nothing but an army could put down ?
In Westmoreland county not a single arrest was made. The whole opposi
tion was confined to parts of Allegheny and Washington counties, and in
only two townships were the people forcibly prevented from signing. But
it must be admitted, that this state of things could not have been so well
known to the commissioners at the time they left the county, and there
can be no doubt that they were under a mistaken impression as to the
extent and depth of the opposition to the laws when they prepared their
report. And yet it is highly probable that in the excited state of the
people against the excise law, if some act of more than ordinary atrocity,
such as the burning the town of Pittsburgh, had been perpetrated, and
no check given to the insurrectionary spirit by the delegation at Parkin
son's Ferry and the committee at Brownsville, after the conference with
the United States commissioners, followed by the offer of amnesty, the
whole of the western counties would have been ultimately involved, as
in the late Revolutionary war. Bradford had been twice thwarted in his
attempt to raise the standard of rebellion, and who can tell what would
have been the consequence if he had not been defeated ? If Pittsburgh
had been burned and plundered, and the war measures of Bradford had
been carried at the Parkinson's Ferry meeting, there is reason to believe
that the flame would have spread every where, and the peaceful and well-
disposed either drawn into the vortex, or compelled to fly the country.
These reflections will enable us to appreciate the merit of the suggestion
of the amnesty, the dextrous management of the delegates, and the pow
erful efforts of Messrs. Brackenridge and Gallatin at the Brownsville meet
ing of the standing committee. Blessed are the peace-makers, and happy
is the people which possesses within itself the moral energy to restrain
its own destructive passions !
If there was a portion of the ignorant and reckless among the western
people, perhaps some of the dregs of the Eevolutionary war, there was a

THB RESTORATION OF ORDER. 261
much larger one composed of the intelligent and patriotic. The county
towns contained men of distinguished abilities and patriotism, and there
were many officers and soldiers who had secured homes for themselves, as
cultivators of the soil, in the beautiful region round the sources of the
Ohio. In the narrative cf the events of the insurrection, although on a
scale comparatively limited, we have all these classes of people exhibited
hefore us on a moving panorama. The transactions of men furnish the
great lessons of history, whether they relate to the events of mighty em
pires or small communities, although from habit we regard the latter of
less importance. There is the peculiarity of the people of whom we have
been speaking, which may be characterized as American, and having its
origin in the spirit of freedom ; and it is this, their conduct, in the ab
sence of all restraints or coercion, but only that of their own sense of
right and wrong, is strikingly contrasted with that of the ruffian, ferocious
mobs of enslaved countries. We might enlarge upon this subject, but
we leave it to the reflections of the unprejudiced reader — we say unpre
judiced, hecause there is even at this day an astonishing amount of pre
judice against the villainous insurgents.
The restoration of order among the great body of the people, com
menced with the known result of the conference with the commissioners,
although the reign of terror, if the term in a comparative sense be ap
plied, did not cease at once. The courts were opened by Judge Addison,
the district judge, and not the slightest resistance was shown to the civil
authority. Bills of indictment were found against those who had insulted
the commissioners, by riotously and routously raising a liberty pole in
front of their lodgings in Pittsburgh, and for breaking some of the win
dows of their hotel in Greensburg, acts highly disapproved by publio opin
ion. Any offender could at this time have been arrested and brought
before a justice of the peace. This even before the decisive vote in the
standing committee at Brownsville — but after that time, when a majority
of more than two-thirds were in favor of submission, and after the second
eommittee had accepted worse terms than those granted to the flrst, the
opposition had died away to nothing, or was confined to a few of that lowest
class of desperate characters, who were afraid that their conduct had been
too bad to be covered by any act of oblivion. The opposirion among all
other classes subsided so rapidly and completely, that Sheriff Hamilton, of
Washington county, and a part of whose regiment, without his consent,
had been engaged in burning Neville's house, offered with twenty men
to arrest any man, or set of men, in the western counties, on legal process.
Great praise is due to those individuals who exerted themselves to induce

252 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
the people to sign the submission. In this work the clergy were conspic
uous, and they are never more in the line of their duty than when coun
seling obedience to the laws and government. The Rev. John M'MiUan,
of Washington connty, and the Rev. Mr. Porter, of Westmoreland coun
ty, very influential clergymen, exerted themselves with their congregations,
and elsewhere, with much effect. General Wilkins, at the time of the
insurrection the most popular man west of the mountains, organized an
association for the purpose of enlightening and persuading the people
with respect to their interests, and their duty on the occasion. Many
other patriotic individuals rode from district to district for this laudable
purpose. Mr. Brackenridge attended four districts during the day, and
did not reach home until after midnight. He consequently had no op
portunity of signing until next morning. His enemies afterward attempt
ed to deprive him of the benefit of the amnesty, at least so far aa to sub
ject him to arrest, because while engaged in persuading others to sign, hia
own name was not affixed until a few hours after the expiration of the
time. The discovery was made after the arrival of the army, by some
good natured friends, who wished to curry favor with those who ruled the
hour, and would have shamefully abused their power if they had had their
will. Even the violence displayed in a few districts contributed to the reac
tion which had commenced throughout the country. This is evident
from the numerous facts related by the author of the " Incidenta," who
entertained, however, a more favorable opinion of the disposition to submit
than did Findley, although equally confident that nothing but time was
wanting, at most a short delay, to bring about universal acquiescence.
This difference in opinion, I attribute to the fact of the former re.siding
nearer, or rather in the midst of the scenes described by him. The courts
had been held by Judge Addison, at Pittsburgh, Greensburg and Wash
ington, where he delivered charges on the subject ofthe recent violations of
law, which would not have been attempted only two weeks before. War
rants had been issued against Miller and others, who had been engaged in
the riots but who had already fled the country. Mr. Brackenridge is of
opinion that no more effectual method could have been taken to satisfy
the government of the return to order, than the arrest at this time of
some notorious offender, and sending him to Philadelphia. At Washing
ton, there was a meeting on the 17th of September, of township delegates,
for the purpose of expressing their willingness to submit. Mr. Bracken
ridge, who happened to be there, proposed calling a meeting of the
original delegates to Parkinson's Ferry, which was agreed to, and he was

MEBTINS OF THB DBLBQATES. 253
requested to insert a notification to that efi'ect in the Pittsburgh Gazette,
vhieh he did.* A number of persons who had not signed after the day,
eoasnlted him on the sabject, and were ad'vised to continue to sign, as in
bis opinion the case would be liberally considered by the President, where
there had been no opportaoity to eign, or forcible interference had
prevented. In the public notice all magistrates were requested to bring
in papers of ^dnnission, that they might be forwarded to the Execntive.f
The del^rates of townships met on the 2d of October, the day ap-
pmated, and without opposition passed the following resolutions :
"1. Sesolred, unanimously. That it is the opimon of this meeting that if the
siguture to the submission be not universal, it is not so much owing to any exist
ing di^iasition to oppose the laws, as to a want of time and information to operate
a correspondent soitiment ; and with respect to the greatest number, a prevailing
eansciousness of their having had no concern in any outrage, and au idea that their
signature would imply a sense of gmlt."
2. The second resolution was an assurance of submission in the very
wards required by the commissioners of the conferees.
^ "At a meeting of a condderable number of the inhabitants of Washington and
otiier eonnties, on the west of the mountains, the present state of the coimtry, with
lespeet to the late distnrbanoes, 'was taken into eonsideration; and from comparing
iafennation it appealed to them that the country was progressing, if not in fact
vfcoUy SRived at a state of general sabmission to the laws ; so as to render it un
necessary for any advance of force, on the part of the government, for the pur
pose of assisting the civil authority in suppressing the insurrection and preserving
file peace ; and that measures oaght to be taken, as speedily as may be, to com-
monicate information of this favorable state of things to the government.
"Besotted, That a meeting of the delegates of townships of the 14th of August,
at Parkinson's Ferry, be called to convene at the same place, on Thursday next,
the -d of October, to take the above into con^deration. And as it is of great
noment, the delegates are requested to be punctual in their attendance, and at an
euly hour that day.
"And it is recommended that all justices of the peace, and members of the
eoamittee, obtain and bring forward all signatures of the declaration of submis-
sioii that may be taken, in order to lay them before the meeting, and forward to
the government, 'witii such address or sach commissioneis, on the part of the
coimtry, as may be thought advisable."
f Dr. Camahan states, (141) "All the commissioners had returned to Philadd-
pUa, except James Bo^ who remained to carry the signatures to the government.
Two scoundrels, who, armed -with rifles, had prevented their neighbors from dgn-
ing, foUowed Mr. Bos a day's journey, pving out when they left home, that tiiey
were going to take the papers firom him; bnt when they overtook him, they
begged him to carry their names to the President as submissive citiiens. Brad-
ftnd and MarshaU agned on flie day appointed. Bradford made a long speech,
and exhorted the people to submit, putting his own sabmission on the ground that
he was deserted by others."

254 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
3. The third resolution was to appoint William Findley and David
Reddick, on the part of the meeting, as commissioners to the President,
and to give this assurance of submission, and to explain circumstantially
the state of the country, in order to enable him to judge whether an
armed force would be necessary to support the civil authority in the
western counties.
Bradford and Marshall had attended the meeting — but how changed
from what they were in the same body less than one month before ! The
former, particularly, was much crestfallen, and had become the most hum
ble in suing for peace. He denied that he had deserted the cause — ^it
was the people who had deserted him !
If the assurances required of the standing committee were considered
sufficient by the commissioners to found the general amnesty, much more
the unanimous declaration of the whole body, of which that committee
was a part ! Here was the unanimity which was required of the committee ;
here was a viva voce confession of that unanimity, and 'without any oppo
sition ! Why, then, was not this deemed sufficient to arrest the march of
the army ? Without adopting the harsh opinions of Findley, with respect
to the supposed policy of the Secretary of the Treasury, or attributing too
much to the misconceptions occasioned by the erroneous representations
of the banished persons, we may be allowed to say, that if these assurances
would have sufficed before the army was ordered to march — these, with
the actual fact of the complete submission of the whole country, ought to
have arrested the march afterward. While the government agents care
fully collect and magnify every act of irregularity before and after the
last meeting of the representatives of the people, these great and promi
nent evidences are carefully passed over in silence ! Nothing is ever said
in those histories which condemn the insurgents, respecting the unani
mous vote of the congress of the 2d of October ! The conclusion is
irresistible, that the march of the army was not to put down an insurrec-'
tion which no longer existed — or military combinations, as it was express
ed, which did not exist at that time, and what is more, never had existed.
Was it for the sake of vengeance for the past, or for the purpose of dis
playing the power of the new government to put down insurrection in
future ? Is not such action more in accordance with despotic power than
with republican institutions ? The whole truth has not been told so as to
do justice to the western people. A single regiment — a mere escort of
cavalry, would have been as effectual as the march of fifteen thousand
men, which might indeed have been mustered and held in readiness, but
only moved when strong necessity called for it ?
Mr. Brackenridge, and his colleague General Wilkins, at first entertained

MEETING OF THE SECOND OF OCTOBER. 255
some fears that the assurances, although representing the true state of the
country, were, perhaps, too strongly expressed, and therefore might pos
sibly deceive the government ; but in a very short time their fears were
removed. Judge Addison, who acted as secretary, declared himself per
fectly satisfied as to the three counties in which he had lately held his
courts, Westmoreland, Fayette and Washington, and the Allegheny coun
ty delegates vouched for the good disposition of that county ; the others
were willing to place confidenee in the representation which the persons
chosen as delegates might make to the President. This was the last
time that Mr. Brackenridge took part in the transactions growing out of
the insurrection, excepting in his own immediate neighborhood.* It
was not long before he was subjected to persecutions, as the only reward
of his important services, his enemies having succeeded in establishing
the most unjust impressions in the minds of the government agents, which
like other prejudices, when once fairly rooted, can never be entirely erad
icated. This will appear in the further progress of this history, and
may well excite the surprise of the reader.
Previous to the second assemblage of the congress of delegates at Park
inson's Ferr}', the following resolutions were passed at a town meeting in
Pittsburgh, for the purpose of considering the proscription of certain cit
izens, during the late disturbances, in which necessity and policy led to
a temporary acquiescence on the part of the town, it was unanimously
resolved, '• that the said citizens were unjustly expelled, and the said pro
scriptions are no longer regarded by the inhabitants of the town of Pitts
burgh, and that this resolution be published for the purpose of commu
nicating these sentiments to those who were the subjects of the said pro
scriptions." With the last meeting of delegates, the flame of insurrection was en
tirely extinguished, and not a spark remained. Individuals who had
been the most violent, became the most submissive. There were, doubt
less, many on whom fear operated more than patriotism, but the result
was the same, or even more complete. It is very possible that the effect
* "Bradford nominated John Cannon to the chair; who took it. It struck
Judge Addison and others as improper. Col. Cannon having been the chairman of
a former obnoxious committee at Pittsburgh, and also deeply involved in the late
outrages ; and it would be no good symptom to the President, that we had made
him chairman on the occasion. This was hinted to Col. Cannon himself, and
pressed with all possible delicacy ; but Bradford insisted on his keeping his chair,
and Cannon himself was tenacious of it. However, iu making out our report, we
kept his name out of view, and made no mention of a chairman at all." — Inci
dents, vol. ii. 32.

256 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
of calling out the military, and the preparations of the government,
lent their aid ; but the submission of the people began before the army
was embodied, and influenced by motives which would have rendered any
further resort to it unnecessary. It was the majority declaring itself at
Brownsville, on the 2d of September, which settled the question, and
not the fear of military coercion ! The war fever was then at its crisis,
and the prevailing temper was to set the army at defiance, and in all
probability it would have been done, if the all-important discovery had
not been made, that the warlike portion was in a decided minority. The
minority found itself without support from the people, and their cause
hopeless. The magic of majorities is well known to our republican expe
rience, and is familiar to every American. In this country the majority,
in other words, public opinion, is the ruling power ; and it is as difficult to
contend against it, as against royalty, and military force under despotisms.
It is one of the imperfections of human contrivances, that this power, so
favorable to liberty, may also be brought to bear in a despotic manner, on
the rights and privileges of individuals.
In a publication called " Olden Time," by Neville B. Craig, the author
of " The History of Pittsburgh," we find a letter from his father. Major
Craig, to Neville, dated Pittsburgh, 26th September, 1794:
" The leaders of the insurrection are now endeavoring by a new finesse
to lull government by a representation that the country is in a state of
peace and submission to the laws, and that the interference of an armed
force is altogether an unnecessary expense, and therefore they request
that the army may not proceed any farther. I hope this representation
may be treated with that degree of contempt it so justly merits; for not
withstanding a few have taken the benefit of the amnesty offered by the
commissioners, yet several of them immediately after openly declared that
no excise man shall exist in this country. This you may be assured is
the general disposition of the people ; indeed it is evident from what we
daily hear and see, that the weight of the Executive armament must be
sensibly felt in this country before any law of the United States can be
enforced." The foregoing is a sample of those misrepresentations, chiefly traceable
to the "Neville connection," by which the government was deceived.
The reader who has followed our narrative, can scarcely suppose it possi
ble that there could be such a perversion of the truth ; but it will not so
much surprise him, when he considers that it proceeds from the same per
son who represented the citizens of Pittsburgh as all insurgents, except
ing a certain Thomas Baird, a blacksmith in the employment of the

MAJOR Craig's dragooning letter. 257
Quarter-Master, and James Robinson.* It is only a bolder flight of fancy
to embrace the whole western country, and all its most patriotic citizens,
in one compendious libel. There is scarcely a word of truth in the letter;
and yet it, no doubt, had a pernicious influence, when backed by the
other members of the Neville connection, on the spot. Who were those
leaders of the insurrection "endeavoring by a new finesse to lull the
government?" The insurrection at that time had no leaders, and there
was nobody to be led. A more false and unprincipled misrepresent
ation can with difficulty be found in the history of any community, and
especially in the atrocious design to induce the government to send a
force to dragoon the people into submission, when there was not a show
of resistance anywhere; and when every patriotic citizen — every good
man in the country, was endeavoring to prevent this calamity 1 It would
not be stretching presumption too far to ascribe the most malignant mo
tives to such acts — the desire of revenge on the community which held
the writer in little respect, and of malice toward individuals against whom
he entertained a personal enmity, or who refused allegiance to the Neville
connection, which to the narrow mind of the writer was almost as great a
crime as that of treason to the government ! It is scarcely possible to speak
too severely of one who could write such a letter. The Major was not a
bad man in private life, but ignorant and circumscribed in his views, and
capable of doing much more mischief than persons of higher intellect.
The " leaders of the insurrection," in his mind, were not Bradford and
Marshall, but Gallatin, Findley and Brackenridge, especially the latter,
whom he believed to be the chief mover, and constantly engaged in dan
gerous plots against the government and the "connection," at the very mo.
ment he was doing everything in his power to arrest the progress of the
insurrection by other means than military force. He was unceasingly en
deavoring to fix on Mr. Brackenridgethe imputation of being the principal
leader of the insurgents ; and no doubt did much to mislead the other
members of the connection, as well as the government, by his secret cor
respondence. Brackenridge had laughed at him — had made him the
butt of ridicule. The Major could not afford it !
The election for Congress took place on the 14th of October, ten or
* James Robinson was not properly a resident of Pittsburgh ; he owned and
kept the ferry on the other side of the Allegheny river, where he was one of the
earliest settlers. Here the Franklin road, the great thoroughfare to the lakes,
commenced. His land afterward formed a part of the city of Allegheny. The
elegant mansion of his son. Gen. WiUiam Robinson, now occupies the site (or near
it) of the primitive log cabin in which the General was born.

258 western INSURRECTION.
. fifteen days after the meeting of the delegates at Parkinson's Perry. The
vote, as might be expected, was unusually small ; there were four or five
candidates, (such as we call at this day volunteers,) each relying on his
personal popularity. They had all taken part against the excise law.
Mr. Brackenridge had been the most popular, and there was no one
dbubted of his election until his speech at the Mingo Creek meeting,
where he denounced the burning of Neville's house as treason, and de
feated the vote to approve the conduct of those who had been engaged
in it, and who were chiefly from that neighborhood. His negotiations
with the commissioners, and his effort in favor of submission at Browns
ville, it was thought, had left him no ground of popularity to stand upon.
It was reported that he had withdrawn his name from the contest, and
this report was industriously circulated by some of the candidates. Al
though entertaining no hope of success, he considered it due to truth and
to himself to contradict this report,* but this being published only a few
days before the election took place, was known only in his own neighbor
hood. It bears the stamp of an honest mind. It appeared in the sequel
that if this had been done earlier, he would have been elected, notwith
standing his distrust of the sentiments of the voters, showing that many
expressed in public, opinions different from those entertained in private.
Mr. Gallatin was taken up on a short notice, and was elected. Mr. Brack
enridge stood next to him in number of votes, and what was not a little
significant, he received the lowest in the neighborhood which had been
most active in the riot at Neville's, while the favorite candidate of
that injured "connection" received the highest vote there! Mr. Brack
enridge states that Major Craig was particularly active, and freely used
the public horses in bringing up votes to be cast against him. The vote
of that hot-bed of the insurrection, the Mingo Creek district, does not
prove that they had been secretly and diabolically instigated by Mr.
Brackenridge to burn Neville's house, as was preposterously alleged by
some of that family !
'* " Citizens of the District of Washington and Allegheny: —
" Previous to the late disturbances, it was proposed to me to give my name as a
candidate for the Congress of the United States ; I accepted the compliment. It
is now circulated that I have declined it. No — considering the delicacy of the
times, I might wish I had not thought of it ; but, as it is, it would imply fear of
submitting my conduct to investigation, to withhold my name from the pubUc. I
have therefore not done so. I may at present have less popularity than I had ;
but the time will come when I shall be considered as having deserved well of the
country, in all the delicate conjunctures in which I have been placed.
H. H. Brackenbidoe."

THE ELECTION TO CONGRESS. 259
;,• "1 had no thought of popularity now," touchingly observes Mr. Brack
enridge. His mind was bent on raore important considerations. Yet
the sagacity or candor of Hildreth, in his pretended account of the insur
rection, could discover no motive for the course pursued by Mr. Bracken
ridge, but an insane desire to be elected to Congress, as if this was any
extraordinary stretch of ambition in a man of his standing and talents.
If such was his object, he took the course to defeat it by sacrificing his
popularity for the good of the people. Mr. Purviance — who was on the
spot, and better able to judge than Hildreth, who wrote fifty years after —
assigns a very different motive, and the unprejudiced reader may decide
between them : " to arrest the progress of the present violence, and obtain
an amnesty for that already committed." Mr. Brackenridge, no doubt, had
ambition, but it was not for office or place, but for the estimation of this
fellow-citizens for those high qualities of integrity, talents, and patriotic
services, to which he aspired. No man was more sensitive to detraction, or
more alive to commendation. He regarded a stain on his reputation as a
wound, and even carried this to a degree of morbid sensibility. Hildreth,
not satisfied with this, elsewhere asserts that Mr. Brackenridge had be
trayed the people for a bribe from the United States commissioners ; and
again, that he was only suffered to escape by turning State's evidence
against his accomplices ! It was a very convenient thing for Neville
Craig to find such a coadjutor in his imputations, so inconsistent, contra
dictory and absurd ! Dante, in his " Inferno," has provided a particularly
hot place for those who slander by insinuation or inuendo. Hildreth
could see no merit in any one but Bradford ; and yet condemns Bracken
ridge, Gallatin and Findley, as insurgents. To be consistent, he ought
to have justified the outrages of the insurrection, whioh he charges as
crimes on innocent persons. Bradford had succeeded, at this time, in en
listing the Neville interest in his favor, but even their efforts could not
save him. Their object, no doubt, was to induce him to be a State's evi
dence against Mr. Brackenridge, but it so happened that, as in the case
of the knife-grinder, he had no story to tell, with the exception of some
contemptuous expressions about Major Craig! But Bradford took to
flight before the approach of the army.* Hildreth is much puzzled to
?On the advance of the army, a number who had been involved, or were not
within the amnesty, had absconded. These, as far as could be ascertained, were
denounced in a proclamation by General Lee of the 29th of November, 1794.
Among them was Bradford, who escaped by the Ohio with considerable difficulty.
A smaU Kentucky boat had been prepared, which was to have received him at
Grave Creek ; but being pursued by a man from whom he had liberated a negro.

260 WESTERN INSURRECTION. ^
account for the fact, that Mr. Brackenridge did not take to flight also, as
well as Bradford ; it never seemed to enter his mind, that conscious merit
as well as conscious innocence, gave him courage to stand his ground and
encounter the powerful assaults of his enemies.
Dr. Ferguson, of Edinburgh, in his " Treatise on Moral Science," after
speaking of the conclusion of the " Incidents," as possessing singular
beauty in point of language, disapproves of the incentives to action which
influenced the writer, and holds that men should look only to the approval
of the divine law for their guide, without thinking of any worldly consid
eration. This is certainly true from the pulpit, and the only doctrine
proper to be inculcated thence. But with men of the world there may
be other incentives not incompatible with religion, and not to be con
demned; such as the love of honorable fame, and the esteem of our
fellow-citizens, which exert so powerful an influence over the warrior,
the statesman and the patriot. The keen sense of shame and disgrace,
and the abhorrence of any base or mean act, have a powerful effeet on
such minds. The saint may be above such considerations, and the villain
indifferent to them. We should have much less veneration, even for a
saint, who was indifferent to the good opinion of his fellow-men, although
this sensibility may exist in a morbid degree. We shall here insert the
passage from Mr. Braokenridge's " Incidents " — a work which has been,
for the purpose of disparagement, called an apology, although the word
does not mean, in its proper sense, an excuse for an acknowledged fault,
but rather a defense or vindication, as in the case of " Barkly's Apology
for Quakerism," and others of the same kind :
" I have now finished the detail I had in view. That my information
under the abolition law of Pennsylvania, he was obliged to leave his horse and
take a canoe. Descending in this, and passing Gallipolis, he was pursued by a
party of five men, despatched from Gallipolis by D'Abecourt, the commandant of
the militia at that place. He had lain all night in his canoe at Sandy Creek, and
had got into a coal boat, in the service of the contractor, cold and hungry, about
two hours before the party in pursuit of him came up. They entered the boat,
demanded Bradford, and took hold of his arm to drag him away ; he made no
resistance, but a lad from Washington county seieed a rifle and singly defended
him, obliging the party to relinquish their design and withdraw. This youth had
himself absconded, under apprehensions from having painted the device of a liberty
pole. Bradford continued his course, pursued by Capt. Jolly as far as Bed Bank,
which he passed two days before. He succeeded in gaining the Spanish dominions,
where he was well received by the authorities ; had lands granted him — became a
planter, and left considerable to his family. And this man ie the subject of
Hildreth's eulQgy !

ELEGANT EXTRACT. 261
may not have been correct in all cases ; that my memory may have led me
into error; that my imagination may have colored facts, is possible ; but
that I have deviated from the strictness of truth knowingly, is what I
will not admit. That I have been under the painful necessity of giving
touches which may affect the feeling of some persons, is evident. But it
has been with all the delicacy in ray power, consistent with doing justice
to myself If I have done them injustice, they have the same means with
me in their power — an appeal to the public. This is the great and respect
able tribunal at which I stand. For, though I have not been arraigned
at the bar of a court of justice, yet, from the first moment of obloquy
against me, I have considered myself an arrested man, and put upon my
country. From that day the morning sun shone upon me less bright^
the light of night has been more obscure ; the human countenance pre
sented nothing but suspicion. Tho voice of man hurt me ; I almost hated
life itself For who can say that I have pursued riches ? Who can say
that I have been a devotee of pleasure 'I Who can say I do not love hon
orable fame? What then have I, if I lose the hope of estimation ? Was I
traitor to my country ? Was I traitor to that class of men with whom I am
in grade of education ? Would I disgrace the praise of science, the advan
tage of an enlightened reading ? — who are taught to know that virtue is
glory, and benevolence and truth, that alone which can assimilate with the
Divine nature. And what greater deviation than to disturb the settled
order of government, while that government remains republican? and
any man who touches it with any other views than to contribute to its
support and preservation, deserves the anathema of the people."

NOTES TO CHAPTER X.

PiNDLET gives the following compen
dious view of the rise and faU of the In
surrection, page 136 :
" Though it may be admitted that
there was a latent predisposition to vio
lence among a few individuals, who had
been formerly attached to the Inspector,
(Neville,) and encouraged by him to
oppose excise officers under the State,
and though this was known to himself,

such thing was generally known in the
country, and its breaking out at the time
was owing to accident, and circumstances
of a local nature. Inconsistent and use
less resistance, by shedding blood too
abundantly, which the Inspector was
more successful in doing, by being pre
pared in a manner of which tbe assail
ants were hot aware, exciting a more for
midable attack, and drew many into the

and he was prepared for defense, yet no | vortex of riot, who would have been far

18

262

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

from engaging in it, if they had had time
to deliberate on the consequences. Num
bers thus involved in crimes, became des
perate, and endeavored, by drawing oth
ers into the same situation, to make a
common cause, and being unfortunately
aided in these mistaken views by Mar
shall and Bradford and others, who
attempted to give a more violent com
plexion, and greater magnitude to the
mischief by drawing the whole western
country into u, combination against the
excise laws, and for this purpose, con
triving the rendezvous at Braddock's
Field, and using every means to influ
ence the minds of the citizens, and to
overawe with terror those who might

oppose their designs, and for this pur
pose magnifying the numbers at Brad
dock's Field, and advertising that thou
sands had been on their march to join
them, from places where there was not a
person who knew ofthe rendezvous. I say,
by these mad exertions, the insurrection
progressed for a few days, like the par
oxysm of an inflammatory fever, spent its
force in frequent and irregular convul
sions, and finaUy subsided as suddenly,
and to many, as unexpectedly as it com
menced ; the most alarming symptoms
were discovered at Braddock's Field, and
the last struggle was a feeble attempt to
raise a party a few miles south of Greens
burg."

CHAPTER XI.
CAUING OUT THE MILITARY TO SUPPRESS THE INSURRECTION  THE DELEQATIOX
TO THE PRESIDENT PROM THE WEST.
We have already related the measures taken by the Executive of the
United States, as soon as information was received of the resistance to
the Marshal, the destruction of the office of the Inspector, and the as
semblage at Braddock's Field. A report was made by the Secretary of
the Treasury, who, not confining himself to the occurrences of recent
date, enumerated all the acts of opposition to the excise laws, both of the
State and general government, not as exceptional cases, but as evidence
of the prevailing temper throughout the whole country. The resolutions
passed by the primary meetings were also enumerated as being among
the causes of the insurrection, the expression "intemperate" being ap
phed to them — and whioh, if justifiably applied, might in practice impair
the right to obtain a repeal of an obnoxious law, even by constitutional
means.* These resolutions, as already observed, were pissed two years
before the late outrages ; the excise laws had been amended, so as to
render them less objectionable, with the exception of the ruinous practice
of taking persons across the mountains for trial, and even this had been
provided against by law, but of which the people were' not fully informed,
and the writs issued under the old, although the report of the Secretary
leaves the impression that they were issued under the new. The growing
disposition to submit to the law, the peaceful service of all the writs
except the last, in the immediate neighborhood of the Inspector, and the
sudden outbreak which followed, which had all the characteristics of a
common riot, without preconcerted design to resist, much less to overturn
the government — were passed over by the Secretary. On this report,
and on no other evidence, except public rumor, (at least none other was
* The rights of citizens as to meetings and petitions, were not fully appreciated
by aU in the first days of this government. On a petition from Northumberland
county, Pennsylvania, December 30th, 1791, Mr. Gerry said, "He thought the
petition improper, as it prays for a repeal of the (excise) law." Gales & Seaton,
2d Cong., p. 299.

264 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
given to the public,) Judge Wilson, a United States Judge, gave his
certificate, making a case under the constitution and the laws to authorize
the Executive to call out the military force.* That jSuch had occurred
in point of fact, there can be no doubt, but the Judge has been censured
by Findley for being too hasty in granting the certificate without sufficient
evidence, or without a careful investigation deliberately made. Whether
a case had or had not occurred, the certificate was granted in an irregular
manner, which ought not to be regarded as a precedent in other cases.
There was some opposition in the cabinet to the immediate resort to force;
Randolph,, Secretary of State, on one side, and Hamilton and Bradford
(Attorney General) on the other. The Governor of Pennsylvania coin
cided with the Secretary of State; in consequence of this, and in con
formity to the benign policy of Washington, the suggestion (attributed
to ('hief Justice M'Kean,) was adopted of sending coraraissioners from
the Executive of the Union and of the State, to make an effort to brinar
the people to submit by peaceable and friendly means. These were ap
pointed, as we have seen ; the issuing of the President's proclamation,
and the partial failure of the friendly mission have been related, ascribed
to the too great haste in requiring the submission. The blame of this
failure has been cast by some on the Secretary of the Treasury, who is
supposed to have controlled the operations connected with the insurrection,
and by others attributed to the lateness of the season, and the lawless
spirit manifested in some of the counties east of the mountains, and in
Maryland, doubtless much exaggerated. It must be confessed, that at
such times it is extremely difficult to judge correctly of the extent of
disaffection frora the universal distrust which always prevails in a state
of society bordering on anarchy or revolution. Let this serve as a warn
ing to the well meaning, how they give encouragement to such a state of
things, by word or deed ! I maintain the right of the people to remon
strate, in the strongest language, against what they may feel as oppres
sive ; yet, for the sake of a good cause, and to avoid the exciting im
moderate passion among those who do not reason with sufficient clearness,
* "Philadelphia, Aug. 4th, 1794.
"Sir: — From the evidence which has been laid before me, I hereby notify to
yon that in the counties of Washington and Allegheny, in Pennsylvania, laws of
the United States are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed by combina
tions too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings,
or by the powers vested in the Marshal of that district.
" I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration and respect.
Your most obedient and humble servant. Jambs Wilson.
"The President of the United States."

MEASURES OF THE GOVERNMENT. 265
these remonstrances should be guided by prudence and moderation. It
is a great mistake to suppose that they will be less effective on that
account. The condescension of the Executive was unexpected to Mr.
Brackenridge, who first suggested the idea of an amnesty in the West;
his idea was to send a deputation to solicit one frora the government.
His suggestion, however, had the effect of drawing the line of distinction
between those who had comraitted acts of violence and those who had
stopped short of that length, and was undoubtedly the first check to the
insurrection, or rather of preventing an outrageous riot from running into
that state.
In the meantime, in order to be prepared for the worst, the President,
as soon as he received information of the riot at Neville's house, and the
subsequent assemblage at Braddock's Field, and after the report of the
Secretary of the Treasury and the certificate of the Judge, issued his
proclamation of the 17th of August. On the same day he made a-
requisition on the Governors of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland and
Virginia, for twelve thousand (afterward increased to fifteen thousand)
men, to be immediately organized and held in readiness to march at a
moment's warning.
By the constitution of the United States, it is the duty of the President
"to see that the laws be faithfully executed," and the same duty is im
posed on the Governor of the State of Pennsylvania. By the act of
Congress for calling out the militia, "to execute the laws of the United
States, to suppress insurrections, and repel invasions, &c.," it is en-'
acted, "that whenever the laws of the United States shall be opposed,
or the execution thereof obstructed, in any State, by combinations too
powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings,
or by the powers vested in the Marshals by that act, the sarae being
notified to the President of the United States, by an associate justice
or the district judge, it shall be lawful for the President of the United
States to call forth the militia of such States to suppress such combina
tions, and cause the laws to be duly executed." It is also provided by the
same act, that when the militia of the State where the combinations
exist shall refuse or be insufficient for the purpose, the President may
then call on the militia of the adjoining States. It thus appears that the
first steps must be taken by or with the concurrence of the Executive of
the State. In the present instance, in a conference between the Presi
dent and Governor Mifflin, in order to avoid any collision of authority,
the course adopted was settled between them. The requisitions on the
other States met with no obstacles; but the case was different in Penn-

266 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
sylvania. The orders to the brigade inspectors were generally disre
garded ; the people declaring that although willing to march against a
forei'^n enemy, they would not do so against their own fellow-citizens of
the West. The Governor, in order to bring the militia to a proper sense
of their duty, made a tour through the most populous of the eastern
counties, and addressed the people at public meetings, a course which
evidently produced a good effect ; at the same time, a special meeting of
the Legislature was convened, to authorize the calling out of the militia
out of their classes — to procure substitutes and volunteers, and to propose
bounties to others who would engage in the service. These measures had
the desired effect, at least in procuring the requisite number.
The day after the report of the commissioners, the President issued his
proclamation of the 25th of September, declaring the western counties
in a state of insurrection, and calling on the militia force to march for its
suppression. We cannot refrain from contrasting the efforts made on the part of the
Executive, on the east side of the mountains, to march an army to put
down, by force, a resistance to the laws, with sirailar efforts made on the
western side, at the very same time, by the well disposed among the
people, to bring about a voluntary submission. The committee of twelve
from the Parkinson raeeting had unanimously accepted the terms of the
commissioners; the committee at Brownsville had accepted them by a
vote of two-thirds; and this was so rapidly followed by the subsiding of
the opposition, that only two weeks afterward the original congress of
delegates met at Parkinson's Ferry and unanimously resolved to accept
the terms ! The entire and complete cessation of all opposition to the
government, which has been related, forms a very singular contrast with
the mighty preparations going on at the very same moment to subdue a
people, whose only passion now was fear and alarm at the threatened
vengeance of the government, on account of the past 1 Here is a most
striking proof of the want of information of the country west of the
mountains ; for certainly the government could not have been correctly
informed, when it continued to speak of "lawless combinations," and of
the "disposition of the insurgents," as if they were permanently embodied
and arrayed in arms against the government; instead of which, at this
time, a single unarmed individual might have traversed any portion of the
western counties, and with a slip of paper have arrested " Tom the Tink
er" himself, if to be found, without meeting the slightest resistance •
The circumstance affords, at least, a very strong reason in favor of turn
pikes, rail roads aud telegraphs, and other rapid means of communication.

CALLING OUT THE MILITIA. 267
The troops from Pennsylvania and New Jersey were ordered to march to
Cariisle previous to proceeding to Bedford ; and those from Maryland and
Virginia were to rendezvous at Cumberland, on the Potomac. The com
mand of the whole was given to (jeneral Lee, then Governor of Virginia.
These different corps, drawn freshly from the people, were composed of
very different materials ; the greater part without discipline, and, of
course, under very imperfect subordination. A large portion of those
from Philadelphia and the adjacent county were hired substitutes, the
very worst kind of military mercenaries, actuated by no higher motive
than the expectation of plunder, and the bounty and pay held out as in
ducements. The militia generally, who served in their classes, were actu
ated by better feelings, and restrained by worthy motives. The Jersey
volunteers and militia are spoken of more favorably; they were under the
command of Governor Howell, while the Pennsylvania troops were com
manded by Generals Irvine and Chambers. Those of Maryland were
under General Smith, and the Virginia troops under General Morgan.
The Pennsylvania and Jersey troops, notwithstanding the better dispo
sition of the latter, soon manifested the most violent feelings of hatred
to the insurgents, and talked familiarly of killing and hanging them, as
if they were all pirates and cut-throats. They seemed to think that they
were called out to take a signal vengeance on all such monsters in huraan
shape, and were against every man, woman and child west of the moun
tains ! The inflamed state of their rainds had, in part, been produced
by the exaggerated representations of the recruiting service, as well as
by the activity of some of the exiles, who had personal resentments to
gratify. " One individual," says Findley, "who had distinguished him
self by his industry and address, was to be skewered, shot, or hanged on
the first tree." The individual here referred to was Mr. Brackenridge,
who was industriously represented as at the bottom of the insurrection,
and the prime mover of it. The Jersey men, especially, were offended at
some touches of ridicule in the absurd production attributed to him,
which has been already noticed.* This exasperation was not only di-
* Findley says: "The publication already mentioned, and by one who was a
friend of the government, wrote in the character and manner of an insurgent, on
purpose to excite the militia of New Jersey and the lower counties of Pennsylvania,
had an incredible effect in inflaming the citizens of these States, and others ; par
ticularly the foUowing words in it : ' Brothers, you must not think to frighten us
with fine arranged bits of infantry, cavalry aud artUiery, composed of your water
melon armies, taken from the Jersey shores. They would cut a much better figure
in warring with crabs aud oysters about the banks* of tho Delaware. It is a com
mon thing for Indians to fight your best armies, in the proportion of onj to five;

268 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
rected against the western people, but even against those among them
selves who contended that the military should be subordinate to the civil
authority, or hinted that those who killed citizens in cold blood, would
be answerable for murder ! In short, the temper and composition of this
body of men, without the discipline of regular troops, or the proper sense
of duty as citizens, were badly suited to aid the civil raagistrate in the
execution of the laws. A very large proportion of the recruits, especially
the hired substitutes, were greater ruffians than the worst of those who
had taken part in the insurrection. Two men were assassinated by them;
one on the road near Lebanon, and the other near Carlisle. The first by
the New Jersey troops, on some slight provocation ; the other by a light-
horseman of Philadelphia, who went into the country to seize some per
sons suspected of assisting to raise a liberty pole! The latter was a sick
boy, who was fiying from the guardians of the law, and shot, as it is said,
accidentally ! Here was an earnest of what might be expected in the
West, when such acts were committed where there was no insurrection,
and the laws were in force. The presence of Washington was nevermore
necessary ; he soon after arrived, when he took decided measures to pre
vent such acts in future, at the same time establishing subordination
among the troops. No complaints were made after this, until he left
them at Bedford.
Before the raarch to Bedford, the delegates, Findley and Reddick, had
arrived, and obtained an interview with the President at Carlisle, then
the head-quarters. They found the array violently hostile to them, as
the supposed messengers of peace, insomuch as even to give rise to per
sonal apprehension. They even dared to speak disparagingly of the
President himself, for showing civility to rascally insurgents or rebels,
instead of hanging without ceremony or shooting them as the only favor
they deserved. They were, notwithstanding, kindly received by him.
The President listened respectfully to their representations. They in
formed him that since the report of the coraraissioners all opposition or
appearance of opposition had ceased ; and, raoreover, that the original
delegates at Parkinson's Ferry (in which opposition had existed on the
first arrival of the coraraissioners,) had recently re-assembled, and had
unanimously adopted resolutions, as the representatives of the whole
therefore, we would not hesitate a moment to attack this army at the rate of one
to ten.' This dialogue having been ascribed to Mr. Brackenridge on account of a
faint imitation of his style, together with his letter to Tench Cox, written at a
time when there was danger of letters being intercepted, occasioned a very high
degree of resentment."

CONFERENCE WITH WASHINGTON. 269
population of the western counties, going even farther than those sub
mitted to the standing coramittee at Brownsville. That the delegates had
been appointed to lay these before the President. They further assured
him that the sentiments of the p^ple were entirely in accordance with
those of the late meeting; that the riotous inctications had subsided as
rapidly as they had arisen ; that the courts of justice were in full opera
tion, and that not a single individual could be found in opposition to the
execution of the laws. They, therefore, besought him to countermand
the march of the army — or if it should march, that he would accompany
it in person, as the people were now alarmed at the excesses it might
commit, especially as they had heard unfavorable reports of its disposi
tion toward thera, no doubt exaggerated — as the accounts frora the West
had been at the East. They also stated that they had learned with sur-
'prise, that many of the most meritorious citizens who had exerted them
selves to restore order and to quell the disturbances, had been denounced
as the principal movers of the insurrection.*
The President, in answer, expatiated at length on the evils occasioned
by the insurrection, and the injury done to the cause of liberty and free
government throughout the world. The outrages committed against the
* It will appear, from the following extract from the " Incidents," that the re
mark of the commissioners to the President, at least of Mr. Keddick, had a partic
ular reference to Mr. Brackenridge :
" I had more reason to be apprehensive than I was aware. A few days after the
return of the commissioners from the President, Mr. Reddick called upon me, and
with great appearance of solicitude, gave me to understand the unfavorable point
of view in which I stood with the army, and of the great personal danger I had to
apprehend, from the threats against me. That having occasionally mentioned my
name to the President, as not being concerned in the insurrection, he was silent.
But those about him appeared to have strong prejudices. This brought to my
mind an expression I had seen in the address of the President at Carlisle, exhort
ing, among other things, ' to detect intriguers.' Thought I, that savors a little of
chevalier Neville ; be knows that I cannot be charged with any overt act, and may
have insinuated there, as he has done here, that I have intrigued against the gov
emment. The fact is, the intriguers here were all on the side of the government;
there was nothing but open force against it."
There cau be no doubt that the cruel and ungenerous prejudice was created by
the exiles, and especially by the NeviUes, toward Mr, Brackenridge, against whom
the elder Neville, Kirkpatrick and Craig entertained a personal enmity. The only
intrigues were those employed by the friends of the government, to persuade the
people to cease their open violence aud submit to the laws, in the hope of obtain
ing an amnesty for the acts rashly committed. If there be guilt iu such intrigues,
we must strike out from the Good Book the words, " Blessed are the peace-makers."

270 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
government, had agitated the United States from one side to the other
like an electric shock, and disposed them very generally to turn out in
support of the violated laws. He spoke in high terms of the army, then
at the place of rendezvous or on their march, and of the alacrity with
which they had turned out ; he said, that it had even been found neces
sary to send expresses to prevent too great a number from marching,
especially from New Jersey. He lamented the sacrifices that the farmer
and merchant were under the necessity of making, and the great expense
that would be incurred by the government by the expedition. He ex
pressed his astonishment that the people were so blind to their own
interests, as not to have prevented the necessity of it by giving to the
commissioners such assurances of their submission to the laws as would
have sheltered them frora punishment, and secured the restoration of
order, and that we and other well disposed citizens had not been more
successful in persuading them to take that salutary course. He con
cluded his observations on this subject hy giving his opinion, that the
resolutions which they presented were not sufficiently unequivocal to
justify hira in dismissing the army, now when they were rendezvoused,
and the greatest proportion of the expenses incurred, and the sacrifices
of the farmer and merchant already made by engaging in the expedition.
He did not mention, however, in what respect the assurances were in
sufficient or equivocal. He further observed, that the objects to be
attained by the expedition, were the unequivocal assurances of submis
sion to the laws, and protection to the officers of the revenue for the
future ; and the good disposition of the government, expressed by the
commissioners, being rejected, rendering the march of the troops neces
sary, sorae "atoneraents" would be required for the infractions of the
laws.* Observing that the resolutions referred to the delegates for further
inforraation, he invited thera to proceed to give him that information.
'* This expression, "some atonements," is remarkable, coming from Washington !
(See Findley's account of the conference, iu his History, p. 170.) What atonement
could there be, except the legal punishment of the guilty? The great question
was, whether this could be effected without marching an army of fifteen thousand
men ? Was this atonement to be exacted of the whole country, in its aggregate
character, the innocent included with the guilty? "Atonement!" It is an ill-
omened expression, reminding one of Asiatic notions of justice, of visiting on the
innocent the sins of the guilty — a life for a life, instead of the more enlightened
practice which repudiates retaliatory, or vicarious suffering, and makes each one
answerable only for his own acts, not as compensation, but punishment. This does
not seem to accord with modern enlightened notions of justice. It is p.xinful to
find such sentiments attributed to Washington; they look more like the policy of

CONFERENCE WITH WASHINGTON. 271
The delegates stated in reply, that the resolutions of which they were
the bearers, were in the exact terms required by the commissioners, that
they were adopted without a dissenting voice ; that they went even beyond
what had been required, in the submission to the laws, and that they were
now universally approved by the people. All that had been wanting, was a
little longer titoe to give the proper information to the people, scattered over
so large a space ; it was impossible, on account of the brief period allow
ed, that they could become fully acquainted with the nature of the sub
mission. In a few districts, the signing had been prevented by some
violent men ; and others who had refused, did so from conscientious, or
mistaken notions, but when better informed, had requested permission to
do so, almost with tears. The allowance of but one day, throughout the
whole of a country of such great extent, was entirely too short a time
for the purpose. The delegates then proceeded to give a brief outline of
the beginning and progress of the insurrection, observing that great al
lowance should be made for exaggeration by the time the accounts of it
had crossed the mountains ; just as at this moment, the hostile temper
and violence of the army were exaggerated at the West.
The insurrection, (they proceeded to say,) as it has been called, but in'
reality only a riot, it is true, of an aggravated nature, was a sudden, un
premeditated act, confined to a small district, in the immediate neighbor
hood of the Inspector, at a period of the year, the harvest time, when
the people of the country were more easily assembled, and more excitable
than usual. Perhaps not a tenth part of the population had any know
ledge of the unlawful acts, until after they were coramitted ; and of course
Hamilton, whose party views, bordering a little on monarchy, were then prominent.
The great dread of Hamilton as to tbe permanence of the new government estab
lished by the constitution, was from anarchy; hence he conceived the necessity of
proving to the world, that it had suificient innate moral and physical power to sus
tain itself, independently of the support of the people. If the government could
thus sustain itself even in the gristle,, it could certainly do so when time had given
it firmness and consistency. It is difficult to shake off the veneration for great
names, and the sentiments emanating from them; but it is the duty of the historian
to do so, in weighipg their just claims to respect. The truth is, it was diflScult, if
not impossible, to prevent the army from marching, being once under way ; and
this disposition was far from being diminished by the belief that they were not
likely to meet with opportunities to signalize their valor ! If the passes of the
mountains had been seized by a few thousand riflemen, this valor might not have
been so conspicuous. On the approach of the army to Bedford, all those who had
not signed the submission fled the country. It is said by Mr. Brackenridge, that
more than two thousand riflemen of the western counties left their homes ; some
retired to the wilderness, others descended the river.

272 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
could have had no previous concert with the rioters, nor was it in their
power to take any measures to compel them. Even among those who were
at the destniction of Neville's house, there was a large proportion of patri
otic citizens, who attended with a view of restraining the multitude, as
far as possible, and many were compelled, by threats, to accompany them.
With respect to the assemblage at Braddock's Field, although in appear
ance alarming, yet when its character is considered, it should rather be
viewed, as far as relates to the people, as a mere freak of folly and igno
rance, with no common design, or fixed determination against the govern
ment. Ihey had been called~out by some presumptuous and shortsighted
individuals, by issuing a circular, as if for a regular review of the miU
tia, at their usual place of rendezvous. The greater part did not know
for what purpose they were asserabled, further than it was soraething con
nected with the excise laws, which were, and still are, generally unpopu
lar; but not a single act, or a single expression, showed any hostility to
the government. Many of the militia officers accompanied their com
mands, as also many patriotic individuals and civil magistrates, with the
sole view of preventing mischief, and prevailing on them to disperse,
which they did, after an idle display during only one day. The riots at
the house of Wells, and that at Webster's, were also the acts of a small
portion of the worst of the population, most of thera having little stake
or interest, and in proportion the most violent and clamorous. With
very few exceptions, these acts were all disapproved by the more orderly
and respectable part of the community, who have been active from the
commencement of these unfortunate acts, in resorting to every means in
their power to restore order, and bring the people to a proper sense of
their duty to the governraent and themselves.
The meeting at Parkinson's Ferry, it was hoped by those who proposed
it, would be the means of restoring order ; but unfortunately it was found
that in the election of delegates, too large a nuraber of the ill-disposed
had been sent ; yet, in spite of this, the resolutions passed by them, and
the appointment of a sub-committee to meet at Brownsville, and a com
mittee of conference, showed a disposition to subrait on reasonable terms.
In the appointment of a committee of conference, that committee,
without hesitation, acceded to the terms of the commissioners on
the part of the government, and afterward, with the exception of one
individual, made every effort to prevail on the sub-committee at Browns
ville to submit. The delegates here assured the President that they
sincerely regretted that the acceptance had not been unanimous, and
in this feeling, almost every man in the West of respectability, property

STATEMENT OF THE DELEGATES. 273
or intelligence, fully participated. They regretted still more the reluc
tance shown by the people, in signing the submission ; yet, without the
explanation which they proposed to give, it was natural to ascribe this
conduct to other than the real motives.
In some of the township meetings, a few lawless perftms, by threats
and violence, prevented the well meaning from signing the paper. But
this was confined to the most obstinate and ignorant class — a class to be
found in all countries. These persons took advantage of the present state
of disorder to gratify their envy and hatred, but on the first return of
society to a settled condition they would fall back into their primitive in
significance. Their threats of burning property, of acts of personal vio
lence, although alarming, were not carried into execution on that occa
sion. These were not the people to give trouble in settled times. They
assured the President, that except in the neighborhoods of the riots, very
few of those who opposed the signing had been guilty of any other acts
of outrage. In other places, those who declined signing, did so from con
scientious objections, where they were able to attend the places of meet
ing, which many, from various causes, could not on the same day, as they
could have done, if several days in succession had been appointed. Many
believed that in signing they would agree to renounce their right to make
a legal opposition to a law universally unpopular. Many, feeling them
selves entirely innocent of any act, or even intention to violate the laws,
refused to sign from the most honorable, though mistaken motives ; but
when afterward better informed on the subject by the suggestions of the
intelligent, and by their own refiections, would willingly have signed if
an opportunity had been presented. On this principle the whole county
of Fayette had declined signing tbe submission ; but by a general vote,
had, by a large majority, declared themselves in favor of it. In that
county no acts of opposition to the laws had occurred : the same remark
would apply to a considerable part of Westmoreland, and the remote dis
tricts of the frontier, which had taken no part, and in fact were little
acquainted with the occurrences. But since the day appointed for the
signing, in no county was there a more rapid change in the sentiments of
people. The most prominent movers, or leaders, had signed the submis
sion, and left those who were srill inclined to violence, to shift for them
selves. Others of the more conspicuous would avail themselves of the
first opportunity, on the approach of the array, to make their escape from
the country. From this circumstance, if the President meant by his ex
pressions that an atonement must be made to the government, by the
bringing to punishment the leaders of the riots by arrest, and judicial

274 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
trial, then they would be already beyond its reach. The conduct of these
leaders had opened the eyes of the common people, who now found them
selves deceived, and now willingly listened to the representations of their
more honest and intelligent friends. The feeling of submission had be
come universal, of which no stronger proof could be given than the re
sult of the meeting of the original delegates at Parkinson's Ferry, who
had now sent them on their friendly errand to the President. They, at
the sarae time, took occasion to express their sense of the enlightened
and huraane course pursued by him, and the kind and indulgent manner
in which their representations had been received on this occasion.
The President, in reply, assured the delegates that it would have been
his wish to have authorized the commissioners to have given the people
sufficient time for the agitation to subside, and be informed of the terms,
and to deliberate on thera, without ordering the militia to be in readiness
for marching, if time and other circumstances would have permitted ; but
that the time the insurrection commenced was not of his choosing, and was
too near the winter to enable him to afford the tirae he wished to have given ;
and that the flame having caught in Maryland, and symptoms of it having
been discovered in some other places in Pennsylvania, rendered it improper
to delay the expedition till the spring, lest the flame should spread farther.
He said there were sorae disorderly corps in the army — that some disor
ders had been committed on the march to Carlisle — that two men had
been actually killed ; he described, circumstantially, the manner in which
they were killed, and said, that though from the information he had re
ceived neither case appeared to have been murder, yet he had given up
the authors of both these offenses to the laws of our own State, and
would do so in every instance where the laws required that this should be
done ; and he assured the delegates that he would provide, by dispersing
the disorderly corps araong better troops, or otherwise, that they should
be kept in strict subordination ; that in every instance where infractions
were made on the laws by any of the army, they should be subjected to
punishment. He further gave assurances that the army should not con
sider themselves as judges, or executioners of the laws; but as employed
to support the proper authorities in the execution of them. That he had
been obliged to leave Virginia, before he had transacted some necessary
business, to come in haste to Philadelphia on account of the insurrection,
and that he had left Philadelphia, where he knew his presence was neces
sary to prepare for the meeting of Congress, in order to corae to the army;
that he mixed and conversed daily with the officers, and that his great
object in all this was to impress the army with a proper sense of the im-

WISE DEPORTMENT OF WASHINGTON. 275
portance of submitting to the laws ; and that unless they did so, the last
resort of a republican government would be defeated. He added, that he
would go to the Maryland brigade, then rendezvoused at Williamsport,
and from thence to the Virginia troops, at Fort Cumberland, and return
by Bedford, where the troops now on their march from Carlisle would en
camp for some time; and that his great object would be to impress on
the army in those different places, a sense of the necessity of its subordi
nation to the laws.
With respect to the expense, &c., of the expedition, he said there
might some good grow out of it to console, if not compensate the West.
That though we had made a republican forra of government and enacted
laws under it, yet we have given no testimony to the world of being able
or willing to support our government and laws ; that this being the first
instance of the kind since the commencement of the government, he
thought it his duty to bring such force as would not only be sufficient to
subdue the insurgents, if they raade resistance, but to crush to atoms any
opposition that might arise in any other corner ; that this would operate
in favor of humanity, by effectually discouraging any that might be other
wise so disposed, from provoking bloodshed; and that in the result it
might teach the citizens to be more cautious of writing or speaking in
such a manner of the measures of government as might have a tendency to
inflame the citizens; and would also convince other nations that we could
defend ourselves. He said that the questions asked by the delegates with
respect to further assurances, would require some time for consideration ;
and appointed five o'clock in the evening for further conference.
Although there is much to admire, and little to complain of by the
most fastidious, ir^ these observations of Washington, yet we cannot but
regret the expression of a sentiment in the last sentence, which seems to
narrow the freedom of speaking and writing of public measures. The pro
gress of public opinion since that day has placed this matter on a differ
ent footing ; and in this instance, even the wisdom and magnanimity of
Washington erred, according to the settled judgment of the present day.
Great allowance is to be made for Washington, considering the yet un
settled state of the new government, while the purity of his intentions
cannot be quesrioned. It could not be expected that he could at once
rise so far in political foresight above such intellects as that of General
Hamilton, and those of his administration who constituted the dominant
political party. With these, it is clear that the freedom of speaking and
writing disrespectfully of government measures had much greater weight in
the scale ; and the " intemperate resolutions," although violating no law,

276 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
were reo-arded as a more serious crime than the senseless and brutal
riots which had broken into flames, and then exhausted themselves.
The intellio-ent and philosophic reader will here find the clew to the erro
neous and mistaken policy under- which the formidable army was marched
into the West, in order to put down an insurrection which, as we repeat,
had ceased to exist, and ostensibly to sustain the laws when they needed
no extraneous support. How much more noble a spectacle would have
6feen exhibited — how much more powerful in its moral influence — in the
appearance of a disturbed community returning to order, of its own ac
cord, and through the force of its own sense of propriety ! Surely such a
spectacle would afford a thousand times better assurance of security and
permanence, than that to be ascribed to the application of external force !
The individual who struggles with, and controls and subdues his own
evil passions, exhibits, certainly, a more striking and impressive example
than the case of the criminal who is restrained by chains and dungeons.
In the evening the conference was resumed, by the President declining
to transmit, by the delegates, orders for the arrest of any particular offend
ers, which they had proposed as a test of the efficiency of the laws ; ob
serving that the people of the West ought to know among themselves who
were the offenders, and take the proper steps. He, however, encouraged
them to obtain more unequivocal assurances from the people, but gave no
promises of amnesty on account of these assurances, although saying, re
peatedly, that they might do good. He particularly irapressed on the
delegates the utmost care, that not a gun should be fired against the army,
as in that case he would not be responsible for the consequences. They
assured him, in turn, that no resistance would be made ; but on this cau
tion being repeated, observed, that if some fool, or desperate man, should
fire, it would be hard to hold the well-meaning and innocent accountable-
He answered, that he did not intend that they should ; but it was impos
sible to foresee what would be the consequence of such an act. He told
them that he did not command the army in person, but had appointed
Governor Lee commander-in-chief; at the same time mentioning the
names of those who commanded the forces of the different States ; causing,
also, to be read, the orders he had prepared for the government of their
conduct,, and which were admirably designed to establish the subordina
tion of the military to the civil authority.
The delegates conversed freely upon every topic upon which they
thought proper to touch, and were listened to with the composure and
dignity which might have been expected from the character of Wash
ington, Secretary Hamilton, who was present, inquired what were the

ASSURANCES OP SUBMISSION. 277
grounds of the confidence of the delegates, in the submission to the lavre
and the protection to the officers, in different parts of the country. In
answer to this, they gave the particular instances of the recent enforce
ment of the laws to prove the ability to do so, and the disposition of the
people to submit. They spoke also of the activity of the clergy, who
had required submission as a ground of coraraunion in their churches,
and who had greatly contributed to bring their people to a sense of their
duty, after the effervescence had passed off. They further stated, that
the judges of the courts, in the different counties, without exception, the
justices of the peace, and all who had ever been, or were then, members
of the Assembly, with few exceptions, were, and always had been, well
disposed, and the friends of order; that these were generally men of un
derstanding, to whom their neighbors had been in the habit of looking
for advice, excepting during the late brief period of popular frenzy.
That during that period many erroneous views had been propagated
among the people, both as respects the Federal and State governments;
but, that being now completely undeceived, there was no probability of
their being again led away in a similar manner; that in fact a most ex
traordinary reaction had taken place, scarcely credible to those who had
not witnessed it, and entirely at variance with the exaggerated accounts
which were still believed east of the mountains.
On being asked by the Secretary what ground of confidence there was
with respect to the country adjacent to the Monongahela, they an
swered, that not having been present at the late meeting at Parkinson's
Ferry, they could not speak from personal knowledge ; but that Alexan
der Addison, president of the State courts in that district, who had been
secretary of the meeting referred to, bad informed them by letter, that
he had conversed with the principal distillers, who resided there, and
that they had assured him they would submit to the laws. They added,
that Mr. Andrew M'Farlane, who resided in the settlement where the
opposition had been the most violent, and who had himself been obnox
ious to the rioters, had traveled down the road with them, and assured
them that he would be respon-^jible with all his estate, which was consid
erable, for submission to the law, and protection to the officers in that set
tlement. The dele<rates admitted that a number had been unwilling to believe
that the militia would march against them, but this was occasioned by
the reports they heard every day of liberty poles being erected in the old
counties; of the militia refusing to turn out, or deterraining to join the
insurgents when they did eome; that hearing of the threats of violence
19

278 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
which had been uttered by some in the army, greatly magnified by report,
packhorsemen and other travelers were afraid to tell the truth, unless
they were certain of the corapany they happened to be in. But this kind
of deception and distrust now no longer existed, and had prevailed only
among the most ignorant, always the most difficult to govern, because
of their inability to comprehend the reasons and representations of the
better informed. Among the latter, the anxiety of mind, false alarms
and suspicions by which they had been perplexed for some time past,
had rendered them and the citizens generally, extremely desirous for
the restoration of order; that before it had been so far accomplished,
every man of influence, property or understanding was fully convinced
that it was for our interests that the laws should be supported, and the
public officers protected in the discharge of their duty. The State and
county officers also had found that in suppressing excisemen, insulting
judges and other legal agents, they were destroying their own authority,
and rendering their functions useless ; from which circumstances they
were particularly active in bringing about submission. The delegates
said, in conclusion, that this very anxiety and apprehension would operate
more powerfully in support of government than any express declaration
in any set form of words. They suggested that any declarations made
through fear, on the approach of the army, for the purpose of making
exaraples, would not be so sincere, and might possibly, in case of any acts
of severity, rather increase the discontent and give a new direction from
public outrages to private revenge, which would be more demoralizing, aa
well as difficult to guard against. The march of a conquering army over
a prostrate people, would also have a tendency to break down that spirit
whioh forms the best support of our republican institutions. They ex
pressed the opinion that it would exhibit a much more pleasing spectacle
to see the people return to their subjection to the laws and proper author
ities of their own accord ; and of this the delegates did not entertain a,
doubt, for it was already done, and the unnecessary march of the army
would only leave unfavorable impressions toward the government and its
ihstitutions. The President informed the delegates that it was the opinion of a
number of the most respectable of their fellow citizens, that the march
of the army would be necessary, not only for the restoring submission
to the revenue laws, but for the protection of well disposed persons ! This
information the delegates had already contradicted in their previous state
ments. It may be readily traced to the exiles, especially the Nevilles,
and no small portion of this unfriendly advice may be ascribed to feelings

THE DELEGATES TAKE THEIR LEAVE. 279
of revenge against the people of the western counties and particular in-
¦ viduals. Events proved this conjecture to ba true. The delegates ad
mitted that appearances about the time tbe government commissioners left
the country seemed to justify such opinions; but since then, things had
undergone an entire change — a change so sudden that it was impossible
tor them to have foreseen it ; that they entertained no doubt that some of
the best informed of those, who had but a few weeks before given that
opinion, had now been convinced to the contrary. That since then, the
courts having been held throughout the whole of the counties, the citi
zens vying with each other in their support, no one who had remained iu
the country, and witnessed the progress of public sentiment, could be
mistaken. They asserted positively, that not one of these could be found
who would now advise the march of the army.
They inquired whether advantage would be taken of want of form in
signing the declaration of submission ? The President answered, that he
oould not inform them without knowing the circumstances. They ex
plained, that they meant only such want of form as did not arise from any
fault in the person claiming the amnesty, but from the conduct of others;
aafrom the papers being torn after being signed. He replied, that no ad
vantage would be taken of such want of form. The same reasoning would
have covered the ground of persons prevented from other unavoidable
causes, such as inability to attend, or being absent on the precise day,
or while occupied in prevailing on persons in other places to sign.
The delegates finally undertook to procure more positive assurances,
and transmit them to the army, which they were assured would halt some
time at Bedford before proceeding across the mountains. They then
withdrew, intending to return homeward next day, but tbe President
sent his private secretary, early next morning, to their lodgings, to re
quest them to wait on him again before they left town ; when they called
he had gone out to the army, but as he returned from seeing the last
division on its march, he stopped his horse before the door of their lodg
ing and called them to him — conversed with thera some time in the
street, and invited them to see hira again in the evening, which they
spent in conversation sirailar to that which had before taken place. The
delegates say : . " Wo were dismissed as politely as we had been received,
and in all the opportunities we had of conversing with the President,
were treated with that candor and politeness which have at all times dis
tinguished his character." It is pleasing to read these noble traits, al
though there could bo no reason to expect anything different from Wash-
ington.

280 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
At parting, at this and the forraer interviews, the delegates expressed
their earnest desire that the President would accorapany the army to its
farthest destination ; yet, they admitted that he had given every assur
ance that it should be kept in subordination, short of what his own pres
ence and authority would exercise. He replied that if, at Bedford, he
discovered that his presence would be necessary to insure subordination,
and he could be spared from the seat of government, he possibly would
stay with the army if it advanced into the western country. He was
anxious to prevent bloodshed, and at the same time anxious to enforce
the laws with as little annoyance as possible, and by encouraging them to
obtain additional assurances, he was accomplishing a principal object of
his expedition. In fact, it will be seen that while the army was still at
Bedford these assurances were obtained, which ought to have sufficed, if
that army had not been determined to march, under any and every con
dition of things, for their own gratification, rather than for the purpose
for which it was drawn out. The President, according to Findley, (from
whom the account of these conferences is chiefly taken,) was fully sen
sible of the inflammable and ungovernable disposition of some of the
troops, which had discovered itself before his arrival at Carlisle ; and he
had not only labored incessantly to repress that spirit and prevent its
effects, but also to remove the fears of the delegates. As often as they
suggested their fears, he gave assurances that discipline and subordination
to the laws would be enforced; and also that the disorderly corps would
be dispersed among those better disposed; or if this could not be done,
they would be dismissed, with disgrace. Orders were given to this effect,
and in some instances punctually executed ; in others, the fears of the
delegates were but too well founded. The bad temper manifested by a
large portion of the troops has been already adverted to ; the respect due
to 'Washington could not restrain some of the more outrageous from in
dulging in insolent vituperation against him for lending a respectful ear
to the representations of the d — d insurgents, through their delegates.
They breathed nothing but vengeance, and appeared to think that there
was nothing to be done but to shoot, burn, plunder and destroy. Some
of them gave out threats and used language suitable only to outrageous
banditti ; there were, however, some honorable exceptions, especially in
the troops from New Jersey and Maryland, and in one company, that of
Captain Dunlop, frora Philadelphia. The subsritutes, who took the place
of the non-combatants, were decidedly the worst and most unscrupulous.
We extract the following from Findley's history :
" The President's attention to proraote subordination to the laws, and

THE DELEGATES RETURN HOME. 281
curb the disposition to licentiousness, which was too evident, and to give
us sufficient confidence to encourage the people in the western counties,
was sound policy; for though nothing could be conceived more distressing
to us than the very thoughts of hostile opposition to the government of
the United States, yet if the army had marched to the western country
under the prevailing influence of that inflammatory and licentious spirit
which discovered itself araongst part of them at Carlisle, we must have
thought it our duty to have returned with all haste and told the people
what they had a right to expect ; and in that case desperation must have
supplied the want of resources, the innocent being compelled to make
common cause with the guilty. For there is no law, human or divine,
whioh obliges people tamely to submit to be skewered, shot or hanged in
cold blood, and this was the declared object for some time, of those who
made the most noise. It was a singular circurastance, that such citizens
of the western country as had made the greatest exertions in preventing
the spread of the disorders and restoring submission to the laws, were
destined to be the first victims of their lawless rage."
Messrs. Findley and Reddick hastened home in order to obtain the ad
ditional assurances they had undertaken to procure. This was done by
again calling together the original delegates at Parkinson's Ferry, for
which purpose Mr. Reddick proceeded to Pittsburgh to have the notices
struck off; whence they were distributed in all directions with as little
loss of time as possible. About the s#ne period a good opportunity was
presented by the fall muster of the militia, whioh was not neglected.
All whose names were on the rolls and could attend, were called upon to
sign a paper of submission, which they did without hesitation, at the in
stance of the brigade inspectors and commanding officers.*
The meeting was convened on the 24th of October, under very differ
ent circumstances from the first assemblage. They were unanimous in
favor of peace and submission to the laws. The number exceeded a
thousand, and none acted as delegates, and no credentials were produced.
It was more property a mass meeting, represenring the whole population
of the western oounries. Bradford, Fulton, Parkinson, Marshall, and
others who had been conspicuous in opposition to the laws, had either
embraced the amnesty or fled the country. , On this occasion the assem
blage did not think proper to organize themselves as a deputation, but as
* The inhabitants of Greensburg and Hempfield township, Westmoreland county,
David Marohand presiding, met on Wednesday, 22d October, 1794, adopted reso
lutions of full and unequivocal assurance, and to the number of four hundred and
twenty signed a certificate thereof.

282 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
a meeting of the people in their primary capacity, and it was the largest
of the kind that had ever been held in tho West. James Edgar waa
called to the chair, aud Albert Gallatin appointed secretary. When it
was opened, Messrs. Reddick and Findley gave a narrative of their mis
sion ; of their reception by the President ; and then stated the propriety
of giving more unequivocal assurances of the determination on tho part
of the people to support the laws and to protect the officers of the gov
ernment, and as nearly as possible in the words suggested by the Presi
dent.' They also cautioned those whom they addressed to uso every possi
ble vigilance to prevent any foolish person from doing anything which
might provoke the army, in case it should march into the country ; cither
by firing a gun, or any other act which might be regarded as an offense,
and afford them a pretext to break through military discipline. In order
to increase this caution, they were informed that the same inflammatory
temper which had recently prevailed in the West, and now happily at an
end, had taken possession of a part of the army, who would be with dif
ficulty restrained. They repeated the assurances of the President, that
all who behaved with propriety, and who had taken the benefit of the
amnesty, should be protected, no matter what their crimes might have
been before that act. In all these observations there was a perfect ac
quiescence, and the following resolutions were adopted without a dissent
ing voice :
"1st. Resolved, That in our opinionTthe civil authority is now fully competent to
enforce the laws, and punish both past and future offenses, inasmuch as the people
at large are determined to support every description of civil ofhcors in the legal
discharge of their duty.
" 2d. Resolved, That in our opinion, all persons who maybe charged, or suspected
of having committed any offense against the United States, or tho State, during
the late disturbances, and who have not entitled themselves to tho benefits of the
act of obUvion, ought immediately to surrender themselves to the civil authority,
in order to stand their trial ; that if there be any such persons among us, they ore
ready to surrender themselves to the civil authority accordingly, and that we will
unite in giving our assistance to bring to justice such offenders as shall not sur
render. " 8d. Resolved, That in our opinion, offices of inspection may be immediately
opened in the respective counties of this survey, without any danger of violence
being offered to any of the office»s, and that the distillers arc willing and ready to
enter their stills.
"4th. Resolved, That WiUiam Findley, David Roddick, Ephraira Douglass and
Thomas Morton, do wait ou the President with the foregoing resolutions."
Armed with these resolutions, and it is impossible to conceive of any
assurances more complete, the delegates proceeded to Bedford. Unfortu-

INSTRUCTIONS TO GOVERNOR LEE.

283

nately Washington had been corapelled to return to Philadelphia, leaving
the command to General Lee. The Secretary of the Treasury remained
some time with the army, and it would seem, represented the President,
but with a degree of power not possessed even by him. Thoir reception,
according to Findley, was very different from that which they had met
with from Washington ; and finding their mission useless, they returned
home, trusting to the general orders, admirably drawn up by the Pres
ident, although signed by Lee, but unfortunately too little regarded in
practice. It will become our painful duty to examine this subject with
rigor, and pronounce the sentence required by the truth and justice of
the case.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XI.

Instructions to Governor Lee.
" Bedfoek, 20th October, 1794.
"Sik: — I have it in special instruction
from the President of the United States,
now at this place, to convey to you, on
his behalf, the following instructions,
for the general direction of your conduct,
in command of tbe militia army, with
which you are charged.
" The objects for which the militia have
been called forth, are,
"1. To suppress the combinations
which exist in some of the western coun
ties of Pennsylvania, in opposition to
the laws laying duties upon spirits dis
tilled within the United States, and upon
BtiUs. "2. To cause the laws to be executed.
" These objects are to be eflFected in two
ways: "1. By military force.
"2. By judiciary process, and other
civil proceedings.
" The objects of the military force are
two-fold: " 1. To overcome auy armed opposi
tion which may exist.
"2. To countenance and support the

civil officers in the means of executing
the laws.
" With a view to the first of these two
objects, you may proceed as speedily as
may be with the army under your com
mand, into the insurgent counties, to
attack, and as far as shall be in your
power, subdue all persons whom you
may find in arms, in opposition to the
laws above mentioned. You will march
your army in two columns, from the
places where they are now assembled, by
the most convenient routes, having re
gard to the nature of the roads, the con
venience of supply, and the faciUty of
cooperation and union, and bearing in
mind that you ought to act until the
contrary shall be fully developed, on the
general principle of having to contend
with the whole force of the counties of
Fayette, Westmoreland, Washington and
Allegheny, and of that part of Bedford
which lies westward of the town of Bed
ford ; and that you are to put as little as
possible to hazard. The approximation,
therefore, of your columns, is to be
sought; and the subdivision of them, so
as to place the parts out of mutual sup-

284

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

porting distance, to be avoided, as far as
local circumstances will permit. Parkin
son's Ferry appears to be a proper point
toward which to direct the march of the
columns for the purpose of ulterior mea
sures. "When arrived within the insurgent
country, if an armed opposition appear,
it may be proper to pubUsh a proclama
tion inviting all good citizens, friends to
the constitution and laws, to join the
standard of the United States, If no
armed opposition exist, it may still be
proper to publi.-h a proclamation, ex
horting to a peaceful and dutiful demean
or, and giving assurances of performing,
with good faith and liberality, whatso
ever may have been promised by the
commissioners, to those who have com
plied with the conditions prescribed by
them, and who have not forfeited their
title by subsequent misdemeanor.
"Of these personsin arms, if any, whom
yon may make prisoners; leaders, includ
ing aU persons in command, are to be
delivered to the civil magistrates; the
rest to be disarmed, admonished, and
sent home, (except such as may have
been particularly violent, and also influ
ential,) causing their own recognizances
for their good behavior to be taken, iu
the cases which it may be deemed expe
dient. "With a view to the second point,
namely, the countenance and support of
the civil officers in the means of execut
ing their laws: you will make such dis
pensations as shall appear proper, to
countenance and protect, and if neces
sary, and required by them, to support
and aid the civil officers in the execution
of their respective duties; for bringing
offenders and delinquents to justice ; for
seizing the stiUs of delinquent distiUers,
as far as the same shall be deemed eligi
ble by the supervisor of the revenue, or
chief officer of inspection ; and also for

conveying to places of safe custody such
persons as may be apprehended and not
admitted to bail.
"The objects of judiciary process and
other civil proceedings shall be:
"1. To bring offenders to justice.
"2. To enforce penalties on delin
quent distUlers by suit.
"3. To enforce the penalties of for
feiture on the same persons by the seiz
ure of their stills and spirits.
"The better to effect these purposes,
the Judge of tbe district, Richard Peters,
Esq., and the Attorney of the district,
William Rawl, Esq., accompany the army.
"You are aware that the Judge cannot
be controUed in his functions. But I
count on his disposition to cooperate in
such a general plan, as shall appear to
you consistent with the policy of the
case. But your method of giving direc
tion to proceedings, according to your
general plan, will be by instructions to
the district attorney.
"He ought particularly to be instructed
(with due regard to time and circum
stances,) 1st, To procure to be arrested
all influential actors in riots and unlaw
ful assembUes, relating to the insurrec
tion and combination to resist the laws;
or having for object to abet that insur
rection and these combinations ; and
who shall not have complied with the
terms offered by the commissioners, or
manifested their repentance in some oth
er way, which you may deem satisfactory.
2d. To cause process to issue, for enforc
ing penalties on delinquent distillers. 3d.
To cause offenders who may be arrested,
to be conveyed to jails where there will be
no danger of rescue — those for misde
meanors to the jails of York and Lancas
ter — those for capital offenses to the
jail of Philadelphia, as more secure than
the others. 4th. Prosecute indictable
offenses in the court of the United
States ; those for penalties, or delin-

ORDERS OP WASHINGTON.

285

quents, under the laws before mentioned,
in the courts of Pennsylvania.
"As a guide in the case, the District
Attorney has with him a list of the per
sons who have availed themselves of the
offers of the commissioners on the day
appointed. "The seizure of stills is of the prov
ince of the supervisor, aud other officers
of inspection. It is difficult to chalk out
a precise line concerning it. There are
opposite considerations which will require
to be nicely balanced, and which must be
judged of by those officers on the spot.
It may be useful to confine the seizure of
stiUs to the most leading and refractory
distUlers. It raay be advisable to extend
them far into the most refractory county.
"When the insurrection is subdued,
and the requisite means have been put
in executiou to secure obedience to the
laws, so as to render it proper for the
ai'my to retire, (an event which you
'?rill accelerate as much as shall be con-
sisteot with the object,) you -will endeav
or to make au arrangement for attaching
such a force as you may deem adequate,
to be stationed within the disaffected
counties, in such a manner as best to
afford protection to well disposed citi
iens, aud the officers of the revenue;
and to suppress by their presence the
spirit of riot and opposition to the laws.
"But, before you withdraw the army,
yon shall promise, ou behalf of the
President, a general pardon to all such
as shall not have been arrested, with
snch exceptions as you shall deem prop
er. The promise must be so guarded, as
not to affect pecuniary claims under the
revenue law. In this measure it is ad
visable there should be a cooperation
with the Governor of Pennsylvania.
"On the return of the army, you wiU
adopt some convenient and certain ar
rangements for restoring to the public
magazines, the arms, accoutrements, mil

itary stores, tents, and other articles
of camp equipage and entrenching tools
which have been furnished, and shall not
have been consumed or lost.
"You are to exert yourself by all pos
sible means to preserve discipline amongst
the troops, particularly a scrupulous re
gard to the rights of persons and prop
erty, and a respect for the authority of
the civil magistrates ; taking especial
care to inculcate, and cause to be ob
served this principle — that the duties of
the army are confined to attacking and
subduing of armed opponents of the
laws, and to the supporting and aiding
of the civil officers iu the execution of
their functions.
"It has been settled that the Governor
of Pennsylvania will be second, the Gov
ernor of New Jersey third in coramand;
and that the troops of the several States
in line, ou the march, and npon detach
ment, are to be posted according to the
rule whioh prevailed in the army during
the late war, namely, in moving toward
the seaboard, the most southern troops
will take the right — in moving toward
the north, the most northern troops will
take the right.
"These general instructions, however,
are to be considered as liable to such
alterations and deviations in the detail,
as from local and other causes may be
found necessary, the better to effect the
main object upon the general principles
which have been indicated.
"With great respect, I have the honor
to be, Sir, Your obedient servant,
Alexander Hamilton. ,
"Truly copied from the original. •''
B. Dandkidqe,
Secretary to President of the U. S."

"Messrs. Findley, Reddick, Douglass
and Morton, inform the inhabitants of
the counties of Westmoreland, Washing-

286

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

ton, Fayette and Allegheny, that in con
sequence of their appointment to wait on
the President of the United States, they
proceeded on that duty, but on their way
to Bedford, where it was expected the
President raight probably be seen, they
learned that he had left the army for the
seat of government ; they, therefore, on
consideration, took the right wing of the
army, coramanded by the Governor of the
State of Pennsylvania, in their way, where
they conversed with the Governor as
well as with the Secretary of the Treas
ury on the subject of their mission, and
proceeded to the other wing, to Governor
Lee, of 'Virginia, (the commander-in-
chief,) who, after receiving the various
papers and faithful information which
they could give, presented them with
the following letter, which they now lay
before the people for their serious con
sideration :
" 'Henry Lee, to Messrs. Findley, Red
dick, Morton and Douglass, deputies
from the people of the counties of Fay
ette, Washington, Allegheny and West
moreland. "'Gentlemen: — The resolutions en
tered into at the late meeting of the
people at Parkinson's Ferry, with the
various papers declaratory of the deter
mination of the numerous subscribers to
maintain the civil authority, manifest
strongly a charge of sentiment in the
inhabitants of this district. To what
cause may truly be ascribed this favora
ble turn in the public mind, it is of my
province to determine.
" ' Yourselves, in the conversation last
evening, imputed it to the universal
panic which the approach of the army
of the United States had excited in the
lower order of the people.
" ' If this be the ground of the late
change, (and my respect for your opin
ions will not permit me to doubt it,) the
moment the cause is removed the reign

of violence and anarchy will return.
Whatever, therefore, raay be the senti
ments of the people respecting the pres
ent competency of the civil authority to
enforce the laws, I feel myself .obligated
by the trust reposed in me by the Presi
dent of the United States, to hold the
army in this country until daily practice
shall convince all that the sovereignty of
the constitution and laws is unalterably
established. In executing this resolu
tion, I do not only consult the dignity
and interest of the United States, which
will always command my decided respect
and preferential attention, but I also
promote the good 5f this particular dis
trict. "'I shall, therefore, as soon as the
troops are refreshed, proceed to some
central and convenient station, where I
shall patiently wait until the competency
of the civil authority is experimcntaUy
aud unequivocally proved. No individu
al can be more solicitous than I am for
this happy event, and you may assure
the good people whom you represent,
that every aid will be cheerfully contrib
uted by me to hasten the deUghtful
epoch. " 'On the part of all good citizens I
confidently expect the most active and
faithful cooperation, which, in my judg
ment, cannot be more effectually given
than by circulating iu the most pubUc
manner the truth among the people, and
by inducing the various clubs which have
so successfully poisoned the minds of the
inhabitants, to continue their usual meet
ings for the pious purpose of contradict
ing, with their customary formalities,
their past pernicious doctrines. A con
duct so candid should partially atone for
the injuries, whioh in a great degree may
be attributed to their instrumentaUty,
and must have a propitious influence in
administering a radical cure to the ex
isting disorders.

GOVERNOR LEE S LETTER.

287

" 'On mji^art. and on the part of the
patriotic army I have the honor to com
mand, assure vour fellow citizens that we
come to protect and not to destroy, and
that our respect for our common govern
ment, and respect to our own honor, are
ample pledges for the propriety of our
demeanor. •• 'Quiet, thertfore, the apprehensions
of aU on this score, and recommend uni
versally to the people to prepare, for the
use of the army, whatever they can spare
from their farms necessary to its sub
sistence, for which they shaU be paid, in
cash, at the present market price; dis
courage exaction of every sort, not only
because it would testify a disposition very

unfriendly, but because it would probably
produco very disagreeable scenes.
" 'It is my duty to take care that the
troops are comfortably subsisted, aud I
cannot but obey it with the highest plea
sure, because I intimately know their
worth aud excellence.
" ' I have the honor to be, gentlemen,
your most obedient servant, with due
consideration, Hknry Lee.
" ' Head Quarters, Uniontown, Novem
ber 1, 1794.'"
About this time a committee from
Washington county waited on General
Lee, with au address, to which he made
a reply.

CHAPTER XII.
THE ABMT ENTERS THE WEST  ITS FEROCIOUS TEMPER  THB ATTEMPT TO ASSAS
SINATE ME. EEACKESEILGE  THE MILITARY DiQ^ESTS  THE EXAMISATIOS OP
ME. BRACKENRIDGE, AND ACQUITTAL.
The army, leaving Bedford, entered the western counties about the 1st
of November, 1794, and encamped near the Monongahela, so as to be with
in striking distance of any of the four counties. And now the question
naturally suggests itself, what was there for it to do ? There was certainly
no fighting to be done ; and among those of that array who most aspired
to miUtary glory, this was a subject of intense regret, as they were obliged
to expend their rage merely in words of contempt and indignation against
the cowardly insurgents. Instead of finding parties of these arrayed for
war, and regularly embodied, not a hand, or even a voice, was raised to
oppose them, or resist the government. The rural population remained
distressingly quiet in their sylvan homes, widely scattered over the exten
sive forest region, the prevailing feeling being that of alarm, on account
of the reported threats and ferocity of the army. The more zealous among
the officers, perhaps not the most patriotic, were continually crying out
that "atonements" must be made, insurgents must be seized, examples
must be exhibited pendent from the limbs of trees, to prove that their
march bad not been in vain. It mattered not whether people were guilty
or innocent, for it was held that it was the duty of the latter to restrain
the former, whether they had required the amnesty or not, or whether
they had exerted themselves on the side of the governraent, and aided in
the execution of the laws. They were all insurgents, and but for the
restraints of discipline imposed by such officers as General Irvine, Gover
nor Howell, General Chambers, and some others, the western country might
have been a scene of murder and conflagration. Some of the most patri
otic western men began now to think that it would have been better for
them, with arms in their hands, to have met them as invaders.
It is not difficult to see what would have been the proper course to pur
sue with this formidable army. After having entered the country, and dis
covering that not the slightest resistance was to be expected, that there were

THE DUTY OF THE ARMY. 289
neither "combinations," nor any of those fearful clubs referred to in the let
ter of General Lee — it should, as soon as was convenient, have commenced
its retreat, leaving only a sufficient force, say one or two regiments ofthe
most orderly and best disciplined, to sustain the civil authority, in case they
should possibly be needed. To aid the civil authority was now the only
legitimate use that could have been made of them, as there was no longer
any military opposition to put down. Instead of this, the business of the
army was now supposed to be, not to prevent the commission of offenses,
but to punish those that had been comraitted, which was the duty of the
civil magistrate, and not of the army, until expressly called upon to lend
its assistance ; such was clearly the idea of the President, in his orders
addressed to General Lee. These punishments should have been inflict
ed by course of law, and not by the bayonet, and for the same reason
arrests should have been made by civil officers, on process issued by the
civil magistrate. The courts, the marshals, or sheriffs, should have been
the agents — at least these should have been first tried, before calling on the
soldiery. But the worst was the sending the arrested to Philadelphia for
trial, which was more dreaded than the arrest itself, and as we have seen,
was the immediate cause of the disturbances which have been related.
Why could not a court have been organized for the trials in the county
itself? There was an act of Congress in force, authorizing this course.
But atonements were wanted, and captives to grace the triumphal entry
of the victors ! A district judge of the United States, Judge Peters, a
marshal, and a district attorney accompanied the army ; but these, in the
investigation of supposed offenses, acted a subordinate part to the Sec
retary of the Treasury, (who had no judicial authority,) and even to the
military officers; thus practically confounding the judicial, military and
Executive powers. The greater is the necessity for placing in the strong
est light the glaring infringements on the rights and privileges of the
citizens !
Against those persons who had been raost active and successful iu bring
ing about a peaceable submission on the part of the people, the demonstra
tions of the soldiery was most violent, and especially against 5Ir. Bracken
ridge and Mr. Gallatin. The recent election of the latter to Congress, was
some protecrion, but the absence of any peculiar enmity toward him, on the
part of the Neville connecdon, wasasurer ground of safety, while its violence
increased the danger of Mr. Brackenridge. Nothing but putring to death
in any way, was spoken of as the fate of the latter. General Neville was
with the army, together with some others of the exiles, as they were called;
and these were never wearied of their denunciations of him. The com-

290 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
mon language of the old General was that Brackenridge was "the great
est scoundrel on God Almighty's earth;" that Bradford and others were
merely his tools, while he was the instigator of all the mischief. The
Secretary of the Treasury seems to have caught this language, as appears
by the letter written by him from Bedford, published in his posthumous
works, in which he uses the General's phrase, ."it is now discovered that
Brackenridge is the greatest of all scoundrels." Nine days afterward,
when ho had an opportunity of examining and judging for himself, he
retracted this hasty opinion, founded on such information as could be fur
nished through the medium of Major Craig.*
While the army was at Bedford, by way of showing what it could do,
it had arrested four persons, who were sent to Philadelphia. The account
of the affair is derived from Findley :
" Four prisoners were sent from Bedford, as the army advanced ; one
of them, Herman Husbands, was extensively known on account of some
singularities of character. After suffering four months in prison, and
such prisons as are happily unknown at the present day, there appearing
nothing against him, [not even his interpretation of the visions of
Ezekiel,] he was discharged, with a crowd of others, by the court; bnt
his constitution had received such a shock that he died before he could
leave tho city, and return to his home in the mountains. Another of the
name of Filson, who kept a large store in the village of Berlin in the
same county, after being taken to Philadelphia, was refused to be ad
mitted to bail, although this favor was warmly solicited by respectable
merchants in the city. The prosecution was condncted against him with
unusual rigor; being first acquitted on a charge of treason, he was
tried for a misdemeanor, in which the verdict was also not guilty. Of
the two others, one was an old inoffensive' Gerraan, named Weisgarver;
after being imprisoned four months, he was admitted to bail, and no bill
was found against him at court. The last, whose name is Lucas, was a
sergeant in the army during the war, and was well known at the time of
the revolt of the Pennsylvania line, and though he was one of the leaders
of that revolt, in that situation he rendered such essential service to the
public as to have a premium assigned him. A general officer who had
been well acquainted with his services, now obtained his release after
four months of imprisonment. On his trial nothing was found against
* It is to be regretted, for the fame of General HamUton, that the editor of his
posthumous works had not rejected this letter; there can be no doubt that if
living, he would have done so himself. The editor was probably not aware of the
subsequent examination of Mr. Brackenridge by HamUton in person.

ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE BRACKENRIDGE. 291
him. He was poor, and had a large family of small children." Can any
thing more strongly exemplify the impropriety of such illegal arrests, and
dragging men beyond their vicinage ? If the cases just related had been
submitted to a grand jury in their county, this suffering and injustice
would not have occurred. But these are of a trifling nature, compared
to the wholesale arrests and harassing inquests subsequently practiced
by the military guardians of the laws in the western country.
Mr. Brackenridge had received intimations of the threats against his
life, and had at first thought of quitting the country ; but conscious of
innocence, and feeling indignant at the ingratitude manifested for his
important services, and after a night passed in anxious meditation, re
solved, if doomed to perish, to die on his own hearth. After drawing up
an account of the transactions in which he had been concerned, addressed
to James Ross, with a request that he would do justice to his memory,
he determined to face the danger which threatened him, whatever it
might be. In this, his enemies were, no doubt, disappointed ; as in all
probability they would rather hear of his flight from the country. A
detachment of troops under General Morgan entered the town, escorting
Col. Neville and some others of the exiles in a sort of triumph or ovation.
The same night a party of Morgan's corps proceeded about eleven o'clock
to the house of Mr. Brackenridge, with the intent of putting their
murderous designs into execution ; but inforraation having been cora-
municated to the General and Col. Neville, they ran out without taking
time to put on their hats, and interposing themselves, declared that the
ruffians must pass over their bodies before they could perpetrate tho deed.
A regard for thoir own characters called for this energetic interference,
for if the murder had been perpetrated by those under their control, the
worid would have held them responsible. Mr. Brackenridge, therefore,
gave them no thanks, and considered himself bound to them by no feeling
of gratitude ; and it is highly probable that the habitually intemperate
mode of speaking of him by the Neville connection, may have induced
some of their hot-headed followers to believe that they would be doing
them a service by ridding them of a hated enemy.*
?The houses of Col. Neville and Mr. Brackenridge were little more than a
hundred yards apart. He says : " The troops had advanced within twenty yards.
of Ky house, when an officer who had been apprised of their intention, aud iu vain
labored to disperse them, having run to General Morgan, who was in the house of
NeviUe the younger, and not yet gone to bed, gave him information. The General
and the Colonel ran out without their hats, and the General opposing hinitelf to
the fury of the troops, said, that it must be through him they would reach me;

292 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
In the course pursued by Mr. Brackenridge, he had given evidence of
a true courage, according to the definition of Abb6 Barthelme in
Anacharsis: "He knew his danger, feared it, yet met it." The narrative
will be followed up in his own words :
" The right wing of the army had crossed the mountains and were in
the western country. It was like the approach of the tempest to me ; I
could hear the thunder at a distance; and every day new accounts reached
me of butchery denounced against me, without judge or jury. I began
to hear General Neville raise his voice, 'The d  st scoundrel that ever
was on God Almighty's earth.' The left wing had already crossed the
mountains, at the distance of thirty miles to the westward. I could hear
of Colonel Neville at the table of General Lee, and publicly elsewhere,
throughout that camp, denounce vengeance against 'the d  d rascal,'
meaning me.*
" I began to think it would be unsafe to stand it ; that I could not
have sufficient confidence in the good disposition of the commanding offi
cers, much less in their power to restrain their troops; and that it might
be advisable to be out of the way until I could see whether subordination
to the civil authority was practicable or not. I had the wilderness b' jind
me; and as before I had meditated to escape from 'Tom the Tinker,' so
now I meditated an escape from an equally outrageous banditti, as I be
gan to think them, by going to the West. My sensations were violent at
the time; but I ought to be excused, as I must have thought it very ex
traordinary in people to have come to support the laws, and to be talking
of violating them. I communicated to General Wilkins ray resolution of
going neither to the Spaniards nor to the British, but of taking ray chance
among the Indians for a month or two, until I could have a proper assur
ance of protection in surrendering myself to the judicial authority. I
had thought of a hunter whom I could employ to go to the woods with me.
" General Wilkins could not but acknowledge the expediency of going,
from all that he had heard or seen, and proposed a hunter whom he
knew, and thought more expert than the one I had named, and engaged
to speak to him to go with rae. lie was to send him to me next morning.
that I had stood my ground, and would be cognizable to the judiciary ; and let the
law take its course." The above fact shows the imperfect state of discipUne in
the new levied army. If the deed had been perpetrated, there would have been
such historians as Hildreth aud Craig to excuse it; and the good name of the victim
might have continued forever blasted by the same party rancor which has so long
continued to villify the whole population of Western Pennsylvania.
* This was before the attempted assassination.

BRACKENRIDGE STANDS HIS GROUND. 293
"I lay upon a couch and thought of it till midnight. I reflected that
people would always talk more than they would do ; and that putting me
to death would be raore in the language than in the intention of the
mass. It was the fashionable speech of the camp, and every one adopted
it without meaning to carry it into effect; but I reflected, also, that the
very strain of talking, though not originating from the intention to act, yet
might lead some uuprincipled and inconsiderate man to perpetrate what
had been spoken of; more especially as I had heard of the violence of the
Nevilles, and had suspected that the horrid resentment which they ap
peared to entertain against me might prompt them to encourage assas
sination. " However, after deep thought of many hours, I sprang from my couch-
hed, and expressed my determination, that if I was to be assassinated, it
should be in my own house. It never should be said that I would move
a foot from the ground. Having now determined to wait my fate, I em
ployed a day or two in putting my papers in order, and making a short
sketch of the outline of my conduct during the insurrection, and directing
it to be delivered to James Ross, who knew the greater part of his own
knowledge, with a request that he would give it to the public, and do my
memory justice. I knew the rage against me was founded on the mis
conception of the multitude and the malice of individuals. It had been
the case with La Rochefaucault, Clement de Tennere and others, at an
early period of the French revolution."
The discovery had been made, that Mr. Brackenridge had not signed
the amnesty until the day after the time ; and it was thought that means
would be found to destroy him, by way of prosecution. "I was divert
ed," says he, " by a speech of General Neville reported to me, when some
people, alarmed for their situation, had gone to solicit his favor. 'Chil
dren,' said he, 'it is not you that we want; it is some of the big fish —
Brackenridge, Gallatin and Findley, that we want.' Thought I, it is bad
enough to find myself in the same school of fish with Gallatin and Find
ley, when I have had political difference with Findley, which has pro
duced a coolness that still exists ; and as to Gallatin, I never spoke to
him in my life, until I met him at Parkinson's Ferry. But there was in
genuity on the part of the old general. Knowing the hostility between
these men and Secretary Hamilton, he wished to couple me with tho
same party." The enmity between the Secretary and the persons just
named, judging from repeated statements by Findley in his book, was
very bitter. They had assailed his favorite financial system in the Legis
lature, as well as at publio meeetings; at the sarae time there was a
20

294 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
strong personal antipathy on his part toward these men, and which was
reciprocated by them. The strong language of Mr. Brackenridge in his
letter to Mr. Cox, in speaking of the funding system, must also have
given offense, as Hamilton was very sensitive to any objections to his
financial plans. It is, however, natural, and therefore probable, that
when the Secretary came on the spot, and found that the powerful Neville
connection were atterapting to use him for the purpose of gratifying their
nrivate enmity, his pride was offended at the idea. It was not long be
fore he would begin to suspect that the connection, now strengthened
by the accession of General Morgan, were disposed to exert their infiuence
against an individual who had not even the good will of the populace in
his favor, having given them offense by his efforts to induce them to sub
rait to the government, and by his public denunciation of their conduct.
It would not be strange if Neville's violence should offend the self-esteem
of Hamilton, at this attempt to gratify personal revenge at the expense
of his character for justice and magnanimity.
We have stated, (and it cannot be too often repeated,) that instead of
proceeding against supposed offenses in the recent riots, and bringing the
accused, who were not entitled to the amnesty, before the judges by civil
process ; or impanneling a grand inquest, to call witnesses before it pre
vious to accusation and arrest by civil officers — a nondescript commis
sion of inquiry was instituted — the district judge taking an inferior part
in it, and the arrests made at the point of the bayonet ! A proceeding
so strange requires to be minutely related, in order that it may stand as
a beacon to avoid a similar anomaly in future.* The Inspector, as already
stated, was regarded as the party aggrieved, or the general plaintiff; the
Secretary of the Treasury assumed the authority of supreme director over
the whole proceedings, civil and military. Some resemblance to this may
perhaps be found in European despotisms, or where English liberty was not
so well defined; but in a country where the safeguards of the common
law exist, it is almost incredible. As a sample, we will extract the follow
ing from Findley :
" During the. time that Sheriff Hamilton was waiting to have his case ex
amined, and before he was put into close confinement, a certain John Bald
win was under examination. He was interrogated, alternately, by Secretary
Hamilton, Judge Peters, the District Attorney, the Inspector, and a Mr.
* It may be said, that so many were implicated that it was difficult to procure
juries. But this was not the fact — at all events the experiment was not made,
aud the instructions to Gen. Lee implied that the civil authority could act where
properly supported.

TREATMENT OF INDIVIDUALS. 296
Vaughan, a light-horseman from Philadelphia. The two last (the In
spector and the light-horseman,) treated him with the greatest indeco
rum. In the course of the examination, every means were used to induce
him to testify against the sheriff. Baldwin had candidly informed them
of himself being one of the comraittee at the burning of Neville's house,
and of the persons concerned in that riot ; and assured them that the
sheriff was not concerned in it. He was then urged to testify that the
sheriff had notified his regiment to assist at that riot, and when he re
fused togive testimony to that purpose, because it was not true, he was insult
ed, and told that he equivocated, and evaded swearing the truth ; and was
assured, that by his conduct he had forfeited the benefit of the amnesty,
to which he was otherwise entitled ; and that his life and property
were endangered by not testifying to what they demanded of hira, and
which was not true ; he was told that he could only save himself by
giving such testiraony."
If this stood as a solitary instance, one might be strongly inclined to
doubt it; but it sinks to nothing compared with the numerous other
cases which will be related. The Spanish inquisitorial mode of seeking
evidence and forcing it by threats, (short only of the boot and the rack,)
and the most revolting appeals, seems to have been the ordinary mode of
proceeding. Why 'was not Sheriff Hamilton confronted with the wit
nesses ? Why not permitted to ask questions as well as the impertinent
light-horse examiner? The cases of Sheriff Hamilton and Major Powers,
although less striking than the wholesale outrages of law and right which
followed, are so characteristic, that we will relate them separately, on the
cofemponary authority of Findley ; and no one was bold enough ever to
question the truth of the account at that day.
••Major Powers had not only behaved well through the whole of the
troubles, but had been zealously employed in endeavoring to restore order,
from an early period until it was finally established. He had been a
member of several meetings for that purpose, and was one of the com
mittee of twelve who had settled the terras of the amnesty with the com
missioners at Pittsburgh. After the judieiary and part of the army had
gone to the town of Washington, Major Powers was invited, by a polite
letter, to wait on the Secretary at that place, which was about thirty
miles distant. When he arrived, the Secretary exarained him about the
conduct of certain characters, with some of whom he was not even
acquainted; but pardculariy about the conduct of Mr. Gallatin at Parkin
son's Ferry. On Major Powers not answering to his ¦satisfaction, he
complained of the difficulty of obtaining information, and advised Major

296 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
Powers to retire an hour or two to refresh his memory in order to be re
examined ; and spoke to an officer present, to conduct him into another
chamber. In all this the Secretary appeared to treat him politely, but he
was not a little surprised when he found himself thrust into a room among
the other prisoners, and there confined under the point of the bayonet.
At the time appointed, he was taken again into the presence of the
Secretary, who asked him if he had recollected hiraself so far as to give
more satisfactory information ; on being answered that he had nothing
further to recollect, having already related all he knew, the Secretary
then suddenly assuming all his terrors, told Major Powers that he was
surprised at him ; that having the character of an honest man, he would
not tell the truth ; asserting that he had already proof sufficient of what
he knew he could testify, if he would. After some further insulting
language and threats. Major Powers was committed a close prisoner under
a military guard ; and though the tnost unexceptionable bail was offered
for permission to go to his family, it was refused ; and he was marched
under a military guard to Pittsburgh, and there detained until the eighth
day after he was taken into custody.* The Secretary being gone, the
judge sent for Major Powers, and when he was brought into his presence,
invited him politely to sit down, assuring him that he had no charge at
all against hira."
There is no reason to doubt the statement of Findley ; it was never
questioned, as we have already stated, and appears to have been received
from Major Powers himself; but the affair was public and notorious. It
exhibits the Secretary in a light whioh is painful to contemplate — in the
assumption of power — in the attempt to influence the witness in the
most reprehensible manner, in order to extort unfair testimony — and
added to this, in the use of the bayonet in what ought to have been a
mere judicial proceeding ! It shows, also, the subserviency of the district
judge, who condescended to act a secondary or inferior part in the minis
trations of his office, to one who had no judicial authority whatever.
"It will appear in various other instances," says Findley, "that it was
usual with the Secretary to assert to those whom he was examining, that
he was possessed of sufficient proofs already of the facts to which he
endeavored to extort testiraony. The spring following. Major Powers
was much inclined to institute an action against the Secretary; but find
ing that he would be obliged to go to New York, on the advice of his
friends he relinquished the design."
*By what authSrity did the Secretary act in this individual capacity? By
what law was the military guard employed ?

TREATMENT OF SHERIFF HAMILTON. 297
The case of Sheriff Hamilton, one of the most estimable raen in the
western counties, was much more aggravated. It is unpleasant to be
obliged to record such incidents, but having no reason to doubt their
truth, the historian does not consider himself at liberty to reject them;
and they are too important to be passed over in silence. The Secretary
of the Treasury was unquestionably a great man, and rendered great
services to his country — but of strong passions, and possessed of some
peculiar ideas on the subject of energetic government. Nothing in the
whole course of our history as a people has appeared to me so revolting,
as the exparte military and fiscal inquests for the purpose of discovering
subjects to make " atonements," to use the unhappy phrase on which I
have already reraarked. The case of Sheriff Hamilton is thus related by
Findley :
"John Hamilton, of Washington, is high sheriff of that county, and
colonel of a regiment of militia in the Mingo Creek settleraent; though
a number of this regiment were known to have had an active hand in the
attack on Neville's house, and were in fact considered the greatest pro
moters of the insurrection, yet he not only kept himself free from these
outrages, but endeavored, as soon as he heard of the design, to prevent
the rendezvous at Braddock's Field. It was he who informed Bradford
that the arms and ammunition in the garrison at Pittsburgh were designed
for General Scott's expedition against the Indians ; and with the assist
ance of some others, persuaded him to countermand the orders, and pro
cured his promise to prevent the march. When he could not prevent
this, he put hiraself at the head of his regiment, and was very instru
mental in preventing further outrages frora being committed. At the
court that was held for the county of Washington, a short time after the
commissioners left the country, he proposed to take any twenty of those al
leged to be insurgents, and lodge them in the county jail, if writs were issued
for the purpose; but it was not thought advisable to issue the writs, until
it should be known what measures the commissioners would recommend
to the President, and until the infiamraatory spirit should be more effectu
ally cooled down. To show, however, that he could have accomplished what
he proposed, he served several writs of capias, which he had in his hands,
without difficulty. He attended all the meetings for restoring order, with
a view to prevent outrages ; and living where he did, he merited higher
approbation than if he had resided in Boston.
" Colonel Hamilton was informed by a friend of the designs against him,
time enough to make his escape; but conscious of his innocenc^, he pre
ferred traveling above thirty miles to where the judiciary then was, and

298 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
presenting himself to Judge Peters, informed him that he had heard
there was a charge against him, and requested to have it examined. The
judge said that he was then too much engaged, but would call on him
presently; that day, however, passed till evening, when Major Lennox,
the Marshal, in the most delicate manner he could, told him he must put
him under guard; but afterward dispensed with arresting him, and only
took his proraise that he would not depart until the judge had an oppor
tunity of conversing with hira ; but the next day the Marshal informetf
him that he had special orders to put him under guard, which he did
accordingly, though with evident regret. The sheriff here remarked,
that Major Lennox treated him with as much friendship and politeness as
the nature of the case would possibly admit ; and let me add, that that
officer's politeness is generally well spoken of.
" On the third day after he had demanded an examination, and the
second after he had been put under guard, he was sent back to Washing
ton town, from whence he had come, in custody of a small troop of horse.
The judge having arrived at Washington, the sheriff applied again to him
to have his case examined, who told him he would in half an hour ; but
on the ninth day after he had first applied to the judge, he was sent a
close prisoner to Pittsburgh, and thence to Philadelphia, where he was
paraded through the streets (with others,) with an ignominious badge on
his hat, and thrown into the cells without his case having ever been ex
amined ! After an imprisonment of near two months and a half, he was
brought before the Supreme Court on a writ of habeas corpus ; and on
examination, there not appearing the slightest evidence against him, he
was admitted to bail. At the Circuit Court held in Philadelphia the
June following, a bill for misprision of treason was sent to the grand jury
against him, but every witness that was sworn testified in his favor.
There was not even a suspicious circumstance against him, and conse
quently no bill was found."
It cannot but excite the liveliest indignation to read the details of this
case ; and the natural inquiry is, to whom should the blame attach ? To
all concerned in these extraordinary military perquisitions; the Nevilles —
the Secretary of the Treasury — the District Judge — the General of the
army. Findley remarks on this case as follows : "Thus a man who was
at the time sheriff of the county, and a colonel of the militia, and who
in a part of the country and in circumstances where temporizing might
have been excusable, was not only clear of any charge, but had raerit —
was selected by the Secretary as a victim, illegally taken frora the exercise
of an office at that tirae of iraportance to the peace of the county; and

MILITARY INQUESTS. 299
without examination, or being confronted with his accuser, perhaps a
secret enemy, dragged down to Philadelphia in the winter by a military
guard — paraded in a barbarous raanner through the streets, thrown for
some time into the cells, compelled to wear the word insurgent in his
hat, and then cast into prison; and after a long confinement, admitted to
bail ! After this he was again required to cross the mountains to meet
his trial, at which nothing was alleged against him ! It is not easy to
assign the motive for selecting these two men, Powers and Hamilton, as
objects of vengeance. They had both been friends of order during the
disturbances; naturally quiet, they had never distinguished themselves
in political contests, or taken any part in the discussion of public mea
sures. Perhaps the motive for treating Major Powers with such unjusti
fiable severity, was to extort testimony from him, and to teach others
what they might expect if they did not give such testimony against cer-j
tain characters as the Secretary required. As Col. Hamilton was the
sheriff of the county, and colonel of the battalion where the insurrection
originated, his rank and the relation in which he stood to the county,
were probably the reasons of his being selected."
These illegal military inquests, and unauthorized examinations, were
carried on extensively ; many hands being employed in the work. The
most guilty had either fled or taken the benefit of the amnesty, to which
some respect was paid at first. Great numbers were dismissed, both of
the innocent and guilty, the latter generally being the most favored ;
probably protected by their own insignificance. The Inspector, who acted
as the prosecuting or injured party, had acquired, from the fortuitous cir
cumstances in whioh he was placed, an immense power over his fellow-
citizens, which, without extravagance, might be compared to the revolu
tionary tribunals of France, under the control of Couthon and St. Just,
differing only in degree of atrocity. It is terrible to reflect on the posses
sion of such power in any man ; especially if he be naturally vindictive,
and has antipathies to gratify. Having made some extracts from Find
ley, some will also be given from the other cotemporary writer, Mr. Brack
enridge, bearing on this subjeot.
"It may seem to reflect on the judiciary, to have it supposed that
they would give so facile an ear to General Neville as may seem to be
insinuated. Let it be considered, that they would find, in the course
of their examination, that even at the burning of the house of the In
spector there were persons who had been under the impulse of fear for
themselves, and were carried there by constraint. But more especially
at Braddock's Field, many were present under compulsion ; and through

300 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
the scene in general, many were obliged to appear what they were not.
The quo animo, therefore, was to be determined, a good deal, from what
hfid been known to be their sentiments and conduct heretofore. To whom
could this be referred better thau to the Inspector of the revenue, who
knew the people ? And this gave him unlimited influence in his represen
tations. I have no disposition to be dissatisfied with the use the Inspector
made of this advantage, in saving individuals. I wish I could equally
excuse the use he made of it in punishing others ! I can only soften
my censure by acknowledging, that so far as I have heard, he exer
cised favor in more instances than prejudice. But in both instances he
must be considered as having misled the judiciary. It would have been
better to have declined his attendance on the examinations — to have been
escorted home to his house, and have remained there; leaving the judi
cial investigation to an operation unbiassed by him, so as not only to
avoid the influence of opinion, but the suspicion of it* But this is a
delicacy the noble mind has from nature, or which a refined education
gives." The contrast between the manner in which the two coteraporary au
thors speak of the same transaction, is that of a refined mind and of a
coarse and harsh nature ; the one cuts like a sharp instrument, the other
like a butcher's cleaver. The very apology for the Inspector, made by
Mr. Brackenridge, is ten times more severe than the downright assault
of Findley. Taken together, they represent a state of things which can
scarcely ever occur again in this republic, and which the present exposi
tion may possibly contribute to prevent. Mr. Brackenridge speaks of
the judiciary in these curious examinations, when, in fact, the judiciary
had very little to do with them ; or, at least, as only subordinate to the
Secretary of the Treasury, and his inferior officer, the Inspector. In the
case of Mr. Brackenridge, as related by himself, this is fully displayed.
After Mr. Brackenridge had escaped assassination, the cry among the
arriving troops was, "Hang him, hang hira." The quarter-master had
selected his house, being a large and coramodious one, for the accommo
dation of General Lee ; but the unexpected meeting was an awkward one,
on both sides. Being a younger graduate, Lee had been under the tuition
of the former at Princeton College. The General soon procured other
quarters, as it was a matter of delicacy, both for himself and a host who
was denounced as the chief insurgent, and whom the army was eager to
hang. Through Mr. Ross, he represented to Judge Peters his readiness
"* This is certainly a very mild view of the case of General Neville.

CASE OF MR. BRACKENRIDGE. 301
to attend, at any moment when called upon, in order to avoid the mor
tification of an arrest; and the gentieman just named pledged himself
to that effect. As arrests were usually made in the night, he lay on his
couch, dressed and ready for the event. Anxiety of mind from this state
of suspense, and a bitter sense of the injustice to which he was subjected
by the malignity of his enemies, brought on a return of a nervous affec
tion which he had experienced in eariy life from severe application to
study. " I had at first," says he, "feared assassination ; now I began to
apprehend danger from a judiciary process. I looked forward to a trial
before a jury in Philadelphia, heated with prejudice against me. Besides,
the part I had been drawn in to act was so various, and of such a na
ture, that it would take a multitude of witnesses to explain the quo animo;
and the mere expense of a trial would ruin me. But what alarmed rae
still more, from a stroke that I received twenty years before, from leading
a sedentary life — I am subject to a delinquency of nerves, especially when
any thing strongly affects my mind ; and I was afraid my feelings would
kill me, under a sense of the arts that were practicing against me. I bore
it with apparent fortitude, but my sensibility was greatly affected. Not
that I was uncomraonly afraid of death, but I regarded my raeraory for
the sake of my family ; and was apprehensive that I might sink under it,
and that it jvould be resolved into a consciousness of guilt, and not the
pain which the ingenuous mind feels when it is wronged by the world.
"I had heard all that I apprehended confirmed; that there was the
strongest disposition with the judiciary, and through all the branches of
the assistant examiners, to find ground for arresting rae. This was so
strikingly observed by the country, that it quite restored me in their good
opinion ; and if the election had been to take place then, there would
have been no question of my obtaining their suffrages. They were satis
fied they had wronged me, in supposing that I had stipulated an indem
nity for myself particularly ; or had made fair weather with the govern
ment by deserting them. I had nothing to fear from the body of the
people ; they would rather lean in my favor ; but there were still enough
of unprincipled persons that might be brought forward, or who would
offer themselves in order to obtain favor. It was amusing to rae to see
the numbers of those passing themselves for friends of government,
whom, during the insurrection, I had a great deal of trouble to keep
down. They took their revenge now, and joined in the cry against
Brackenridge. Some poor fellows did this to save themselves; I had
given them leave to do it. They came to me with tears in their eyes, to
consult whether they should go off or not, or stand a trial. The army had

302 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
then crossed the mountains. I directed them to contrive to let my
'brother of the bar' * hear them curse me, and say they had voted against
me at the election ; this would be carried to the ears of my adversaries,
and they would be represented as friends of the government. They did
so, and it had the effect.
" I will not say that the Nevilles were usually capable of deliberately
contemplating the putting me to death. The father is outrageously
passionate, but not vindictive or cruel; the son is a man of good temper
and humanity ; but they labored under irremovable misconceptions, owing
to a variety of circurastances ; and their pride had also been wounded by
acts of mine, which, at the time, I thought virtuous, and think so still.
I know well that the misconception of the Nevilles had been in a great
measure established by ' my brother of the bar,' and that their rage had
been fanned by his information. He was now busy at the camp with
General Neville. The General, who had been the subject of the outrages,
was there in the light of a private prosecutor ; and in aid of the judiciary,
was assisting in bringing forward and interrogating witnesses. 'My
brother of the bar' was busy in sounding and marshaling them; and if
on examination any thing was omitted, he took the General aside and
gave him a hint of it; the General would then return to the charge with
fresh questions. This is the account I have from witnesses, and gentle
men occasionally present.
" When the matter was thought to be pretty well fixed against me in
the exparte inquisition, the great and concluding stroke was to be given.
A treasonable letter of mine, addressed to a certain Bradford, had fallen
into the hands of my adversaries. It was dark and mysterious, and re
spected certain papers, a duplicate of which I wished bim to send me,
'*The "brother ofthe bar" here alluded to, was General John Woods, between
whom and Mr. Brackenridge there existed a mortal feud, growing out of profes
sional and political rivalry, such as often exists in this republic between men
equally honorable and high-minded. He is not naraed, from delicacy to his bro
ther-in-law, Mr. Boss, who was a friend of Mr. Brackenridge. Gen. Woods was
the professional adviser of the Nevilles, and was thought by Mr. Brackenridge to
have mingled personal enmity 'with the service of his client, the Inspector ; and to
have employed his talents, which were of a high order, ungenerously against him.
He speaks of him with much more asperity than of the Nevilles ; perhaps from
the circumstance just mentioned, and regarding him as a "foeman more worthy of
his steel." Gen. Woods was absent during the disturbances, and returned in com
pany with Neville ; that absence he regarded as an additional reason why Gen.
Woods should take no part against him. In fact, although the Nevilles were the
principals in the designs against him, they stood only second iu his resentment.

CASE OF MR. BRACKEXRIDGB. 303
having mislaid the first copy ; that these were so essential I could not go
on with the business without them. This letter was now produced.
'What do you make of this?' said Secretary Hamilton to James Ross,
who was present ; ' you have averred, as your opinion, that Brackenridge
has had no correspondence with Bradford ; look at that — is it not the
handwriting of Brackenridge ?' ' It is the handwriting,' said Ross, paus
ing a moment, • and there is only this small matter observable, that it is
iddressed to William Bradford, Attorney General of the United States.'*
" When a blast transverse takes a shallop on the river and throws her
on her beam ends, with all her sail set ; or, when a scud of wind takes the
standing corn of the farmer, and on the field bows the stalk to the earth,
so languished ' my brother of the bar.' The old General stood motionless
and speechless, and to this hour had been standing, had not Secretary
Hamilton broke silence. ' Gentlemen,' said he, ' you are too fast ; this
will not do.'
" The late circumstance had weakened the credit of the prosecution ;
and all things considered, especially when James Ross was examined, it
began to be doubted whether it would be for the honor of the government
to prosecute me. However, the case reraained open for further testimony.
" Charles Smith, son-in-law to commissioner Teates, one of the assistant
examiners, 'with the judges, had corae to town and said to a person, who
communicated it to me, that my arrest was certain; that he was aston
ished that I 'was still in Pittsburgh ! Had I no regard for my life ?
That others also, who had no apprehension, were in a like predicament;
and that thirty-six hours would make a great difference in Pittsburgh.
Thought I, my adversaries have been more successful in marshaling the
presumption of guilt in my ease than I had conceived. I take it for
granted that I shall be arrested beyond question, now. However, I had
composed my mind a sood deal by this time, and thought I had fortitude
to bear all they could accomplish ; and if there vras any chance of justice
at all, I would finally triumph over them.
'• Notwithstanding it was known that I remained in Pittsburgh, yet it might
be supposed that, as danger approached I might become more alarmed, and
abscond, if direction was given to take me in the day-time; and for that rea
son, and because it would gratify my enemies to accumulate humiliations
upon me, I counted npon being arrested in the night. I therefore lay on
a couch, without undressing, ready at a moment to obey the mandate and
* It had been picked up by the same busy-body who made the discovery that he
had not signed the amnesty on the day— a fact which had already been communi
cated by letter to Hanulton, at Bedford. See the posthumous letter referred to.

304 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
go with the guard that should call for me. I lay two nights in this man
ner, not sleeping much, but consoling myself with reading some of the
lives of Plutarch. Reading that of Solon, I meditated upon his laws,
making it death for a citizen, in a civil tumult, not to take part ; for by
taking part on the one side or the other, the moderate citizens will be di
vided, and mixing with the violent, will correct the fury on both sides until
an accommodation can be brought about.* It was on that principle I had
aided in the insurrection, and by seeming to be of the insurgents, had
contributed to soften all their measures, and finally prevent a civil war.
But I saw that the law of Solon would apply only to a small republic
where the moderate men were known to each other, and could explain
theraselves in the course of the negotiation. I had been treading upon
the edge of a precipice, making an experiment extremely dangerous to
myself. My intentions were laudable, but my conduct hazardous. It is
true, I had embarked in the business, in the first instance, at the request
* N. B. Craig assumes the office, without the qualifications of the literary critic,
on this passage, and accuses Mr. Brackenridge of misquoting the law of Solon !
The learned Theban mistakes the gloss, or commentary of Plutarch, for the law of
Solon, or rather confounds them together. The words of Solon are, that in case of
civil dissension, he shall be regarded as infamous who shall remain neutral. These
words are correctly given by Mr. Brackenridge, but with his own commentary,
which corresponds with that of Aulus Gellius and other writers: "that the wise
and just, as well as tbe envious and wicked, being obliged to take some side, mat
ters were more easily accommodated." The gloss of Plutarch which has been
mistaken for the law, is, that in thus taking sides, the right may prevail. Xow, it
is not always the strongest party that is in the right, but it is uSMd.'Hj that party ¦
which prevails. Solon gives no reason for his law, but we find the true one in
Dante: Aquel cativo coro
Degli angell, che non furon rebelli
Ni fur fideli a dio, ma por se furon.
That caitiff crowd
Of the angels, who neither reheUed,
Nor faithful stood — from love of self alone.
The law of Solon was directed against the selfish neutral; against him who stood
by and saw his country rent by civil war, watching the opportunity to benefit by
the misfortunes of both parties, while by his interference he might have made
peace. This is Mr. Braokenridge's application of the law of Solon. He had acted
upon it, and only involved himself in serious difficulties in consequence, and
gaining the enmity of both parties. For that reason, he declared that if the
same were to be acted over again, he would not follow the law of Solon, but leave
the parties to settle their own differences. But this was the language of chagrin —
he had acted according to the generous impulse of his nature, and in aU proba
bUity, under similar circumstances, he would act so again.

THE ARREST. 805
of a public officer ; and through the whole scene was in confidence with
men who would not only be unsuspected, but had the confidence of the
government. But 1 was at a great distance from the seat of government,
and not in direct communication with those at the head of it ; so that I
was at the mercy of others. Now, if I should be placed again in sirailar
eircumstances, I will not act on the principle of Solon's law. Let people
that are to be expelled by revolutionary violence get out of the country
the best way they can, or run the risk of being put to death ; and let the
executive and insurgents settle their own negotiations ; I will have noth
ing to do with them."
These reflections of Mr. Brackenridge were the result of chagrin and
a sense of injustice. He had rendered the most important services;
saved the town from destruction, and at the same time the whole western
counties from the horrors of civil war; perhaps the confederacy itself
from a fatal wound. To meet the reward of a criminal for all this, was,
no doubt, most trying; but following the impulse of a generous nature,
the presumption is, that if the same thing were to occur again, he would
meet the same risk in the cause of humanity and patriotism.
The expected arrest came at length in the forra of a subpoena to testify
before Judge Peters 1 He accordingly attended, and was referred by him
to Secretary Hamilton. The account of this examination will be given
in the words of Mr. Brackenridge, being more fresh and graphic than
any in which it could be conveyed by another.
It is, moreover, important, as it relates to one who was stigmatized as
the chief actor in the so-called insurrection, but whose efforts had been
directed to arrest it in its very commencement, and by whose talents and
address it was finally suppressed. Conscious not only of innocence, but
of his important services, it was most painful to be thus, even for a time,
placed on the rack by false and groundless suspicions.
"I was received by Mr. Hamilton with that countenance which a man
will have when he sees a person with regard to whom his huraanity and
his sense of justice struggle ; he would have him saved, but is afraid he
must be hanged ; was willing to treat me with civility, but was embar
rassed with a sense that in a short time I must probably stand in the pre
dicament of a culprit, and be put in irons. He began by asking some
general questions with regard to any system or plan, within my knowledge,
of overthrowing the government. I had known nothing of the kind.
•After a number of general questions, to which I had to answer in the
negative, I proposed to put an end to that, by giving a narrative of every
thing I did know. It was agreed, and he began to write. I gave him

306 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
the outlines of the narrative I have given in this publication, until I came
to that particular where, after the burning of Neville's house, I repre
sented the people as calling on Bradford and Marshall to come forward
and support what had been done, under the pain of being treated as Nev
ille hiraself had been. At this the Secretary laid down his pen and ad
dressed himself to me : ' Mr. Brackenridge,' said he, ' I observe one leading
trait in your account ; a disposition to excuse the principal actors ; and
before we go farther, I must be candid, and inform you of the delicate
situation in which you stand ; you are not within the amnesty ; you have
not signed upon the day, a thing we did not know until we came upon the
ground, I mean into the western country ; and though the government may
not be disposed to proceed rigorously, yet it has you in its power, and it
will depend upon the candor of your account what your fate will be.' My
answer was, I am not within the amnesty, and am sensible of the extent
of the power of the government ; but were the narrative to begin again,
I would not change a single word." It is difficult to find language to ex
press' the sense of surprise, in all men of right feeling at such an ap
peal ! The practice of such methods, in this instance, (and in the oth
ers on the authority of Findley,) cannot be read without indignation at
the present day. Testimony obtained in such a manner would be scouted
with abhorrence by a court of justice, under the free common law adapt
ed to a republican government. The reply of Mr. Brackenridge must,
in every rightly constituted mind, place him infinitely above the exam
iner in point of dignity and elevation of character. What was it on the
part of the Secretary, but holding out the inducement to commit perjury,
as the means of saving the witness' life ? It must be admitted, however,'
that with this exception, the conduct of the Secretary, on this particular
occasion, was highly honorable to him, and such as might have been ex
pected frora a man of his great talents and high functions.
" Having passed through the circumstances of the Marshal and Nev
ille being privy to my giving my opinion ^to Black and Hamilton on the
effect of the writ of subpoena to delinquent distillers, and Neville re
questing rae to go to the Mingo meeting, my examination was adjourned,
Mr. Hamilton being called upon to dinner; and I was desired to attend
in the afternoon. At three o'clock I returned to my exaraination ; Mr.
Hamilton entering the room where 1 waited for him, appeared to have
been reflecting, and said, ' Mr. Brackenridge, your conduct has been hor
ribly misrepresented.' I saw that he never before heard the least of my
being solicited by Neville the younger to go to the meeting at Mingo
Creek, but having just dined in company with him at the house of Ma-

EXAMINATION OF MR. BRACKENRIDGE. 307
jor Craig, where I was then examined, he had asked Neville, and he ac
knowledged it. This last is conjecture."
There can be no doubt of the fact, since it was not denied by Neville at
the time of the publication of the " Incidents." Neville would not deny the
fact of Mr. Brackenridge attending the meeting at his instance, when tbe
question was directly put; but where was his pledge to Mr. Brackenridge, to
make known the motive for his going there ? He must have known that
the going to the meeting was used as one of the most serious circum
stances against Mr. Brackenridge, by his father and Major Craig. The
Secretary must have been struck with this want of good faith, even as
respected himself, and the indiscreet zeal of the connection must have
deeply affected him ; his pride was wounded at the idea of being made
the mere instrument to gratify the hatred of these persons. The con
tinued round of dinners, and the incessant sibuse of the connection against
particular individuals, must have become nauseating to such a man as
Hamilton, hence his exclamation, " Mr. Brackenridge, your conduct has
been horribly misrepresented." And by whom ? Of course by the Nev
ille connection.
"I went on to give an account of the Mingo Creek meeting. The
Secretary appeared not satisfied. 'Mr. Brackenridge,' said he, 'you must
know we have testimony extreraely unfavorable to you, of speeches made
at that meeting; in particular your ridiculing the Executive.' I saw
that some fool had misunderstood, and had been giving an account of
what I had deduced from the lenity of the President in the case of the
Presq' Isle establishment, and my introducing General Knox and Corn-
planter making speeches. I was extremely hurt to think, that after I
had been called upon, in the manner I was, to go forward on that occasion,
(the Mingo meeting,) I should be at the mercy of the accounts of persons
who did not understand me, and obliged to answer for the pleasantry I
had found necessary to use to secure attention to what I had further to
say. My answer was — Five persons were chosen to go with me to that
meeting, for the express purpose of bearing testimony of what I should
say; let these be called. It was the express condition with Col. Neville,
that I consented to go at all. Is it reasonable that I should be at the
mercy or prejudice of ignorant individuals, or their voluntary misrepre
sentations? He was silent. I went on to give an account of the town
meeting at Pittsburgh. I stated it, as moved by me, that we should
march and pretend to join the people at Braddock's Field. I saw the
Secretary pause at this, and sink into deep refiection. It staggered hira.
Was it any more, said I, than what Richard the Second did, when a raob

308 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
of one hundred thousand men were assembled at Blackheath ? The
young prince addressed thera, put himself at their head, and said, ' What
do you want, gentlemen ? I will lead you on.'
"My narrative now continued. After some time the Secretary ob
served, 'My breast begins to ache — we will stop to-night; we will resume
to-morrow at nine o'clock.' I was at a loss to know whether his breast
ached for my sake, or from the writing ; but disposed to construe every
thing unfavorably, I supposed it was for my sake, and that he saw I
must be arrested.
"Waiting on the Secretary at nine o'clock, my examination was re
sumed. In the course of the narrative, his countenance began to brighten,
and having finished the history, there was an end. 'Mr. Brackenridge,'
said he, 'in the course of yesterday I had uneasy feelings, I was concerned
for you as a man of talents ; my impressions were unfavorable ; you may
have observed it. I now think it my duty to inform you, that not a
single one remains. Had we listened to some people, I know not what
we might have done. There is a side to your account; your conduct has
been horribly misrepresented, owing to misconception. I will announce
you in this point of view to Governor Lee, who represents the Executive.
You are in no personal danger, you will not be troubled even with a
simple inquisition by the judge; what may be due to yourself with the
public, is another question.'
"In so delicate a case, where life had been sought by insidious men;
and when, what I felt with more sensibility, my hopes of estimation in
the world were likely to be blasted, at least for a time, it may easily be
supposed that not a word escaped me, or will ever be forgotten.
" My sensibility had been greatly wounded when I waited on Judge
Peters with the narrative to sign, as directed by Mr. Hamilton ; it was
with difficulty I could write my name five tiraes to the five different sheets
of paper, of which my narrative consisted. I returned to my house with
different feelings from those I had for a long time before."
The author cannot refrain from noticing in this place a singular proof of
the coarseness of the descendant, in his allusion to the circumstance of
Mr. Brackenridge having been required to sign each of the five separate
sheets, as an evidence that he was "such a rogue," that he could not be
trusted with one signature to the whole ! Is this the ignorance of the
descendant, or is it a vulgar appeal to the ignorance of others ? In his
allusion to the infirraity of the signer, whose hand trembled — the effect of
a nervous disease, increased on the present occasion by intense anxiety of
mind — there is a want of delicacy of feeling which might be expected of

MR. BRACKENRIDGE'S ACQUITTAL. 309
a New Zealand savage, but is indeed astonishing in our state of civiliza
tion. As soon as the acquittal of Mr. Brackenridge became known, it gave
great satisfaction to the public. His popularity with them was entirely
restored. His persecution by the connection had convinced the people of
the injustice they had done him in supposing he had been bribed by the
government. They now saw his conduct in its true light, as stated by
Mr. Purviance, that it is, "to induce the people to submit to the laws,
and the government to grant an amnesty for the past." The old General
(Neville) was enraged. "Brackenridge," said he, "is the most artful
fellow on God Almighty's earth. He put his finger in Yeates' eye — in
Ross' eye — and now in Hamilton's eye. He is the most artful fellow on
God Almighty's earth."
The following is the notice of this acquittal, by Findley : " Mr. Brack
enridge had conducted with such address, in a situation which ren
dered it necessary for him to temporize, that he knew he was in no danger
ftom the usual mode of process ; but he also knew that the power of the
government conveyed another idea.* He had observed the innocent and the
guilty, indiscriminately, in many instances in the West, subjected to unusual
sufferings and insults, by the power of govemment. If such powerful ad
dresses were made to the hopes and fears of Mr. Brackenridge, who from
his profession was able to judge of his situation, what may we not expect
was done with such ignorant people as did not know what part of their
conduct or expressions might be deemed criminal. It is observable, that
though the subpoena for Mr. Brackenridge came frora Judge Peters, yet
the examinations were conducted, and the terrors, &c. dispensed, by the
Secretary!" Mr. Brackenridge, at least, had no reason to coraplain of Hamilton, and
although differing from him in politics, always spoke of him personally
with respect. He had done him justice, which he did not expect, consid
ering the prepossession and the influences brought to bear against him.
To obtain bare justice, or rather to escape injustice, was something to be
grateful for in such times ; but that gratitude is not required by any gen
erosity of sentiment to be carried beyond himself. This was a different
case from his escape from assassination ; he felt no gratitude, nor was
there any due to those who saved him, as it were, from their own servants,
for whose acts they would be responsible.
Mr. Craig affects to entertain some doubts as to the details of the ex-
* Findley had not sufficient magnanimity, or justice, to ascribe this acquittal to
hvnoceuce but regarded it as the result of management on the part of an astute lawyer I
21

310 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
amination of Mr. Brackenridge 5 on what ground? On the technical
ground of exparte evidence ; there was no one present but Hamilton and
himself ! He appears not to know the difference between historical evi
dence and the narrow rules of courts under the common law, intended to
shut out falsehoods, but which more frequently shut out truth. He says
it is exparte evidence. But this does not mean evidence of the party,
which is often received in courts of justice; but where confined exclusively
to the breast of the witness, and there exists no possibility of contradiction,
and given without notice to enable others to contradict him. Here there
was ample notice — the appeal was to the bar of public opinion ; the facts
published in the presence of the parties interested to controvert ; the per
son named with whom the transaction took place. There was also a for
mal challenge to deny the facts of the "Incidents," generally. How
easy would it have been to have addressed a letter to Hamilton, calling
on him to contradict the statements, if not true ? The Nevilles were im
plicated in what was said by Hamilton — to them alone could he have re
ferred, when he said, "had we listened to sorae people," &c. They were
silent. Can we admit the wretched excuse of the descendant, that Col.
Neville was too indolent, and the others of the connection not competent?
No attempt was made to deny the fact of the acquittal, and it was a sub
ject of common conversation at the time, and the whole probably repeated
before the publication a year afterward in a book. Hamilton was still
living ; why, I repeat, was there' no appeal taken ? The subject will not
bear a moment's consideration.
Craig again asks, why was not the document alluded to (his examina
tion,) produced by Mr. Brackenridge ? This is an unfortunate question,
for Craig. No copy was retained, as is evident from the circumstances ;
the five sheets, or twenty-five pages, having been immediately delivered
to Judge Peters, and therefore in the hands of the government. But the
question may be turned against him. Why was it never brought forth by
the friends of the government ? A very plausible reason for this may be
given. It contained a statement of the leading facts of the insurrection,
so entirely convincing to Hamilton, that it produced an entire change in his
mind; but it exhibited a view of the whole affair entirely different from
that which the government agents had presented to the public, and if it
convinced Hamilton, it might have convinced others ; and here was a
reason for its suppression, which was not in the power of Mr. Bracken
ridge to do, as he did not retain the document.
If Judge Wilkinson is good authority in favor of the Nevilles, his evi
dence is not to be rejected when he speaks of the conduct of the govern-

MILITARY INQUISITION. 311
ment agents who came to suppress the insurrection. He speaks of the
"star chamber" proceedings in the "inquisitorial court," opened by
General Hamilton, and of "informers influenced by prejudice or malice."
He relates that "a lieutenant of the army, while it was halting at Pitts
burgh, visited his uncle in the vicinity, and accompanied him to a husking
party, where, on using the term rebel as applicable to the citizens gen
erally, he was rebuked by a respectable old man of the party. The officer
replied insolently, upon which a young man (for young men in that day
always felt bound to protect the aged,) interposed, and would have beaten
him with deserved severity, had not my father begged him off. The officer
returned to Pittsburgh, and the next day both of those who had offended
him at the husking were arrested. The young man found friends who
procured his liberation, but the old man, notwithstanding efforts were
made for his release, was carried to Philadelphia and imprisoned for
more than six months, without trial." There is no reason to question this
fact, and others of frequent occurrence ; but Judge Wilkinson, the eulo
gist of the Neville connection, does not appear to be aware of the quarter
on which his censure would fall — not merely on General Hamilton, but
also on the " general plaintiff" in the outrages committed.

CHAPTER XIII.
THE MILlTAKT ARRESTS, AND .iTEOOIOnS TREATMENT OF THE PEOPLE  THE DREAD
FUL BIGHT — WITHDRAWAL OP THB ARMY  THE ENU OP THE INSURRECTION.
The army of the western expedition, as it was called, had been about
ten days encamped in two or three divisions in the West, while no symp
tom of disaffection was discernible, much less any embodied force; on
the contrary, every disposition was manifested by the magistrates and the
people to comply with the wishes of the military, as well as of the ac
companying United States civil authorities. The judges of Westmore
land county. General Jack and others, waited on them, and offered their
service to issue process and arrest any persons that might be designated.
Their services were not accepted; and they were dismissed in a way
which indicated that other and more summary modes of proceeding were
in contemplation. Of this, the details of the last chapter will have given
some idea. The military and civil inquests being completed, it was now
determined, once for all, to strike a blow that would be felt through the
'whole of society in these counties, and' be long remembered, like the
military chastenings of Claverhouse, in crushing the unruly spirit of the
Highland Scotch.
It will appear by the letter of instruction to General Lee, that the
military force was to act " where it met with combinations or individuals
in arms against the government, or when called to assist the civil author
ity." These orders were utterly disregarded. There was no resistance,
either to the military or civil authority ; it was the duty of the army,
therefore, to remain passive, and confine its operations to its camps. The
words of the order are so distinct and clear, that it is impossible to mis
take them. "The objects of the military force are two-fold; to overawe
any armed opposition that may exist, and to countenance and support
the civil officers in the means of executing their offices." And again,
"You are to preserve discipline amongst the troops; particularly a
scrupulous regard to the rights of persons and property, and a respect for
the authority of the civil magistrate ; taking especial care to inculcate
and cause to be observed this principle : that the duties of the army are

MILITARY ARRESTS. 313
confined to attacking and subduing of armed opponents to the laws, and
to supporting and aiding of the civil officers in the execution of their
functions." It is not pretended that a single man was found in arms in
opposition to the government; where, then, was the justification of the
military arrests and military agency in the prosecution of those alleged to
be amenable to the law for offenses committed during the disturbances or
ridts which had occurred ?
We shall here present the orders •of General Lee, addressed to General
Irvine, under which the arrests were made ; and he that reads an account
of them for the first time, cannot do so without astonishment and indig
nation. Never since there was a government in these States, was there
anything 'witnessed so disgraceful as the proceedings under these orders
which we are about to relate. Such orders are a stain on the history of
our own country. Although General Lee is admitted to have acted, so far
as he was personally concerned in the particular cases, in an unexception
able manner, and General Irvine, to whom the orders were directed, in a
manner worthy of praise ; yet the execution of the orders from their
nature would necessarily be intrusted to inferior and subaltern officers,
and to expect them to be executed without abuse, was against all prob
ability. The responsibility of issuing them, must, therefore, rest on their
author, whoever he may be. "Head-Quarters, near Parkinson's Ferry, )
November 9th, 1794. )
" Sir :— From the delays and danger of escapes which attend the present situa
tion of judiciary investigations to estabUsh preliminary processes against off'enders,
it is deemed advisable to proceed in a summary manner, in the most disaffected
scenes, against those who have notoriously committed treasonable acts ; that is,
to employ the miUtary for the purpose of apprehending and bringing such persons
before the Judge of the district, to be by him examined and dealt with according
to law.
" To you is committed the execution of this object within that part of Allegheny
county to which you are advancing.
" As a guide to you, you have herewith a list of persons (No. 1,) who have com
pUed with the terms offered by the Commissioners of the United States, are en
titled to an exemption from arrest and punishment, and who are therefore not
to be meddled with. You have also a Ust, (No. 2, ) who, it is understood on good
grounds, have committed acts of treason ; and who may therefore be safely appre
hended. " Besides these you may, in the course of your operations, receive satisfactory
information of others who have committed like acts, and whom, in that case, you
WiU also cause to be apprehended. The acts alluded to are the following : 1st. The
firing upon, imprisoning, or interrupting in the course of his duty, the Marshal of
the District. 2d. The two attacks on the house of John NeviUe, Esq., Inspector of

314 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
the Revenue. 3d. The assembling, or aiding the assembling, of an army at Brad
dock's Field, in the county of AUegheny, on the 1st of August last. 4th. The assem
bling and acting as delegates at the meeting at Parkinson's Ferry, which began on the
14th of the same month. 5th. The meeting at Mingo Creek meeting-house, termed a
society— sometimes a congress. 6th. The destruction of property and the expulsion
of persons, at and from the town of Pittsburgh. 7th. The interruption and plunder
ing of the public mail ; and the injuries to the houses and violence to the persons of
Benjamin Wells, John Webster aud Philip Began, ofBcers of the revenue. Sth. The
planting of May poles, impudently called liberty poles, 'with the intention to counte
nance and cooperate in the insurrection. You wiU carefully direct your inquiries to
ward civil and military officers, who have been extensively concerne d in the enormities
committed ; it being their special duty to have prohibited, by their exertions, every
species of enormity. But iu the apprehension of persons not named in the list,
(No. 2,) you will use great circumspection to embrace none but real offenders ;
nor will you be too promiscuous or too general. The persons apprehended ought
to be leading or influential characters, or particularly violent. You will find a
list, (No. 3 ; ) this paper comprehends 'witnesses. The individuals are to be brought
forward and treated as such.
" Direct all who may be apprehended by you to be conveyed to your camp, until
further orders. Send off your parties of horse, with good guides, and at such a
period as to make the surprises, however distant, or near, at the same moment, or
inteUigence will precede them, and some of the culprits will escape. I presume
the proper hour will be at daybreak on Thursday morning, and have therefore de
sired the operation to be then performed, in every quarter.
"I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your most obedient servant,
(Signed) Henry Lee.
" List No. 1, mentioned in this letter, is in the possession of Governor HoweU,
and will be sent to you, if required. Wait not for it.
" List No. 3 is not to be expected, as no witnesses are to be summoned for the
district for which you act."
It appears that No. 1, containing the names of those who were enti
tled to the benefit of the amnesty, was never delivered. This was also
the case with No. 3, containing the names of those who were to be ar
rested as witnesses, but many of these were embraced in No. 2, so that
no difference was made in their favor. The order was directed to General
Irvine, who of course re-issued the same orders in circulars to the infe
rior officers, who were to execute them. The conduct of the General was
perhaps military, and all agree that wherever he had any personal agency
he acted with humanity, but he would have been entitied to still higher
praise if he had taken the responsibility of disobeying such an extraor
dinary and illegal order.
It was thus left to the discretion of some subaltern or inferior officer,
Ignorant, and of brutal passions, as the case might be, to commit the

MILITARY ARRESTS. 315
grossest violations of the rights of the citizen. At his pleasure, tbe do
mestic sanctuary was to he violated in the dead hour of the night, with
out any other warrant but the sword ; men were to be torn frora their
beds and distracted families for suspected offenses ; some of these offenses
being merely political, or no offenses at all, and many of them raerely as
witnesses ! Every man's house, in contemplation of law, is his castle, and
when thus invaded he has as much a risrht to defend it asrainst lawless
bands of soldiers, as against the ferocious savages. He would have been
as justifiable in shooting the assailants, and it is a wonderful proof to
what degree the people were crushed by submission, that no instance of
the kind occurred. The only excuse for this proceeding was, that the
supposed culprits might otherwise escape ! But what is this compared
to the ten-fold outrage committed against men presumed in law to be in
nocent, and many of them beyond question were so, or had signed the
amnesty. The 'wretched excuse is an insult to the understanding of
those to whom it is addressed. It is. scarcely equaled by those acts in
other parts of the world, which are held up by all modern historians for
the execration of the just and wise.
The special directions from No. 1 to No. 8, instead of limiting this re
volting discretionary power, confided to dragoons over the liberties, lives
and domiciles of the western people, tends to enlarge and aggravate it.
One or two of those special cases deserve particular notice. Those who
attended the Parkinson meeting are mentioned as proper subjects of
arrest. Now this meeting of the citizens had for its object, with those who
originated and controlled it, to bring about a peaceable submission to the
laws. Where was the offense in this unarmed assembly ? It was even
recognized by the President, in his instructions to the commissioners, who
were directed to open a communication with it. If its members were to
be all treated alike, then the committee of conference which negotiated
with the commissioners and exerted itself to bring about a submission,
was in the same manner liable, especially as it was composed of members
of the Parkinson's Ferry meeting. The harmless assembly at Braddock's
Field is also to be regarded as treasonable, although no act of treason was
committed, unless that the mere assemblage, without inquiring into the
quo animo of the mass or of individuals, is to be regarded as treason.
The planting liberty poles is also to be regarded as treasonable, and the
dragoon is to be the judge in the first instance ! But the most singular of
these instructions is the direction to seize on all civil and railitary officers
whose duty it was to prevent the commission of these acts of outrage,
because they failed to do so, no matter whether it was in their power or

316 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
not. If we reflect on the distance from the scenes where these acts were
committed, to other parts of the country, and the fact that they were not
even heard of by the greater part of the inhabitants until afterward, the
duty required of the civil and military officers is a very severe one, in
deed. What would we think of applying this doctrine to the riots whioh
have been comraitted since that day in the narrow liraits of many of our
towns and cities, and hold the magistrates and peaceful citizens responsi
ble for thera ? Why were not the officers and the whole array held respon
sible for the two raurders committed while it was encamped at Carlisle ?
We are reminded of the Chinese idea of justice, where the culprit is
ordered to be put to a horrid death, with ten of his nearest relations, the
village in which they live to be burned to ashes, and the inhabitants driven
out to starve ! Is it not astonishing to find such perversion of reason in our
enlightened country? To pursue the subject further would be a prosti
tution of the reasoning faculty.
From this brief review of the principles of action, we will proceed to
the relation of the outrages committed in pursuance of them. The
principles are bad enough, but their practical operation too atrocious for
words to characterize with sufficient force ; in fact, the simple narrative
goes far beyond any language of reprobation. He is a false historian,
who would skulk from the relation of such acts of iniquity, or attempt
to gloss them over by frothy excuses or equivocations. The following is
the general account given by Mr. Brackenridge :
"The 13th of November was a 'DREADruL night' through the
western country. Hundreds were arrested; offenders and witnesses to
gether. Though directions were given to discriminate in their treatment,
it could not always be done in the first instance. Men were thrown into
jail, kept in cold barns or out-houses, or tied back, to back in cellars.
The officers, in some instances, hehaved with mildness ; in others, with
wanton and unnecessary severity. A Captain Dunlap, of Philadelphia, is
said to have conducted a number of prisoners from Washington to Pitts
burgh with humanity. A Capt.  is said, on the other hand, to
have driven a number under his custody like cattle before him, at a trot,
in muddy roads, through the Chartiers creek to the middle ; then im
pounded them in a wet stable, and insulted them, by ordering to be thrown
into the manger dough and raw fiesh to eat ! Passing to Washington
some time afterward, I exarained the stables and collected these facts."
The foregoing was derived from information ; the cases which came
under his own observation were even more atrocious :
"Of list No. 2, were personally known to me, Andrew Watson, Norris

THE "DREADFUL NIGHT." 817
Morrison, Samuel M'Cord, John Hannah, William Araberson, William
H. Beaumont, Alexander M'Nickle, Mordecai M'Donald, Martin Cooper
and George Robinson. Of these, all had signed the amnesty except
George Robinson and Mordecai M'Donald.* And with regard to Robin
son, I never heard a syllable alleged, but on the contrary, he was a most
¦worthy, peaceable man, the chief burgess of Pittsburgh. His not signing
the paper of submission ¦was owing to a mistake of pride, which had ex
isted with many, thinking that it would be a virtual acknowledgment of
having done something wrong in violation of the laws."}" Nevertheless,
these were arrested on the night of the 13th of November, all except
M'Nickle and Amberson ; the last of whom had received some hint of
it, and surrendered himself to the judiciary then sitting in his house.
M'Nickle found favor, and by some direction of General Irvine, was
passed over; IMartin Cooper, (a lame man,) was also passed over, and
never knew that he was on the list of the proscribed until I showed him
the list some time afterward.^ Nothing could be a greater proof to me of
favoritism and prejudice, than the forming this list, and the management
respecting it. Jeremiah Sturgeon had been arrested as the person intend
ed under the name of Alexander Sturgeon. I will now assurae four of these,
Andrew Watson, William H. Beaumont, Jeremiah Sturgeon and George
Robinson — than whom, I will pledge myself, there are not four less sus
pected persons, much less offending men, in the whole town of Pittsburgh.
With regard to the others, there had been allegations with respect to
raising a liberty pole ; but as to the greater part, of them, found afterward
to be groundless. Andrew Watson was my neighbor, one of the most
worthy men on earth, and a person who had suffered as much uneasiness
from the disturbance as any raan oould do ; he had demeaned himself in
the most unexceptionable manner. Of Jeremiah Sturgeon, one of our
most unoffending men, and George Robinson, I have already spoken.
They were littie known out of the town of Pittsburgh ; and it must have
* Besides these, tliere were in the list for Pittsburgh, Alexander Sturgeon, James
Hunter and Henry Parker.
¦f- He had accompanied Mr. Brackenridge to the IStingo Creek meeting, at the
special request of NevUle. It seems by the order already cited under the fifth
head, that this was an offense, if it does not rehite to the members of the club or
society, whioh met at that place, which seems probable. A curious cause for
either n military or oivil arrest !
t It was asked, with a show of indignation, how did Mr. Brackenridge obtain
the lists ? It matters not, their genuineness was not questioned. Its pubUcation
was said to have displeased General Irvine— others bad better ground to be dis
pleased.

318 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
been from thence that any inforraation against them could have come.*
They were dragged out of their beds at two o'clock in the morning, but
partly dressed ; obliged to march, some of them ¦without putting on their
shoes, thus dragged away amid the cries of children and the tears of
mothers; treated with language of the most insulting opprobium, by
those apprehending them ; driven before a troop of horse at a trot,
through muddy roads ; seven miles from Pittsburgh, impounded in a pen
on the wet soil. The guard baying them, and asking thera how they
would like to be hanged ; some offering a dollar to have the privilege of
shooting at them ; carried thence four miles toward the town; obliged
to lie all night on the wet earth, without covering, under a season of
rains, sleet and snows ; driven from the fire with bayonets, when some
of them, perishing, had crawled, endeavoring to be unseen, toward it;
next day impounded in a waste house, and detained there five days, then
removed to a newly built and damp room, without fire, in the garrison at
Pittsburgh ; at the end of ten days brought before the judiciary, and
nothing appearing against them — discharged !"
It is painful to contemplate such acts under any form of government,
and especially under free institutions. It appears that some of the citi
zens who had most exerted themselves in support of the laws, and had
made great efforts to bring the people to submission by persuasion, were
the victims of this dragoonade. As there was no force at the time to
put down the disorderly, no standing armies as in despotic countries, if
good citizens were thus rewarded, who will, hereafter, exert themselves
on such occasions ? The effect must be most pernicious. According
to Dr. Moor, in the despotic aristocracy of Venice it was a crime for the
citizen to intermeddle with, or even to speak of the affairs of the republic,
whether in praise or dispraise. All he had to do was to submit and
obey. Such appears to be the ideas of some of those who came to put
down the Western Insurrection, and who acted in a way so directly at
variance vrith all preconceived notions of what is due to the citizen, and
so inconsistently with the express orders of Washington.
The foregoing is related by Mr. Brackenridge as within his own know
ledge ; the further facts on a more extended scale, which he relates, were
matters of public notoriety. " About three hundred arrests were made
by the different military parties in the same night, chiefly in Washington
and Allegheny counties. With few exceptions these arrests were made
* That information was of course given in secret — and shows the bad influence
then at work behind the curtain — with this detestable miUtary inquisition. Hea
ven defend us from military government, or military poUoe !

THB "DREADFUL NIGHT." 319
with a total disregard of the amnesty, an instance of bad faith most dis
graceful to those concerned, and contrary to the express coraraand of
Washington in the general orders signed by Hamilton."
Findley, who wrote a year afterward, gives other instances and some
what more in detail, from documents collected by him. No one at the
time doubted the truth of the statements ; the author, although then but
a boy, remembers well to have heard the horror of the "dreadful
night" related by many of the sufferers themselves, and as a subjeot of
common conversation among the people. Although in his " Incidents,"
Mr. Brackenridge relates with proper indignation the occurrences we
have just recorded, yet at the same time there is an evident disposition
to reconcile the people to the government, and even to palliate and apolo
gize, rather than encourage disaffection. We now iflake the following
extract from Findley :
"The agonizing distress of those citizens and their families, who were
made the victims of perhaps private resentments on this occasion, can be
more easily conceived than expressed. The consternation of others, when
they observed the innocent, those who had signed the amnesty, witnesses
and criminals, treated with such undistinguishing severity, was inex
pressible. They justly apprehended that no man was safe, let his con
duct have been ever so innocent, or his assurance of protection from gov
ernment ever so great, if those who influenced the judiciary had enmity
against him.
" I have already stated that many of them had signed the amnesty ;
others had refused to sign from the pride of ignorance, or an acknowl
edgment of guilt. A nuraber of them were men of unimpeachable be-
ha'vior throughout the whole of the insurrection. Though there had
been a good deal of heat and irritation among the most ignorant class of
the people at Pittsburgh, yet there was no higher crirae committed, even
by them, than erecting a liberty pole ; but a proportion of the prisoners
were not of that class ; one of them was a respectable and well behaved
magistrate of the town.
"A captain with a detachment of the army who took a number of pris
oners in the southern parts of Washington county, is asserted to have
driven the prisoners like cattie at a trot, through creeks up to their middle
in water, and to have impounded them in a wet stable at night, and oth
erwise to have maltreated and insulted them ; though this fact has been
confidently asserted and never contradicted, yet not having the vouchers
for it before me, I shall pass it over without being more particular.
"The greatest outrage, however, against huraanity and decency, was
committed by General White in the Mingo Creek settlement. It is said

320 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
that he had been solicitous to have command of the New Jersey militia
on the western expedition, but from an apprehension of the peculiarity
of his temper, rendering him unfit for such a trust, arrangements were
made that prevented him from attaining that rank ; but being determined
to be employed in the expedition, and holding the rank of Brigadier
General in the militia, he marched to Carlisle with the light-horse vol
unteers ; and after a part of them were incorporated with the legion, he
continued to command the Jersey light-horse until the return of the
army. When Governor Howell took the horse, all but a small corps
which he left with General White, he gladly accepted the charge of
taking down the prisoners, after that trust had been declined by others.
Governor Howell returned with the horse by way of Northumberland, and
behaved in such a Inanner as to do honor to himself and the corps he com
manded both in the western country and on the return. Though there
seemed to be a general conviction that General White was not possessed
of sufficient discretion to be intrusted with the delicate charge of arresting
prisoners, yet by some means I never could learn of any officer of whom
I had an opportunity of inquiring, how he was intrusted to superintend
the taking of prisoners in Mingo Creek settlement on the 13th of No
vember, before mentioned, which from his conduct more than that of any
other officer in that country, was known by the name of the ' dreadful
night.' I shall state his conduct on that occasion, nearly in the words by
which it is expressed in the voucher now before me.
"On Thursday, the 13th of November, there were about forty persons
brought to Parkinson's house by order of General White, and he directed
to put the d  d rascals in the cellar ; to tie them back to back ; to make
a fire for the guard, but to put the prisoners back to the farther end of
the cellar, and to give them neither victuals nor drink. The cellar was
wet and muddy, and the night cold ; the cellar extended the whole length
under a new log house, which was neither floored nor the openings be
tween the logs daubed. They were kept there until Saturday morning,
and then marched to the town of Washington. On the march, one of the
prisoners who was subject to convulsions, fell into a fit; but when some
of the troop told General White of his situation, he ordered them to tie
the d  d rascal to a horse's tail and drag him along with them, for he
had only feigned having fits. Some of his fellow prisoners, however,
who had a horse, dismounted and let the poor man ride. He had another
fit before he reached Washington. This march was about twelve miles.
The poor man who had the fits had been in the American service during
almost the whole of the war with Great Britain.
" Having heard much of this inhuman business, and having occasion

THE "dreadful NIGHT." 321
last summer to go to Washington, I traveled that road for the first time
that I had ever been in the settiement, and lodged a night at the place.
The plantation is the property of Benjamin Parkinson, but rented by
him to a Mr. Stookdale, who keeps tavern at it, and who seems to be a
decent man, and against whom there was no charge. He not only con
firmed what I have stated above, but added a variety of other particulars
equally shocking. Stookdale was forbid on the peril of his life to admin
ister any comfort to his neighbors, though they were perishing with cold
and famishing with hunger. The General treated the prisoners as they
arrived with the most insulting and abusive language, causing them all to
be tied back to back, except one man who held a respectable rank, and
who, however, was said to be one of the most guilty in his custody.
One of the nearest neighbors, who had a child at the point of dying, and
observing that they were bringing in the whole neighborhood prisoners,
without regard to guilt or innocence, went and gave himself up to General
White, expecting that as they were conscious there was no charge against
him, he would be permitted to return to his family on giving bail ; but
he also was inhumanly thrown into the cellar, tied with the rest, and re
fused the privilege of seeing his dying child ; nor was he permitted to
attend its funeral, until, after many entreaties, he obtained that liberty,
accompanied with the most horrid oaths and imprecations.
"The most of these prisoners were found to be innocent men, and lib
erated. There were but three sent to Philadelphia for trial ; one of them
after having been dismissed at Pittsburgh, and perhaps taken a hearty
grog through joy at regaining his liberty, expressed himself unbecomingly
to some of the light-horsemen; he was afterward pursued near thirty
miles and taken to Philadelphia, but there was no cause of action found
against hira at the court. He had served with approbation during the
war; his name was Samuel Noy. Captain Dunlap had a discrimination
made in his orders between witnesses and supposed crirainals, and treated
them all with humanity ; had thera comfortably lodged, and provided
with victuals and drink, previous to taking any refreshments himself.
By the orders delivered to General Irvine, he was obliged to take and
treat all as criminals, but he did not insult any of them himself, nor per
mit them to be insulted by others in his hearing ; and he provided for
them as well as the camp would admit, and that being a very uncomfort
able situation, he had them removed from it as soon as he could. That
they were ignorant persons, who had sheltered themselves under the faith
of the government, or were only called as witnesses, was not known to
the General till it was discovered in the result; but General White was

322 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
himself the leading, or perhaps the only man of his corps, who insulted
the prisoners with the most opprobrious language, and punished them in
the most shocking manner short of inflicting death. Of all that were ta
ken on that ' dreadful night,' only eighteen were sent to Philadelphia, and
none of these convicted on trial."
Two or three might have been convicted and punished for misdemean
ors, but they were tried for treason. One of the three. Captain Porter,
the father of Mr. Porter of Tarentum, and grandfather of the present
representative, J. H. Porter, when put on his trial it appeared that he
had been taken by mistake for another of that name, as in the case of
Sturgeon ! These men remained five or six months in prison, and not in
such prisons as are kept at the present day. The writer has had access
to the journal of Captain Porter, which is well written, and forms a most
interesting narrative. He was one of the eighteen innocent men paraded
through the streets of Philadelphia, their hats labeled with the word
" INSURGENT," in large letters !
"As the army returned through Westmoreland, two arrests were made
in the southern extremity of that county, and one in the neighboring
parts of Fayette. They were taken to Philadelphia ; the last had been
in Kentucky during the insurrection, and did not return until the riots
had ceased. Isaac Meason, a judge of Fayette county, followed Judge
Peters near forty miles into Bedford county, and offered himself and
Judge Wells of that county, both of them acknowledged friends of the
government, as bail for the prisoners, but was absolutely refused. As
Meason knew that the prisoner was guilty of no crime, which evidently
appeared to be the case, by no bill being found against hira, he and Mr.
Wells complained of the judge for not admitting him to bail on their
application. Judge Peters being well known to be a man of feeling and
humanity, his conduct in this and several other instances can only be
accounted for from some overshadowing influence, and his apprehension
that it was necessary that a considerable number of prisoners should be
brought down, in order to prevent the inflammatory part of the army from
committing outrages at leaving the country. His mind was tortured at
being obliged to send down so many prisoners, and his peace was disturbed
by being teased for dismissing such numbers of them.* One of the two
prisoners from Westmoreland was found guilty of setting fire to the house
of Wells, the collector, and condemned to be hanged ; but was afterward
reprieved and then pardoned by the President. He was a very ignorant
* This singular apology for the judge, presents the conduct of the army in a
worse Ught than the direct accusation.

THE "DREADFUL NIGHT." 323
man, said to be of an outrageous temper, and subjeot to occasional fits of
insanity.' '
A certain John Mitchell, who, with the assistance of another person,
had robbed the Pittsburgh mail, gave himself up to General Morgan, who,
instead of confining him, gave him a pass to go to Philadelphia, thereby
putting it in his power to escape ; but he went there, and being found
guilty on his trial, was condemned to be hanged. The result was inevi
table on the fact being established ; but the President first reprieved for a
time, and then pardoned him.
The. Rev. Dr. Carnahan, President of Princeton College, in his account
of the insurrection, fully corroborates the statement made by the previous
writers on the subject of the arrests. Although at the cost of some
repetition, the paragraphs relating thereto are given entire.
"Companies of horsemen were scattered in different directions over
the country, and as there was no opposition, it was thought the army was
about to return. On the night of the 13th of November, a frosty night,
about one o'clock, the horse was sallied forth, and before daylight arrested
in their beds about two hundred men. A company of Virginia horse
were stationed for several days near Canonsburg, and I give the manner
of their proceedings as a sample of what probably occurred in other places.
About two o'clock in the morning they surrounded the house where I lodged,
and some came in and ordered my landlord, an old man, to rise and guide
them to a neighborhood about eight miles distant, where he was well
acquainted. He had no horse. They inquired where a horse could be
found. He named two or three places. They wanted a guide to the
stables. The old man had no servant in the house. Two boys belonging
to the academy lodged in an upper chamber. The older one, of an im
petuous temper, had talked big in favor of the insurgents, and he believed
the horsemen had come to arrest him, and he lay trembling in bed. The
younger, more considerate, had always condemned the insurgents. Con
scious of innocence, he jumped up and ran down stairs half dressed, to
see what was going on. The horsemen slapped him with their scabbards
and ordered him to show them the stables. He had to go, and run about
a quarter of a mile without shoes, frosty as it was. No horse was to be
found at the first stable, and then he had to run as far in a different
direction, and happily found a horse. The epithet ' young insurgent,'
with additional hard words, were liberally applied with an occasional slap,
to quicken his steps. This lad was afterward the Rev. Dr. 0. Jennings,
of Nashville, Tennessee.
" My own lodgings were in a back room below stairs, in company with

324 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
a student of the academy, several years older than I was. He was a sober,
pious young man, who had been compelled to go to the burning of Neville's
house, and also to Braddock's Field. On hearing the noise, I made an
attempt to rise, but my friend, believing the men with swords were in
search of him, begged me to lie still. There he lay, with head covered,
trembling and panting, until the horsemen had departed. In justice to
the Virginia, Maryland and Philadelphia horsemen, it must be said they
made arrests and treated their prisoners with as much gentleness and hu
manity as practicable. Yet we can easily imagine what terror seized
mothers, and sisters, and wives, when their sons, and brothers, and hus
bands were taken out of bed and carried off, they knew not whither. That
night was afterward called the ' dreadful night.'
" To the New Jersey horsemen was assigned the duty of arresting those
who resided in the Mingo Creek settlement, the region where the insur
rection commenced, and where the most disgraceful acts of violence had
been coramitted. Whether this region was assigned by accident to the
New Jersey horsemen, or that they might have an opportunity of taking
revenge for the insults Tom the Tinker had offered, calling the New Jer
sey militia the water melon army, &c., we know not. But the univer
sal testimony is, that arrests were made in that region accompanied with
circumstances of barbarity and terror seldom equaled. Men were drag
ged out of their beds, loaded with curses, threatened -with hanging and
death in the presence of their wives and children, and not permitted to
collect clothes necessary to protect them from the inclemency of the sea
son, and driven off on foot when they had horses in their stables. About
forty of these men were brought to a house near Parkinson's Ferry, and
thrust into a wet and muddy cellar, tied two and two back to back, and
kept there twenty-four hours without food or drink. A fire was kindled
for the guard, but the prisoners were not suffered to come near it, nor was
the owner of the house permitted to do anything to relieve the sufferings
of his neighbors. The following day they were driven twelve miles on
foot, through mud and water, to Washington. During this march, in-
sUnces of cruelty are told too bad to be repeated. This treatment waa
attributed to the commandbg officer, (Brigadier General White,) rather
than to the men. Indeed, the men, when they saw their prisoners
exhausted and ready to faint, alighted from their horses, placed their
prisoners on their saddles, and waded themselves through mud neariy
knee-deep. A large number of prisoners from Washington county were
collected together in the county town, and taken thence to Pittsburgh
under guard. The object in taking them to Pittsburgh was that they

MILITARY ARRESTS. 325
might be examined by the district judge, so as to ascertain which of them
ought to be taken to Philadelphia for trial. I saw them when on their
way, as they entered Canonsburg, and were placed in a large upper room
in the academy, to lodge for the night. They were conducted by the
Philadelphia and New Jersey cavalry. The contrast between the Phila
delphia horsemen and the prisoners was the most striking that can be
imagined. The PhUadelphians were some of the most wealthy and re
spectable men of that city. Their uniform was blue, of the finest broad
cloth. Their horses were large and beautiful, all of a bay color, so nearly
alike that it seemed any two of them would have made a good span of
coach horses. Their trappings were superb. Their bridles, stirrups and
martingales glittered 'with silver. Their swords, which were drawn and
held elevated in the right hand, gleamed in the rays of the setting sun.
The prisoners were also mounted on horses, of all shapes, sizes, and colors;
some large, some small, some long tails, some short, some white, some
black, some fat, some lean, some of every color and form that can be
named. Some had saddles, some blankets, some bridles, some halters,
some with stirrups, some with none. The riders also were various and
grotesque in their appearance. Some were old, some young, some hale,
respectable looking men; others were pale, meagre, and shabbily dressed.
Some had great coats, others had blankets on their shoulders. The coun
tenance of some was downcast, melancholy, dejected; that of others, stem,
indignant, manifesting that they thought themselves undeserving such
treatment. Two Philadelphia hoisemen rode in front, and then two pris
oners, and 30 two horsemen and two prisoners, alternately, throughout a
line extending perhaps half a mile. I have more than once seen gangs
of fifty or sixty negroes tied to a long rope, two and two opposite to eaeh
other, and marched to a distant slave market, but their anguish and in
dignation was not to be compared to that manifested by these western
men. If these men had been the ones chiefly guilty of the disturbance,
it would have been no more than they deserved. But the guilty had signed
the amnesty, or had left the country before the army approached. It has
been estimated that between one and two thousand men with rifies in their
hands, had withdrawn and remained absent until the army left the coun
try. The district judge and prosecuting attorney had a most arduous
and delicate task, to discriminate between those who were guilty and those
who were innocent; and the great number arrested made it impossible for
a single judge to examine, within any reasonable time, the case of eaeh
individual. There were several persons not clothed with judicial author
ity, who assisted in making^ preliminary examinations. Among these,
22

326 WESTERN INSURRECTION.
Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury, took an active and dis
tinguished part."
Mr. Brackenridge went to Philadelphia under recognizance to testify,
but was called on but once as to some general matters. In fact, the gov
ernment had discovered that the prosecutions were not worth pursuing.
/Mr. Brackenridge had prepared himself to appear in the defense, but he
soon found that prejudice ran so strongly against him, that he would, on
that account, rather prejudice than benefit the case of his clients. As the
trials went on, however, that prejudice was gradually removed, and he
had the satisfaction to find, in a very short time, his popularity restored
both at home and in the city. The notes of his intended argument are
published in the "Incidents," and forra a good outline of a treatise on
the law of constructive treason. tTh" sfl,iTig.joctrine was afterward recog-
nized by Chief Justice Marshall on the trial of Aaron Burr, it is now
witt. understood that no treason had been coramitted — and considered
merely as riots, they sink into trifles compared to some which have since
occurred in Boston, New York, or Philadelphia.
Thevictory of Wayne over the, Indians,,, which occurred during these
troubles, completely changed the face of things in the West. It threw
open the navigation of the Ohio and Mississippi, enabling the western
people to flnd a market for their produce ; it caused the surrender of the
western forts, and gave security from a savage enemy. The army ex
penses had given a circulating medium, and the farmers having now the
means to pay their tax, made no further complaints of the excise law.
It -is said that about two thousand of the best riflemen of the western
counties had left the country before the approach of the army, but their
places were soon supplied by others, and from this time the western
counties advanced rapidly in population and wealth. LAfter the lapse of
half a century, (so short lived is mere tradition,) there are but few who
have any knowledge of the Western Insurrection, although their fathers
and grandfathers were involved in its difficulties and sufferin^gZJ The
writer, at this day, raeets with few persons who can converse with him
on the subject of the Western Insurrection, having scarcely heard of
these important occurrences in the history of their own immediate country.
Such was the terraination of the Insurrection, which, for so long a time
after it wasover, served as a by-word and a stigma on the people of
WestefnPennsylvania, and some of its most eminent and deserving men.
Itsori^n and characteFmay be given in a tew words, it originated in the
opposition of the people to an unequal, oppressive and unjust law, and
^which was impliedly admitted to be such by the repeated amendments

END OF THE INSURRECTION. 327
and concessions, yielded to their petitions, remonstrances aud resolutions
passed at public meetings — resolutions stigmatized as " intemperate " and
as the cause of the subsequent outbreak, although it was the right of
freemen to express their disapprobation of tho oppressive law in any
language they pleased. Two years afterward, when they became par
tially reconciled to the law, the iMarshal was sent to serve process on de
linquent distillers, to compel them to appear in Philadelphia to answer,/
at an expense sufficient to sink almost each man's plantation or home
stead. In serving the last process out of about forty, in the harvest time,,
a sudden passion seized the farmers of the neighborhood, who pursued!
the officer and fired on him. Tho same passion continued; a party re-'
paired to the house of the Inspector the day following to demand his
commission, and prevent the return of the writs, which they believed
would involve them and their families in ruin. They were fired upon,
and blood was spilled ; they retired, and the excitement spreading, they
returned with a larger force — they were again fired on, and more blood
was spilled. The house of the Inspector was burned; but not a drop of
blood was shed by the rioters on this occasion, nor on any other during
the whole of the disturbances ! Two small inspection offices were de
stroyed in other parts, remote from each other ; but these outrages hav
ing nothing in their character beyond simple riots against an odious law
ami unpopular individuals— the intelligent and patriotic portion of the com
munity, the men of talents and intelligence, now came forward to exert
themselves to arrest the progress of the popular violence. They called
meetings of delegates, and after consultation, and by judicious manage
ment, succeeded in composing the disturbance and bringing their fellow
citizens to a sense of their duty to themselves and to the laws. And
now let us look at the other side. An army is marched into the country,
and military law is executed, not proclaimed, over an unresisting peliple ;
hTltidreds of innocent persons, in viola^n of every legal right established
foLtheir safety, are dragged Trora~tEeirhouses in the dead hour of the
niffht, and treated in the most cruel manner ; sorae of them meritorious
menj_wEo had entitled themselves to the gratitude of their country for
theireffbrts tu restore its peace, arejosuked^jpersecuted and slandered ! ^
It win be asked, is this tlieTiistory of our own country, or of some of
those hideous tyrannies of past ages in other lands ?^__And yet there are
persons at this day who still raise the cry of rascaliy~wErs¥ey boys and

i^^rgentsJ Why did not the atrocities just related ring through the country, when
told by two cotemporary historians ? Because the interests, the pride,

328

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

and the passions of party, would not permit the truth to be told. It
would refiect too seriously on the existing adrainistration. Its defense
was silence ; and it was the only way in which it could be met, except by
gross and unmeasured contumely cast on the western people, and the sup
posed leaders of the acts of violence, whose character lay between riot
and insurrection — for it never approached rebellion. How hard to turn
the current of obloquy when it has once received a wrong direction ?
How hard to turn back the tide of calumny, of prejudice and settled
conviction, however unjust or unfounded ! Many attempts of this kind
have been made of late years, and some of them with success. But
where error of judgment becomes a second nature from habit, pride and
bigotry, to overturn it is like the attempt to remove a mighty rock from its
place — ^it cannot be done at once ; it must be left to the slow operation
of the current of time and truth.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XIII.

Tarentum, 20th July, 1869.
J. M. Poster, Esq.
Dear Sir — You were so good
as to promise me a few extracts from
your grandfather's Journal during his
imprisonment, at the time of the Whiskey
Insurrection. As I am now about closing
the publication of my history, I beg
leave to trouble you for them. The whole
history of that insurrection is so full of
romance, that I have no doubt the day
will come when it will be the theme of
many a story requiring no invention of
facts. Perhaps the publication of your
grandfather's manuscript might bring
others to light preserved in families. No
part of our national history has been so
grossly and scandalously falsified as that
of the 'Western Insurrection ! I have
tried to set it right, and that on evidence
which no mere epithets of abuse, no
mere assertion, no falsehoods can over
turn. Yours, sincerely,
H. M. Braokeneidqe.

Extracts from Captain Porter's Narrative.
Hon. H. M. Brackenridge:
Dear Sir — In compliance with
your request, I send you,- briefly, the
substance of such portions of the manu
script touching the Whiskey Insurrec
tion as may perhaps interest you.
The manuscript was written by my
grandfather, and is a faithful narrative
of many of the facts and incidents con
nected with the Whiskey Insurrection,
but more particularly relating to the ar
rest of sundry persons, charged with
being insurgents — of their treatment du
ring the time of their removal to Phila
delphia and up to their discharge.
My grandfather (Captain Robert Por
ter, ) had been an officer during the war
of Independence, and afterward com
manded a company in defense of the
frontiers against the depredations of the
Indians. He stiU held command of this
company when the disturbance of the
Whiskey Insurrection broke out, and al-

CAPTAIN PORTER.

329

though he never was &n actor or partici
pator in the foolish method by which the
people of the western counties attempted
to redress their grievances, yet the fact
of his being the commander of a com
pany of men in the immediate scene
of the insurrection, was sufficient to
awaken the suspicion of government.
Having from the first refused to take
part in anything like an armed resist
ance to the execution of the excise law,
nor in any way violated, as he conceived,
his duty as a citizen, he refused, or neg
lected to sign the amnesty, from the fact
of not being conscious of any act on his
part which would make him Uable to
government. Having afterward understood that one
Pollock was making himself busy charg
ing him (the captain) with being an in
surgent, &c., he "determined to deUver
himself up, and demand that the matter
should be examined into, that he might
refute the charge." Accordingly on
November 13th, 1794, he went to the
mouth of Mingo creek, to General Mat
thew's encampment, and deUvered him
self up to Colonel Campbell, and asked
an examination of his conduct. Pollock
being sent for to confront him, "came
80 drunk as to be scarcely able to walk,
bringing with him his son, (a chUd not
more than eleven years of age, ) to prove
his charges against the captain. Upon
examination, Colonel CampbeU was con
vinced that PoUock was ignorant of any
facts to support his charges, and that
his motives were from spite, he therefore
ordered PoUock out of the camp for a
drunken vagabond."
Captain P., however, was not released,
but Colonel CampbeU poUtely told him
" he would be compelled to hold him in
custody, as something might turn up
yet to impUoate him in the insurrec
tion." They then sent a guard to search
his houae for papers, particularly the

muster roU, to see if any of the men
upon it were known to be active in the
insurrection; but the whole company
"were found to be men of peaceful hab
its, and were at their daily labor." But
still the captain was not released, as
they said they had two men, named
Hampton and Southard, who would give
evidence against him at Pittsburgh ; but
this was a subterfuge, as these men nev
er appeared against him, either at Pitts
burgh or Philadelphia.
On the night of the 13th November,
1794, James Stewart, Joseph Chambers,
Jacob Forwood, Joel Ferree, George
Swasick, Sr,, George Swasick, Jr., James
Swasick, George Sickman and Jaraes
M' Bride were brought into camp, hand
cuffed, and deUvered over to the provost
guard. On the 14th, Colonel Lane's
regiment, with the prisoners, marched
down the river to Benjamin Bentley'a,
the balance of the army with the bag
gage marching by Esq. Barclay's, " the
army constantly swearing and heaping
imprecations against the rebels that oc
casioned them coming so far over hills
and mountains, without the satisfaction
of a raan to oppose them, or a gun fired
upon them." At Beutley's "the pris
oners were confined in a log cabin over
night, without fire, though it was a cold,
snowy, stormy night, and neither chunk
ing nor daubing in the cabin.''
On the 15th they were ordered down
to the Governor's (Lee's) body-guard,
and by them deUvered over to Captain
George Denial, and were marched the
same day through the snow storm toward
Pittsburgh, where they arrived on the
16th. On the 17th they were conducted
to the garrison (Fort Fayette) and de
Uvered to the care of Colonel Butler.
On the 25th the prisoners were caUed
out of the garrison, and surrounded by
forty of the garrison soldiers, under the
command of Ensign M'Cleary, and pa-

330

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

raded before a detachmeut of Major
James Durham's troop of cavalry, to
whose charge they were to be deUvered
at Greensburg. The following is a list
of tho prisoners:
Rev. John Corbly, Washington county.
Colonel John Ihimilton, "
Colonel Wm. Crawford, "
John Black, "
David Bolton, "
Jiiraes Kerr, "
Thoraas Sedgwick,
John Burnett, "
Captain Robert Porter, "
Joseph Scott, Allegheny county.
Marmaduke Curtiss,
James Stewart,
Thomas MiUer,
Thomas Burney,
Isaac Walker,
John Laughery, Ohio county, Va.
Caleb Mounts, Fayette county.
At Greensburg "they found Samuel
Nye, (who bad been placed there for some
rash expression against officers and gov
ernraent, made when in a drunken frolic,)
Philip Wylic and Joseph I'arey, which
augmented their nuraber to twenty."
Ou the 25th, about 10 o'clock, "being
formed rank and file, and placed in the
centre of the aforesaid forty soldiers,
commanded by M'Cleary, they started
for Greensburg." On the 27th they ar
rived at Greensburg and were lodged in
jail. On the 29th they were drown out
and paraded in the street, and compelled
to stand mid-leg deep in mud and snow,
and were formally delivered over to the
charge of Major Durham. They then
proceeded on their weary morch to Phil
adelphia. The order of marching was "each
prisoner marching on foot between two
of the troop or guard, who were ou
horseback, and who were ordered by
Blackboard (Gen. Anth. M. 'White) to
keep their swords always drawn, and

that if any attempt should be made to
rescue, that tho heads of the prisoners
should be out off and brought to Phila
delphia." At night they "were placed
in cellars, barns and such other places
as suited tho disposition or fancy of our
guard." Such was the order of their weary and
dismal march to PhUadelphia, for thirty
days, through snow and mud, in the most
inclement tirae of the year.
"On the 25th December (I quote from
the MS.) paraded at half past eleven bo-
fore the Blackhorse tavern. The pris
oners drawn up rank and file, were pre
sented with slips of white paper by the
Major as cockades, to be put in our hats
to distinguish us as insurgents from the
rest of tho crowd that we wore to march
through, or as trophies of victory. This
was done by the express oominand of
(loneral White, alias BlacUbenrd, though
the Major remonstrated with White, but
to no purpose. My flour-do-luco I kept
in my hand until in view of the specta
tors on tho other side, when 1 took the
opportunity of tearing it to pieces, and
throw it on tho bridge. Wo wore march
ed throuj.'h 20,000 spectators by a circu
itous route through tho city to the new
jail, where wo were placed in colls and
kept all night without food or light,
whioh depressed our spirits to tho lowest
degree. " Upon our arrival here wo found
Mr. Herman Husbands, Bedford Co.
Robert Philson, "
George Lucas, ¦ "
George Wisegarver, "
WUUam Bonham, Northumberland Co,
John CriswcU, Cumberland Co.
confined hero as insurgents.
"On the 18th January, James Kerr
admitted to bail. On 8d February, peti
tioned court to be tried in tho counties
where the offense was alleged to have
been committed, as we would be better

CAPTAIN PORTER.

331

able to obtain testimony to refute the
charges. The court refused.
"20th, Colonel Hamilton admitted to
baU ; 28d, Wisegarver waa admitted to
bail ; 28th, Thomas Sedgwick, Samuel
Nye and George Lucas admitted to bail.
March 2d. — John CriswcU, by direc
tion of Judge Titus, removed to Chester
jail, as there was difficulty of bailing
him, being committed by Judge Yeates.
March ith. — Rev. Corbly admitted to
bail. March 2Sd. — David Bolton admitted
to bail.
May 7th. — "My bill (quote from the
MS.) having been before the grand jury
since Monday, and having by solemn vote
yesterday passed, to be returned igno
ramus, was this day returned a true biU,
on Mr. Baldwin testifying that he knew
no other than that every officer command
ed their own men at the destruction of
General Neville's, the 17th July, 1794,
as tho comraittee (he being a member,)
resolved that every officer should com
mand his own men, and I being a cap
tain in the district he lived, and being at
Couch's Fort, he knew of nothing to the
contrary. Upon this small testimony
they found a bUl, after having previously
examined thirty-five witnesses to no pur
pose." 9th. — Messrs. Black, Scott and Pasey
acquitted by the grand jury.
Uth. — "Thomas Burney acquitted by
the grand jury. When the evidence was
called and sworn against him, they aU
swore they knew nothing about hira in
the matter, which made Rawle cry out,
'Good God, can I get nobody to swear
against this man.' "
Thursday, 12th. — Messrs. Bonham,
Black, Mounts, Husbands, Pasey, Walli-
er, Burney and Bcott, discharged and
taken out of jail.
On the 18th May, Captain Porter was
tried. Wm. Rawle and Wm. Bradford

were the attorneys for the United States,
and Wm. Lewis and Joseph Thomas for
Captain Porter.
After hearing the witnesses on the part
of the United States, the captain's at
torneys thought it unnecessary to exam
ine a single witness for the defense, so
entirely groundless was the prosecution.
By mutual consent of tho attorneys,
Mr. Rawle addressed the court.
"May it please your Honors, I have
examined twelve of the most substantial
witnesses against the prisoner at the bar,
the rest are only circumstantial. The
attorneys on behalf of the prisoner and
us have agreed to leave it to your Hon
ors to give charge to the jury." On
which Judge Patterson rose and said,
"Gentlemen of the Jury ,you have
heard the charge read against the pris
oner, Robert Porter ; you find it has not
been supported by one single evidence.
The Court is of the opinion that he is not
guilty. You will, therefore, show mercy
on the favorable side; and if you think
he is not guilty, you will bring in your
verdict of the prisoner, not guilty." To
which charge the jury made a bow, and
in one or two minutes, without leaving
their box, agreed upon their verdict of
not guilty. The captive was then dis
charged, being in all six months and six
days a prisoner.
So ended the trial, and for the honor
of the judiciary of our country, I trust
there may never be a similar oue. The
case may be summed up in a few words.
A drunken fellow makes charge before
the military officers against him. The
captain voluntarily appears and demands
an investigation promptly, that he may
refute the charges. Instead of an inves
tigation being granted, ho is held a close
prisoner — torn away from his family —
dragged to Philadelphia — baU refused
liini — kept six months in close confine
ment, and yet after all, from beginning

332

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

to end, not one single evidence to convict
him of being guilty of one unlawful act.
The only circumstance against him was
the fact that lie was the commander of a
company of men. If the matter had not
been attended with such serious results.
it might have been regarded as a farce,
So with most, if not all the other prison
ers — most of them admitted to bail, with
no intention of ever bringing them to
trial, others acquitted by the grand jury,
notwithstanding Rawle's anxiety to have
a victim. Some of the charges alleged against
the prisoners were of the most ridiculous
character, such as would excite a smile
of derision at the present day. For in
stance, such as* "erecting large poles,
with or without seditious inscriptions,
understood and declared to be intended
to indicate their treasonable intentions,
thereby adding to the enemies of the
United States, giving them aid and com
fort." This was the sin of poor Caleb
Mounts. But it was a little too ridicu
lous to risk a trial upon, even at that
time. I might extract perhaps much
more, but as 1 have already occupied
more space than I intended, I will not
trespass upon your patience further.
Yours, truly, J. M. POBIEK.
Note on the above. — This is the place
to quote, for the second or third time, the
passage in Craig's history, relating to the
cruel exile of Colonel Neville. Craig
complained, in our controversy, of my
repeating certain passages oftener than
was agreeable to him ; but in my opinion
truth cannot be too often contrasted with
falsehood. "In recently looking over some old
letters, [from Colonel NeviUe,] written
while he was in exile, and while the ashes of
* Taken from a liat of charges against the prison-
•ers, furnished hy £awle to them.

his father'« mansion, and barn, and negro
huts were yet warm, I was struck with
the foUowing kindhearted expression :
"'The prisoners arrived yesterday,
and were, by the ostentation of General
White, paraded through the different
parts of the city, (Philadelphia.) They
had large pieces of paper in their hats
to distinguish them, and wore the appear
ance of wretchedness. I could not help
being sorry for them, although so well
acquainted with their conduct.' "
It was not true that Colonel Neville
was yet in exile when he wrote the above
letter. He had been restored to hie
home in triumph by General Morgan's
division of the army, and it was after
this that the arrest of the prisoners was
made. Neville, at the time of writing
the letter, was in Philadelphia as a mem
ber of the Assembly, and as a witness
against these very prisoners. He never
had been exiled, for he was met on his
way after leaving Pittsburgh the first
time, by a summons to attend a special
session of the Legislature. Now, as to
his knowledge of the conduct of the un
fortunate prisoners, why did he not tes
tify when called upon ? Because he knew
nothing about it 1 Such is history, and
especially Craig's history of Pittsburgh.
Let the reader peruse the stateraents of
Captain Porter, and then say whether
the sympathy of the public was due to
them, or to Colonel Neville.
I do not expect to silence Neville Craig,
but I think I have furnished ample mate
rials to enable the country to judge be
tween us, and to its judgment I leave the
case, I trust forever.
Letter of Major Craig to David Bradford.
" Mr. ScmL — ^Your inserting the fol
lowing letter and the answer thereto,
will oblige your humble servant. Isaac Craio.
Pittsburgh, 9th October, 1794."

MAJOR CRAIGS LETTER.

333

" Pittsburgh, October 1st, 1794
" Sik — When the commissioners of
the United States were at this place,
they were told by H. H. Brackenridge,
Esq., in my presence, that had it not
been for his interposition, 1 would have
been proscribed at the time the people
. were at Braddock's Field. It is said
the circumstance which induced this,
was facts stated by you ; viz., that I had
said I would suffer my own house to be
made an excise office of, &c. This, if
true, was what any citizen was justifia
ble in doing, but not so with respect to
me. I consider the lie to have been
designed for my destruction, and now
call on you for j-our authority. I could
not have addressed you on this subjeot,
had I not supposed that you were de
ceived iu your information, and could
point out the scoundrel [the habitual
phrase of the Neville's] with whom it
originated, and from whom I might
seek redress for the injuries intended
and suffered,
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
Isaac Craio.
David Bradford, Esq."
Note on the above. — The real object of
the letter of Craig is too plain to de
ceive any one. It was to open a corre
spondence with Bradford to give him
an opportunity of implicating Mr.
Brackenridge, and enable the Neville
connection to interest themselves in
his favor. The pretext is truly frivo
lous ; but there is no conceivable cause
which would have justified Craig in
addressing such a man at such a time.
It seemed he suffered; what did he
Buft'er ? At tho instance of Mr. Brack
enridge, the motion of banishment by
Bradford was superseded by one to peti
tion the President for his removal ! and
his case passed over in the committee of
officers at Braddock's Field.

Tho following is Bradford's reply :
" Washington, October 5tb, 1794.
" Sir — I received yours of tbe flrst
of this current month, in which you
have said, that Mr. Brackenridge
asserted in tbe presence of the commis
sioners of the United States, that had
it not been for his interposition on your
behalf at Braddock's Field, that you
would have been banished.
" I must inform you that Mr. Brack
enridge has either a very treacherous
memory or a strong disposition to assert
falsehoods, if lie asserted as you state.
The truth of the case -was, that he evi
dences to me the strongest desire to have
you banished. I shall state to you his
expressions, or at least some of them.
You may then judge for yourself.
" The first day at Braddock's Field,
Mr. Brackenridge told me the people o f
Pittsburgh were -well pleased, that the
country were about to banish the per
sons -whose names had been mentioned ;
he added that they ought to go further;
that little Craig ought to be banished,
for he was one of the same d  d junts.
I replied there appeared to be no ground
to proceed against you, that there was
no letter of yours intercepted, mistaking
facts or the conduct of individuals to
the government. Further conversation
took place, whioh had manifestly for its
objeot to irritate me against you.
" The next day when the commis
sioners [committee of officers] sat, Mr.
Brackenridge took me aside, and men
tioned to me your conduct of burning
NeviUe's house ; that you assumed high
airs in contempt of everything that bad
been done by the people, that you had
declared in the most positive manner,
that you would keep up the letters des
ignating the office of inspector at every
risk; and though the people of Pitts
burgh requested you to take them down

23

334

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

you would not. In short, that you were
determined to keep the office .in con
tempt of the then ruling opinion.
" He told further that he put in oper
ation a stratagem to see whether you
had firmness enough to support all the
vaunts and blasts you had made. He
said he went out in the street and asked
tbe first person he met if he had heard
there were flve hundred of the Wash
ington county people coming down
armed to burn Pittsburgh, because the
inspection office was kept open ; the
answer was, no. He asked the next he
met the same question, the same answer
was received ; by this means the news
was spread over the town in a few min
utes, that flve hundred raen were ap
proaching the place to burn it, &g. The
letters were immediately torn down ; in
short, he told me you were one of the
warmest sticklers for the revenue law,
and that you had been as odious to the
citizens of Pittsburgh, and the neigh
borhood, as the excise officer himself had
been. "I then mentioned to Mr. Bracken
ridge that he had better state to the
commissioners [committee of officers,]
the circumstances he had just related to
me ; he said it was disagreeable to him,
as he lived in the same place ; I replied
that I could open the way, and imme
diately stated to the committee a report
whioh I had heard respecting your
conduct after the burning of Neville's
house, and stated precisely what Mr.
Brackenridge had stated one minute
before, not mentioning from whom I
had the report. I observed, as it was
only a report, it would be improper to
take it up as true, till it oould be dis
covered whether true or false. I then
called upon the gentlemen from Pitts
burgh to give information, if they knew
anything on the subject. Mr. Wilkins

observed that he did not know any
thing against you. Mr. M'Masters to
the like effect, and Mr. Brackenridge
also concurred. He declined to give the
narrative which he had done to me
just before, although I opened the way,
on what principle I know not.
" I shall here mention another cir
cumstance, though it does not concern
you, it may, perhaps, obviate false in
sinuations which be may be disposed to
make. On the morning of the second
day's meeting of the committee at
Parkinson's Ferry, Mr. Brackenridge
told me there was a young man in Bri-
son's office, attending the committee
for the purpose of presenting a petition
for the return of Brison. He wished
me to oppose it, suggesting reasons that
he had always been a pest to them at
Pittsburgh ; that he was a great friend
to the exeise, alluding to a certain
period when a number of suits were
brought, or indictments preferred to
the grand jury; that Brison was known
to be at the bottom of that business ;
that he "was ad — d scoundrel, and con
ceited coxcomb — that nothing could
ever turn out about Pittsburgh but he
must be writing to the Governor — a
puppy, added he, what had he to do
with the Governor ? It was his place
to have sat in his office, and issue writs
when called upon. 1 observed to him if
ho had any reasons to offer to the com
mittee why Brison should not be suf
fered to return, he had better offer them
himself; no petition was presented.
These are facts which I have related ;
and I leave you at full liberty to make
any use of them you may think proper.
I would have answered your letter be-
.fore, but I have been much indisposed.
I am. Sir, your humble servant,
David Bradford.
Major Isaac Craig."

FINDLEY S HISTORY.

335

The strongest argument in favor of
the truth of Bradford's letter is, that
its contents are too frivolous to be
worth the trouble of inventing them.
But they are untrue — that is, they con
tain about one grain of truth to a pound
of falsehood. Mr. Brackenridge had
no such private conversation with him,
as he alleges, nor any private conversa
tion at all with him. It is at variance
with what Bradford himself admits was
said in public. But let us see what was
the testimony of others, whose testimo
ny cannot be questioned.
Extract from Justice Meetkirk's Affi
davit. — " Mr. Bradford then spoke con
cerning" the expulsion of Major Craig,
for he said that Major Craig should have
said immediately after the burning of
General Neville's housi", that he would
let the d^d rascals see that the excise
law should be enforced, for that he
would open an office of inspection in
his own house. Mr. Bradford was then
requested to give his authority ; he re
plied that he could not recollect, but
that he heard it mentioned among the
people. It was then referred to the
gentlemen in, the committee, -who repre
sented the people of Pittsburgh, Wil
kins, M'Masters and Brackenridge; and
it appeared that neither of them cnuld
give any information on the subject."
Statement of James Ross. — " One of
the committee then denounced .Major
Craig for having said he would keep an
inspection office in his own house,
rather than the excise law should be
defeated. A good deal was said on this
subject ; his expulsion was prevented
by a proposal of yours,'* that a petition
should be sent to General Knox for his
removal, it being very questionable
whether Major Butler would not pro
tect him in the fort, as belonging to the
^Brackenridge.

army ; .ind at all events the public busi
ness would suffer for the want of a
public officer to take care of the mUi
tary stores. This was agreed to."
From the Statements of General Wil
kins. — " David Bradford moved iu addi
tion to these two, that Major Craig
should be expelled, saying it was re
ported that he had offered his house for
an office of inspection, should another
not be found. Bradford called on the
Pittsburgh members to know if this
was true. Tou [H. H. Brackenridge]
answered, it was not true ; and stated
some circumstances tending to show
the falsehood of the report. But, not
withstanding, Bradford and others
pressed for his banishment ; in order to
obviate, you mentioned it would be an
injury to the expedition then carrying
on against the Indians, as he had charge
of the stores for the use of the troops ;
and proposed that the committee should
address the Secretary of War to remove
him ; which I considered as management
on your part to save Major Craig."
The above will suffice, although a
number of other similar extracts might
be made from the documents published
in this work. Findley's- History.
By an oversight, the following extract
from Findley's history was not inserted
in the right place, that is in the account
of the meeting at the Mingo meeting
house, and Mr. Braokenridge's speech
there. "Brackenridge, in a speech of con
siderable length, drew their attention
by amusing them, and seeming to coun
tenance their conduct ; but before he
concluded he ventured to suggest, that
though what had been done might be
morally right, yet that was legally
wrong, and suggested the propriety of
their consulting their fellow citizens, in

336

WESTERN INSURRECTION.

other parts of the survey, and in the
meantime, of their sending commission
ers to the President! He endeavored to
convince them of the bad policy of
having those who had not been engaged
in the attack on tho Inspector involved,
because in that case they could not act
as mediators for those who were obnox
ious. The meeting luas divided in opin
ion about the sentiments he expressed ;
some thought he was warm in the cause,
but the more violent were offended; it
waa pleasing, however, to those who
like himself were not yet involved. He
had been sent for by some of the lead
ers, but declined coming until he was
advised by Col. Neville, who assisted in
procuring others to accorapany, to be wit
nesses of his conduct. He retired before
the meeting resolved on any measures."
It is difficult to conceive a more gross
perversion of the truth, than ihis para
graph of Findley's. He was not pres
ent, gives no proof, but evidently
derives his knowledge from Mr. Braok
enridge's account in the " Incidents,"
which he thus falsifles, as the reader
may see by turning to the chapter of
this history containing that account.
Fortunately, he will also find there the
statements of the persons who accom
panied Mr. Brackenridge, and which
give Findley's the lie. The perversion
of fact, and mean detraction of Mr.
Brackenridge, on the part of Findley,
has been shown in various parts of this
work. Although not in general regard
less of truth, yet when his personal en
mity is concerned, he had not the mag
nanimity of the noble mind to do justice
to his enemy. He was not a Sallust,
either in his style or in his ethics.
Where is his authority for saying,
" and seeming to countenance their con-
ductl" There is nothing of the kind in
the statement of Mr, Brackenridge, or of

his witnesses. In answer to Parkinson,
who put the distinct question — " I wish
to know whether we aro right or wrong,
in what we have done." Mr. Bracken
ridge replied, it m,ay be morally right,
but it is legally wrong — it is tbeason
— any other language would have been
a direct insult to Parkinson. But this
was not the theme of his speech ; it was
his opposition to the motion of Brad
ford to " sustain the brave fellows who
were engaged in burning Neville's
house." This was defeated by him,
and caused the meeting to break np
without doing anything but adopt his
suggestion of calling a larger meeting,
before anything was done, or resolved.
Thus the ball of insurrection was
stopped before it was set in motion.
The most curious part of this willful
perversion of the truth, is the following
confused sentence : " Some thought he
was warm in the cause, but the more
violent were offended ; it was pleasing,
however, to those who like himself
were not involved." The violent of
course were offended, and those not in
volved were pleased ; but what was
that third portion -who considered him
warm in the cause, which he pro
nounced treason ? Findley endeavors
to convey the idea, that Mr. Braoken
ridge's speech was equivocal ; instead
of this, the blunderer has only suc
ceeded in writing nonsense!
Findley's account, however, admits
the following: 1. The speech had the
effect of preventing a vote to support
those who had burnt Neville's house.
2. The calling a larger meeting com
mensurate with the four counties,
before any action should be taken. 3.
The separation of those involved in the
treasonable acts, from those not in
volved. 4. The application for an
amnesty for the past.

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