- ]LIlIBI^.aiFllf -

Deposited by tiie
Linonian and Brotliers Library
1908

PROGRESS AND SUPPRESSION

REFORMATION IN SPAIN

IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.

BY THOMAS M'CRIE, D.D.

William blackwood, Edinburgh: and
T. cadell, STRANt), LONDON.
M.DCCC.XXIX.

M13

EDINBURGH: PRINTED BY A. BALFOUR AND CO. NIDDRY STREKT.

PREFACE.

The folio vising work is a seqtiel to that which I
lately published on the Reformation in Italy, and
completes what I intended as a contribution to the
history of that memorable revolution in the sixteenth
century, which, in a greater or less degree, afFected
all the nations of Europe.
More than twenty years have elapsed since I in
serted, in a periodical work, a short account of the
introduction of the reformed opinions into Spain,
and the means employed to extirpate thera. The
scainty materials from which that sketch was formed
have gradually increased in the course of subsequent
reading and research. My earliest authority is
Reynaldo Gonzalez de Mohtes, a Protestant refugee
from Spain, who in 1567 published at Heidelberg,
in Latin, a Detection of the Arts of the Spanish

IV PREFACE.
Inquisition, interspersed with anecdotes of his coun
trymen who had embraced the Protestant faith, and
containing an account of such of them as suffered
at Seville. That work was immediately translated
into English, and underwent two editions, to the
last of which is subjoined an account of Protestant
martyrs at ValladoUd. Another contemporary au
thority is Cypriano de Valera, who left Spain for the
sake of religion about the same time as De Montes,
and has given various notices respecting his Pro
testant countrymen in his writings, particularly in
a book on the Pope and the Mass, of which also an
English translation was published during the reign
of Elizabeth.
These early works, though well known when they
first made their appearance, fell into oblivion for a
time, together with the interesting details which
they furnish. As a proof of this it is only neces
sary to mention the fact, that the learned Mosheim
translated the meagre tract of our countryman Dr.
Michael Geddes, entitled, The Spanish Protestant
Martyrology, and published it in Germany as the
best account of that portion of ecclesiastical history
with which he was acquainted.
Additional light has been lately thrown on the
fate of Protestantism in Spain by the Critical His
tory of the Spanish Inquisition, compiled by Don

PREFACE. V
Juan Antonio Llorente, formerly secretary to the
Inquisition at Madrid. Though confusedly written,
that work is very valuable, both on accountof the;
new facts which the official situation of the author
enabled him to bring forward, and also because it
verifies, in all the leading features, the picture of
that odious tribunal drawn by D.e Monteg and. other
writerSj whose representations were exposed tosus*
picion on account of their presumed . want of in»
formation, and the prejudices which, as Protestants,.
they were supposed to entertain. Llorente was in
possession of documents from which I might have
derived great advantage ; and it certainly reflects
little honour on Protestants, and especially British
Protestants, that he received no encouragement to
execute the proposal which he made, to publish at
large the trials of those who suffered for the re
formed religion in his native country.
The other sources from which I have drawn my
information, including many valuable Spanish books
lately added to the Advocates Library, will appear
in the course of the work itself.
My acknowledgments are due to Dr. Friedrich
Bialloblotzky, who kindly furnished me, from the
University Library of Gdttingen, with copious ex
tracts from the dissertation of Busching, T)e Vestigiis
Lutheranismi in Hispania, a book which I had long

vi PREFACE.'-
sDught in vain to procure. For the use of a copy of
De Valera's t)os Tratados, del Papa yde la Missa,
now become very rare, as well as of other Spanish
books, I am indebted to the politeness of Samuel R.
Block, Esquire, London.
The general prevalence, both among Spaniards
and others, of the mistaken notion that the Spanish
Church was at an early jieriod dependent on the See
of Rome, has induced me to enter into minuter de
tails in the preliminary part of this work than I
should otherwise have thought necessary.
Edinlmrgh, 23rf October, 1829.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
Page
REVIEW OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SPAlN BEFORE THE ERA
OP THS REFORMATION  1

CHAPTER II.
OP THE STATE OF LITERATURE IN SPAIN BEFORE THE ERA OF THE
REFORMATION ..-.-.... S3

CHAPTER III.
OP THE INQUISITION, AND OTHER OBSTACLES TO THE REFORMATION IN
SPAIN  77

CHAPTER IV.
INTRODUCTION OF THE REFORMED DOCTRINE INTO SPAIN . . 123
CHAPTER V.
CAUSES OF THE PROGRESS OF THE REFORMED DOCTRINE IN SPAIN 176
CHAPTER VI.
PROGRESS OF IHE REFORMATION IN SPAIN ..... 206

Vlll CONriiN'TS.

CHAPTER VII.

Pago
SUPPRESSION OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN .... 239

CHAPTER VIII. '
rROIESTANT EXILES FROM SPAIN ... ... 347
CHAPTER IX.
EFFECTS WHICH IHE SUPPRESSION OF THE REFORMATION PRODUCED ON
SPAIN  - 375
APPENDIX  401
INDEX  417

HISTORY

OP THE

REFORMATION IN SPAIN.

CHAPTER I.

REVIEW OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SPAIN
BEFORE THE ERA OF THE REFORMATION,
lljRRONEOUS Opinions as to their early history,
originating in vanity, and fostered by ignorance
and credulity, have been common among almost
every people. These are often harmless ; and
while they afford matter of good-humoured raillery
to foreigners, excite the more inquisitive and liber
al-minded among theinselves to exert their talents
in separating truth from fable, by patient research,
and impartial discrimination. But they are some
times of a very different character, and have been
productive of the worst consequences. They have
been the means of entailing political and spirituaL
bondage on a people, of rearing insurmountable ob-^
B

2 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
stacles in the way of their improvement, of propa
gating feelings no less hostile to their domestic
comfort than to their national tranquillity, and of
making them at once a curse to themselves and a
scourge to all around them.
If the natives of Spain have not advanced those
extravagant pretensions to high antiquity which
have made the inhabitants of some other countries
ridiculous, they have unhappily fallen under the in
fluence of national prejudices equally destitute of
truth, and far more pernicious in their tendency.
Every true Spaniard is disposed to boast of the pu
rity of his blood, or, in the established language of
the country, that he is " an Old Christian, free
from all stain of bad descent." The meanest pea
sant or artizan in Spain looks upon it as a degra
dation to have in his veins the least mixture of
Jewish or Moorish blood, though transmitted by the
remotest of his known ancestors, in the male or fe
male line. To have descended from that race, " of
which, as concerning the flesh, Christ came," or from
Christians who had incurred the censure of a tribu
nal whose motto is the reverse of his who " came
not to destroy men's lives but to save them," is re
garded as a greater disgrace than to have sprung
from savages and pagans, or from those who had
incurred the last sentence of justice for the most
unnatural and horrid crimes. " I verily believe,"
says a modern Spanish writer who sometimes
smiles through tears at the prejudices of his, coun
trymen;, " that were St. Peter a Spaniard, he would

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 3
either deny admittance into heaven to people of
tainted blood, or send them into a corner, where
they might not offend the eyes of the Old Chris
tian."* We might go farther, and say, that
if a Spaniard had the keys of heaven in his keep
ing, St. Peter, and all the apostles with him, would
be " removed' into a corner." It is easy to conceive
what misery must have been felt by persons and
families who have incurred this involuntary infamy
in their own estimation, or in that of their neigh
bours ; and what bitter and rancorous feelings raust
have been generated in the hearts of individuals and
races of men living together or contiguously, both
in a state of peace and of warfare.
But, when the records of antiquity are consulted,
the truth turns out to be, that in no other country of
Europe has there been such an intermixture of races
as in Spain — Iberian, Celtic, Carthaginian, Roman,
Greek, Gothic, Jewish, Saracennic, Syrian, Arabian,
and Moorish. With none are the Spaniards more
anxious to disclaim all kindred than with Jews and
Moors. Yet anciently their Christian kings did not
scruple to form alliances with the Moorish sovereigns
of Grenada, to appear at their tournaments, and even
to fight under their banners. Down to the middle of
the fifteenth century, the Spanish poets and roman
cers celebrated the chivalry of " the Knights of
Grenada, gentlemen though' Moors."f It was no un-
* Letters from Spain, by Leucadio Doblado, p- 30,"
f Sismondi, Hist, ofthe Literature ofthe South, vol. i. 99. iii. 113,
214.

4 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
comraon occurrence for tbe Christians in Spain to
connect theraselves by marriage with Jews and
Moors ; and the pedigree of many of the grandees
and titled nobility has been traced up to these " caur
kered branches" by the Ti%on de Espand, or Brand
(yf Spain,, a book, which neither the influence of
government, nor the terror of the Inquisition, has
been able completely to suppress.* Nor is greater
credit due to the opinion which has long been pre
valent in the Peninsula, that its inhabitants have
uniformly kept themselves free from all stain of he-.
retical pravity, and preserved the purity of the faith
inviolate since their first reception of Christianity.
The ancient state of the church in Spain is but
little known. Modern writers of that nation have
been careful to conceal or to pass lightly over those
spots of its history which are calculated to wound
the feelings or abate the prejudices of their coun
trymen. Shut out from access to original docu
ments, or averse to the toil of investigating them,
foreigners have generally contented themselves with
the information which common books supply. And
knowing that the Spaniards have signalized their
zeal for the See of Rome and the catholic faith dur-i ^
ing the three last centuries, the public, as if by ge
neral agreement, have come to the hasty conclusion
that this was the fact from the beginning. To cor
rect such mistakes, and to furnish materials for an
accurate judgment, it may be proper to take a more
* Llorente, Hist. Crit. de 1' Inquisition, torn. i. pref. p. xxvi. Dob-
lado's Letters, 30, 31.

HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 5
extensive view of the state of religion in Spain
before the Bbeformation, than would otherwise have
been necessary to our undertaking.
The ecclesiastical history of Spain during the
three first centuries may be comprised in two facts,
—that the Christian religion was early introduced
into that country; and that churches were erected in
various parts of it, notwithstanding the persecution
to which they were exposed at intervals. All be
side this is fable or conjecture. That the gospel
was first preached to their ancestors by St. James,
the son of Zebedee, is ah opinion which has been
long so popular among the Spaniards, and so iden
tified with the national faith, that such of their wri
ters as were most convinced of the unsound foun
dation oil which it rests have been forced to join in
bearing testimony to its truth. The ingenuity of the
warm partizans of the popedom has been put to
the stretch in managing the obstinate fondness with
which the inhabitants of the Peninsula have clung
to a prepossession so hazardous to the claims of St>
Peter and of Rome. They have alternately exposed
the futility ofthe arguments produced in its support,
and granted that it is to be received as a probable
opinion, resting on tradition. At one time they have
urged that the early martyrdom of the apostle pre
cludes the idea of such an expedition ; and at ano
ther time they have tendered their aid to relieve the
Spaniards from this embarrassment, and to " elude
the objection," by .suggesting, with true Italian dex
terity, that the Spirit might have carried the

6 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
apostle from Palestine to Spain, and after he had
performed his task, conveyed him back with such
celerity that he was in time to receive the martyr's
crown at Jerusalem.* By such artful manage
ments, they succeeded at last iu settling the dispute,
after the following raanner ; that, agreeably to the
concurring voice of antiquity, the seven first bish
ops of Spain were ordai-ned by St. Peter, and sent
by him into the Peninsula ; but that, as is proba
ble, they had been converted to the Christian faith
by St. Jaraes, who despatched them to Rome to
receive holy orders from the prince of the apostles ;
from which- the inference is, tjiat St. James was the
first who preached the gospel to the Spaniards,
but St. Peter was the founder of the church of
Spain.f Leaving such fabulous accounts, which
* " Neque Ulud sUeo, (says Cennius) quod Apostolis veredi non erant
opus, ut terras ^ambitum circumirent. Spiritus enim Domini, a quo
PhiUppum fuisse raptum constat post baptizatum Eunuchum, etiamsi
Jacobum rapuisse in Hispaniam non dicatur, non enim omnia scripta
sunt, objectionem istam eliidit." In a manner somewhat similar has
the beneficed Presbyter of the Vatican contrived to convey the dead
body of the Apostle from Jerusalem to Spain. (Cajetani Cenni de
Antiquitate Ecclesise Hispanae Dissertationes, torn. i. p. 3d, 36. Romse,
1741.) f Ibid. Diss. i. cap. 2. A curious specimen of the managementa
referred to in the text is to be seen in the alterations made on the Ro
man Calendar. Cardinal Quignoni obtained the following inse^on in
the Rubric, referring to St. James the elder : " He went to Spain, and
preached the Gospel there, according to the authority of St. Isidore."
(Breviarum Paul III.) A change more agreeable to the Spaniard^
was afterwards made -. " Having traveUed over Spain, and preached
the gospel there, he returned to Jerasalem." (Brev. Pii V.) This hav
ing given oflfence to Cardinal Baronius and others at Rome, the follow
ing was substituted : " That he visited Spain and made some disciples
there, is the tradition of the churches of that province." (Brev. Cle-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 7
serve no other purpose than to illustrate human
credulity, and the ease with which it is wrought
upon by artifice and cunning, we proceed to the
period of authentic history.
The facts which we have to bring forward may
be arranged under three heads -.t— the doctrine of
the ancient church of Spain ; her government ; and
her worship,
I. Sentiments which by common consent have been
regarded as heretical, without as well as within the
pale of that church which arrogates to herself the
title of catholic, sprang up repeatedly in Spain, and
in some instances overran the whole country. In
the fourth century, Priscillian, a native of Gallicia,
founded a new sect, which united the tenets of the
Manichaeans and Gnostics. It raade raany cpn-
verts, including persons of the episcopal order, and
subsisted in Spain for two hundred years.* When
they boast of the pure blood of the Goths, the Spa
niards appear to forget that their Gothic ancestors
were Arians, and that Arianism was the prevailing
and established creed of the country for nearly two
mentis VIII.) If the former mode of expression gave great oflfence at
Rome, this last gave still greater in Spain. The whole kingdom was
thrown into a, ferment ; and letters and ambassadors M^ere despatched by
his Catholic Msgesty to the Pope, exclaiming against the indignity done
to the Spanish nation. At last the following form was agreed upon,
which continues to stand in the Calendar : " Having gone to Spain,
he made some converts to Christ, seven of whom being ordained by
St. Peter, were sent to Spain as its first bishops." (Brev. TJrbani
VIII.) * Sulpitius Severus, Hist. Sacra, lib. ii. c. 60. Nicol. Antonins, Bi-
bliotheca Hispana Vetus, ciu-ante Franc. Perez Bayerio, torn. i. p.
168 — 172. Cenni de Antiq. Eccl. Hisp. Diss. torn. i. p. 212.

8 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
centuries.* Nor did Spain long preserve her faith
uncontaminated, after she had adopted the comraon
doctrine under Reccared, who reigned in the close
of the sixth century. To pass by the spread of
Nestorianism and some tenets of less note,f she
gave birth, in the eighth century, to the heresy
called the adoptionarian, because its disciples held
that Christ is the adopted Son of God. This
opinion was broached by Elipand, archbishop of
Toledo, who was at the head of the Spanish church ;
it was vigorously defended by Felix, bishop of
Urgel, a prelate of great ability ; and maintained
itself for a considerable time, in spite of the deci
sions of several councils, supported by the learning
of Alcuin and the authority of Charlemagne.:}:
Nor were there wanting in the early ages Spa
niards who held some of the leading opinions after*
wards avowed by the protestant reformers. Claude,
bishop of Turin, who flourished in the ninth cen
tury, and distinguished himself by his valuable la*
hours in the illustration of the scriptures, was a na-
* Gregor. de Turon. Hist. Franc, lib. viii. cap. 46. Nie. Antonius,
ut supra, p. 294. Cenni Diss. iii. cap. 1 and 2.
f " Neque hi tantum errores in Hispaniis pervagabantur, sed qui(*-
quid novae hseresis emergebat, in easdem admittebatur." (Cenni,
i. 213.) J Rodriguez de- Castro, Bibliotheca Espanola, torn. ii. p. 406— Jill.
Nie. Antonius, ut supra, p. 440—446. Mosheim supposed Felix to be
a French bishop, and placed his diocese in Sepiimavia. (Eccl. Hist.
cent. viii. part ii. chap. v. sect. 3.) Septimania was an ancient province
of GaUia Narbonnensis, now called Languedoc ; but Urgel is a city Of
Catalonia, and the Counts of Urgel made no small figure in the predar'
tory warfare of the middle ages. (Vaisette, Hist. Gen. de Languedoc,
torn. iii. p. 108, liS. Preuves, p. 206.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 9
tive of Spain. His decided condemnation of the
worship of images, and of the veneration paid to the
relics and sepulchres of the saints, together with his
resistance to the ecclesiastical authority which im
posed these practices, has exposed the memory of
this pious and learned divine to the deadly hatred
of all the devotees of superstition and spiritual des
potism.* In support of his principal tenet, Claude
could plead the authority of one of the raost vener
able councils of his native church, which ordained
that there should be no pictures in churches, and
that nothing should be painted on the walls which
might be worshipped or adored.f
Galindo Prudentio, bishop of Troyes, was a coun-
tryraan and conteraporary of Claude. His learning
was superior to that of the age in which he lived ;
and the coraparative purity of his style bears wit
ness to his familiarity with the writings of the an
cient classics. Having fixed his residence in France,
he enjoyed the confidence of Charlemagne, who em
ployed him in visiting and reforming the monaste
ries. In the predestinarian controversy which di
vided the French clergy of that time, he took part
with Goteschalcus against Hincmar, archbishop of
* Nicolas Antonio reckons it necessafy to make a formal apology
for giving Claude a place in his general biography of Spanish writers,
and calls him " pudendum genti nostroe plusquam celebrandum, homi-
nis Hispani nomen." (Bibl. Hisp. Vet. torn. i. p. 458.) An exact
and full account of Claude's works, both printed and in manuscript, is
given by Alb. Fabricius, in his Bibliotheca Mediae et Infimae Aetatis,
torn. i. p. 388.
f " Placuit pictu*as in Ecclesia esse non debere,ne quod coUtur vel
adoratur, in parietibus pingatur." (Concil. Illiberit. can. XxXVi. anno
305.)

10 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
Rheims, and the noted schoolman, Joannes Scotus,
surnamed Erigena. The sentiments which Pruden
tio held on that subject bear a striking resemblance
to those which the church of Rome has since anathe
matized in the writings of Luther and Calvin.*
II. The Spanish church, at the beginning of the
fourth century, acknowledged no other officers than
bishops, presbyters, and deacons.f She was equally
a stranger to the superior orders of metropolitans
and archbishops, and to the inferior orders of sub-
deacons and lectors. Her discipline was at that
time characterized by great strictness and even ri
gour, of which there was a palpable relaxation when
the government of the church came to be formed
upon the model of the empire, after Constantine had
embraced Christianity.:]: This change was, how
ever, introduced more slowly into Spain than into
sorae other countries. The church of Africa was
careful to guard the parity of episcopal power
against the encroachments of the metropolitans ;
and the Spanish bishops, who appear frora an early
period to have paid great deference to her maxims
and practices, continued for a considerable tirae to

* Duchesne, Hist. Francor. Script., tom. iii. p. 212. Barthii Adver
saria, lib. xviii. cap. 11, hb. xUv. cap. 19. The controversial works of
Galindus Prudentius remained in MS. untU'some of them were publish
ed, during the Jansenian dispute, by Gilbert Mauguin, in a collection of
curious and valuable tracts, under the title : Feteitim Auctorum, qui
nana seculo de praedestinatione et gratia scripserunt. Opera et Frag-
menta, 2 tom. Paris, 1650; a work less known by divines than it
ought to be.
•j- Concil. Illiberit. can. 18, 19; anno 305.
X Cenni, i. 69; conf. 142—144.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 11
evince the sarae jealousy.* To the supreraacy of
the bishops of Rorae the ancient church of Spain
was a stranger, and there is no good evidence that
she acknowledged, during the eight first centuries,
their right to interfere authoritatively in her inter
nal affairs.
The titles of pope or father, apostolical bishop,
and bishop of the apostolic see, were at first
given promiscuously to all who were invested with
the episcopal office.f After they came to be used
in a more restricted sense, they were still applied
to a nuraber in common.^ The bishops of Rome
early acquired high consideration araong their bre
thren, founded on the dignity of the city in which
they had their residence, the number of the clergy
over whora they presided, and the superior sancti
ty of life by which sorae of their line had been dis
tinguished ; to which must be added the opinion.

* " Ut primse sedis Episcopus non appelletur princeps sacerdotum,
aut summus sacerdos, aut aliquid hujusmodi, sed tantum primse sedis
Episcopus." (Cod. African, can. 39.) To this agrees the language of
the fathers of Toledo : " Statuimus, ut frater, et coepiscopus noster,
Montanus, qui in Metropoli est," &c. (GoncU. Tolet. II. can. 5.)
-|- Thoraassinus, De Benefic. part. i. Kb. i. cap. 4. Pope Cyprian,
pope Augustine, pope AUpius, pope Athanasius, &g. are expressions of
frequent recurrence in the writings of the Fathers. Cenni, unable to
deny this fact, has recourse to the desperate shift, that those who gave
this title to a bishop meant to say, that his merits were such as to en
title him to be advanced to the dignity of supreme pontiflf. (De An
tiq. EccL Hisp. ii. 53.)
J The names of xxtcXixu S^mi, and «>«»/«!«« tf{ow(, catholic thrones, and
ecumenical thrones, were given, in the eighth century, to the sees of
Rorae, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jeriusalem. (Theo
phanes, apud Salmasii Apparat. de Primatu, p. 278.)

12 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
which soon became general, that they were the suc
cessors of St. Peter. In matters which concerned
religion in general, or in difficult questions relating
to internal managements, it was a common practice
to ask the advice of foreign and even transmarine
churches. On these occasions the bishops of Rome
were consulted, but not to the exclusion of others.
The African bishops, in a council held at Carthage,
agreed to take the advice of Siricius, bishop of Rome,
and Simplician, bishop of Milan, on the affair of
the Donatists ; and in a subsequent council, they
agreed to consult Anastasius and Venerius, who at
that tirae filled the same sees, on the controversy
respecting the validity of the baptisra of heretics.*
With this the practice of the Spanish church
agreed.f Indeed, the bishops of Rome, in those days,
disclaimed the pretensions which they afterwards put
forth with such arrogance. Gregory the Great him
self, when in danger of being eclipsed by his eastern
rival, acknowledged this in the meraorable words,
which have so much annoyed his successors and
their apologists. Speaking of the title of universal
patriarch, which the bishop of Constantinople had
assumed, he says : — " Far frora the hearts of Christ
ians be this name of blasphemy, which takes away
the honours of the whole priesthood, while it is
madly arrogated by one ! — None of ray predecessors
would ever consent to use this profane word, be-
* Salmasii Apparatus ad Libros de Primatu Papae, p. 277. Cenni,
i. 159.f Concil. Tolet. i. sent, definit. Constant. Annot. in Epist. 2. In
ocent.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 13
cause if one patriarch is called universal, the rest
are deprived of the name of patriarchs.*
But there is positive evidence that the ancient
church of Spain maintained its independence, and
guarded against the interference of the Roman See,
or any other foreign authority. Whatever judg-
raent we form concerning the disputed canon of
the coimcil of Sardis, as to references to the
bishop of Rome,f it is certain that an African coun
cil, which met at Mela in the year 416, decreed
that if any of the clergy had a dispute with his
bishop, he might bring it before the neighbouring
bishops ; but if he thought proper not to rest in
their decision, it should be unlawful for him to
make any appeal except to an African council, or to
the priraates of the African churches.^ In accord
ance with the spirit of this canon, with sorae varia
tion in particulars, the ninth council of Toledo, in the
year 655, deterrained that appeals should lie from a
bishop to a metropolitan, and from a metropolitan
to the royal audience ; a regulation which was con
firmed by a subsequent council held in the same
city. § In the fifth and sixth centuries Arianism
was predominant in Spain. During that period the
bishops who adhered to the orthodox faith being
few in number, discountenanced by the royal au
thority, and rarely allowed to assemble in pro-
* Gregorii Epp. 32, 36.
f Concil. Sard. a. 347, can. 3—5. Mosheim, Cent. iv. part.ii. chap.
ij. § 6. Dupin De Antiq. Discip. diss. ii. chap. i. § 3.
I Concil. Millevit, ii. ohap. 22.
j Concil. Tolet. ix. capit. i. ; xiii. capit. 12 : Harduiini Collect, torn.
iii. coll. 973, 1746.

14 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
vincial councils, were naturally induced to turn
their eyes to Rome for counsel and support ; while
the popes laid hold of the opportunity which the
circurastances afforded them to extend their influ
ence over that country, by holding correspondence
with the dissenting clerjgy, and conferring on some of
them the title of apostolical vicars.* But, strange
as the assertion may appear to some, this inter
course ceased as soon as Spain embraced the catho
lic faith.
Spain is always spoken of as a catholic country
from the tirae that she renounced Arianisra under
Reccared ; and if we are to believe sorae of her wri
ters, her raonarchs obtained, at that early period,
the title of Catholic kings,- which they retain to
this day, as expressive of their devotion to the faith
and authority of the Roraan see. But this is a
glaring raistake, originating in, or concealed by the
equivocal use of a word which was anciently un
derstood in a sense very different frora its modern
acceptation. It was by adopting the coramon doc
trine received by the church at large, in opposition
to the Arian and other errors condemned by the first
ecumenical or universal councils, that Spain became
catholic, and that her kings, bishops, and people, ob
tained this designation, and not by conforraing to the
rites ofthe church of Rome, or owning the suprema
cy of its pontiffs. Ecclesiastical affairs were managed
in Spain without any interference on the part of the
* Concil. Bracarense, i. passim. Cemii, i. 194, 200,214. It is to
be observed that in most of these instances we have not the letters of
the Spanish bishops, but only those of the popes.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 15
See of Rome, or any reference to it, during the whole
of the century which elapsed after the suppression of
Arianism. This is so undeniable, that those advo
cates of the pontifical authority who have examin
ed the documents of that age, haVe been forced to
admit the fact, and endeavour to account for it by
saying, that such interference and reference was
unnecessary during a peaceful state of the church ;
a concession which goes far to invalidate the whole
of their claims.* The pall sent from Rome to
Leander, bishop of Seville, forms no exception to
the remark now made ; for, not to mention that
it was never received, it was not intended to con
fer any prerogative upon him, but merely as a
testiraony to his sanctity, and a mark of personal
esteem from pope Gregory, who had contracted a
friendship with him when they met at Constanti
nople. It was ofthe nature of a badge of honour
conferred by a prince on a deserving individual be
longing to another kingdom.t
There is one piece of history which throws great
light on the state of the Spanish church during the
seventh century, and which I shall relate at sorae
length, as it has been either passed over or very par
tially brought forward by later historians. The sixth
ecuraenical council, held at Constantinople in the
year 680, condemned' the heresy of the Monothe-
lites, orthose who, though they allowed that Christ
had two natures, ascribed to hira but one will and one
operation. In 683, Leo IL, bishop of Rome, sent the
* Cenni, ii. 67, 69, 154, 155. f Ibid. p. 21 1—230.

16 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
acts of that council, which he had received from
Constantinople, to Spain, requesting the bishops to
give them their sanction, and to take measures for
having them circulated through their churches. As
a council had been held immediately before the ar
rival of the papal deputation, and a heavy fall of
snow prevented the re-asserabling of the members
at that season, it was thought proper to circulate
the acts among the bishops, who authorised Julian,
archbishop of Toledo, to transmit a rescript to
Rorae, intimating in general their approbation of
the late decision at Constantinople, and stating at
considerable length the sentiments of the Spanish
church on the controverted point. A council, con
vened in Toledo during the following year, entered
on the formal consideration of this affair, in which
they proceeded in such a manner as to evince their
determination to preserve at once the purity of the
faith and the independence of the Spanish church.
They examined the acts of the council of Constan
tinople, at which it does not appear that they had
any representative, and declared that they found
them consonant with the decisions of the four pre-*
ceding canonical councils, particularly that of
Chalcedon, of which they appeared to be nearly a
transcript. " Wherefore (say they) we agree that
the acts of the said council be reverenced and re
ceived by us, inasmuch as they do not differ from
the foresaid councils, or rather as they appear to
coincide with them. We allot to them therefore
that place in point of order to which their merit
2

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN 17
entitles them. Let them come after the council of
Chalcedon, by whose light they shine." The coun
cil next took into consideration the rescript which
archbishop Julian had sent to Rome, and pro
nounced it " a copious and lucid exposition of the
truth concerning the double will and operation of
Christ ;" adding, " wherefore, for the sake of ge
neral instruction, and the benefit of ecclesiastical
discipline, we confirm and sanction it as entitled to
equal honour and reverence, and to have the same
permanent authority, as the decretal epistles."*
The council of Constantinople had condemned
pope Honorius I. as an abettor of the Monothelite
heresy ; a stigma which the advocates of papal in
fallibility have laboured for ages to wipe off. But
the Spanish council, on the present occasion, pro
ceeded farther, and advanced a proposition which
strikes at the very foundation on which the bishops
of Rome rest their claims, by declaring, that the
rock on which the church is built is the faith con
fessed by St. Peter, and not his person or office.t ,
But this was not all that the Spanish clergy did.
When the rescript of the archbishop of Seville
reached Rome, it met with the disapprobation of Be
nedict IL, who had succeeded Leo in the popedom.

* Concil. Tolet. xiv. capit. 5, 6, 7, 11: Labbe, Collect. Concil.
tom. vi. 1280 — 1284. Harduin, Acta ConciL tom. iii. p. 1754-^1756.
-fe" Scientes igitur solam esse fidei confessionem quae vincat infemum,
qute superat tartarum ; de hac enim fide a Domino dictum est, Porbe
infemi non.prcevalebunt contra earn." (Ib. capit. 10 : Harduin, ut su
pra, p. 1756.) C ^

18 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
Having drawn up certain animadversions upon it,
his Holiness gave them to the Spanish deputy to
comraunicate to his constituents, that they might
correct those expressions savouring of error which
they had been led incautiously to adopt. An an
swer, not the most agreeable to the pope, was re
turned by Julian in the mean time ; and the subject
Was afterwards taken up by a national council held
in 688 at Toledo. Instead of retracting their for
mer sentiments, or correcting any of the expressions
which the pope had blamed, the Spanish prelates
drew up and sanctioned a laboured vindication of
the paper which had given offence to his Holiness,
of whom they speak in terms vei^y disrespectful, and
even contemptuous. They accuse him of " a care
less and cursory perusal " of their rescript, and of
having passed over parts of it Which were necessary
to understand their meaning. He had found fault
with them for asserting that there are three sub
stances in Christ,* to which they reply : " As we
will not be ashamed to defend the truth, so there
are perhaps some other persons who will be ashamed
at being found ignorant ofthe truth. For who knows
not that in every man there are two substances,
naraely, soul and body ?" After confirming their

* The same sentiment is expressed in a confession of faith, which
a preceding council, held in 675, had drawn up for the use of the Spa
nish chui'ches. — " Item, idem Christus in duabiK naturis, tribus extat
Bubstantiis." (Concil. Tolet. XI. in Hardnini Collect, tom. iii. p. 1022:)
The three substances, according to the divines of Spain, were the di
vine nature of Christ, his human soul, and his body.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 19
opinion by quotations from the fathers, they add :
" But if any one shall be so shameless as not to
acquiesce in these sentiments, and acting the part
of a haughty inquirer, shall ask, whence we drew
such things, at least he will yield to the words of
the gospel, in which Christ declares that he possess
ed three substances." Having quoted and cora-
raented on several passages of the New Testament,
the council concludes in these terras : " If, after
this statement, and the sentiments of the fathers
from which it has been taken, any person shall dis
sent from us in any thing, we will have no farther
dispute with him, but keeping steadily in the plain
path, and treading in the footsteps of our predeces
sors, we are persuaded that our answer will com
mend itself to the approbation of all lovers of truth
who are capable of forming a divine judgment,
though we raay be charged with obstinacy by the
ignorant and envious."*
* Concil. Tolet. XV. post symbolum : Labbe, VL 1296—1303.
Harduin, III. 1759 — 1767. Cenni, at a, gre'ater expense than that of
contradicting himself, labours to do away, or rather to conceal, the in
dignity ofifered to the Roman See, and the disregard shown to its au
thority, by the procedure of the Spanish councils. He allO}9>:s that thiB
fourteenth council of Toledo " arrogate^ to itself an unjust authority,
and openly departed from obedience to the Holy See;" that "it adopt
ed a new and unheard-of method .flf approving of the deeisiong of a
general council ;" and that, on these accounts, " none of its decrees
were admitted to a place in the collection of sacred canons." But he
asserts that the fifteenth council of Toledo " manifestly amended their
doctrine concerning the three substances ;" that "Julian" (as if the
decree had been his only, and not that of a national council) "some
times makes use of words gather ;too fi:ee, tihpjigh somewhat ohspiire,
against Rome ; but that, upon the whole, he changed or explained his

20 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
III. The independence of the ancient church of
Spain will appear raore fully if we attend to its
forra of worship. All the learned who have directed
their attention to ecclesiastical antiquities are now
agreed that, although the raode of worship was
substantially the same throughout the Christian
church, during the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries,
yet different liturgies or forms of celebrating divine
service were practised in different nations, and some
times in different parts of the same nation. The
Ambrosian liturgy, used by the church of Milan,
differed from the Roman.* It was adopted in raany
parts of France, and continued in use there until the
time of Charlemagne, when it was supplanted by
the Roman or Gregorian.f So far was the church
of Rome from having at first regulated the religious
service of other churches by her laws or even by her
example, that she did not even preserve her ownforms,
which were superseded in their most important
parts, bythe sacramentary or missal which was drawn
up by pope Gelasius, corrected finally by Gregory
at the close of the sixth century, and imposed gra-
former sentiment, agreeably to the admonition of the Roman Pontiff."
.Yet he grants, or rather pleads, that this " apology," as he calls it, was
not approved at Rome; is angry vrith those writers who speak in its
defence ; and concludes by saying, that " this blemish on the well-con
stituted church of Spain should be a pei-petualmonifiueut to teach the
churches of all other nations to revere the one sure, infallible, and su
preme judgment of the Holy See, in matters of feith and of manners."
(De Antiq. Eccl. His^anae, tom. ii. p. 55 — 59.)
* Durandus, Rat. Divin. Ofl5c. hb. v. cap. ii.
¦f- Joannes Diaconus, Vita Gregorii Magni, lib. ii. cap. 17. prsef. Oper.
Gregorii.

HISTORY. OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 21
dually, and at distant periods, on the several divi
sions of the western church.* Different offices, or
forms of celebrating divine service, were used in
Spain down to the year 633, when the fourth coun
cil of Toledo passed a decree that one uniform order
should be observed in all the churches of the JPenin-
sula.f This decree led to the adoption of that litur
gy which has been called the Gothic, and sometimes
the Isidorian, or the Ildefonsian, from St. Isidore
and Ildefonso, archbishops of Seville, by whom it was
revised and corrected. That this ritual was quite dif
ferent frora the Roraan or Gregorian is put beyond
all doubt, by the references made to both in the
course of the adoptionarian controversy, which
raged in the eighth century. The. patrons of the
adoptionarian tenet in Spain appealed to their na
tional ritual, " compiled by hdy raen who had gone
before them," and quoted passages from it as fa
vourable to their views. To this argument the
fathers of the council of Frankfort replied : " It is
better to believe the testimony of God the Father
concerning his own Son, than that of your Ildefon
so, who composed for you such prayers, in the so
lemn raasses, as the universal and holy church of
God knows not, and in which we do not think you will
be heard. And if your Ildefonso in his prayers called
* Gregory, (says the Roman deacon who wrote his life), " after
taking away many things from the missal of Gelasius, altering a few
things, and adding some things for explaining the evang'elical^ les-
, sons, formed the whole into one book." (Joannes Diaconus, Vita
Gregorii Magni, ut supra.)
f Concil. Tolet. IV. capit. 2.

22 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
Christ the adopted Sou of God, our Gregory, pontiff
of the Roman see, and a doctor beloved by the whole
world, does not hesitate in his prayers to call him
always the only begotten." * In like manner Al
cuin, after insinuating that they might have taken
improper liberties in their quotations, says : " But
it matters not much whether these testimonies have
been altered or correctly quoted by you ; for we wish
to be confirmed in the truth of our assertion and
faith by Roman rather than Spanish authority." f
The Gothic or Isidorian office has also been called
the Mozarabic or Mixtarabic, probably because it was
used and held in great veneration by the Christians
in Spain who lived under the dominion of the Ara
bians or Moors. The identity of these formularies
has, indeed, been of late disputed by several learned
raen.:j: But it is raost probable that they were origi
nally the sarae office, and that alterations were made
upon it, both by the Mozarabes and the Montanes,
* Collect. Concil. tom. vii. p. 1034 : Cenni, ii. 346.
f Alcuin adv. Felicem Urgel. lib. viii. p. 393: Cenni, ii. 346. —
In the beginning of the eighteenth century, cardinal Thomasi pub
lished a Gothic Missal, as that ofthe ancient Spanish church, which was
republished by MabiUon from other MSS. But this is supposed not to
have been the Spanish Missal, but that of Gallia Narbonnensis, or the
South of France. (Lebrun, De Liturg. tom. ii. diss. 4.) The Libellus
Orationarius, wliich Joseph Blanchini prefixed to the first volume of
the works of Cardinal Thomasi, has better claims to be considered as
an ancient Spanish Liturgy.
% This is the opinion of Blanchini, in his preface and notes to the
Libellus Orat. Gotico-Hispanus, prefixed to the works of cardinal Thoma-.
bi; and of Cenni, De Antiq. ^ccl. Hispanse, tom. i, p. 28-30. tom. ii..
dissert, vii.

HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 23
(as those were called who betook theraselves to the
mountains to escape the yoke of the Moors,) during
the period that they lived asunder.
Other instances in which the worship of the an
cient church of Spain differed widely frora the rao-
dern might be produced. We have already men
tioned that a national council, in the beginning of
the fourth century, prohibited the worship of ima
ges, and the use of pictures in churches.* It raay
be added, that the first council of Braga, held in
the year 561, forbade the use of uninspired hymns,
which came afterwards to be tolerated, and were
ultimately enjoined under the highest penalties.f
Having produced these facts as to the early opi
nions and usages of the Spanish church, we proceed
to state the, manner in which she was led to adopt
the rites, and submit to the authority of the church
of Rome.
In the eleventh century Spain was divided into
three kingdoms — the kingdom of Leon and Cas
tile, of Aragon, and of Navarre, of which the two
first were by far the most powerfu?. In the lat^
ter part of that century, Alfonso, the sixth of
Leon, and first of Castile, after recovering Valentia
by the valour of the famous Cid, Ruy Diaz de Bi-
* See before, p. 9.
f " Placuit, ut extra psalmos, vel canonicai-um scripturai-ura novi et
veteris Testamenti, nihil poetice compositumin Ecclesia psaUatur.sicut
et gancti praecipiunt canones." (Concil. Bracarense I, can. 12: Har
dnini Collect, tom. iii. p. 351.) But another coimcil, held in 633, not
only permitted the use of such hymns as those of St. Hilary and St.
Ambrose^ but threatened all who rejected them with excommunication.
(Concil. Tolet iv. capit. 13.)

24 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
var, finally obtained possession of Toledo, which
had been in the power of the Moors for three centu
ries and a half. He had married, for his second wife,
Constance, a daughter of the royal house of France,
who, from attachment to the religious service to
which she had been accustomed, or under the in
fluence of the priests who accorapanied her, insti
gated her husband to introduce the Roman liturgy
into Castile. Richard, abbot of Marseilles, the pa
pal legate, exerted all his influence in favour of
a change so agreeable to the. court which he re
presented. The innovation was warmly opposed
by the clergy, nobility, and people at large, but espe
cially by the inhabitants of Toledo and other places
which had been under the dominion of the Moors.
To determine this controversy, recourse was had,
according to the custom of the dark ages, to judicial
combat. Two knights, clad in complete armour, ap
peared before the court and an immense assembly.
The charapion of the Gothic liturgy prevailed ; but
the king insisted that the litigated point should un
dergo another trial, and be submitted to, what was
called, the judgment of God. Accordingly, in the
presence of another great assembly, a copy of the
two rival liturgies was thrown into the fire. The
Gothic resisted the flames and was taken out un
hurt, while the Roman was consumed. But upon
some pretext— apparently the circumstance of the
ashes of the Roman liturgy curling on the top
of the flames and then leaping out — the king,
with the concuiTeuce of Bernard, archbishop of

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 25
Toledo, who was a Frenchman, gave out that it was
the will of God that both offices should be used ;
and ordained, that the public service should conti
nue tp be celebrated according to the Gothic oflice in
the six churches of Toledo which the Christians had
enjoyed under the Moors, but that the Roman office
should be adopted in all the other churches of the
kingdom.. The people were greatly displeased with
the glaring partiality of this decision, which is said
to have given rise to the proverb. The law goes as
kings choose.* Discountenanced by the court and
the superior ecclesiastics, the Gothic liturgy gradu
ally fell into disrepute, until it was corapletely super
seded by the Roman.f
The introduction of the Roman liturgy had been
undertaken rather raore early in Aragon than in Cas
tile, but was completed in both kingdoms about the
* " Alia van leyes, donde quieren Reyes."
•)• Doctor Juan Vergara, apud Quintanilla, p. 115. De Robles,
233 — 235. Florez, Clave Historial,pp. 129, 130, 202. There is a dis
sertation on the Mozarabic office in Mspana Sagrada, tom. iii. Sis
mondi, who appears to have borrowed part of his information on this
controversy from a play of Calderon, entitled " Origen, perdida, y res-
tauracion de la Virgen del Sagrario," is inaccurate in his statement.
He says that the king wished to introduce the Ambrosian ceremony,
and thinks it fortunate that " the policy of the monarch, and not the
jealousy of the priests," was the principal instrument in settling the
dispute- (Hist- of Literature of the South, voL iii. p. 196, 197.) Town-
send confounds what was done by Alfonso in the end of the eleventh
century with what was done by cardinal Ximenes in the beginning of
the sixteenth ; and praises the decision as indicating a spirit of en
lightened toleration. "Cease to persecute, (says he) and all sects
will in due tirae dwindle and decay." (Travels through Spain, vol. i.
p. 311, 312.)

26 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN. SPAIN.
same time. The modern inhabitants of the Peninsula
please themselves with the idea that they are hear
ing the self-same mass which has been performed in
Spain from the days of the apostles ; whereas, the
exact day and place in which the modern service
began, can be pointed out. The first mass, accord
ing to the Roraan forra, was celebrated in Aragon
in the monastery of St. Juan de la Pena, on the 21st
of March 1071 ; and in Castile, in the Grand Mosque
of Toledo, on the 25th of October 1086.* Gregory
VIL commemorates this change, " as the deliverance
of Spain from the illusion of the Toledan supersti
tion."! His Holiness was more clear-sighted, than
those moderns, who,looking upon all foi*ras of worship
as equal, treat with conterapt or indifference the ef
forts made by a people to defend their religious rights
against the encroachments of domestic, or the in
trusions of foreign authority. The recognition of the
papal authority in Spain followed upon the esta
blishment of the Roman liturgy ; nor would the
latter have been sought with such eagerness, had it
not been with a view to the former. Having once
obtained a footing in the Peninsula, the popes
pushed their claims, until at last the whole nation,
including the highest authorities in it, civil as well
as ecclesiastical, acknowledged the supremacy ofthe
Roman see.
It is sufficient to exemplify this statement in the sub
jugation of the crown and kingdom of Aragon. Don
Rarairo I., who died in 1063, was the first Spanish
¦* Illescas, Hist. Pontifical, tora. i. f. 269. Zurita, Annales de Ara
gon, tom. i. f. 25, b. -)- Zurita, f. 22, b.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 27
king, according to the testimony df Gregory the Great,
who recognised the pope and received the laws of
Rome.* In 1204, Don Pedro IL, eight years after he
had ascended the throne, went to Rome, and was
crowned by pope Innocent III. On that occasion his
Holiness put the crown on his head in the monastery
of Pancracio, after Pedro had given his corporal
oath that he and all his successors would be faithful
to the church of Rome, preserve his kingdom in
obedience to it, defend the catholic faith, pursue
heretical pravity, and maintain inviolate the liber
ties and immunities of the holy church. Then
going to the chapel of St. Peter, the pope de
livered the sword into the hands of the king, who,
armed as a cavalier, dedicated all his dominions
to St. Peter, the prince of the apostles, and to In
nocent and his successors, as a fief of the church ;
engaging to pay an annual tribute, as a mark of
homage and gratitude for his coronation. In re
turn for all this his Holiness granted, as a special
favour, that the kings of Aragon, instead of being
obliged to corae to Rome, should afterwards be
crowned in Saragossa, bythe archbishop of Tarra
gona, as papal vicar. This act of submission was
highly offensive to the nobility, who protested for
their own rights, and to the people at large, who
complained that their liberties were sold, and power
* " Fue el primero de los reyes de Espana, que hizo eSte recOoosci-
miento, y encarece mucho el Papa, que como otro Moysen,fue tambien
el primero que en su regno recibio las leyes y <x)stumbres Romanas."
(Zurita^ tom. i. f. 22, a.)

28 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
given to the popes to disturb the peace of the king
dom at their pleasure.* It was not long before these
fears were realized. The king, having a few years
after offended the pope by taking arms in defence of
heretics, was laid under the sentence of excommuni
cation, for violating the oath which he had sworn ;
and his grandson, Pedro the Great, was deprived of
his kingdom, as a vasfeal of the church, which kindled
a civil war, and led to the invasion of Aragon by the
French.f Attempts to release themselves from this
degrading vassalage were made by different mo
narchs, but these always issued in the renewal of
their oaths of fealty to Rome ; and they found it
too late to throw off a yoke which liad by this time
been received by all the nations around them, and
which they had taught their own subjects to revere
and hold sacred.
The history of Spain during the period we are
reviewing, furnishes important notices respecting
the Waldenses, Vaudois or Albigenses, whom we
formerly met with in tracing the progress of the
Reformation in Italy. It is well known, that these
early reformers had fixed their abode in the south
ern provinces of France, where they multiplied
greatly in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.^ —
* Zurita, tora. i. f. 90, 91. Mariana, De Rebus Hispanic, lib.
xi cap., xxi edit. Schotti Hispania Dlustrata, tom. ii. p. 546. The
same oath and homage were given to the pope for Sardinia and Corsi
ca, in 1316, by the ambassadors of James II. of Aragon; which was
repeated, in 1337, by Alfonso IV. (Zurita, lib. vi. f. 27, 125.)
f Zurita, lib. iv. f. 253—262.
J Histoire Generale de Languedoc, par Le Pere Vaisette, tom. iii.
p. 1—4. Usserius, De Christ. Eccles. Success, cap. x. sect. 18, p. 154.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 29
Various causes contributed to this. The inhabi
tants ofthe south of France, though inferior in arms,
were superior in civilization, to those of the north.
They had addicted theraselves to comraerce and the
arts. Their cities, which were nuraerous and flou
rishing, enjoyed privileges favourable to the spirit
of liberty, and which raised thera nearly to the
rank of the Italian republics, with which they had
long traded. They possessed a language rich and
flexible, which they cultivated both in prose and
verse ; academies for promoting the Gui Saber, or
polite letters, were erected among them ; and the
Troubadours, as the Proven9al poets were called,
were received with honour, and listened to with en
thusiasm, at the courts of the numerous petty
princes among whom the country was divided. A
people advanced to this stage of improvement were
not disposed to listen with implicit faith to the reli
gious dogmas which the clergy inculcated, or to
submit tamely to the superstitious and absurd ob
servances which they sought to impose. Add to
this, that the manners of the clergy, both higher
and lower, in these provinces, were disorderly and
vicious to a proverb. " I would rather be a priest,
than have done such a thing !" was a coramon ex
clamation araong the people on hearing of any un
worthy action. With these feelings they were pre
pared to listen to the reforraers, who exposed the
errors and corruptionswhich had defaced the beauty
of the primitive church, and whose conduct formed,
in point of decency and sobriety, a striking contrast to
that of the established clergy. For the last mentioned

30 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
fact we have the testiraony of those monkish writers,
who strove to blacken their characters, by alleging
that they practised all kinds of licentiousness in se
cret. " I will relate (says the abbot of- Puy Laur
ens) what I have heard bishop Fulco tell as to a
conversation which he had with Pons Ademar de
Rodelia, a prudent knight. • I cannot bring ray-
self to believe,' said the latter, * that Rome has suf
ficient grounds to proceed against these men.' —
' Are they not unable to answer our arguraents ?'
demanded the bishop. * I grant it,' said the other.
'Well, then,' rejoined the bishop; ' why do you not
expel and drive them from your territories ?' ' We
cannot do it,' replied the knight ; ' we have been
brought up with them ; we have our friends among
them ; and we see them living honestly.' After re
lating this anecdote on the authority of the arch
bishop of Thoulouse, the great adversary of the
Albigenses, the historian adds : " Thus it is that
falsehood, veiled under the appearance of a spotless
life, draws uncautious men frora the truth."*
The Albigensian barbs, or pastors, enjoying a
respite from persecution during the early part of the
twelfth century, appUed theraselves tothest\idyof the
scriptures, and devoted their hours of relaxation
to the cultivation of poetry. They were held in
veneration by the people, who named them in their
wills, and left for the support of the new worship
those sums wliich had been formerly bequeathed
to the priests or appropriated for the saying of
* Guil. de Podio-Laur. Chronic, cap. viii.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 31
masses for their own souls and those of their de
parted relations. They had chapels in the princi
pal castles; their religious service was frequent
ed by persons of all ranks ; and they numbered
araong their converts many individuals of noble
birth, and who held some of the principal situa
tions in the country. Among their protectors
were the powerful counts of Toulouse, Raymond
VI. and VIL, the counts of Foix and Comenges,
the viscounts of Beziers and Beam, Savary de
Mauleon, seneschal of Aquitaine, Guiraud de Mi-
nerve, and Olivier de Termes, a cavalier who had
distinguished hiraself greatly in the wars against
the infidels in the Holy Land, in Africa and in
Majorca. Their opinions were avowedly entertain
ed by the wives and sisters of these great lords, as
well as by tbe heads of the noble houses of Mire
poix, Saissac, Lavour, Montreal, St. Michael de
Fanjaux, Durfort, Lille-Jourdain, and Montse-
gur.* When we have stated these facts, we have said
enough to account for the iraplacable hostility to
this sect on the part of the ruling ecclesiastics, and
the bloody crusades preached up against it by
the monks, and conducted, under the direction of
the popes, by Simon de Montfort and Louis VIII. of
France, during the early part of the thirteenth cen
tury. By raeans of these the attempted reformation
* Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, tom. iii. pp. 129, 147, 420. Preuves,
pp. 58, 392, 433 — 442. Sismondi, History of the Crusades 9gaiust the
Albigenses, pp. 5 — 8, 63, 73 — 77, 321, 178. Hist, of Literature of South
of Europe, vol. i. pp. 217, 219. 'Mariana, De Reb. Hisp. Ub. xii. cap.
10.

32 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
ofthe church was suppressed, and its disciples nearly
exterminated; one of the finest regions of the world
was laid waste by countless and successive hordes of
barbarous fanatics — its commerce destroyed, its arts
annihilated, its literature extinguished ; and the
progress of the human mind in knowledge and civi
lization, which had comraenced so auspiciously, was
arrested and thrown back for ages.*
The intimate connection which subsisted between
Spain and the South of France had great influence
on the fate of the Albigensian reformers. Provence
and Languedoc were at that time more properly
Aragonese than French. As count of Provence,
the king of Aragon was the immediate liege lord of
the viscounts of Narbonne, Beziers, and Carcassone,.
Avignon and other cities acknowledged him as their
baronial superior. The principal lords, though they
did homage to the king of France or to the emperor,
yielded obedience in reality to the Spanish monarch,
lived under his protection, and served in his arraies.
* The Proven9al poets bewailed the desolation of their country,
and inveighed in bitter strains against the crusaders. They were in
general friendly to the Albigenses. But one of them, Izam, a Domin
ican missionary, sought to inflame the persecution by his poetry,
which exhibits the true language of the Inquisition put into rhyme.
(Sismondi, Hist, of the Lit. of the South, voL i. p. 227.) Addressing
the heretic, whom he had failed to convince in a dispute, he says :
As you declare you won't believe, 'tis fit that you should burn,
And as your fellow have been burnt, that you should blaze in turn ;
And as you've disobey'd the will of God and of St. Paul,
Which nee'r was found within your heart, nor pass'd your teeth at all,
The fire is lit, the pitch is hot, and ready Is the stake.
That thro' these tortures, for your sins, your passage you may take.
2

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 33
And several of thera, by gifts from the crown, or by
marriages, possessed lands in Spain.
In consequence of this connection between the
two countries, sorae of the Vaudois had crossed the
Pyrenees and established theraselves in Spain as
early as the middle of the twelfth century.* They
appear to have enjoyed repose there for some tirae ;
but in the year 1194, pope Celcstin III. sent the
cardinal St. Angelo as legate to attend a council at
Lerida, who prevailed on Alfonso II. king of Aragon,
to publish an edict, ordering the Vaudois, Poor Men
of Lyons, and all other heretics, to quit his terri
tories under severe pains.f This edict not having
produced any effect, was renewed three years after
by Pedro II, in consequence of a decree of a coun
cil held at Gironna. With the View of securing the
execution of this raeasure, the subscriptions of all
the grandees of Catalonia were procured to the de
cree ; and all governors and judges M'ere required
to swear before the bishops, that they would assist
in discovering -and punishing those infected with
heresy, under the penalty of being theraselves treat
ed as heretics.^ Notwithstanding this edict, and
the engagements he had contracted at his corona
tion, Pedro was disposed to be favourable to this
sect. He was frora the beginning displeased at the
crusade which raged on the north of the Pyrenees ;
* Guil. Neobrig. lib. ii. cap. xiii ; apud Hist. Gen. de Languedoc,
tom. iii p. 2.
f Llorente, i. 30.
J Ibid. p. 3^1, 32. Marca Hisp. apud Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, iii,
130. D

34 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
and having at last joined his army to those of his
brother-in-law Raymond, count of Toulouse, he fell,
in the year 1213, fighting in defence of the Albigen
ses in the battle of Muret.*
This disaster, together with those that followed
it, induced multitudes of the Albigenses to take re
fuge in Aragon, who gave araple employment to the
inquisition after it was established in that country.
From the accession of pope Gregory IX. to that of
Alexander IV. (that is, frora 1227 to 1254,) they
had grown to such numbers and credit as to have
churches in various parts of Catalonia and Aragon,
which were provided with bishops, who boldly
preached their doctrine.f Gregory, in a brief -which
he addressed to the archbishop of Tarragona and his
suffragans, in 1232, complains of the increase of
heresy in their dioceses, and exhorts them to make*
strict inquisition after it by means of the Dominican
monks ; and his successor Alexander repeated the
complaint-t In 1237, the flames of persecution were
kindled in the viscounty of Cerdagne and Castle^
bon, within the diocese of Urgel ; forty-five persons
being condemned, of whom fifteen were burnt alive,
and eighteen disinterred bodies cast into the fire.§
In 1267, the inquisitors of Barcelona pronounced
* Zurita, Annates de Aragon, tom. i. p. 99—101. Hist. Gen. de
Languedoc, iii. 248 — 254 ; Sismondi, Hist, of Crusades against Albi
genses, p. 98 — 101. Perrin, ii. 76 — 92. Usserius, De Christ. EdcL
Successione et Statu, cap. x. sect. 37, 38, 39,
f Mat. Paris, ad. an. 1214. Pei-rin, pai-t i. p. 246.
J Llorente, i. 67. Leger, ii, 337.
§ Hist, de Languedoc, iii. 412. Preuves, p. 383.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 35
sentence against Raymond, count of Forcalquier and
Urgel, ordering his bones, as those of a relapsed
heretic, to be taken out of the grave ;* and two years
after they passed the same sentence on Arnold, vis
count of Castlebon and Cerdagne, and his daughter
Erraesinde, wife of Roger-Bernard II. count of
Foix, surnamed the Great.t Both father and
daughter had been dead upwards of twenty years,
yet their bones were ordered to be disinterred,
" provided they could be found ;" a preposterous and
unnatural demonstration of zeal for the faith, which
is applauded by the fanatical writers of that age,
but was in fact dictated by hatred to the meraory of
the brave and generous Count de Foix. When
sumraoned in his life-tirae to appear before the in
quisition at Toulouse, that nobleman not only
treated their order with contempt, but in his turn
summoned the inquisitors of the county of Foix to
appear before him as his vassals and subjects. Dur
ing his exile at the court of his father-in-law, he was
excommunicated by the bishop of Urgel as a favourer
of heresy ; and although the sentence was removed.

* Llorente, i. 72.
f Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, iii. 115, 382. In 1207, the bishop Of
Ozma, and other preaching missionaries, held a dispute with the
teachers of the Vaudois at Pamiers. On that occasion the count de
Foix entertained both parties alternately in his palace : his countess
Erraesinde, and two of his sisters, openly befriended the sectaries.
One of the latter, Esclaramonde, married to Jourdaiil II. sieur de.
LiUe-Jourdain, having said something in their favoiur during the eoQ-
ference, was silenced by, one of the missioiiarieS, who rudely ordered
her to her distafif. (Ibid. p. 147. Preuves, p. 437.)

36 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
and he died in the communion of the church, yet
the inquisitors never could forgive the disinterested
and determined resistance which he had made to
their barbarous proceedings. They put one of his
servants to thp torture, with the view of extorting
from him some evidence upon which they might
pronounce that his master had died a heretic ; and,
having failed in that attempt, they now sought to
wreck their vengeance on the memory and the ashes
of the countess and her father.*
It has been said that the Poor Men of Lyons or
Waldenses, when they raade their first appearance,
were looked upon at Rome as an order of raonks
who wished to revive the decaying fervour of piety
among the people, and to lead a life of superior
sanctity araong theraselves ; and that it was serious
ly proposed at one time to give the pontifical sanction
to their internal regulations.! Whatever truth there
may be in this statement, it is a curious fact, that,
in Spain, some individuals of this sect did obtain a
-temporary respite from persecution by forming
themselves into a new religious fraternity. In con
sequence of a dispute held at Pamiers in Langue
doc, Durando de Huesca, a native of Aragon, with
a number of his Albigensian brethren, yielded to the
Roraish raissionaries, and having obtained liberty to

* Hist, de Languedoc, iii. 412, 419, 427. Preuves, p. 383—385,
.392, 437, 552. Llorente, L 73, 74.
¦f Mm-atori, Antiq. Ital. Dissert. 60, tora; v. p. 83. Abbatis Ursper-
gensis Chronic, ad an. 1212'; et auctt. citat. Usserio, De Christ. Eccl.
Success, et Statu, cap. x. sect. 1, p. 146.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN- 37
retire into Catalonia, formed a religious community
under the name of the Society of Poor Catho
lics. In 1207 Durando went to Rorae, where
he obtained from Innocent IIL the remission of his
former heresy, and an approbation of his fra
ternity, of which he was declared superior. Its
members lived on alms, applied themselves to study
and the teaching of schools, kept lent twice a-year,
and wore a decent habit of white or grey, with shoes
open at the top, but distinguished by some particur
lar raark from those of the Poor Men of Lyons, who,
from this part of their dress, were sometiraes called
Insabatati. The new order spread so rapidly, that
in a few years it had numerous convents both to the
south and north of the Pyrenees. But although
the Poor Catholics professed to devote themselves
to the conversion of heretics, and their superior
wrote some books with that view, they soon incur
red the suspicion of the bishops, who accused them
of favouring the Vaudois, and concealing their
heretical tenets under the monastic garb. They
had interest to maintain themselves for some time,
and even to procure letters from his Holiness, ex
horting the bishops to endeavour to gain -them by
kindness instead of alienating their minds from the
church by severe treatment ; but their enemies at
last prevailed, and within a short time no trace of
their establishments was to be found.*
The Albigenses were not confined to Aragon and
* Antonii Bibl- Hisp. Vetus, tom- ii. p. 45, 46- Hist. Gen. de Lan
guedoc, tom. iii p. 147, 148.

38 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
Catalonia. Of the extent to which they spread in
the kingdom of Castile and Leon, we may form some
judgment from an amusing anecdote, related from
personal knowledge, by Lucio, bishop of Tuy,
known, as a writer against the Albigenses, by the
name of Lucas Tudensis ; and which I shall give as
nearly in his own words as is consistent with per
spicuity. After the death of Roderic, bishop of
Leon, (in the year 1237*) great dissension arose
about the election of his successor. Taking ad
vantage of this circumstance, the heretics flocked
from all quarters to that city. In one of the suburbs,
where every kind of filth was thrown, lay, along
with those of a murderer, the bones of a heretic,
named Arnald, who had been buried sixteen years
before. Near to this was a fountain, over which
they erected an edifice, and having taken up the
bones of Arnald, whom they extolled as a martyr,
deposited them in it. To this place a nuraber of
persons, hired by the heretics, came ; and feigning
theraselves to be blind, lame, and afflicted with other
disorders, they drank of the waters of the fountain,
and then went away, saying that they were suddenly
and miraculously healed. This being noised abroad,
great multitudes flocked to the spot. After they
had got a number of the clergy, as well as laity, to
give credit to the pretended cures, the heretics dis
closed the imposition which they had practised, and
then boasted that all the miracles performed at the
tombs of the saints were of the same kind. By this
* Antonii BibL Hisp. Vet. tom. ii. p. 59;

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 39
means, they drew many to their heresy. In vain
did the Dominican and Franciscan friars attempt to
stem the torrent of defection, by exclairaing against
the sin of offering sacrilegious prayers in a place de
filed by profane bones. They were cried down as
heretics and unbelievers. In vain did the adjacent
bishops excommunicate those who visited the foun
tain or worshipped in the temple. The devil had
seized the minds of the people and fascinated their
senses. At last, a deacon, who resided at Rome,
hearing of the state of matters in his native city,
hastened to Leon, and " in a kind of frenzy," at
the risk of his life, upbraided the inhabitants for
favouring heretics, and called on the magistrates to
abate the nuisance. For some months before his
arrival, the country had been afflicted with a severe
drought. This he declared to be a judgraent from
heaven on account of their sin, but promised that it
should be removed within eight days from the tirae
that they pulled down the heretical temple. The
magistrates granted him permission, and he raz
ed the building to its foundation. Scarcely was
this done, when a fire devoured a great part of the
city, and for seven days no symptom of rain ap
peared ; upon which the heretics insulted over the
deacon. But on the eighth day the clouds collect
ed, and poured down copious and refreshing show
ers on all the surrounding country. " After this,
the foresaid deacon raised persecution against the
heretics, who, being forced to leave the city, were

40 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
miserably scattered abroad."* We are assured, and
not without great probability, that the deacon was
no other than Lucas Tudensis, whose modesty in
duced him to suppress his name in relating the pre
diction and the persecution, in both of which he ap
pears to have equally gloried, f
In spite of the occupation given to the clergy by
the suppression of the Knights Templars, and the
schism of the anti-popes, the persecution of the
Albigenses seldom relaxed during the fourteenth
century. Scarce a year passed in which numbers
were not barbarously led to the stake.:}: Among
those who were condemned for heresy at this pe
riod, was Arnaldo of Villaneuva in Aragon, a cele
brated physician and chemist. § He taught, that
the whole Christian people had, through the craft
of the devil, been drawn aside from the truth, and
retained nothing but the semblance of ecclesiastical
worship, which they kept up from the force of cus-
* Mariana, de Rebus Hisp. Ub. xxi, cap. i. in Schotti Hisp. lUustr.
tom. ii. p. 556.
¦f Florez, Espana^Sagrada, tom. xxu. p. 108.
j Llorente, i. 80—85.
§ Antomi Bibl. Hisp. Vetus. tom. ii. p. 112 — 119. Niceron, Mem.
des Hommes lUustres, tom. xxxiv. p. 82. Arnaldois celebrated among
those who searched for the Philosopher's stone in the foUowing lines
of the Libra del Tesoro, an ancient poem ascribed to Alfonso X. of
Castile, surnamed The Wise :
Fero los modernos que le sucediei-on,
Entre ellos lianaldo da todos nombrado
Camino non dessa, y tan alombrado
Que ascuras se veen los que no lo vieron.
Sanchez, Coleccion de Poeslas CastelLiias, tom. i. p. 166.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 41
tom ; that those who lived in cloisters threw them
selves out of charity, and that the religious orders
in general falsified the doctrine of Christ ; that it
is not a work of charity to endow chapels for cele
brating masses for the dead ; that those who de
voted their raoney to this purpose, instead of pro
viding for the poor, and especially the poor belong
ing to Christ, exppsed theraselves to damnation ;
that offices of mercy and medicine are more accept
able to the Deity than the sacrifice of the altar ;
and that God is praised in the eucharist not by the
hands of the priest, but by the mouth of the com
municant.* Such being his avowed sentiments, we
need not wonder that he was dooined to expiate his
temerity by suffering the fire, from which he saved
himself by flying from his native country, and tak
ing tefuge with Ferdinand, king of Sicily.f To
Arnald we may add a writer ofthe following cen
tury, Rairaond de Sebonde, author of a treatise on
natural theology, who was charged with heresy
for asserting that all saving truths are contained,
and clearly proposed, in the sacred scriptures.^
From 1412 to 1425, a great number of persons
who entertained the sentiments of the Vaudois
* Bulsei Hist. Univ. Paris, tom. iv. p. 121. MSS. by Arnald in
Cottonian Library : Rodriguez de Castro, Bibl. Espan. tom. ii, 743,
474. •j- Antonius, Bibl. Hisp. Vet. ii. 1 14.
J The Theologia NaturaUs of Sebonde has met with the approbation
of Montaigne and Grotius ; and, which is not less praise, the censure
of the Index Expurgatorius. (PeUicer, Ensayo, p. 13 — 18. Cave, Hist.
Liter. Append, p. 104.)

42 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
were committed to the flames by the inquisitors of
Valentia, Rousillon, and Majorca. It appears,
that the followers of Wickliffe had migrated to the
Peninsula ; for in 1441, the inquisitors of Aragon
and Valentia reconciled some of them to the church,
and condemned others to the fire as obstinate here
tics.* If we may trust the monkish annalists,
Spain was also visited at this period by the Beg-
hards, a fanatical sect which the corruptions of the
church and the ignorance of the times had generat
ed in Germany and other parts of Europe. But
this is uncertain, as it was common for the clergy
to apply this and similar names to the Vaudois,
with the view of exciting odium against thera, and
justifying their own cruelties. In 1350, we are
told, a warra inquisition was commenced in Valen
tia against the Beghards, whose leader was con
demned to perpetual imprisonraent, and the bones
of many of his disciples dug up and consigned to
the flames ; and in 1442, it was found they had
multiplied at Durango, a town of Biscay, and in
the diocese of Calahorra. Alfonso de Mella, a
Franciscan, and brother of the bishop of Zamora,
who was afterwards invested with the purple, hav
ing incurred the suspicion of being at the head of
this party, fled, along with his companions, to the
Moors, among whom " he died miserably at Gren
ada, being pierced with reeds ', an example, (says the
* Dr. Michael Geddes's MisceUaneous Tracts, vol. i. p. 559. Llorente,
i. 92, 93.

HISTORY OF THE REFtlRMATION IN SPAIN. 43
biographer of his brother) worthy to be recorded,
of the variety of human affairs, and the opposite
dispositions of persons who lay in the sarae worab."*
On application to John II. king of Castile, a band
of royal, musqueteers was sent to scour the moun
tains of Biscay, and the higher districts of Old Cas
tile, who drove down the heretics like cattle before
thera, and delivered them to the inquisitors, by
whom they were comraitted to the flames at St.
Domingo de la Calzado, and Valladolid.f Thus
were the Albigenses, after a barbarous and unre
lenting persecution of two centuriesj exterminated
in Spain, with the exception of a few, who contriv
ed to conceal themselves in the more remote and
inaccessible parts of the country, and at a subse
quent period, furnished occasionally a straggling
victim to the familiars of the inquisition, when sur
feited with the blood of Jews and Moriscoes.
During these proceedings, Rome succeeded in
establishing its empire a second tirae in Spain, and
that in a more durable form than in the days of
the Scipios and Augustus. This conquest was
achieved chiefly by means of the monks and friars.
Anciently the number of convents and of monks in
Spain was small ; but it multiplied greatly from
the twelfth to the fifteenth century. The begin
ning of that period was marked by the infliction of
* Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Vet. tora. ii. p. 286. Mariana, lib. xxi. cap.
17. f Mariana, Ub. xxi. cap. 17. Geddes, MisceUaneous Tracts, vol. i-
p. 559.

44 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
that scourge of society, and outrage of all decency,
— privileged and raeritorious raendicity. Of all the
orders of raendicant friars, the most devoted to the
See of Rome were those founded by St. Dominic
and St. Francis, the forraer the most odious, the
latter the most frantic, of modern saints. Within
a few years after their institution, convents be
longing to both these orders were to be found in
every part of Spain. Though the Dominicans,
owing to the patronage of the court of Rome, or
to their founder being a Spaniard, enjoyed the
greatest share of political power, yet the reception
given to the Franciscans left them no ground to
complain of Spanish inhospitality. An event which
happened at the close of the fifteenth century con
tributed to the still more rapid increase of religious
houses. A great part of the wealth which flowed into
Spain after the discovery of the New World, found its
way to the church. Imitating the Pagan warriors
who dedicated the spoils which they had gained
to their gods, the Spaniards who enriched them
selves by pillaging and murdering the Indians,
sought to testify their gratitude or to expiate their
crimes by lavishing ornaments on churches, and
endowing monasteries. The following examples
show the rate at which the regular clergy increas
ed. The first Franciscan missionaries entered
Spain in the year 1216; and, in 1400, they had,
within the three provinces of Santiago, Castile, and
Aragon, including Portugal, twenty-three custodice.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 45
composed of an hundred and twenty-one convents.*
But in the year 1506, the Regular Observantines,
who formed only the third division of that or
der, had a hundred and ninety convents in Spain,
excluding Portugal.f In the year 1030, the city
of Salaraanca did not contain a single convent ; in
1480, it possessed nine, of which six were for males,
and three for females ; and in 1518, it could number
thirty-nine convents, while its nuns alone amounted
to eleven thousand.:j:
The corruption of the monastic institutions kept
pace with the increase of their numbers and wealth.
The licentiousness of the regular clergy became
notorious. They broke through the rules prescrib
ed by their founders, and laid aside that austere
mode of living by which they had at first acquired
all their reputation. § Even those who had vowed
the most rigid poverty, such as the Observantines,
or third order of St. Francis, procured dispensa
tions from Rome, in virtue of which they possessed
rents, and property in houses and lands. By the
original regulations of St. Francis, all belonging to
his order bound themselves to live purely on alms
and vvere strictly prohibited from receiving any rao-
* Wadding, Annales Minorura Ordinum, cura Jos. Maria Fonseca,
tom. i. p. 247—249; conf. tom. ix. p. 206—210.
f Wadding, tom. xv. p. 342—350.
J Townsend's Journey through Spain, vol. ii. p. 84.
§ Petri Martyris Anglerii Epistolae, ep. 163. Alvar. Gomecius, De
rebus gestis Francisci Xunenii, f. 7. Compluti, 1569. Wadding,
Minor. Ord. tom. xv. p. 108.

46 HISTORY OF .THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
ney, on whatever pretext, even as wages for labour
perforraed by them, " unless for the manifest
necessity of infirm brethren."* The monastic
historians are greatly puzzled to account for the
glaring departure from this rule of poverty ; pro
bably forgetting, or not wishing to have recourse
to the well known maxim, that nature abhors a
vacuum. Sometimes they wish to account for it
by saying that a destructive pestilence, about the
beginning of the fourteenth century, thinned the
monasteries, which were afterwards filled with no
vices of a more earthly mould.f But they are
forced to trace the evil to a more reraote source,
and to impute it to brother Elias,:}: a native of Cor-
tona, and vicar-general of the order of Franciscans,
under its founder. As early as 1223, he began to
hint to his brethren that the rule prescribed to them
was a yoke which neither they nor their successors
could bear ; but was silenced by the authority of
St. Francis. After the death of the saint, he was
raore successful in gaining proselytes to his opinion,
and drew upon himself the sentence of excommuni
cation, from which, however, he was ultimately re-
lie ved. 1 1

* Reg. cap. viii. ix; apud Wadding, ut supra, i 71.
¦f Fernando del CastiUo, Hist. Gen. de Santo Domingo^ y de su Or-
den. Parte ii Ub. ii cap. 2, 3. Quintanilla, Vida del Cardenal Xime
nes, p. 22.
J Quintanilla, ut supra.
II Warding Annales. Minor. Ord. tom. i. p. 62, 216; conf. tom. iii
p. 102.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATIPN IN SPAIN. 47
The kings of Spain attempted at different
times to correct these abuses, but the monks and
friars had always the influence or the address to
defeat the measure. When the glaring nature of
the evil induced Ferdinand and Isabella to renew
the attempt at the close of the fifteenth century,
they were obliged to employ force ; nor would
their united authority have been sufficient to carry
the point, had they not availed themselves of the sa
gacity and firmness of the celebrated cardinal Xi
menes, himself a friar, and inflamed with the passion
of restoring the order of St. Francis, of which he
was then provincial, to all the poverty and rigour
of its original institution. Lorenzo Vacca, abbot
of the monastery of the Holy Spirit at Segovia, re
lying on the papal bulls which he had procured,
raade such resistance to the plans of his provincial,
that the government found it necessary to commit
hira to prison, from which he escaped, and repairing
to Rome, exerted himself, through the influence of
Ascanio Sforza and other cardinals, in counteract
ing the reform of the religious orders in Spain.*
The Franciscan friars of Toledo carried their re
sistance so far, that an order was issued to banish
thera from the kingdom ; upon which they left the
city in solemn procession, carrying a crucifix before
them, and chaunting the psalm which begins.
When Israel went up out qf Egypt, &c.f The
biographers of Ximenes represent him as having
* Martyr, et Gomecius, ut supra.
f De Robles, Vida del Cardenal Ximenes, p. 68.

48 HISTORY OF JHE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
reformed all the religious institutions in Spain ; but
it is evident that his success was partial, and chiefly
confined to his own order. So far as they proceed
ed on the rigid principles of monachism, the regula
tions which he introduced were unnatural and per
nicious, and such of them as were favourable to
raorals were soon swept away by the increasing tide
of corruption.
It has been said, that Ximenes abolished a number
of superstitious practices which had crept into the
worship of the Spanish church during the dark ages ;
and in proof of this we are told that he revived the
Mozarabic office, and appointed it to be used in all the
churches of his diocese.* But the writers who make
this assertion have fallen into a raistake, both as to
what was done by the cardinal, and as to the object
he had in view. Perceiving that the Mozarabic ser
vice had falleiT into desuetude in the six churches of
Toledo, in which its use had been enjoined by an
old law,f he was desirous to preserve this venerable
relic of antiquity. With this view he eraployed
Alfonso Ortiz, one of the canons of his cathedral, to
collate all the copies of that liturgy which could "be
found ; and, the Gothic letters in which they were
written being changed into Roraan, he caused the
work to be printed.:]: Some years after,§ he erected a
* Gerdesii Hist. Reform, tom. i. p. 15.
-f- See before, p. 25.
J The Mozarabic Missal was printed at Toledo in the year 1500. .
(Mendez, Typogi-. Esp. p. 307.) The Breviary was printed at the
same place in the year 1502. (Quintanilla, p. 116. Arohivo Complu-
tense. No. 13.)
J J In 1512.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 49
chapel in the cathedral church, with an endowment
for thirteen priests, whose duty it was to celeUrate
the service according to that liturgy.* There is
reason to think that he ordered it to be also used on
certain festivals in the churches commonly called
Mozarabic ; but it is certain that the order did not
extend to the other churches of his diocese. So far
was it from his intention to make any innovation
on the existing forms of worship, or to supplant the
Roman by the ancient Spanish liturgy, that he in
terpolated his edition of the latter, in order to ren
der it more conformable to the forraer ; thus destroy
ing its character and use as an ancient document.
Among these interpolations are " a prayer for the
adoration of the cross," and offices for a number of
saints, who 'lived before as well as after the compila
tion of the liturgy ; for the ancient Goths and Mo
zarabes commeraorated none but raartyrs in their
public service. — Ferdinand de Talavera, archbishop
of Granada, endowed, about the same time, a "chapel
in Salamanca, in which the service continued to be
. * MarsoUier, Histoire du Ministere du Cardinal Ximenes, tom. ii, p.
42-44. De Robles, del Cardenal Ximenes, y Officio Gotico Muzarabe,
p. 302. In the Mozarabic Missal, as pubUshed in 1500, the words of
consecration in the eucharist are taken exactly from the evangelists.
But it was deemed dangerous to practise this raode ; and accordingly
the priests were provided with a piece of paper on the margin, con
taining the Roman form of consecration, which they made use of. (Ib.
p. 287, 288.) By degrees the Mozarabic forra feU into neg'lect in the
chapel appropriated to it; and in 1786, when Townsend visited Tole
do, there was none present at the service but himself and the officiat
ing priest, (Travels, i. 311, 313.)

so HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN-
celebrated according to this ritual at the close of
the seventeenth century.*
It raight be presumed, from the statements al
ready made, and from what we know of other coun
tries, that the Spanish clergy had sunk very low in
point of knowledge, and that the absurdities which
one of their countrymen afterwards exposed so wit
tily in Fray Gerundio, were not less common or
less ridiculous before the revival of letters. But on
this head we are not left to conjecture. In an ad
dress to queen Isabella, cardinal Ximenes acknow
ledges the gross ignorance that prevailed araong
the priests.f This led to the adoption of the most
absurd opinions, and the practice of the most extra
vagant superstitions. Legends and lives of saints
formed the favourite reading of the devout, while
the vulgar fed on the stories of every-day miracles
which the priests and friars ministered fresh to their
credulity. The doctrine of the immaculate concep
tion of the Virgin met with believers in other coun
tries ; but Spain could boast of an order of nuns
consecrated to the honour of that newly-invented
mystery. I The doctrine of transubstantiation,-
which ,many even at that period could not digest
without difficulty, was no trial of faith to a Spaniard.
" Do you believe that this wafer is the body of the
Father, Son, and Holy Ghost ?" was the question
which the parish priests of Valencia, in the four-

* lUescas, Hist, Pontifical, tom. i, f. 269.
¦J- Quintanilla, p. 21. % Ibid. p. 29-32.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 51
teenth centuiy, were accustomed to put to dying
persons ; and on obtaining an affirmative answer,
they administered the host. Another attempt to
extend the mysterious process a little farther met
with greater opposition. Eimeric, the author of the
celebrated Guide to Inquisitors, wrote against Bo-
net and Mairon, who maintained that St. John the
Evangelist became the real son of the Virgin, in
consequence of his body being transubstantiated in
to that of Christ, by the words pronounced on the
cross, Eccefilius tuus. Behold thy son.*
* Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Vet, tom, ii. p, 187, 188.

52 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.

CHAPTER IL

OF THE STATE OF LITERATURE IN SPAIN BEFORE THE
ERA OF THE REFORMATION.
Having taken a general survey of the state of reli
gion in Spain before the Reformation, let us
look back for a little and trace the restoration of
letters, which opened the prospect of a better order
of things in that country. The learning of Isidore,
archbishop of Seville, who flourished in the seventh
century, and, next to St. James, is venerated by the
Spaniards as a tutelary saint, rests on a better foun
dation than the encomium of Gregory the Great,
who called him a second Daniel. Besides various
theological and historical treatises,* he composed a
Work on etymology, which, though disfigured by
errors, discovers a considerable portion of philologi
cal knowledge, and contributed to check the barbar
ism which had already invaded every country in
Europe. But ages of darkness succeeded, during
* Antonu BibL Hisp. Vet, tom. i. p, 330-336.^ Rodriguez de Cas
tro, Bibl. Espan, tom, ii, p. 293-344.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 53
which, while the name of St. Isidore was held in
veneration, his works were disregarded, by an igno
rant priesthood, into whose hands the key of know
ledge had fallen.
It is not to the credit of Christianity, or at least
of those who professed itj that, during the middle
ages, letters were preserved from extinction, and
even revived from the decline which had seized
them, by the exertions of the followers of Mahomet.
The tenth century, which has been denominated the
leaden age of Europe, was the golden age of Asia.:
Modern writers have perhaps gone to an ex'treme on
both sides in forming their estimate of the degree in
which European literature is indebted to the Ara
bians. But when we find that this people have left
such evident marks of their language upon that of
Spain, it seems unreasonable to doubt that they had
also great influence upon its literature. Cordova,
Granada, and Seville, rivalled one another in the
magnificence of their schools and libraries, during
the empire of the Saracens, who granted to the Spa
nish Christians, whom they had subjugated, tljat
protection in their religious rights, which the latter
were far from imitating when they in their turn
became the conquerors.* The two languages were
spoken in common.f The Christians began to vie
, * Maa-c. Hisp. Ub. iii. cap. 2.
¦f- Alvaro de Cordova, who Uved about the year 860, complains that
his countrymen " despised the fuU streams of the chui-ch which flow
ed from Paradise, and, adopting the Arabic, had lost their native
tongue, and raany of them their faith along with it." (Aldrede, Ori-
genes dela Lengua CasteUana, Ub. i, cap. 22.)

54 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
with their masters in the pursuit of science, com
posed commentaries on the scriptures in Arabic, and
transfused the beauties of eastern poetry into the
Castilian language.* It is even said, that a bishop
of Seville, at this early period, translated the scrip
tures into the Arabic tongue.f
If the Spanish language was in danger of suffer
ing frora the predominance of the Arabians, the evil
was counteracted by the cultivation of Provencal
poetry. In the twelfth century, Alfonso IL of Ara
gon, whose name has an honourable place among
the Troubadours, zealously patronised those who
Ivrote in the Catalonian or Valencian dialect. | In
the subsequent century, Alfonso X. of Castile, sur
named the Wise, showed himself equally zealous
in encouraging the study of the Castilian tongue,
in which he wrote several poems ; at the same time
that he extracted the knowledge which was to be
-found in the books of the Arabians ; as appears,
araong other proofs, from the astronomical tables,

* Aldrede, ut supra. Casiri, Bibl. Arabico-Hisp. Escurial. tom. i.
p. 38. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Vet. tom. i. p. 483. A raore recent Spa
nish writer, with a national partiaUty rather glaring, says, that his
countrymen carried away aU that is good in Arabian Uterature, while
the other nations of Europe took what is bad in it— its dialec
tic subtleties and sophistry. " En resolucion, de lo bueno y malo que
contenia la Uteratura Arabe, los Christianos de Espana tomaron lo
bueno y litU, y conservaron el decbro de las discipUnas que aquella no
conocia. - . . Los extrangeros,tomandolo malo del saber Arabe, perver-
ti^ndolo mas y mas," &c. (Juan Pablo Fomer, Oracion Apologetica
por la Espana, y su mdrito Literario, p. 62. Madrid, 1786.)
f Marc. Hisp. lib. iii. cap. 2.
J Sanchez, Coleccion, tom. i. p. T4,

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 55
called from him Alphonsine.* The writings of
Dante, Cftfeco Dascoli, and Petrarch, gave a new
impiilse to ,the literature of Spain. From this
period the study of the ancient classics impart
ed greater purity and elevation to works of ima
gination ; and a taste for poetical compositions in
their native tongue began to b.e felt by the Spanish
gentry, who had hitherto found their sole pastime in
arms and military tournaraents.f Among those
who distinguished themselves by improving the taste
of their countrymen in the first part of the fifteenth
century, were two persons of illustrious birth, in
whose families the love of learning was long here
ditary. Henry of Aragon, marquis of Villena, de
scended from the royal houses of Aragon and Cas
tile, revived the Consistorio de la Gaya Sciencia,
an academy instituted at Barcelona for the encou-
rageraent of poetry, of which he was the president.
His superior knowledge, combined perhaps with a
portion of that learned credulity of which those
who addicted themselves to astronomy and experi
mental science during the middle ages were often
the dupes, brought on him the suspicion of necro
mancy. In consequence of this, his books were
seized after his death, by the ordei's of Juan II.
king of Castile, and sent for examination to Lope

* Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Vet. tom. ii. p. 78-87. An account of his
poem Del Tesoro,with specimens, maybe seen in Sanchez, Coleccion,
tom, i p, 148-160. Extracts from his other poems are given by Ro
driguez de Casti'o, Bibl, Espanola, tora, ii- p. 625-642.
f Zurita, Annales, ad an. 1398.

56 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
de Barrientos, a Dominican monk of considerable
learning, and preceptor to the prince o^Asturias,
" Barrientos," says a contemporary writer, " liking
better to walk with the prince than to revise necro
mancies, committed to the flames upwards of a hun
dred volumes, without having examined them any
more than the king of Morocco, or understood a jot
of their contents more than the dean of Ciudad
Rodrigo. There are many in the present day," con
tinues he, " who become learned men, by pronouncing
others fools and magicians ; and what is worse,
make themselves saints, by stigmatizing others as
sorcerers." This indignity done to the meraory of
" the ornament of Spain and of the age," was be
wailed, both in verse and prose, by writers of that
time.* Equally learned as Villena, but raore fortunate in
preserving his good narae and his books, was Inigo
Lopez de Mendoza, raarquis of Santillana, who, in
a treatise, intended as a preface to his own poetical
works, has acted the part of historian to his coun-
tryraen who preceded him in paying court to the
muse.f The merits of both marquises have been
celebrated by the pen of Juan de Mena, unquestion
ably the first Spanish poet of that age.
It is not unworthy of remark here, that the Jews,

* Sanchez, Coleccion, tom. i. p. 5-10. Ferdinandi Gomesu Epis-
toke, apiid Antonu Bibl. ut supra, p. 220-222.
f Sanchez has given a life of this nobleman, along with his " Proemio
al Condestable de Portugal," illustrated with learned notes, in the first
volume of his coUection of ancient CastiUan poets.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 57
while they enjoyed protection in Spain, co-operated
with the Christians in the cultivation of polite let
ters. Rabbi Don Santo, who flourished about the
year 1360^ inakes the following modest and not in
elegant apology for taking his place among the
poets of the land which had given hira birth : —
The rose that twines a thorny sprig;
WiU not the! less perfume the earth;
Good wiae, that leaves a creeping twig.
Is not the worse for humble birth.
The hawk may be of noble kind,
That from a filthy aiery flew ;
And precepts are not less refined.
Because they issue from a Jew.*
Long after their expulsion from Spain, the Jews
cherished an ardent attachment to the Castilian

* Por nascer en espino
La rosa, ya non siento
Que pierde, ni el buen vino
Por salir del sarmiento.
Nin vale el azor menos,
Porque en vii nido siga ;
Nin los enxemplos buenos,
Porque Judio los diga.
Rodriguez de Castro supposed Don Santo to have been a converted
Jew. (Bibl. Espanola, tora. i. p. 198.) But his raistake has been cor
rected, and its source pointed out, by Sanchez. (Coleccion de Poesias
Castellanas, tora. iv. p. xU. conf. tom. i p. 179-184.) Juan Alfonso
Baena, a converted Jew, who flourished in the beginning of the fif
teenth century, raade a very curious coUection of the poems of the
Trobadores Espanoles, including his own, fi-om which Rodriguez de
Castro has given copious extracts. (Bibl, Esp, tora, i, p, 265-345,)

58 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
tongue, in which they continued to compose works
both in prose and verse.* •",
On looking into the writings of the ancient Spa
nish poets, we are induced to conclude, that they
were not in the habit of using those liberties with
the church and clergy which were indulged i-n by
the poets of Italy and the Troubadours of Provence.
There is reason however to think, that the absence
of these satires is to be accounted for, in no small de
gree, by the prudence of the editors of their works,
and the vigilance of the censors of the press, after
the invention of printing. Accordingly, of later
years, since the severity of the Inquisition relaxed,
and a passion to do justice to their literary antiqui
ties has been felt by the Spaniards, poems have been
brought to the light, though still with much cau
tion,! which two centuries ago would have earn
ed for their learned editors a perpetual prison.
The poems of Juan Ruiz, archpriest of Hita, who
flourished in the middle of the fourteenth century,
contain severe satires on the avarice and loose man
ners of the clergy. He represents money as open-
. ing the gates of Paradise, purchasing salvation to
the people, and benefices to priests ; as equally
powerful at the court of Rome and elsewhere, with
the pope and with all orders of the clergy, secular and
regular ; as converting a lie into the truth, and the
* Wolfius has given many examples of this in his Bibliotheca He-
brisa. See also Rodr. de Casti'o, Escritores Rabinos Espanoles del
Siglo xvii. passim.
f See the apologetica! notes of Sanchez to his coUection of eai-ly
CastiUan poems, particularly tom. iv. p. 76, 119, 199.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 59
truth into a lie.* In another poem he is as severe
against the manners of the clergy, whom he de
scribes as living avowedly in concubinage. He re
presents Don Gil de Albornoz, archbishop of Tala
vera, as having procured a mandate from the pope,
ordering all his clergy to put away the wives or
concubines .whom they kept in their houses, under
the pain of excoraraunication. When this raandate
was read to thera in a public asserably, it excited a
warm opposition ; violent speeches were made
against it by the dean and others ; some of thera
declared that they would sooner part with their dig
nities ; and if was finally agreed that they should ap
peal from the pope to the king of Castile, f
About the middle of the fifteenth century, litera-
* The foUowing is the description, which Sanchez calls " a false and
extravagant satire :"
Si tQvieres dineros, habras consolacioh,
Plaser, h alegria, del Papa racion,
Comprar^s paraiso, ganaras salvacion,
D6 son muchos dineros, es mucha bendicion.
Yo vi en corte de Roma, d6 es la santidat.
Que todos al dinero fasen grand homilidat,
Ocand honra le fascian con grand solenidat,
Todos a el se hbmillan como a la magestat.
Fasie muchos Priores, Obispos, et Abades,
Arzobispos, Doctores, Patriarcas, Fotestades,
A muchos Clerigos nescios dabales dinidades,
Fasie de verdat mentiras, et de mentiras verdades.
Fasia muchos Clerigos e muchos ordenados,
Muchos munges, e monjas, religiosos sagrados.
El dinero los daba por bien examlnados,
A los pobres desian, que non eran letrados.
Coleccion, tom. iv. p- 76, 77.
f Cartas eran venidas, que disen en esta mauei-a i
Que Clerigo nin casado de toda Talavera,

60 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
ture was advanced under the patronage of Alfonso
V. of Aragon. The education of this monarch had
been neglected, and the early part of his life was
spent in arras ; but at fifty years of age he applied
himself to study with such eagerness that he was
soon able to read with ease the Roman classics,
which became his constant companions. He dis
puted with the house of Medici the honour of en
tertaining men of letters, and rescuing the writings
of antiquity from oblivion. When he had taken a
town, his soldiers could not do the prince a greater
pleasure than to bring him a book which they had
discovered among the spoils ; and Cosmo de' Medici,
by the present pf an ancient manuscript, procured
from him a treaty highly favourable to Florence.
Anthony of Palermo, usually styled Panormitanus,
who wrote the history of his life, resided at his
court in great honour ; and Laurentius Valla, one
of the most profound and elegant scholars of that
age,* when persecuted for the freedom of his opi
nions, was protected by Alfonso at Naples, where
he opened a school for Greek and Roman eloquence.!
Que non toviesc manceba casada nin soltera,
Qualquier que la toviese, descomulgado era.
Pero non alonguemos atanto las rasones,
Apellaron los Clerigos, otro si los Clerisones,
Fesieron luego de mano buenas apelaciones,
Et dende en adelante ciertas procm-acioues.
Coleccion, tom. iv. p. 280, 283.
* History of the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation in
Italy, p. 15, 48.
f Ginguene, Hist. Lit. d' Italic, tom. iii. p. 348, 349. Antonii Bibl.
Hisp. Vet. tora. ii. p. 271,372. FromVaUa's Dedication of one of his trca-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 61
Alfonso de Palencia, having visited Italy, became
acquainted with cardinal Bessarion, and attended
the lectures which the learned Greek Trapezuntius
delivered on eloquence and his native tongue. On
his return to Spain, he was made historiogra
pher to Henry IV. of Castile, and afterwards to
queen Isabella ; and by his translations frora Greek
into the Castilian language, as well as by a work on
gramraar, excited a taste for letters araong his coun
trymen.* He was followed by Antonio de Lebrixa,
usually styled Nebrissensis, who became to Spain
what Valla was to Italy, Erasmus to Germany, and
Bude to France. After a residence of ten years
in Italy, during which he had stored his raind with
various kinds of knowledge, he returned home in
1473, by the advice of the younger Philelphus and
Herraolaus Barbarus, with the view of promoting
classical learning in his native country. Hitherto
the revival of letters in Spain was confined to a few.
inquisitive individuals, and had not reached the
schools and universities, whose teachers continued
to teach a barbarous jargon, under the name of La
tin, into which they initiated the yoiith by means of
a rude system of grararaar, rendered unintelligible,
in some instances, by a preposterous intermixture of
tises to Alfonso, it appears that they were in the habit of corresponding
on classical subjects. (Laur. Vallje Opera, p. 438-445.) VaUa has
also paid a compliment to the early miUtary talents of his patron, in
his work De Rebus Ferdinandi Aragoni^ Rege gestis ; pubUshed in- the
second volume of Rerum Hispanicarum Scriptores. Franc. 1509.
* PeUicer, Ensayo, p. 7-13- Antonius, BibL Hisp. Vet. ii. 333.
Mendez, Typ, Espanola, p, 173-175, 180-182, 189.

62 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
the most abstruse questions in metaphysics.* By
the lectures which he read in the universities of Se
ville, Salamanca, and Alcala, and by the institutes
which he published on Castilian, Latin, Greek, and
Hebrew grammar, Lebrixa contributed in a wonder
ful degree to expel barbarism from the seats of edu
cation, and to diffuse a taste for elegant and useful
studies among his countrymen.f His iraprove-
ments were warmly opposed by the monks, who had
engrossed the art of teaching, and who, unable to
bear the light themselves, wished to prevent all others
from seeing it ; but, enjoying the support of persons
of high authority, he disregarded their selfish and
ignorant outcries.^ Lebrixa continued, to an ad
vanced age, to support the literary reputation of his
native country. § During his residence at Salaman-
* Mayans, Specimen Bibl. Hisp. Majansianse, p. 39.
fib. p. 4. Mendez, p. 233-235, 239, 243, 271, 280. Antonius.
Bibl. Hisp. Nova, i. 132-138. Argensola, Anales de Aragon, p. 358.
Among the first scholars trained under Lebrixa were Andres de Ce-
rezo, or Gutierez, the author of a Latin grammar, and Fernando Man-
zanares Flores, who was regarded as excelling his master in purity of
style. (Mendez, 275, 278. Ignatius de Asso, De Libr. Hisp. Rar.
Disquis. p. 23, 47. Antomi Bibl. Hisp. Nov. i. 74, 379.)
X. Lebrixa refers to the opposition he had met with, in the dedica^
tory epistle to the second edition of his Introductiones Latinse, printed
in 1482.
§ " The cultivation of languages and poUte letters has given celebrity
to the university of Alcala, whose principal ornament is that iUustrious
and truly worthy old man, Anthony of Lebrixa, who has outstripped
many Nestors ;" says Erasmus, in a letter to Vivos. Lebrixa, in his
old age, was permitted, on account of the failure of his memory, to
read his lectures, contrary to the universal custom at that period. Af
ter his. death, which was caused by apoplexy, the person who preach
ed his funeral sermon ventured to imitate his example, for which he

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 63
ca, he was joined by three able coadjutors. The
first was Arius Barbosa, a Portuguese, who had
studied under the elegant Italian scholar, Angelo
Politiano, and was equally skilled in Greek as Le
brixa was in Latin.* The second was Lucio Mari-
neo, a native of Sicily, who,, in 1485, accompanied
the grand admiral of Castile into Spain, and began
to read lectures on poetry, f The third was Peter
Martyr of Anghiera, to whose letters we are indebt-
,ed for some interesting particulars respecting the
state of literature in Spain, along with much valu
able information on the political transactions of that
country, and the affairs of the New World. In
1 488, he was persuaded to leave Italy by the conde
de Tendilla, who inherited that love of letters which
had distinguished his illustrious ancestor, the mar
quis of Santillana. Martyr commenced his literary
career in Spain, by reading, with great applause, a
lecture on one of the satires of Juvenal, at Sala
manca ; but he was soon called from that station
to an employment of higher responsibility, for which
he was eminently qualified. Under the patronage,
and at the earnest desire of queen Isabella, who had
herself taken lessons from Lebrixa, he undertook to
pleaded as an apology the shortness of time allowed him for prepara
tion ; but the audience no sooner saw the paper than they burst into ex
pressions of ridicule and disapprobation. " Parecio tan mal al audito-
rio esta raaniera de predicar por escrito, y con el papel en la mano,
que todo fue som-eyr y raurmurar." (Hiiarte, Examen de Ingenios,
p. 182.)
* Martyris Epist. ep. 68. Anton, ut supra, i. 170. Irving's Me
moirs of the Life and Writings of Buchanan, p. 77. 2d edit.
f Mongitoafe, Bibl. Sicuk, ii. 16-18. Martyris Epist. ep. 57.

64 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
superintend the education of the sons of the princi
pal nobility, with the view of rooting out an opinion
almost universally prevalent among persons of that
order in Spain, that learning unfitted them for mi
litary affairs, in which they placed all their glory.
The school was accordingly opened at court, not
without a flattering prospect of success. But Spain '
was destined to exhaust her energies in gratifyyig
the mad ambition for conquest of a succession of
princes, and then to sink into inactivity under the
benumbing influence of superstition and despotism.
Finding the prejudice against education, in the
minds of his pupils, more inveterate than he had
anticipated, Martyr accepted of a political appoint
ment ; and the plan for inspiring the nobility with
the love of polite letters, was abandoned soon after
it had been begun under such good auspices.*
In the raean time, the passion for learning spread
frora Salaraanca to the other universities of the
kingdom. In the beginning of the sixteenth cen
tury, Francesco Ximenes, at that time archbishop
of Toledo, restored and enlarged the university of
Alcala de Henares, in which he founded a trilingual
college. To acquire celebrity to his favourite in
stitution he procured learned teachers to fill its
chairs, among whom were Demetrius Ducas. and
Nicetas Phaustus, two natives of Greece,f and Fer
nando Nunez, a descendant of the noble house of
* Martyris Epist. ep. 102, 103, 113, 115, 205.
f Gomez, Vita Ximenii, f. 37, b. 81, b. Hedius de Grsecis lUus-
tribus, p. 321.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 65
Guzman. The latter, who had sacrificed his pros
pect of civil honours to the love of study, was in
ferior to none of his learned countrymen, and has
left behind him a name in the republic of letters. *
Living in the midst of Jews and Moors, and
frequently engaged in controversy with them on
their respective creeds, the Christians in Spain
had better opportunities and a more powerful sti-
mulhs to study the oriental languages, than their
brethren in other parts of Europe. About the mid
dle of the thirteenth century, Rayraond de Penna-
forte, general of the Dominicans, persuaded Juan I.
king of Aragon, to appropriate funds for the educa
tion of young men who might be qualified for en
tering the lists in argument with Jews and Maho
metans.! And in 1259 it M'as appointed, at a ge-
* Antonu Bibl. Hisp. Nova, i. 382. Nunez was of the order of St.
lago, and was commonly caUed, araong his countrymen, " the Greek
commendator." (Argensola, Anales de Aragon, p. 352.) His notes
on the classics are praised by Lipsius, Gronovius, and other critics,
who usuaUy cite him by the name of Pincianns, from ValladoUd, his
native city. That he did not confine his attention to ancient learning
appears frora his having pubUshed, in 1502, an edition of the poems of
his countryman Juan de Mena, with notes. Cyprian de Valera quotes
frora a coUection of Spanish proverbs pubUshed by him under the title
ot Refranes Espanoles. (Dos Tratados, p. 288.) Marineo extols the
erudition of Nunez as far superior to that of Lebrixa ; but, in the first
place, he expresses this opinion in a letter to the object of his pane
gyric ; and, in the second place, he had been involved in a quarrel with
Lebrixa, in which his countryman, Peter Martyr, was not disposed to
take his part. (Martyris Epist. ep. 35.)
f Carpzov, Introd. in Theplogiam Judaieam, p. 91, 97, 98 ; prsefix.
Pugioni Fidei. H. de Porta, De Linguis Orient, p; 60. Juan I. is
said to have erected two schools for Arabic; one in the island of
Majorca, and the other at Barcelona, (History of the Expulsion of
the Moriscoes from Spain, in Geddes's Miscell. Tracts, vol. i. p. 30.)
F

66 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
neral chapter of the Dominicans held in Valencia,
that the prior of that order in Spain should see to
the erection of a school for Arabic, at Barcelona or
elsewhere.* From this school proceeded several
individuals who distinguished themselves as dispu
tants, both orally and by writing. Among the lat
ter was Raymond Martini, the author of Pugio Fi-
dei, or Poignard qf the Faith against Jews and
Moors; a work which discovers no contemptible
acquaintance with the Hebrew language, and with
the Rabbinical writings, which it quotes and com
ments upon in the original.f To the attention paid
to the oriental tongues in Spain may be traced the
decree of the council of Vienne, held under pope
Clement V. in the year 1311, which ordained that
* Siraon, Lettres Choisies, tom. iu. p. 112. According to another
authority, this decree was first made in a chapter held at Toledo in
1250. (Diago, Cronica Domin. -Aragon. Ub. i. cap. 2, Ub, ii. cap. 28.)
•f The work was composed in 1278. (Pugio Fidei, part. u. cap. 10.
J 1. p. 395. edit. Carpzovu.) Its fate is curious. Porchet, a con
verted Jew in the 14th century, transcribed a great part of it into a
work which he composed under the title of Victoria adversus Hebraeos,
which was printed in 1520. He acknowledged his obligations to Marti
ni; an act of justice which was not done him by Galatinus, who used the
sarae Uberties in his Arcana Catholicae Veritatis, printed in 1513. De
Porta says that Galatinus, when he departs from the Pu^z'o, copies almost
verbaUy from the Capistrum or Noose, (another work of Martini,) as
he found hy consulting a MS. copy of the last-named book iu the
Ubrary of Bologna. (De Linguis Orient, p. 62.) The plagiarism of
Galatinus was first detected in 1603 by Joseph ScaUger, who however
confounded Raymond Martini with Raymond Sebonde. The Pugio
Fidei was at last pubUshed entire in 1651, with learned annotations by
Joseph de Voisin, and elegantly reprinted in 1687, under the care of
John Benedict Carpzov, who prefixed to it an Introduction to Jewish
theolog)^

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 67
Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabic, should be taught in
whatever place the pontifical court might be held,
and in the universities of Bologna, Paris, Oxford,
and Salamanca.*
The ardour with which these studies were prose
cuted, during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
led to the publication of the famous Complutensian
Polyglot. This chefd'oeuvre of Spanish erudition
was executed under the patronage, and at the ex
pense of cardinal Xiraenes, then archbishop of To
ledo ; a prelate whose pretensions to learning were
slender,! but whose ambition prompted him to seek
distinction equally in the convent, the academy, the
cabinet, and the field. In imitation of the cele
brated Origen, he projected an edition of the Bible
in various languages, and expended large suras of
money in supporting the learned raen who were en
gaged in the undertaking, purchasing raanuscripts
for their use, and providing the requisite printers
and types. The work commenced in the year
1502, and the printing was finished in 1517, in six
volumes folio, at the press of Complutum, or Al
cala de Henares. % The Old Testament contained
* Clementin. Ub. v. tit. i. De Magistris.
\ " Aiunt homines esse virum, (Xiraeniura) si non Uteris, raorum
tamen sanctitate, egi-egium." (Martyris Epist. ep. 160.)
J Its pubUoation, however, was siibsequent to March 22, 1520, the
date of the diploma of Leo X. prefixed to the work. Besides Deme
trius Ducas, Lebrixa, and Nunez, already raentioned, the learned men
who took part in this work were Diego Lopez de Zuniga, (better
known by the name of Stunica, in his controversies with Erasmus aiid
Faber Stapulensis,) Juan de Vergara, Bartolome de Castro, (caUedthe
Master of Burgos,) Pablo Coronel, Alfonso, a pihysician of Alcala, qnd

68 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
the original Hebrew text, the Vulgate or Latin ver
sion of Jerome, and the Greek version of the Sep
tuagint, arranged in three columns ; and at the foot
of each page of the Pentateuch was printed the
Chaldee paraphrase of Onkelos, accompanied with a
Latin translation. The New Testament contained
the original Greek, and the Vulgate Latin version.
To the whole were added a grammar and dictionary
of the Hebrew language, and a Greek lexicon or
vocabulary, with some other explanatory treatises.
John Brocar, the son of the printer, was accustom
ed to relate, that when the last sheet came from the
press, he, being then a boy, was sent in his best
clothes with a copy of it to the cardinal, who gave
thanks to God for sparing him to that day, and
turning to his attendants, said that he congratulat
ed hiraself on the corapletion of that work more
than on any of the acts which had distinguished
his administration.*
Alfonso de Zamora. The four persons first named had the charge ofthe
Greek part of the work, and wrote the interUned Latin version of the Sep
tuagint. Vergara made some important corrections on the Vulgate ver
sion of the books caUed Sapiential. The three last named were converted
Jews, and skiUed in Hebrew. The Latin translation of the Chaldee
Paraphrase, and the Hebrew gi-amraar and dictionary, were the work
of Zamora. The cardinal is said to have paid 4000 ducats for four
Hebrew manuscripts; and the whole undertaking is computed to have
cost him upwards of 50,000 ducats. The price of each copy of the
Polyglot was fixed, by the bishop of AvUa, at six ducats and a half;
" not judging by the cost ofthe work, which was infinite, but by its
utiUty." (Mandat. Franc. Episcopi Abulensis, prsefix. Bibl. Complut.
Alv. Gomez, ut infra.)
* Alvar. Gomez, Vita Xiraemi, f. 36, 37. Quintanilla, Vida, p. 135
-139. Archive Coraplutense, p. 50-55. Le Long, Bibl. Sac. edit.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 69
Spanish writers have been too lavish of their en*
comiums on the Polyglot of Alcala. The Hebrew
and Greek manustripts eraployed by its corapilers
were neither numerous nor ancient ; and instead of
correcting the text of the Septuagint from the co
pies which were in their possession, they raade al
terations of their own, with the view of adapting it
to the Hebrew text. Some of the learned men who
laboured in this work, must have been ashamed of
the following specimen of puerile devotion to the
Vulgate, which occurs in one of the prologues writ
ten in the narae of Ximenes. Speaking of the or
der in which the raatter is disposed in the columns,
he says : " We have put tbe version of St. Jerome
between the Hebrew and Septuagint, as between
the synagogue and eastern church, which are like
the two thieves, the one on the right and the other on
the left hand, and Jesus, that is, the Roman church,
in the middle : for this alone, being founded upon
a solid rock, remains always iramovable in the
truth, while the others deviate frora the proper
sense of scripture."* But notwithstanding these
Masch, paijt. i. cap. 3. (J 2. Goetz,Vertheidigung der Coraplutensis-
chen Bibel.
* Many Roraan catholic writers are asharaed of this conceit, (as
they caU it) which, if it has any meaning, irapUes a severe censure oa
the whole undei"taking. Le Long suppressed it, in his account of the
work. Not so Nicolas Ramus, bishop of Cuba, who, in a commentary
on the words, informs us that " the Hebrew original represents the
bad thief, and the Septrtagiiit version the good thief." Pere Simon
appeared at first incUned to make the transatlantic bishop responsible
both for the text and the commentary; but he afterwards acknow
ledges that the fiirmer is to be found in the Complutensian prologue
to the reader. (Hist Crit. du Vieux-Test. p. 350; conf. p. 577.)

70 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
defects, when we . consider the period at which il
was composed, and the exaraple which it held out,
we cannot hesitate in afiirming that this work re
flects great credit on its authors, and on the muni
ficence of the prelate at whose expense it was exe
cuted. The Arabic language was also cultivated at this
time by some individuals in Spain.* This branch
of study was zealously patronised by Fernando
de Talavera, who, after the overthrow of the Moor
ish kingdom, was appointed the first archbishop of
Granada. This pious and amiable prelate, being
desirous of converting the Moors who resided in
his diocese by gentle and rational methods, and
consequently of promoting the knowledge of Chris
tianity among thera, encouraged the clergy under his
charge to raake themselves masters of the Arabian
tongue. With the view of assisting them in thiis
task, he employed his chaplain, Pedro de Alcala, a
Hieronymite raonk, to draw up an Arabic grammar,
vocabulary, and catechism containing the first ru
diments of Christian doctrine, for the use of parish
priests and catechists ; which were the first books
ever printed in that language.! In order the more
effectually to promote the same object, the arch
bishop caused the religious service to be performed
in their vernacular tongue, to such of the Moors
* Nicol. Clenafdi Epist. p. 278." Widmanstadu Epist. Dedic. ad
Ferdinaudum Lnp. in Nov. Test. Syriacum.
•f Sehnurrer, Bibl. Arabica, p. 16-18. The three tracts were
printed iit Granada in 1505, in the Arabic language, but in CastiUan
characters.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 71
as had submitted to baptisra, or were willing to be
instructed ; and, accordingly, Arabic translations of
the collects from the Gospels and Epistles were also
made by his orders. It was his intention to have
the whole scriptures translated into that language,
agreeably to what is said to have been done at an
early period of the Moorish dominion in Spain.*
These measures, which were applauded by all en
lightened men, met with the strenuous opposition of
cardinal Xiraenes, who, while he wished to be re
garded as the patron of learning, was a determined
eneray to the progress of knowledge. The arch
bishop had appealed to the authority of St. Paul, who
said, " In the church I had rather speak five words
with my understanding, that by my voice I, might
teach others also, than ten thousand words in an
unknown tongue." But the cardinal pleaded that
the tiraes were changed, and appealed to St. Peter.
To put the sacred oracles into the hands of those
who were but newly initiated into our religion, was,
in his opinion, to throw pearls before swine. Nor
did he think it a whit safer to intrust the old Christ
ians with this treasure ; for, (added he, changing the
metaphor,) in this old age of the world, when reli
gion is so far degenerated from that purity which
prevailed in the time of St. Paul, the vulgar are in
danger of wresting the scriptures to their destruc
tion. Knowing that the common people are inclined
to revere what is concealed, and to despise whdt is
* Cyprian de Valera, ExlKM^cion al Christiano Lector; prefixed
t« his Spaiush translation ^i the fible.

72 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
known, the wisest nations have always kept them at
a distance from the mysteries of religion. Books
written by men of approved piety, and calculated,
by the examples which they propose, or by the fer
vour of their style, to raise the dejected, and recall
the minds of raen frora the things of sense to divine
conteraplation, raight be safely circulated in the
vulgar tongue ;* and it was the cardinal's intention,
as soon as he found leisure, to publish some works
of this description ; but the sacred scriptures ought
to be exclusively preserved in the three languages in
which the inscription on our Saviour's cross was
written ; and if ever this rule should be neglected,
the most pernicious effects would ensue.f This
opinion, which is merely a commentary on the fa
vourite maxim of the church of Rome, that igno
rance is the mother of devotion, has met with the
warra approbation of his biographer, and was af
terwards produced as a proof of his prophetic gift,
along with his miracles, in the application which
the Colegio Mayor de San Ildefonso made to the
papal court for his canonization.^ The arguments
of Ximenes wei'e not of a kind to carry conviction
to the minds of those who favoured enlightened
measures ; but they were the arguments of a man
* Flechier includes " catechisms, soUd and simple explanations of
Christian doctrine,' and other writings calculated to enUghten the
minds of the people," among the books aUowed by the cardinal (His
toire du Card, Ximenes, tom. i p. 155.) But nothing of this kind is
mentioned by Gomez, to whom he refers as his only authority. (Vita
Ximenii, f. 33, a.)
•j- Gomez, ut supra.
j QuintaniUa, Vida y Prodigies del S.Card, Ximenes, p, 225.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 73
who, unfortunately for the best interests of Spain,
had even then acquired great influence in the coun
cils of government, and continued for many years
to have the chief direction of the affairs of the na
tion, both civil and ecclesiastical. The books which
the cardinal had promised as a substitute for the
Gospels and Epistles made their appearance, con
sisting of treatises of mystic or rather monastic de
votion, and the lives of some of its raost high-flying
zealots, both raale and female ; such as, the Letters
of Santa Catalina de Sena, of Santa Angela de
Fulgino, and of ¦ Santa Matilda, the Degrees of
San Juan Cliraaco, the Instructions of Sart Vicente
Ferrer, and of Santa Clara, the Meditations of
the Carthusian Thomas Landulpho, and the Life
of St. "Thomas a Becket, archbishop of Canter
bury.* The opposition of Xiraenes, and the violent and
irapolitic raeasures which the governraent adopted
against the Jews and Moors, checked the cultiva
tion of oriental literature to such a degree, that,
in the year 1535, when an enthusiastic scholar vi
sited Spain, he found Hebrew neglected, and could
not raeet with a single native acquainted with
Arabic, except the venerable Nunez, who still re
collected the characters of a language to which he
had paid some attention in his youth.f
* Quintanilla, p. 141. Gomez, f. 39, a.
f Nie. aenardi Epistolae, p. 229, 278-282. What Antonius has
stated respecting a" treatise on Christian Doctrine in Arabic, by
archbishop Ayala, printed at Valencia in 1566^ is more than doubtful
(Bibl, Hisp. Nov, torn, u, p, 108,)

74 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
A translation of the scriptures into Spanish, of
which I shall afterwards speak, had probably little
influence in preparing for the introduction of the
reformed opinions, as all the copies of it appear to
have been destroyed soon after it came from the
press. Considerable light was thrown upon the
sacred writings by those who studied them in the
original languages, at the close of the fifteenth and
beginning of the sixteenth century. Pablo de San
Maria of Burgos, commonly called Paulus Bur-
gensis, a converted Jew, discovered the same ac
quaintance with Hebrew which distinguishes the
Postilla, or notes on scripture, by Nicolas de Lira,
to which he made additions.* Alfonso Tostado,
bishop of Avila, who wrote commentaries on the
historical books of the Old Testament, and on
Matthew, had formed correct notions of the lite
ral and proper sense of scripture, and of the duty
of an interpreter to adhere to it in opposition to
the method of the allegorizing divines ; but he
swelled his works to an immoderate bulk, by in.
dulging in digressions on common places.f Pedro
* Simon, Hist. Crit. du Vienx Test. Uv. ui. chap. 11. p. 464-466.
Colomesu Hispan. Orient, p. 212-214. — Le Long mentions "Prophetse
Priores Hebraice cura Commentario R. Da-vid Ejmchi, Leirise in Lu-
ijitania, 1494, fol " (Bibl- Sac. edit. Masch, part. i. cap, 1. sect.
2. § 37. num. 6.) If this is correct, the work referred to must
have been the first Hebrew book, and the only one by a Jew, print
ed in the Peninsula. None of the Spanish bibUographers appears to
have seen a copy of it. Mendez reports it incorrectly. (Typog, Esp.
p. 339.)
f Tostati Abulensis Comment, in Evang. Matthsei, cap. xui. qusest.
18 ; conf. cap. ii, qusest. 57. An abridgement of his commentary on

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 75
de Osma, professor of theology at Salaraanca, era
ployed his talents in correcting the original text of
the New Testaraent, by a critical collation of dif
ferent .raanuscripts. He displayed the sarae free
dom of opinion on doctrinal points ; and in 1479
•was forced to abjure eight propositions relating to
the power of the pope, and the sacrament of pe
nance, which were extracted from a book written
by him on Confession, and condemned as erroneous
by a council held at Alcala.* Besides his services
in the cause of polite literature, Antonio Lebrixa
wrote several works illustrative of the scriptures,
for which he was brought before the Inquisition,
and would have incurred the sarae censure as De
Osma, had he not been so fortunate as to secure the
protection of their Catholic Majesties.f
By the labours of these men, together with
the writings of their countryman Ludovicus Vives,
who had settled in the Low Countries, and of
his friend Erasmus, a salutary change was pro
duced on the minds of the youth at the universi
ties. They became disgusted at the barbarisra of
scholastic theology, read the scriptures for them
selves, consulted them in the originals, and frora
these sources ventured to correct the errors of the
Vulgate, and to expose the absurd and puerile in-
Matthew was printed, in tvvo volumes foUo, at SeviUe, in 1491.—*
(Mendez, p. 179.)
* lUescas, Hist. Pontifical, tora. u. f. 86, b.
f Antonu Nebrissensis Apologia pro seipso; apud Antonii BibL
Hisp. Vet. tom. ii p. 310, 311.

76 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
terpretations which had so long passed current under
the shade of ignorance and credulity.
Having put the reader in possession of the cir
cumstances connected with the state of letters and
knowledge which tended to facilitate the introduc
tion of the reformed doctrine into Spain, I shall
now take a view of the obstacles with which it
had to contend, of which the raost forraidable by far
was the Inquisition.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 77

CHAPTER III.
OF THE INQUISITION, AND OTHER OBSTACLES TO THE
REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
Soon after the Roman empire became Christian,
laws were enacted, subjecting those who propagated
erroneous opinions to punishraent, under the false
idea that heresy, or error in matters of revelation,
was a crime and an offence against the state. The
penalties were in general moderate, compared with
those which were decreed at a subsequent period.
Manicheism, which was considered aseversive ofthe
principles of natural religion, and dangerous to mo
rals, was the only heresy visited with capital punish
ment ; a penalty which was afterwards extended to
the Donatists, who were chargeable with exciting
tumults in various parts of the empire. The bishops
of that time were far frora soliciting the execu
tion of these penal statutes, which in most instances
had passed at their desire, or with their consent.
They flattered themselves that the publication of
2

78 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
severe laws, by the terror which it inspired, would
repress the hardihood of daring innovators, and in
duce their deluded followers to listen to instruction,
and return to the bosom of the faithful church.
When Priscillian was put to death for Manicheism,
at Treves in 384, St. Martin, the apostle of the
French, remonstrated with the emperor Maximus
against the deed, which was regarded with abhor
rence by all the bishops of France and Italy.* St.
Augustine protested to the proconsul of Africa, that,
if capital punishment was inflicted on the Donatists,
he and his clergy would suffer death at the hands of
these turbulent heretics sooner than be instrumental
in bringing them before the tribunals.f But it is
easier to draw than to sheathe the sword of perse
cution ; and the ecclesiastics of a following age were
zealous in stimulating reluctant magistrates to exe
cute these laws, and in procuring the application of
thera to persons who held opinions which their pre
decessors looked upon as barraless or laudable. In
the eleventh century, capital punishment, even in its
most dreadful forra, that of burning alive, was ex
tended to all who obstinately adhered to opinions
differing frora the received faith. | .
* Sulpitu Seven Hist. Sac. Ub. ii. cap. 47, 49.
f S. Augustini Epist. ep. 127, ad Donatura, Procons. Africse.
X Burning aUve was, by a constitution of Constantine, decreed as
the punishraent of those Jews and CceUooU who should oflfer violence,
" saxis aut alio furoris genere," to any who had deserted them, aud
embraced Christianity. (Cod. Ub. i. tit. ix. § 3.) The same punish
ment was allotted to those who should open the dikes of the NUe, by
an edict of Honorius and Theodosius. (Cod, Ub. ix. tit. xxxvui.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 79
Historians have not pointed out with precision
the period at which this extension of the penal code
took place, or the grounds on which it proceeded.
Instances of the practice occur previously to the im
perial edict of Frederic II. in 1224, and even to that
of Frederic I. in 1184.* It appears to rae to have
been at first introduced by confounding the differ
ent sects which arose with the followers of Manes.
Taking advantage of the circumstance, that some
individuals belonging to those who went by the
names of Henricians, Arnoldists, Poor Men of Lyons,
and Vaudois, held the leading tenet of Manicheism,
the clergy fixed this stigma on the whole body, and
called on magistrates to visit them with the penalty
decreed against that odious heresy. In an ignorant
age this charge was easily believed. It was in
vain that the victims of persecution protested against
the indiscrirainate accusation, or disowned the sen-
tiraents imputed to thera. By the tirae that unde
niable facts cleared their innocence, the public mind
had learned to view the severity of their fate with
indifference or approbation ; and the punishment of
death, under the general phrase of delivering over
to the secular arm, came to be considered as the
comraon award for all who entertained opinions op
posite to those of the church of Rorae, or who pre-
suraed to inveigh against the corruptions of the
priesthood. Other causes, sorae of which had been long in
* Fleury, Hist. Eccles. Uvre Iviu. n. 54.

80 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
operation, contributed to work, in the course of the
eleventh century, a great change on the criminal
proceedings against heretics. The sentence of ex
communication, which at first only excluded from
the privileges of the church, was now considered as
inflicting a mark of public infamy on those who in
curred it ; from which the transition was not diffi
cult, in a superstitious age, to the idea that it de
prived them of all the rights, natural or civil, of
which they were formerly in possession. The un
happy individuals who were struck with this spirit
ual thunder, felt all the bonds which connected thera
with society suddenly dissolved, and were regarded
as objects at once of divine execration and human
abhorrence. Subjects threw off their allegiance to
their legitimate sovereigns ; sovereigns gave up
their richest and raost peaceable provinces to fire
and sword ; the territories of a vassal became lawful
prey to his neighbours ; and a man's enemies were
those of his own house. The Roraan pontiffs, who had
extended their authority by affecting an ardent zeal
for the honour of the Christian faith, found a
powerful engine for accomplishing their ambitious
designs, in the crusades, undertaken at their insti
gation, to deliver the Holy Land, and the sepulchre
of Christ, from the pollution of infidels. These
raad expeditions, whose indirect influence was ulti
mately favourable to European civilization, were
in the mean tirae productive of the worst effects.
While they weakened the sovereigns who erabarked
in them, they increased the power of the popes, and

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 81
placed at their disposal immense arraies, which they
could direct against all who opposed their measures.
They perverted, in the minds of men, the essential
principles of religion, justice, and humanity, by
cherishing the false idea that it is meritorious to
wage war for the glory of the Christian narae, — by
throwing the veil of sanctity over the greatest enor
mities of which a licentious soldiery might be guil
ty, — by conferring the pardon of their sins on all
who arrayed themselves under the banners .of the
cross, — and by holding out the palm of martyrdom
to such as should have the honour to fall in fight
ing against the enemies of the faith. Nor were
the popes either dilatory or slack in availing thera
selves of these prejudices. Finding that their vio
lent raeasures for suppressing the Albigenses were
feebly seconded by the barons of Provence, they
proclaimed a crusade against heretics, launched the
sentence of excoraraunication against both superiors
and vassals, and carried on a war of exterraination
in the south of France during a period of twenty
years. It was araidst these scenes of blood and
horror that the Inquisition rose.
Historians are divided in opinion as to the exact
time at which the Inquisition was founded. Inquisi
tors and informers are mentioned in a law published
by the emperor Theodosius against the Manicheans ;
but these were officers of justice appointed by the
prefects, and differed entirely from the persons who
became so notorious under these designations
G

82 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
many centuries after that period.* The funda
mental principle of that odious institution was un
doubtedly recognised in 1184, by the council of Ve-
..rona; which however established no separate tribu
nal for the pursuit of heretics, but left this task en
tirely in the hands of the bishops. Rainier, Cas-
telnau, and St. Dominic, who were sent into France
at different tiraes from 1198 to 1206, had a com
mission from the pope to search for heretics, and in
this sense may be called inquisitors ; but they were
invested with no judicial power to pronounce a de
finitive sentence.! '^'^^ council of the Lateran in
1218 raade no innovation on the ancient practice.
The council held at Toulouse in 1229, ordain
ed that the bishops should appoint, in each parish
of their respective dioceses, " one priest and two or
three laics, who should engage upon oath to make
a rigorous search after all heretics and their abet
tors, and for this purpose should visit every house
from the garret to the cellar, together with all sub
terraneous places where they raight conceal them-
selves."^: But the Inquisition, as a distinct tribu
nal, was not erected until the year 1 233, when pope
Gregory IX. took frora the bishops the power of
discovering and bringing to judgraent the heretics
who lurked in France, and committed that task

* Cod. Theodos. Ub. xvi. tit. v. leg. 9. de hsereticis.
f Hist. Gen, de Languedoc, ui, 130, 134, 558-560.
J It was by an act of this councU that the laity were first prohibit
ed from having the books of the Old and New Testament. (Concil
Tolos. can. 14 : Labbei Collect, tom. xi. p. 427.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 83
to the Dominican friars. In consequence of this
the tribunal was immediately set up in Toulouse,
and afterwards in the neighbouring cities, from
which it was introduced into other countries of Eu
rope.* It may be considered as a fact at least- somewhat
singular, that in the proceedings of the first Spanish
council whose records have reached our time, we
find a deeper stigma affixed to the character of
informers than to that of heretics. The council
of Elvira, after liraiting the duration of the penance
of those who might fall into heresy, decreed that "if
a catholic become an inforraer, and any one be put
to death or proscribed in consequence of his denun
ciation, he shall not receive the coraraunion, even
at the hour of death."f On a review of crirainal
proceedings in ^pain anterior to the establishraent
of the court of Inquisition, it appears in general
that heretics were raore mildly treated there than
in other countries. Jews who relapsed, after hav
ing been baptized, were subject to whipping and
spare diet, according to the age of the offenders.^
Those who apostatized to paganism, if nobles or
freemen, were condemned to exile, and if slaves, to
* Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, tom. iii. p. 131, 383, 394-5. Mosheim,
cent, xui part ii. chap. v. § 4. Llorente, chap. ii. It appears, how
ever, from a constitution of Frederic II. that the Dominicans in 1229
acted as apostoUcal inquisitors in Italy, where St. Dominic had erect
ed, under the name of the Militia qf Christ, a secular order, whose
employment answered to that of those afterwards caUed Familiars of
the Inquisition. (Llorente, i. 51-54.)
f ConciL nUberit. can. 22, 73.
X ConcU. Tolet. IX. can. 17. Anno 655,

84 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
whipping and chains.* The general law against he
retics was, that such as refused to recant, if priests,
should be deprived of all their dignities and property,
and if laics, that theyshould,in addition, be condemn
ed to perpetual banishment.f Even after the barba
rous custom of committing obstinate heretics to the
flames had been introduced into other parts of Eu
rope, Spain testified her aversion to sanguinary
measures. In 1194, v/hen Alfonso II. of Aragon,
at the instigation of the legate of pope Celestine,
published an edict, commanding the Vaudois, and
all other sectaries, to quit his dominions, those who
remained after the time specified were expressly
exempted from suffering either death or the muti
lation of their bodies.^
No sooner had the Inquisition received the papal
sanction, than measures were taken for having it
introduced into Spain, where the Dominicans had
already established convents of their order. In
the course of the thirteenth century, inquisitorial
tribunals were permanently erected in the princi
pal towns of the kingdom of Aragon, from which
they were extended to Navarre. § Though a papal
brief was issued in 1236 for the special purpose of
introducing the Holy Office into Castile, and Fer
dinand HI. surnaraed the Saint, is said to have
carried with his own hand the wood destined for
* ConcU. Tolet. XIIL can. 11, Anno 681,
f Leg. Goth. Ub. xu. tit. u. de hseret. lex 2.
X Pegna, Comment, in Direct, Inquis, Nie, Eiraerici : Llorente,
i, 31. § Llorente, i. 77, 85, 97.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN, 85
burning his subjects, — yet it does not appear that
there ever was a permanent tribunal in that king-
dora under the ancient forra of the Inquisition ;
either because heresy had made little progress
among the Castilians, or because they were averse
to the new method of extirpating it.*
The mode of proceeding in the court of Inqui
sition, when first erected, was simple, and differed
very little from that which was followed in the or
dinary courts of justice. In particular, the inter
rogatories put to persons accused, and to witnesses,
were short and direct, evincing merely a desire to
ascertain the truth on the subjects of inquiry.f But
this simplicity soon gave place to a system of the
raost coraplicated and iniquitous circumvention.
Grossly ignorant of judicial raatters, the Domini
cans modelled their new court after what is called
in the Roman church, the Tribunal of Penance.
Accustomed, in the confessional, to penetrate into
the secrets of conscience, they converted, to the de
struction of the bodies of raen all those arts which
a false zeal had taught them to employ for the sav
ing of their souls. Inflamed with a passion for ex
tirpating heresy, and persuading themselves that the
end sanctified the means, they not only acted upon,
but formally laid down, as a rule for their conduct,
maxims founded on the grossest deceit and artifice,
* Llorente, i."??, 85, 88, 95. ""
f See the Interrogatiqnes ad Haereticos, and the extracts from the
proceedings of the inquisitors of Carcassone and Avignon, pubUshed
in Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, tom. iii. Preuves, p. 372, 435-441.

86 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
according to which they sought in every way to en
snare their victims, and by means of false state
ments, delusory promises, and a tortuous course of
examination, to betray them into confessions which
proved fatal to their lives and fortunes.* To this
mental torture was soon after added the use of bo
dily tortures, together with the concealment of the
names of witnesses.
After this court had subsisted for two centuries and
a half, it underwent what its friends have honoured
with the name of a reform; in consequence of which
it became a more terrible engine of persecution than
before. Under this new form it is usually called
the Modern Inquisition, though it may with equal
propriety beair the name of the Spanish, as it ori
ginated in Spain, and has been confined to that
country, including Portugal, and the dominions
subject to the two monarchies.
The war of the Albigenses was the pretext used
by the popes for the establishraent of the ancient In
quisition ; the necessity of checking the apostasy of
the converts frora Judaism was urged as the reason
for introducing the modern. While the Spaniards
were engaged in continual wars with one another
or with the Moors, the Jews, who had been settled
for ages in the Peninsula, by addicting themselves
* See two ancient treatises published by the Benedictine iathers,
Martene andDurand,in Thesaur. Nov. Anecdot. torn, v. p. 1785-1798.
Extracts from them are given by Sismondi, who has pointed out the
malignant influence which the proceedings of the Inquisition exerted
on the cripninal jurisprudence of France. (Hist, of the Crusades
against the Albigenses,: p. 220-226.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 87
to trade and comraerce, had, in the fourteenth cen
tury, engrossed the wealth of the nation, and at
tained to great influence in the governraent both of
Castile and Aragon. Those who were indebted to
thera, and those who envied thera on account of the
civil offices which they held, united in stirring up
the religious prejudices of the populace against
thera ; and in one year five thousand Jews fell a
sacrifice to popular fury. With the view of saving
their lives, many submitted to baptism, and it is
computed that, in the course of a few years, nearly
a raillion of persons renounced the law of Moses
and made profession of the Christian faith. The
number of converts, as they were called, was in
creased in the beginning of the fifteenth century,
by the zeal of the Dominican missionaries, and es
pecially of St. Vincent Ferrer, to whora the Spanish
historians have ascribed raore rairacles and conver
sions than were wrought by the apostles.* These
* Zurita, Anales, tora. ii. f. 444 ; conf. f. 430. Antonii Bibl. Hisp.
Vet. tora. ii. 205-207. In support of his opinion that the printed
sermons of St. Vincent Ferrer were taken from his mouth and trans
lated into Latin by some of his hearers, Nicolas Antonio says : " As
ke preached, wherever he went, in his own native tongue of Valencia,
to EngUsh, French, and Italians, aU of whom, by a most undoubted
miracle, understood him, it is irapossible that the same sermons could
be conceived and deUvered in the vernacular tongue, aud turned into
Latin, by the same individual, who was so much occupied, and preach
ed to the people extempore and from inspiration rather than premedi
tation.'' (Ut supra, p. 206.) With aU deference to the learned his
torian, we should think that this reasoning, if it prove any thing,
proves that the hearers of St. Vincent possessed more miraculous pow
ers than hiraself, and that they should have been canonized rather
than the preacher.

88 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
converts were called New Christians, and some
times Marranos from a forra of execration in use
among the Jews. As their adoption of the Christ
ian profession proceeded from the fear of death, or
a desire to secure secular emoluments, rather than
internal persuasion, the greater part repented of
having abjured the religion of their fathers, and re
sumed the practice of its rites in secret, while they
publicly conformed to those of the Christians. This
forced conformity could not fail to be painful to
their minds, and was relaxed in proportion as the
fears which they felt for their safety abated. The
consequence was, that many of them were discover
ed by the monks, who cried out that if some severe
raeans were not adopted to repress the evil, the
whole body of converted Jews would soon relapse
into their former habits, and the faith of the old
Christians would be corrupted and overthrown by
these concealed apostates with whora they were
interraingled. — But, although more iraraediately
intended to guard the fidelity of the New Christ
ians, the raodern Inquisition, like the ancient, was
charged with the discovery and punishraent of all
kinds of heresy, and extended its jurisdiction over
the Old Christians, as well as Jewish and Moorish
converts. It is proper that the names of those individuals
to whom Spain owes this institution should not be
forgotten. The raost active were Felippe de Bar-
beris, inquisitor of Sicily, and Alfonso de Hoyeda,
prior of Seville, both of thera Dorainican friars, as-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 89
sisted by Nicolas Franco, bishop of Treviso, who
was at that tirae nuncio frora pope Sixtus IV. to
the Spanish court.*
The whole of Spain was at this period united
into one kingdom by the marriage of Ferdinand,
king of Aragon, and Isabella, queen of Castile.
X Ferdinand readily acceded to a proposal which
gave him the prospect of filling his coffers by means
of confiscations ; it was equally agreeable to Sixtus,
frora its tendency to proraote the views of the court
of Rorae ; and they succeeded, by the help of the
friars, in overcoraing the repugnance which it ex
cited in the huraane but superstitious mind of Isa
bella. The bull for establishing the Inquisition in
Castile was issued on the 1st of November 1478 ;
and on the 17th of Septeraber 1480, their catholic
majesties named the first inquisitors, who comraenc
ed their proceedings on the 2d of January 1481, in
the Dominican convent of St. Paul at Seville. The
tribunal did not however assume a permanent form
until two years after, when friar Thomas Torque-
mada, prior of Santa Cruz in the town of Segovia^
was placed at its head, under the designation of
inquisitor-general, first of Castile, and afterwards
of Aragon.f Torquemada proceeded without delay
to exercise the high powers with which he was
intrusted, by choosing his assessors, and erecting

' * Llorente, i 143, 144.
f lUescas, Hist. Pontifical, tora. ii. f. 101, a. Zurita, Anales, lib. xx.
sect. 49. Llorente,.i, 145, 148-151,

90 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
subordinate tribunals in different cities of the unit
ed kingdom. Over the whole was placed the Coun
cil qf the Supreme, consisting of the inquisitor-ge
neral as president, and three counsellors, two of
whom were doctors of law. This regulated and
controlled the inferior tribunals ; and by its fun
daraental laws, the counsellors had a deliberative
voice in all questions relating to civil law, but a
consultative voice only in those which appertain
ed to ecclesiastical law, of which Torquemada
was constituted the sole judge by the apostolical
bulls. These counsellors appear to have been ap
pointed with the view of preventing encroachments
on the secular authorities, and accordingly alter
cations did sometimes arise between the inquisi
tors-general and the counsellors of the Supreme ;
but as the latter were all of the clerical order, and
as no clear, line of distinction between civil and ec
clesiastical affairs was drawn, the questions which
came before the court were generally brought un
der the rules of canon law, or in other words, de
cided according to the pleasure of the president.
Torquemada's next employment was to form a body
of laws for the government of his new tribunal.
This appeared in 1484 ; additions were made to it
from time to time ; and, as a diversity of practice
had crept into the subordinate courts, the inquisi
tor-general Valdes, in 1561, made a revisal of the
whole code, which was published in eighty-one ar
ticles, and continues, with the exception of a few

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 91
slight alterations, to be the law to this day.* From
these constitutions, as illustrated by the authentic
documents connected with the history of the Inqui
sition which have been lately made public, a correct
idea may be forraed of the raode of process observed
in that dreadful tribunal. Instead however of en
tering here into details which may be found else
where, I shall select such particulars as show that
the Inquisition possessed powers which enabled it
effectually to arrest the progress of knowledge, and
to crush every attempt which might be made for
the reformation of religion and the church.
The first thing which presents itself to our view,
is the immense apparatus which the Inquisition
possesses for the discovery of heresy, and the ap
prehension of those who are suspected of having
incurred its taint. Deceived by the importance at
tached to denunciation in the instructions of the
Holy Office, sorae writers would lead us to believe
that there is no way in which a process can be cora
menced before the Inquisition, except by a formal
charge preferred by some individual ; whereas the
truth is, that information, in whatever way it may
be obtained, is sufficient for this purpose.f The
* The editions I have used are the foUo-wing : " Copilacion de las
Instruciones del Officio de la sancta Inquisicion, hechas por el rauy
reverendo Senor Fray Thomas de Torquemada," &c. Madrid, 1576.
" Copilacion de las Instrucciones del Oficio de la santa Inquisicion,
hechas en Toledo, ano de mU y quinientos y sesenta y nno." Ibid.
1612. f " Quando los Inqiiisidores se juntareu a ver las testificaciones que

92 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
Inquisition is not only a court of justice, but also,
as its name intimates, a body of police, employed
in discovering the offences on which it is afterwards
to sit in judgment. Every individual belonging to
its tribunals, suprerae or subordinate, from the in
quisitor-general down to the lowest alguazil or fa
miliar, is charged with this eraployment. At those
periods when its vigilance was aroused by the alarm
of heresy, it had its secret spies and authorized
agents at every port and pass of the kingdom, as
regularly as governraent had its tide-waiters and
cUstora-house officers, arraed with authority to ar
rest the persons and property of all who incurred
their suspicions. In addition to its internal- re
sources, it avails itself of the superstitious preju
dices of the people, whom it raises en masse, to
drive the poor heretics into the legal toils spread for
them in all parts of the country. At any time which
it judges proper, but statedly on two Sundays every
year during lent, an edict is published in all the
churches of the kingdom, requiring every one who
knows any person suspected of heresy to give inform
ation to the Inquisition within six days, upon pain of
incurring mortal sin and excommunication by their
silence. At the same time, the priests in the con
fessional exert all the influence which they pos
sess over the minds of their penitents to persuade
thera to coraply with this order. In this way the
resultan de alguna visita, o de otro manera, o que por otra qualquier
causa se hiiviere recebido," &c, (Instrucciones de 1561, art, 1.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 93
worst and the best, the weakest and the strongest
passions of the human breast are engaged ; and per
sons are induced to become informers from private
malice, from pious scruples, and frora selfish fears.
The father soraetiraes informs against his own
child, the wife against her husband, and the love
sick maiden against the object of her tenderest
attachment. Though the holy fathers prefer a
process by denunciation to one ex officio,* and
in order to encourage informers, conceal their
names, yet anonymous informations are received
without any scruple, provided they furnish the
smallest clue by which the charge may be brought
horae to the accused. One prosecution is often the
raeans of fastening the suspicion of heresy on a
number of individuals ; for it is an invariable rule
with the inquisitors, not to inforra a witness of the
particular object for which he is cited, but to com
mence by desiring hira to task his raeraory and say
if he recollects having seen or heard any thing
which appeared to be inconsistent with the catholic
faith; inconsequence of which, he is led to raen
tion names not implicated in the process. If, upon
inquiry, the inquisitors are of opinion that they will
find it difficult to convict the suspected person, they
do not examine him, because this would only serve
to put him on his guard j nor do they use any
means to recover him from the supposed errors into
which he has fallen ; but suspending their proceed-
* Instnic. de 1561, art. 19,'

94 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
ings, wait until they obtain additional proof to sub
stantiate the charge.* If the evidence is deemed suffi
cient, they issue the order of arrest to the alguazil,
who, accorapanied by the sequestrator and receiver
of goods, instantly repairs to the house of the ac
cused ; and, provided the latter has absconded, the
familiars are furnished, not only with a minute de
scription of his person, but also with his picture, so
that it is next to impossible that their prey can
escape thera.f
Nor is it less difficult for a person to escape with
out condemnation, if he once has had the misfortune
to be apprehended. It is only in the way of being
able to convict him of heresy, that the inquisitors
are entitled to seize on his property ; and as it is
an established maxim of theirs, that the Holy Office
cannot err, they consider it as a reflection on its
proceedings, if any individual whom it has appre
hended shall clear hiraself frora suspicion. With
out acquainting hira either with his accuser or the
charge brought against hira, every art is employed,
both by his judges in the repeated examinations to
which they subject him, and also, by the jailer to

* Instrucciones de 1561, art. 4. Llorente appears to have mistaken
the latter part of this article, which he translates thus : " Cette mesiire
(I'interrogatoire) ne sert qu'a le rendre plus reserve et plus attentif a
eviter tout ce qui pourrait aggraver les sonpfons ou les preuves ac-
quises contre lui." (Hist, de l' Inquis. tom. u. p. 298.) The original
words are : " Semejantes examenes sirven mas de avisar los testifica-
dos, que de otro buen efecto : y assi conviene mas aguai'dar tjue so-
brevenga nueva provan^a, o nuevos indicios."
¦f Reg. Gonsalv. Montani Inquis. Hisp. Artes Detectse, p. 8, 13, 16.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 95
whose care he is intrusted, to induce the prisoner
to confess that he has been guilty of some offence
against the faith. , He is strictly interrogated as to
his kindred, connexions, acquaintances, and manner
of life ; the records of all the tribunals of the Holy
Office are ordered to be searched ; and if it is found
that any of his ancestors or relations, however remote,
either in the male or feraale line, or any of those
with whora he has consorted, were Jews, Moors, or
heretics, or had incurred the censures of the Inqui
sition, this circumstance is regarded as sufficient to
fasten on him a legitimate presumption of guilt.
Even a failure to repeat the Ave Maria or creed
exactly after the manner of the Roraan church, is
viewed in the sarae light.*
The irapenetrable secrecy with which all the pro
ceedings of the Inquisition are shrouded, is at once
an instrument of terror, and an encouragement to
every species of injustice. Every person who en
ters its walls is sworn, before he is perraitted to de
part, to observe the most profound silence as to all
that he raay have seen, heard, or uttered.f The
naraes of the witnesses are carefully concealed from
* Instruciones de an. 1488, art. 9. Instruc. de an. 1561, art. 13-
15. Montanus, ut supra, p. 17-24. Llorente, ii. 302, 303. Framp-
ton's Narrative, in Strype's Annals, i 240, 241.
f Mr. Townsend relates, that the Dutch consul, with whom he be
came acquainted during his travels in Spain in 1787, could never be
prevaUed on to give an account of his imprisonment in the Inquisition
at Barcelona, which had happened thirty-five years before, and betray
ed the greatest agitation when pressed to say any thing about the treat
ment he had r-sceived. His feUow-prisoner, M. Falconet, who was but a

96 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
the prisoner; and they are not confronted with
him, nor, so far as appears, witb one another.* No
check is imposed on the infidelity or ignorance of
the notaries or clerks who take down the depo
sitions. The accused is not furnished with a copy
of the evidence against hira, but merely with such
garbled extracts as his judges are pleased to order ;
and, taking advantage of the different modes of
expression used by the witnesses in speaking of
the sarae fact, the procurator- fiscal often converts
one charge into three or four, by which means the
prisoner is thrown into confusion on his defence, and
exposed to popular odium, as a person laden with
crimes, if he is ultimately brought out in the
public auto-de-fe. Every thing which the witness
es in their examination may have said in his fa
vour, or which raight be conducive to his exculpa
tion, is studiously and totally suppressed.
The sarae partial and unjust rules are observed

boy, turned gray-headed during his short confinement, and to the day
of his death, though retired to MontpeUier, observed the most tena
cious silence on the subject. He had destroyed a picture of the Vir
gin ; and his friend, the Dutch consul, being present and not turning
accuser, was considered as a partner in his guUt. (ToTiTisend's Jour
ney through Spain, vol. U. p. 336.)
* Llorente, in his abridgement ofthe constitutions of Valdes, speaks
as if the witnesses were confronted with one another; (tom. U. p. 306.)
but I perceive nothing in the original document to warrant this inter
pretation. (Instruc. de an. 1561, art. 26.) The same historian, rather in
consistently, interprets another article as expressly prohibiting that
practice ; (p. 327.) whereas that article prohibits the confronting of
the witnesses with the prisoner. Its title is, " No se careen los
testigos con los reos." (Instruc. de an. 1561, art, 72.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 97
in forming the extracts, which, both at the com-
menceraent and terraination of the process, are sub-
raitted to certain divines, called qualificators of the
Holy Office, whose business it is to say whether the
propositions iraputed to the accused individual are
heretical, or to what degree they subject hira to the
suspicion of heresy. These individuals, besides, are
generally raonks or scholastic divines, irabued with
false notions, and ready to qualify, or stigmatize as
heretical, opinions sanctioned by the authority of the
most approved doctors of the church, merely because
they have not met with thera in the contracted
circle of their studies.
It is not easy' to conceive a greater mockery of
justice than is to be found in the provisions made
for the defence of the prisoner. The judges ap
point one of their advocates to act as his counsel,
who has no means of defending his client, except the
garbled extracts frora the depositions of the wit
nesses already raentioned. But the truth is, that
his ability is as great as his inclination ; for, while
nominally the advocate of the prisoner, he is really
the agent and proctor of the court, in obedience to
whose directions, given at the time of his nomina
tion, he labours in raost instances to induce his
client to confess and throw hiraself pn the raercy
of his judges,* Nor is the pretended privilege of
* Instruc. de an. 1484, art. 16. Instruc. de an. 1561, art. 23. Llo
rente, i. 309-312. By the Instructions of 1484, the accused was al
lowed the benefit of a procurator, as weU as an advocate ; but those of
1561 deprived him of that privUege, "because it had been found to be
H

98 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
challenging the witnesses less nugatory and insult
ing to the prisoner. Deprived of every means of
knowing the persons who have deponed against him,
he can have recourse to conjecture only ; malice is
the sole ground of exception which he is permitted
to urge; he may have been accused frora fanati-
cisra, fear, or ignorant scruples ; or his personal
enemy inay have put forward, as the instrument of
his malice, an individual whom the prisoner would
never think of suspecting ; and soraetiraes the pro
curator-fiscal takes the precaution of secretly esta
blishing the credibility of his witnesses beforehand,
with the view of defeating the challenge. The in
quisitors are uniformly disposed to favour the wit
nesses for the prosecution, and to screen thera from
punishment, even in cases of perjury.* Nor is this
evil to be traced to the character of particular
judges ; it springs from the very genius of the tri
bunal, which induces all who are connected with it
to set at defiance the most essential principles of
attended with many inconveniences," (a word frequently used in the
regulations of the Inquisition as an excuse for the most glaring viola^
tions of justice,) — " porque la experiencia ha mostrado muchos incon-
venientes qup dello suelen resultar." (Instruc. de an. 1561, art. 35.)
If the accused is under age, he is aUowed a tutor ; (ib. art. 25.) but the
tutelage is given to the wolf, one of the menials of the Inquisition
being often appointed to that office. (Montanus, p. 34, 35.)
* Llorente, i. 314, 315. Montanus, 54-57. False witnesses are
either such as falsely accuse a person of heresy, or such as, when in
terrogated, falsely declare that they know nothing against the person
accused. " In the course of my researches," says Llorente, "I have
often found witnesses of this second class punished, but seldom or never
those of the first." (p. 232.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 99
justice by which every other court is governed, and
even to disregard its own regulations, for the sake
of encouraging informations and indulging a raorbid
jealousy. Of the sarae illusory nature is the pri
vilege which, in certain cases, they give the prisoner
to bring forward exculpatory evidence. For, in the
first place, he is restricted in his choice of witnesses.
While the testiraony of persons of all descriptions —
relations, domestics, New Christians, malefactors,
infaraous characters, children, and even idiots, is
adraissible against him ;* he, on the contrary, is
directed to name, for his exculpation, only Christ
ians of ancient race, of unirapeached character, and
who are neither his relatives nor doraestics. And,
in the second place, the tribunal reserves to itself the
power of examining such of the prisoner's witnesses
only as it shall judge " most fit and worthy of cre
dit."! The injustice pf the inquisitorial process can on
ly be equalled by its cruelty. Persons of undoubt
ed veracity, who had the happiness to escape from
the secret prisons of the Inquisition during the six
teenth century, have described them as narrow and
gloomy cells, which admitted the light only by a
small chink, — ^darap, and resembling graves more
than prisons, if they were subterraneous ; and if
they were situated in the upper part of the building,
feeling in sumraer like heated furnaces.^ At pre-
* Llorente, ii 311. Montanus, 41.
-|- Instrucciones de an. 1561, art. 36.
X Montanus, 105. Frampton's Narrative of his Imprisonment, in
Sti-ype's Annals, i. 239.

100 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
sent, they are described as, in general, good vaulted
chambers, well lighted, free of humidity, and of
such size as to allow the prisoner to take a little ex
ercise.* But even those who give the most favour
able description of these abodes admit, that nothing
can be conceived more frightful than the situation
of the individual who is immured in them, left as
he is to conjecture respecting his accuser and the
particular crime with which he is charged ; kept in
ignorance of the slate of his process ; shut out from
every, kind of intercourse with his friends; denied
even the consolation of conversing confidentially
with the person to whom his defence has been in
trusted ; refused all use of books ; afraid, if he has
a fellow-prisoner for a few days, to do raore than
exchange salutations with hira, lest he should be con
fiding in a spy ; threatened if he hura a tune, and
especially a sacred one, to relieve his languor;
plunged, during the rigour of the winter months,
in total darkness for fifteen hours of every day in
an abode that never saw the cheerful blaze of a
fire ; and, in fine, knowing that if ever he .should be
set free, he must go out to the world lost for ever
in public opinion, and loaded with an infamy,
heavier than that of tbe pardoned assassin or parri
cide, which will attach to his children of the re-
raotest generatipn. What wonder that such pris-
* Llorente, i. 300. An inteUigent native of Spain, who had inspect
ed the secret prisons of the Holy Office at Barcelona, confirmed to
me the account given by Llorente ; adding, however, that there was
one of them below ground, which answered in every respect to the
description given by Montanus.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 101
oners as are not induced, at an early period of their
confinement, to confess guilt, become a prey to de
jection, and seek relief from their miseries in death,
or else sink into a hopeless and raorbid insensibility,
frora which. the rack itself is scarcely sufficient to
rouse them ?
That part of the process which relates to the tor
ture is a monstrous compound of injustice and bar
barity. If, after the evidence is closed, the tri
bunal find that there is only a derai-proof of guilt
against the prisoner, it is warranted, by its in
structions, to have recourse to the torture, in order
to force him to furnish additional evidence against
himself.* He is allowed, indeed, to appeal to the
council of the Supreme against the sentence of the
inquisitors ordering him to be tortured ; but then,
by a refinement in cruelty, it is provided that the
inquisitors shall be judges of the validity of this
appeal, and, " if they deem it frivolous, shall pro
ceed to the execution of their sentence without de
lay."! ^^ ^h'^ case, the appeal of the poor prisoner
is as little heard of as are the shrieks which he utters
in the subterraneous den to which he is conducted
without delay, where every bone is moved from its
socket, and the blood is raade to start frora every
* Instruc. de an. 1484, art. 15. By this regulation, the prisoner,
if he confesses during the torture, and ratifies his confession next day,
is held as convicted, and consequently is relaxed, or doomed to
the fire. The regulations of Valdes profess to qualify that law, but
stUl in the way of leaving it to the discretion of the inquisitors to act
up to it in aU its severity. (Instruc. de an, 1561, art, 53.)
f Instruc, de an. 1561, ai't. 50.

102 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
vein of his body. But it is not my intention to
shock the feelings of the reader by any description
of the" infernal operation ; and, instead of trusting
myself to make any reflections of my own on a prac
tice so disgraceful to human nature, I shall merely
quote those of the late historian and ex-secretary
of the Inquisition. " I do not stop (says he) to de
scribe the several kinds of torture inflicted on the
accused by order of the Inquisition ; this task hav
ing been executed with sufficient exactness by a
great many historians. On this head, I declare
that none of them can he accused of exaggeration^
I have read many processes which, have struck and
pierced me with horror, and I could regard the inqui
sitors who had recourse to such methods in no other
light than that of cold-blooded barbarians. Suffice
it to add, that the council of the Supreme has often
been obliged to forbid the repetition of the torture
in the same process ; but the inquisitors, by an abo
minable sophism, have found raeans to render this
prohibition alraost useless, by giving the name of
suspension to that cessation frora torture which is
iraperiously deraanded by the iraminent danger to
which the victira is exposed of dying among their
hands. My pen refuses to trace the picture of these
horrors, for I know nothing more opposed to the
spirit of charity and compassion which Jesus Christ
inculcates in the gospel, than this conduct of the
inquisitors ; andyet, in spite of the scandal which
it has given, there is not, after the eighteenth cen-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 103
tury is closed, any law or decree abolishing the tor
ture.''^ Of the punishments inflicted by the Inquisition, of
the san-benito, or coat of infaray, and the auto-de-fe,
with all its dread accorapaniraents, we shall have
too much occasion to speak in the sequel.
The principles of the ancient and modern Inqui
sition were radically the same, but they assuraed
a more malignant form under the latter "than un
der the former. Under the ancient Inquisition, the
bishops had always a certain decree of control over
its proceedings; the law of secrecy was not so rigidly
enforced in practice ; greater liberty was allowed to
the accused on their defence ; and in some countries, as
in Aragon, in consequence ofthe civil rights acquired
by the people, the inquisitors were restrained frora
sequestrating the property of those whora they con
victed of heresy.! -^"* *^^ leading difference be
tween the two institutions consisted in the orga
nization of the latter into one great independent
tribunal, which, extending over the whole kingdora,
was governed by one code of laws, and yielded ira-
plicit obedience to one head. The inquisitor-gene
ral possessed an authority scarcely inferior to that
of the king or the pope ; by joining with either of
thera, he proved an overmatch for the other ; and
when supported by both, his power was irresistible. "
The ancient Inquisition was a powerful engine for
harassing and rooting out a sraall body of dissi-
* Llorente, i. 306-309. f Ibid. p. 168.

104 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
dents ; the modern Inquisition stretched its iron
arms over a whole nation, upon which it lay like a
monstrous incubus, paralysing its exertions, crush
ing its energies, and extinguishing every other feel-
ing but a sense of weakness and terror.
In the course of the first year in which it was
erected, the inquisition of Seville, which then ex
tended over Castile, committed two thousand persons
alive to the flames, burnt as raany in effigy, and con
demned seventeen thousand to different penances.*
According to a moderate computation, from the
same date to 1517, the year in which Luther raade
his appearance, thirteen thousand persons were burnt
alive, eight thousand seven hundred were burnt in
effigy, and one hundred and sixty-nine thousand se
ven hundred and twenty-three were condemned to
penances ; making in all one hundred and ninety-^
one thousand four hundred and twenty-three per
sons condemned by the several tribunals of Spain in
the course of thirty-six years.! There is reason for
thinking that this estimate falls much below the
truth. For, from 1481 to 1520, it is computed that
in Andalusia alone thirty thousand persons inform
ed against theraselves, frora the dread of being ac
cused by others, or in the hope of obtaining a raiti-
* Mariana, Hist. Hisp. Ub. xxiv. cap. 17.
f Llorente, iv. 251-256. These numbers are taken from the calcu
lation made by Llorente, after he had, with great care and impartiaUty,
lowered his estimates, and corrected some errors into which he had
fallen in an early part of his work, owing to his not haviag attended to
the exact years in which some of the provincial tribunals were ei-ect-
ed. (Tora.i 272-281,341,360.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 105
gation of their sentence.* And down to the cora-
mencement of the seventeenth century, the instances
of absolution were so rare, that one is scarcely to be
found in a thousand cases ; the inquisitors raaking
it a point, that, if possible, none should escape with
out bearing a raark of their censure, as at least sus
pected de levi, or in the lowest degree.!
It was to be expected that the inquisitors would
exert their power in checking the cultivation of bi
blical learning. In 1490, raany copies of the He
brew Bible were committed to the flames at Seville
by the order of Torquemada ; and in an auto-de-fe
celebrated soon after at Salaraanca, six thousand vo-
luraes shared the sarae fate, under the pretext that
they contained judaisra, raagic, and other illicit arts.!
Deza, archbishop of Seville, who had succeeded Tor
quemada as inquisitor-general, ordered the papers of
Lebrixa to be seized, and passed sentence against
him as suspected of heresy, for the corrections which
he had made on the text of the Vulgate, and his
other labours in elucidation of the scriptures. " The
archbishop's object (says Lebrixa, in an apology
which he drew up for himself) was to deter rae
from writing. He wished to extinguish the know-
* Puigblanch, Inquisition Unmasked, i. 158. According to this
author the number of the reconcUed and banished in Andalusia, from
1480 to 1520, was a hundred thousand; whUe forty-five thousand were
burnt aUve in the archbishopric of SeviUe. (Ibid, vol ii. p. 180.)
f Llorente, i. 319-321. Hence the proverb :
Devant l' Inquisition, quand on vient a jube.
Si I'on ne sort roti, Ton sort au moins flarabe.
X Ibid. i. 281, 456.

106 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
ledge of the two languages on which our religion
depends ; and I was condemned for impiety, because,
being no divine but a mere gramraarian, I presum
ed to treat of theological subjects. If a person en
deavour to restore the purity of the sacred text, and
point out the mistakes which have vitiated it, unless
he will retract his opinions, he raust be loaded with
infancy, excoraraunicated, and doomed to an igno
minious punishraent ! Is it not enough that I sub
mit my judgment to the will of Christ in the scrip
tures ? raust I also reject as false what is as clear and
evident as the light of truth itself ? What tyranny !
To hinder a man, under the most cruel pains, frora
saying what he thinks, though he express hiraself
with the utraost respect for religion, to forbid him
to write in his closet or in the solitude of a prison,
to speak to himself, or even to think ! On what sub
ject shall we employ our thoughts, if we are prohi
bited from directing them to those sacred oracles
which have been the delight of the pious in eyery
age, and on which they have meditated by day and
by night?"*
Arbitrary as this court was in its principles, and
tyrannical and cruel as it has proved in its proceed
ings, so blinded did the Spanish nation become as to
felicitate herself on the establishment of the Inqui
sition. The cities of ancient Greece vied with one
another for the honour of having given birth to
Homer. The cities of modern Germany havewarm-
* Anton. Nebriss. Apologia pro seipso : Antonu BibL Hisp. Nova,
tom. u. 138. Llorente, i. 345.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 107
ly disputed the honour of having invented the art of
printing. Even the credit of having first adopted
this German invention has given rise to an honourable
rivalry among the states of Italy ; and the monastery
of St. Subiac, in the Campagna di Roma, has endea
voured to wrest the palm from both Milan and Ve
nice.* But the cities of Spain have engaged in a
more than inglorious contest for the credit of hav
ing been the first seat of an institution which, after
failing to strangle learning in its birth, has all along
persecuted it with the most unrelenting malice.
The claims of the inhabitants of Seville are engra
ven on a raonuraent erected in their city to the rae
raory of this event. Segovia has contested this ho
nour with Seville, and its historians are seriously
divided on the question, whether the Holy Office held
its first sitting in the house of the marques de Moya,
or in that of the raajorat de Caceres.!
It is but justice, however, to the Spaniards to
state, that this perverted and degrading sentiraent
was the effect of the Inquisition, and forraed no
original trait in the national character. The fact
is now ascertained beyond all question, that the
erection of this tribunal was viewed by the na
tion with the greatest aversion and alarra.| Ta-
* Ginguene, lEst. Liter. d'ltaUe, tora. ni. p. 271.
f Llorente, i. 151. This is astonishing; but what foUows is stUl
more so. " During my residence in London (says Llorente) I heard
some cathoUcs say, that the Inquisition had been useftd in Spain by
preserving the cathoUc faith; and that it would have been weU for
France if she had had a similar estabUshment." "An EngUsh cathoUc
•priest, in my hearing, made an apology for it." (Ibid. pref. p. xxi. and
tom. u. p. 288.)
X Mariana, Hist. Hisp. Ub. xxiv, cap. 17. Pulgar, Cronic. de los

108 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN,
lavera, the excellent archbishop of Granada, re
sisted its introduction with all his influence. The
raost enlightened Spaniards of that age spoke of its
proceedings with horror and sharae. " The losses
and misery which the evil ministers of the Inqui
sition have brought on my country can never be
enough deplored," says the chevalier de Cordova,
Gonzalez de Ayora, in a letter to the secretary of
king Ferdinand.* " O unhappy Spain, mother of
so raany heroes, how unjustly disgraced by such a
horrible scourge !" exclaims Peter Martyr.! D'Ar-
bues, the first inquisitor of Aragon, and afterwards
canonized as a martyr, was not the only individual
who fell a sacrifice to the indignation against the In
quisition, shared by all classes of the community.
Torquemada, the first inquisitor-general, was obliged
to adopt the greatest precautions for his personal
safety. In his journeys he was uniformly accom
panied by a guard of fifty familiars on horseback,
and two hundred on foot ; and he had always on
his table the tusk of a wild animal, to which he
Reyes CatoL part. u. cap. 77. Llorente refers, as witnesses of the fact,
to Galindez de Carabajal, historiographer of Ferdinand and Isabella,
and to Andres Bemaldez, chaplain of the inquisitor-general Deza.
(Tom. i p. 185.) Pulgar, a contemporary writer of great judgment
and taste, was not merely an enemy to the Inquisition, but opposed
the corporal punishment of heretics, and maintained that they ought
to be restrained only by pecuniary mulcts. (Ferdinandi de Pulgar
Epistolse, a Juliano Magon, p. 17-19.)
* This letter, preserved in the Royal Library of Madrid, is not to
be found in the edition of Ayora's Letters. (Llorente, i. 349.)
f Martyris Epistolae, ep. 393. Martyr's Letters, being pubUshed
out of Spain, escaped the hands of the erpurgatores.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 109
trusted for discovering and neutralizing poisons.*
In Aragon, where the inhabitants had been accus
tomed to the old Inquisition for two centuries and a
half, the introduction of it in its new forra excited
.turaults in various places, and met with a resistance
almost national.! No sooner had the inhabitants
of Castile felt the yoke, than they sought to throw
it off; and the cortes of that kingdora joined with
those of Aragon and Catalonia, in representing the
grievances which they suffered frora the Inquisi
tion, and in deraanding a radical reforra on its ini
quitous and oppressive laws.^ It is unnecessary to
say, that these attempts, which were renewed at in
tervals during thirty years from the establishment
of that tribunal, proved finally abortive.
This unfortunate issue was in no small degree
owing to cardinal Xiraenes, who contributed raore
than any other individual to rivet the chains of po
litical and spiritual despotism on his native country.
Possessed of talents which enabled him to foresee
the dire effects which the Inquisition would inevi
tably produce, he was called to take part in public
affairs at a time when these effects had decidedly
appeared. It was in his power to abolish that
execrable tribunal altogether as an insufferable nui
sance, or at least to impose such checks upon its
procedure as would have rendered it comparatively
* Llorente, chap. vi. art. 3; chap. viU. art. 6.
¦f Ibid. chap. vi. art. 6,
:j: Ibid. chap. x. art. 8; chap, xi art. 1, 2, 3. Martyris Epist.
ep. 342, 370. QuintaniUa, p. 169. 2

110 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
harmless. But he not only allowed himself to be
placed at its head, but employed all his influence
and address in defeating every attempt to reforra
its worst and most glaring abuses. In 1512, the
New Christians made an offer of six hundred thou
sand crowns to Ferdinand, to assist him in carry
ing on the war in Navarre, on condition that a
law were passed enjoining the testimonies of the wit
nesses, in processes before the Inquisition, to be made
public. With the view of diverting the king frora
acceding to this proposal, Ximenes seconded his re
monstrances against it by placing a large sura of
money at the royal disposal. And, in 1516, when
a similar offer was made to the ministers of Charles
v., and when the universities and learned men of
Spain and Flanders had given their opinion, that the
coraraunication of the naraes and depositions of the
witnesses was conforraable both to divine and huraan
laws, the cardinal again interposed, and by raessen-
gers and letters urged the rejection of the measure,
upon the wretched plea that a certain nameless wit
ness had been assassinated, and that the person of the
king was put in danger by the admission of con
verted Jews into the palace.* He exerted himself
with equal zeal in resisting the applications which
the New Christians made to the court of Rome for the
sarae object.! During the eleven years that he was
at the head of this tribunal, fifty-one thousand one
* QuintaniUa, p. 173. Llorente, i. 365-367.
f QuintaniUa, ut supra.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. Ill
hundred and sixty-seven persons were condemned,
of whom two thousand five hundred and thirty-six
were burnt alive.* Not satisfied with perpetuating
the Inquisition in his native country, he extended
the precious boon to two quarters of the globe, by
establishing one tribunal at Oran in Africa, and
another at Cuba in Araerica. With the excep
tion of the check which, at the commencement
of hisrainistry, he put on the mad proceedings of
the inquisitor Luzero, who, by listening to false ac
cusations, had harassed the tgood archbishop of
Granada, the marquis of Phego, and many of the
most respectable persons of the kingdom,! ^^^ re
forms which the cardinal raade on the Inquisition
are confined to the substitution of a St. Andrew's
cross, in place of the ordinary one, on the san-
benito, and the allotment of separate churches for
the New Christians. If mankind were to be treat
ed as their foolish adrairation of talents raerits,
they would be left to groan under the rod of op
pression. Ximenes has obtained the title of a great

* Llorente, iv. 255.
•|- Martyris Epist. ep. 333, 334, 342, 370, 393. QuintaniUa, p. l68,
169. Llorente, i. 345-353. See also the letter of the archbishop to
the cathoUc king, pubUshed in Llorente's Appendix, no. IX. Mar
tyr speaks of Luzero as condemned; but QuintaniUa says he was pro
nounced innocent, and it is certain he continued to enjoy his bishop
ric. After settUng that aifair, Ximenes held an auto-de-fe, in
which fifty Jews were burnt aUve ; " one of the best singeings (says
Quintanilla) that had yet been seen ;" — " la mejor chamusquina que
se avia vista."
X Llorente, i. 359-361.

112 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
man, from foreigners as well as natives of Spain.*
But in spite of the eulogiums passed upon him,
I cannot help being of opinion, with a modern
writer,! that Xiraenes bore a striking reserablance
to Philip II., with this difference, that the car
dinal was possessed of higher talents, and that
his proceedings were characterized by a certain
openness and irapartiality, the result of the unlimit
ed confidence which he placed in his own powers.
His character was essentially that of a monk, in
which the severity of his order was combined with
the impetuosity of blood which belongs to the na
tives of the south.
The cardinal would be still more inexcusable if
he were the author of an unpublished work which
has been ascribed to him. It is a fictitious com
position, after the manner of the Utopia of Sir Tho
mas More, and treats of the best mode of govern
ing a kingdom. In one part of it, the abuses of
the Holy Office are discussed freely and at large in
the presence of Prudenciano, monarch of the king
dora of Truth, who, after hearing the inquisitors,
decides, with the advice of his counsellors, that
all persons accused of heresy shall be put in pos
session of the names and depositions of the wit-

* As an instance of the Ulusion which a great name throws over
the mind of an impartial -writer, it may be noticed, that Llorente be
gins his account of the number of victims who suffered during the
time that Ximenes was inquisitor-general, with these words : " Xime
nes permitted the condemnation," &c. (Tom. i. p. 360.)
f Sismondi.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN, 113
nesses ; that they shall have the same" liberty of
holding intercourse with their advocates, procurators
and friends, which is granted to other prisoners ;
that they shall not be excluded from the benefit of
divine service during their confineraent ; that New
Christians, and the descendants of heretics, shall
be admissible to all offices, and exempted from every
stigma ; that, to prevent ignorant convictions, the
tribunals of the Inquisition shall be provided with
judges well instructed in questions of faith ; that
Jthe confiscation of the goods of those condemned
for heresy shall be limited to the property which
they actually possess at the time, and shall not ex
tend to the portions which they had previously
given to their married children, nor interfere with
the fulfilment of any lawful engagement which they
had contracted ; and in general, that processes be
fore the Inquisition shall be conducted on the max
ims which regulate other courts of criminal judi
cature.* This treatise, drawn up during the mino
rity of Charles V., was intended for the instruction
of that young prince, and proves that Spain possess
ed at that tirae persons of superior illuraination ; but
we raay safely acquit cardinal Ximenes from the
suspicion of being the author of a work containing
* The work is entitled Del regimento de Principes, and is preserv
ed in MS. in the library of St, Isidore at Madrid. That part of
it which relates to the Inquisition has been pubUshed by Llorente, in
the appendix to his work, no. x. ; and is a most interesting docu
ment. Llorente produces no evidence to support his opinion that it
was the production of Ximenes, I

114 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
principles of liberal policy and enlightened justices,
which there is no reason to think that ghostly
statesman ever entertained at any period of his life.
The histolPy of the Inquisition, during the first
thirty years after its erection, discloses a series of
intrigue, in which it is hard to say whether the
court of Rorae, the court of Spain, or the Holy
Office, acted the most deceitful and vmprincipled
part. While they combined to oppress and irapo^
verish the people of Spain, each of thera sought tp
overreach the other and to promote its own selfish
designs. The court of Rome readily gave its sanc
tion to the establishment of the Inquisition ; and
Sixtus IV, in a letter 'to queen Isabella, signified
that " he had felt the most lively desire to see it in
troduced into the kingdom of Castile."* Notwith^
standing this, the papal court both secretly and
openly encouraged the New Christians to appeal to
Rome, reversed the sentences which the Inquisition
had pronounced against thera in Spain, and admits
ted thera to reconciliation in secret. But after it
had extorted large suras of raoney for these favours,
no sooner did the Spanish monarch, at the instiga
tion of the inquisitors, reclaim against these pro
ceedings, than it revoked its decisions, suspended
the execution of its bulls, and left the victims of
its avarice and duplicity to the vengeance of their
incensed persecutors.! It was evidently on the
same avaricious principle that Leo X., in the year
* Llorente, i. 164. f Ibid. p. 23^-256.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN, 115
1517, authorized the inquisitors at Rome to judge
in complaints of heresy against natives of Spain.
On that occasion, Geronimo Vich, the Spanish
ambassador, received orders frora his court to re-
raonsti^ate against this decree, as inflicting a stig
ma on a nation which had testified such zeal fot
the catholic faith, and to request that the remedy
against heresy should be applied equally to those
of other countries. To this representation Leo
gravely replied, that so far from wishing to inflict a
disgrace, he had intended to confer an honour on
the Spanish nation ; that he had dealt with them as
a rich man does with his jewels, which he guards
with greater care than the . rest of his property ;
and thought that, as the Spaniards entertained so
high an esteem for the Inquisition at home, they
would not be offended with it abroad.*
The conduct of the Inquisition presented the
same glaring contradiction of the avowed principles
on which it was founded. Araidst all their pro
fessions of zeal for the purity of the faith, the in
quisitors carried on the scandalous traffic of com
muting canonical censure for pecuniary mulcts. To
retain Christians within the sacred enclosure of the
catholic church, and in dutiful subjection to its su
prerae head, was the grand object pf the institution
of the Holy Office ; and the exercise of its powers
was delegated to the monks, who were the most de-
* The despatch of the Spanish court on this occasion, and the re-
fly inade to the ambassador, are given by Argensola, in his Anales de
Aragon, p. 373-376.

116 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
voted supporters of the Roman pontiff, and held that
his decrees in matters of faith, when pronounced
ex cathedra, were infallible. Yet, when the decrees
of the holy see were opposite to their own determi
nations, or interfered with their particular interests,
they made no scruple of resisting them, and engag
ing the governraent of the country in their quarrel.*
It was not to be expected that the conduct of the
court of Spain would be less selfish. All are agreed
that Ferdinand, in supporting the Inquisition, re
garded it, not as a raeans of preserving the purity
of religion, but as an instruraent of tyranny and
extortion. Nor was his grandson Charles V. actu
ated by higher motives. On assuming the reins of
government in Spain, he swore to observe certain
equivocal regulations for correcting the abuses of
the Inquisition ; but he declared, at the same time,
in private, that this proraise had been extorted from
him by the importunity of the representatives of
certain cities. Despairing of any relief from this
quarter, the cortes of Aragon sent deputies to
Rome, and, by the distribution of a sum of money
among the cardinals, obtained three briefs reform
ing the Inquisition, and placing its procedure on
the footing of common law. Charles, who wished
to employ that formidable tribunal as an engine for
siippressing the turaults which his arbitrary mea
sures had excited in various parts of the kingdom,
applied to Leo X. for a bull annulling the obnoxious
briefs. The negotiation which ensued, and was.
* Llorente, i. 240, 247, 392, 395 ; ii. 81.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 117
protracted during three years, is equally disgrace
ful to both parties. His Holiness told Senor de
Belmonte, the Spanish arabassador, that he had
been informed by credible persons, that the Inquisi
tion was the cause of terrible mischief in Spain ; to
which the ambassador bluntly replied, that the per
sons who gave this information were believed, be-^
cause they were liberal of their raoney. At the
same tirae, he advised his master to have recourse
to that system of bribery of which he complained.
" Cardinal Sanfiquatro (writes he) can be of great
service iu this affair, because he draws as much
money as possible to his master and hiraself. It is
only on this condition that he is authorized by the
pope to act, and he executes his task with great
adroitness. The cardinal of Ancona is a learned
raan, and an eneray to the forraer. He is rainister
of justice, and can be useful, as he is well disposed,
to serve your raajesty ; but he is reckoned as great a
thief as his colleague." In another raissive he says, -
" Always I am assured that, in what relates to the
Inquisition, raoney is a raeans of gaining over these
cardinals." And after soliciting instructions from
his court, he adds, " All this is necessary, and
something besides ; for money does much here. The
pope expects (from Aragon and Catalonia) forty-six
or forty-seven thousand ducats." The cardinals
were too " wise in their generation" to be deceived
by the flattering representations which the arabas
sador raade of his raaster's disinterestedness, and
laughed at the idea of sovereigns supporting the

118 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN;
Inquisition " from pure zeal for religion." In vain
did Charles hiraself endeavour to quicken the tardy
steps of Leo, by writing that " the world surmised
that his Holiness and he understood one another,
and wished to squeeze as much money as possible
from the bull in question." The crafty pontiff,
assuming the tone of justice, threatened, by a de
cree of the sacred Rota, to annul all the sentences
of confiscation pronounced against those Spaniards
who had made a voluntary confession of heresy ;
?' and I am told," says the ambassador, " that if
this measure pass, as is expected, your majesty will
be obliged to restore more than a million of ducats
acquired in that way."* A few persons, through
perversion of judgraent, have burnt men alive far
the love qf God, but, in the greater number of in
stances, I apprehend it will be found that this has
been done for the love qf money.
Leo X., having died during this dispute, was
succeeded by Adrian, the preceptor of Charles V.,
who continued to hold the situation of inqui^tor-
general of Spain, along with that of suprerae pon
tiff, for nearly two years. This union of offices, in
the person of the spiritual adviser of the young
monarch, led to measures which extinguished every
hope of procuring a reform of the Holy Office. De
spairing of relief, the nation submitted to the yoke ;
habit reconciled thera to it ; and, making a virtue of
necessity, they soon came to congratulate themselves
on an institution which they had regarded as an en
gine of the most intolerable and degrading servitude.
* Llorente, chap, xi, ai't, 5.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 119
Other causes contributed, along with the Inqui
sition, to rivet the chains of religious bondage on
the rainds of the Spaniards, and to render the pros
pect of ecclesiastical reforra araong thera next to
hopeless. One of these causes was the suppression of their civil
liberties. Formerly the victims of persecution had
often found shelter within the independent doraains
of the nobles, or the privileged walls of great cities.
Cardinal Xiraenes, by flattering the commons with
out adding to their real consequence, had succeeded
in breaking the power of the nobility. Charles
pursued the line of policy which his rainister had
begun, by invading the rights of the people. Irri
tated by the assistance which the latter had given
to the attack on their iraraunities, the nobles either
stood aloof frora the contest which ensued, or sided
with the crown. The consequence was, that the
coraraons, after an enthusiastic resistance, were
subdued ; the cortes and the chartered towns were
stripped of their privileges ; and the authority of the
sovereign becarae absolute and despotical through
out the united kingdom.
The great accession of wealth and reputation
which Spain had acquired by the discovery of the
New World, proved no less fatal to her religious
than to her political liberty. Columbus appears to
have been at first actuated solely by an enthusiastic
passion for nautical discovery ; but during the dis
couragements with which his ardent and uncon
querable spiirit had to contend, another feeling

120 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
arose of a no less powerful kind, which was cherish
ed, if not infused, by the monks of La Rabida,
among whom he resided for some tirae, and who
zealously assisted him in his applications to the
court of Castile, and in his exertions to fit out the
fleet with which he entered on his daring enter
prise. His imagination was now fired with the
idea of not only adding to the boundaries of the
known world, but also of enlarging the pale of the
catholic church, by converting to the Christian
faith the inhabitants of those rich and populous
countries with which he hoped to open a commu
nication, by stretching across the waters of the
western ocean. Similar views, but associated with
baser feelings, were adopted by the successors
of Columbus. As the see of Rome, in virtue of
the universal authority which it arrogated, had
granted to Spain all the countries which she might
discover beyond the Atlantic, the conquerors of
America looked upon themselves as the servants of
the church as much as of the sovereigns from whom
they iraraediately received their coraraission ; their
cupidity was inflaraed by fanaticisra ; and the con
sideration that every battle which they won was
subservient to the spread of the catholic faith,
atoned for and sanctified, in their eyes, the unheard-
of cruelties which they inflicted on the intimidated
and unoffending natives of the New World. Sanc
tioned as they were by the government and clergy,
these views were easily diffused through the nation.
Astonished at the intelligence which they received

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 121
from their countrymen who had visited the newly-
discovered regions, elated by the splendid success
which had crowned their undertakings, and flushed
with the hopes of the inexhaustible riches which
would continue to flow in upon thera, the Spaniards.
were thrown into a feverish intoxication, which,
meeting with other causes, produced an important
change on their sentiments and character. New feel
ings sprung up in their breasts ; and late transac
tions were seen by thera in a light different from
that in which they had formerly viewed them. Re
flecting that they had expelled the Jews, the here
ditary and inveterate enemies of Christianity, from
their coasts, overturned the Mahoraedan erapire
which had been established for ages, in the Penin
sula, and planted the standard of the cross among
pagans on a new continent of incalculable extent,
they began to consider themselves as the favourites
of heaven, destined to propagate and defend the
true faith, and bound, by national honour as well
as duty, to preserve their sacred soil from being
polluted by the slightest taint of heretical pravity.
To these causes must be added the vast increase
of strength which the. Spanish monarchy received
by the succession of its youthful sovereign to his
paternal dominions in the Low Countries, Austria,
Bohemia, and Hungary ; and by his elevation to the
imperial throne of Germany, under the narae of
Charles V. The chief obstacle which this present
ed to the spread of the reforraed opinions in Spain,
did not lie in the ease with which it enabled hira to

122 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.;
crush the least symptom of revolt from the estal-
blished faith. Independently of nil personal convicr
tions, Charles, in seeking to realize his towering
projects of universal empire, must have seen it his
interest to cultivate the friendship of the court of
Rome ; and although he was involved in contests
with particular pontiffs, and held one of them for
some tirae a prisoner in his own castle, yet he uni
formly testified the warmest regard for the catholic
faith, and the honour of the popedora. In the
forcible raeasures to which he had recourse for sup
pressing the Reforraation in Germany, he relied
chiefly on the troops which he drew from Spain,
whose detestation of heresy was heightened by the
hostilities which they waged against its professors'.
To their countryraen at home, who already regarded
them as the champions of the faith, they transmit
ted the most hateful representation of the protest
ants, whom they described as at once the pest of
the church, and the great obstacle to the execution
of the splendid schemes of their beloved monarch.
Thus the glory of the Spanish arms became as
sociated with the extirpation of heresy. And
when the protestant cause ultimately triumphed
over the pPlicy and power of the emperor, the
mortification felt by the Spaniards settled into a
deadly antipathy to every thing which proceeded
from Germany, and a jealous dread lest the heresy
with which it was infected should secretly find its
way into their own country.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 123

CHAPTER IV.

INTRODUCTION OF THE REFORMED DOCTRINE INTO
SPAIN.
The boldness with which Luther attacked, first
the abuses, and afterwards the authority of the
Roman see, soon attracted general attention through
out Christendom. Nor could his opinions reraain
long unknown in Spain, especially after the inter
course between that country and Gerraany becarae
frequent, in consequence of the advancement of the
Spanish monarch to the imperial throne.
So early as the beginning of the year 1519, John
Froben, a celebrated printer at Basle, sent to Spain
a quantity of a collection of tracts by Luther, which
he had lately reprinted.* These were in Latin,
* This is stated in a letter irom Froben to Luther, dated 14 Feb.
1519; (Luther's SaratUche Schriften, edit. Walch, tom, xv, p, 1631,
1632,) and in a letter from Wolfg. Fabricius Capito to the same, dated
12 calend. Martii, 1519. (Fabricji CentifoUum Lutheranum, tom, i.
p. 318.) From Froben's letter it appears that he had also sent copies
of the book to England.

124 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
and consequently were confined to the learned. But,
in the course of the following year, the reformer's
coraraentary on the Galatians, a work which exhi
bited his doctrinal sentiraents on the raost important
points, was translated into Spanish.* This was
followed by translations into the sarae language of
his treatise on Christian liberty, and his reply to
Erasraus on free-will.! These books appear to
have been translated and printed at Antwerp, a
place of great trade within the paternal dorainions
of Charles V., frora which the Spanish raerchants,
who were at the expense of the publication, could
most easily get copies conveyed to their native
country.:}: Alfonso Valdes, a young man of talents who ac
corapanied Charles V., as secretary, to his coronation
in 1520, sent to Spain, at the request of Peter Mar
tyr, a particular account of the religious dispute
in Germany, from the first declaration of Luther
against indulgences to his burning of the pontifical
decrees at Wittenberg. In another letter, written
during the following year, he continued his account
to the close of the diet of Worms. His narrative is
in general correct ; and although he expresses great
horror at the boldness with which the reformer at
tacked the papal authority, he acknowledges the
* Beausobre, Hist, of the Reforra. voL i. p. 262.
f Gerdesii Hist. Reform, tom. iu. 168, not. g.
X PaUavicini, Istor. ConcU. Trent, p. 3.3. The cardinal says, that the
persons who procured these works " must have sprung frora Moorish
blood ; for who would suspect the Old Christians of Spain of such an
action ?"

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 125
necessity of reforra, and ascribes the continuance of
the evil to the aversion of the pope to a general
council, and " his preferring his private interest to
the public good." " While he tenaciously adheres
to his rights," says he, " and shutting his ears,
under the influence of a pious feeling perhaps,
wishes to have Luther devoted to the flaraes, the
whole Christian coraraonwealth is going to ruin, if
God interpose not."* Martyr, who seeras to have
felt in the sarae way with his correspondent, ira-
parted these letters to his friends ; but it may be
mentioned, as a proof of the state of feeling in Spain,
that he declined giving them any account of Lu
ther's opinions, referring them for this to the writ
ings of his opponents, •* which they could easily
procure, if they wished them, and in which they
would find the antidote along with the poison,"!
Another Spaniard of greater authority, who was
in Germany at the sarae tirae, felt somewhat dif
ferently from Valdes. Francisco de Angelis, pro
vincial of the religious order called Angeli in
Spain, had been present at the coronation of the
emperor, by whora he was despatched, after the diet
of Worms, to assist in quelling the revolt which had
broken out in Castile. On his way home he stopped
at Basle, where he had a long conversation with
* Valdes's first letter is dated from Brussels, prid. caL Sept. 1520;
and his second from Worms, 3 id, MaU, 1521. (Martyris Epist. ep. 689,
722.) There is some reason to think that the first of these letters was
printed at the time. (Ukert, Luther's Leben, ii. 100.)
f Martyris Epist, p. 412.

126 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
Conrad Pellican on the opinions of Luther, with
whom he professed to agree upon most points.*
Who would have thought of the Spanish ambas
sador at Rome writing home in favour of Lu
ther ? We have already adverted to the difficulty
which Charles found in procuring the recall of cer
tain briefs which the pope had issued for the re
form of the Inquisition. It occurred to Don Juan
de Manuel, as a stroke of policy, that his master
should give countenance to another species of reform
which his Holiness dreaded. Accordingly, in a let
ter dated 10 May 1520, he advises his majesty " to
undertake a journey to Germany, and to appear to
show a little favour to a certain friar, Martin Luther,
at the court of Saxony, who gives great uneasiness
to the sovereign pontiff, by certain things which he
preaches and publishes against the papal authority.
This monk (adds the ambassador) is said to be
very learned, and creates great embarrassment to
the pope." Nor was this a mere passing thought ;
for he recurs to the subject in a subsequent letter.
" As to the affair of Liege, the pope appears much
more discontented, because it has been told him that
the bishop favours friar Martin Luther, who con
demns the pontifical power in Germany. He is
also displeased with Erasmus in Holland, and for
the same reason. I say, they complain here of the
bishop of Liege in the affair of Luther, who gives
them raore distress than they could wish."!
* "Vita PelUcani : Melch. Adami "Vitse Germ. Theol, p, 288.
f Llorente, i. 398.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 127
On the 20th of March 1521, Leo X. issued two
briefs, one addressed to the constable and the other
to the admiral of Castile, who governed the king
dom in the absence of Charles V., requiring them
lo adopt measures for preventing the introduction
of the books of Luther and his defenders into Spain.
In the course of the following raonth, cardinal
Adrian charged the inquisitors to seize all books
of this description ; and this charge was reiterated
by hira in the year 1523, after he had ascended the
papal throne, on which occasion he required the cor-
regidor of Guipuscoa to furnish the officers of the
Inquisition with every assistance which they raight
require in the execution of this duty. *
These were not raeasures of raere precaution, or
intended, only for the purpose of display ; for the
works of Luther were read and approved of in
Spain. The report of this fact drew frora Erasmus
the sarcasm which gave great offence to the duke of
Alva, " that the Spaniards favoured Luther, in
order that they might be thought Christians."! ^o
eager were the inquisitors in their search after the
disciples of the new doctrine, that they fixed their
suspicions on the venerable Juan de Avila, com
monly called the apostle of Andalusia. In his
preaching, which was recomraended by the exem
plary piety and charity of his life, he kept to the

* Llorente, i 419, 457.
t Vives Erasmo, 19 Jan. 1522: Epistolae Thomse Mori et Lud.
Vives, col. 91.

128 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
simplicity of scripture, rejecting the abstruse and
foolish questions of the schools. Irritated by his
reproofs, and envious of his fame, the monks, in
1525, denounced to the Inquisition some proposi
tions advanced by him, as Lutheran, or savouring
of Lutheranism and the doctrine of the illurainati.
He was thrown into prison, and would have been
condemned, had not Manrique, one of the mildest
of the inquisitors-general, who felt a high respect
for his character, extended to him the shield of his
powerful protection, which did not however prevent
his works from being afterwards put into the list
of prohibited books.*
The Spanish monks were diverted for a time
frora searching after the writings of Luther, by their
anxiety to suppress those of Erasraus, from which
they dreaded more immediate danger. This learned
man, to whora the narae of the forerunner of Luther
has not unjustly been given, had many friends in
Spain, who were so confident in their strength, as
to write hira that they expected to be victorious in
the contest. They were raistaken ; for his adversa
ries outnurabered thera in an ecclesiastical junta
held at Madrid in the year 1527 ; and in conse
quence of this, his Colloquies, his Praise of Folly,
and his Paraphrase of the New Testaraent, were
censured, and prohibited to be explained in schools.

* Llorente, ii. 6, 7, 423. "Vives, in a letter to Erasmus, intimates
that Manrique wished to restrain the fury of the Inquisition. (Epi-
stolse, ut supra, col. 109.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 129
or to be sold or read.* " How I am to be pitied !"
exclaims he ; " the Lutherans attack me as a con
victed papist, and the Catholics run me down as a
friend of Luther."
The patrons of ignorance resolved to pursue their
victory, and prosecutions for heresy were immedi
ately coramenced against some of the most learned
raen in the kingdom. Pedro de Lerma, professor of
divinity and chancellor of the university of Alcala,
was denounced to the inquisition of Toledo, as
suspected of the Lutheran opinions, and fled to
Paris. His nephew aud successor, Luis de Cadena,
soon fell under the same suspicion, and followed
his example.! Juan de Vergara, one of the editors
of the Polyglot, and his brother Bernardin Tobar,
were less fortunate ; for, being seized by the orders
ofthe inquisitors of Toledo, they were not perraitted
to leave the dungeons of the Holy Office, until they
* Erasmi Epistolae, ep. 884, 907, 910. Burscheri Spicilegia
Autogr. Erasm. spie. v. p. 12, 20, 24. Llorente, i. 459-462. A Span
ish translation of the Enchiridion of Erasmus was printed in 1517,
and met with such encouragement that it was intended to publish his
Paraphrase in the same language. (Epistolie T. Mori et L, Vives,
col. 107 ; conf. Schlegel, Vita Spalatini, p. 1 1 1, not. I.) John Maldonat,
counseUor to Charles V., in a letter, dated Burgos, 3 cal. Dec. 1527,
after mentioning a certain Dorainican who had been active in inflara-
ing the minds of his brethren against Erasmus, adds, " He has acted
in the same way with certain intermeddUng nuns, and with some noble
women, who in this country have great influence over their husbands
in what relates to religion." (Burscheri Spicil. ut supra, p. 24.)
-j- Llorente, ii. 430, 454. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Nova, ii. 29. Gomez,
while he eulogizes the talents and services of Leima and Cadena,
passes over the cause of their disgrace. (Vita XiiliCniii p. 79, 83,
224, 225.) K

130 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
had abjured the heresy of Luther as persons slight
ly suspected, received absolution ad cautelam, and
submitted to certain penances.*
Two events which happened at this time had
considerable influence in turning the attention of
the Spaniards to the cause of Luther, and giving
thera a more favourable impression of his opinions.
The first was the dispute between Charles V. and
pope Clement VII., whicb led, in 1527, to the sack
of Rome and imprisonraent of the pontiff. Though
Charles, on that occasion, ordered the public rejoie*
ings for the birth of his son Philip to be suspended,
as a mark of his sorrow for so untoward an occur
rence, yet it was regarded as a triumph by the nation,
and gave occasion to satirical ballads against the pope
and see of Rome.! The other event was the pre-

* Llorente, ii. 7, 8. Vives, in a letter to Erasmus, 10 May 1534,
says, " We Uve in difficult times, in which one can neither speak nor
be sUent without danger. Vergara and his brother Tovar, with some
other learned men in Spain, have been apprehended." (Epistoke
T. Mori et L. Vives, col. 114.)
f The foUowing is a specimen of one of the poems composed at
that time in Spain :
La gran soberWa de Roma Gran agna coge la bomba.
Agora Espana la refrena, Menester tiene catena,
Por la culpa del pastor Por la calpa del piloto
El ganado se condena. Que la rige y la goviema.
* * • Depping, Sammlung der besten
El governalle quitado alten Spanischeu Romanzen,
La aguja se desgovierna, p. 447.
We have raentioned elsewhere the ridicule with which the Germans
in the imperial army treated Clement VIL duiing his imprisonment.
(Hist, of the Reformation in Italy, p. 59-61.) It appears that the Span
iards took part in the scene. They composed a new pater-noster in

JIISTORY OP THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 131
senting, in 1530, of the protestant confession of faith
to the imperial diet of Augsburg, at which Charles
was present, attended by a great body of Spanish
nobles and clergy.* This had no inconsiderable ef
fect in dissipating the false idea of the opinions of
Luther which had hitherto been industriously propa
gated. At the diet of Worms in 1521, the Spanish
attendants of the emperor, instead of admiring the
heroism displayed by Luther, treated hira with in
sult as he retired frora the court-roora to his lodg
ings.! -^"^ there was a raarked difference in their
behaviour on the present occasion. Persons of
note, including the eraperor's confessor, who was a
native of Spain, acknowledged that they had hi
therto been deceived. | When Charles asked the
advice of the Spanish nobility who were present,
they replied, after perusing the confession in a
French translation, that if his majesty found it con
trary to the articles of faith, he ought to suppress
the Lutherans ; but if it merely required the aboli
tion of certain cereraonies and such like things, he
verse, with which they serenaded his HoUness. The following is one
of the coplas, aUuding to his claims on Milan :
Padre nuestro en quanto Papa,
Soys Clemeynte, sin que os quadre :
Mas reniego yo del Padre,
Que al hijo quita la capa.
Dos Tratados, p. 216.
* Buschingu Comment, de Vestigiis Lutheranismi in Hispania,
§ 2, not. (d.) Goetting. 1755.
f Luther's SaratUche Schriften, tom. xv. p. 2309.
X Christ. Aug. SaUg, Historic der Augspurgischen Confession, tom.
L p. 225.

132 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN'.
oiigbt not to have recourse to violent raeasures
against thera ; and they gave it as their advice, that
the litigated points should be subraitted to sorae
pious persons who were addicted to neither party.*
Alfonso Valdes, the eraperor's secretary, of whom we
have already spoken,! had several friendly and con
fidential interviews with Melanchthon at this im
portant crisis. He read the Augsburg confession
before it was presented to the diet ; and the only
objection which he appears to have made to it was,
that its language was rather too severe for its op-
ponients.:]: In one of the conversations between
these two learned men, held in the presence of
Cornelius Scepper, an agent of the king of Den
mark, Melanchthon lamented the strong preju
dices which the natives of Spain had conceived
against the reformers, and said, that he had fre
quently endeavoured, both by word of mouth and
by letters, to convince thera of the misconceptions
under which they laboured, but with very little
success. Valdes acknowledged that it was a cora
mon opinion among his countrymen, that Luther
* This is the advice of which Melanchthon speaks with satisfaction,
in a letter to Luther ; (Epist. Melanch. Ub. i. ep. 5.) and which is
hio-hly praised by Spalatinus. (Annales, p. 143, 144.) " But where
were these pious impartial persons to be found ?" says SaUg. (His-
torie, ut supra, p. 227.)
¦f See above, p. 124.
X Melanchthonis Epist. Ub. iv. ep. 95 ; conf. Ub. i. ep. 2, lib. iv. ep.
99. Valdes translated the Augsburg Confession into Spanish. (SaUg,
i. 224.) The same task was afterwai-ds performed by Sandoval. (Fa-
bricii Centif. Lutheran, i. 111.) But it is probable that neither of
these translations was printed. (Ukert, Luther's Leben, i 279.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 133
and his followers believed neither in God nor the
Trinity, in Christ nor the Virgin ; and that in
Spain it was thought as meritorious an action to
strangle a Lutheran as to shoot a T-urk.* He added,
that his influence had been exerted to relieve the
mind of the emperor from such false impressions ;
and that, at a late interview, he had received it in
charge to say, that his majesty wished Melanchthon
to draw up a clear summary of the opinions of
the Lutherans, contrasted, article by article, with
those of their opponents. The reformer readily
complied with this request, and the result of his
labours was coraraunicated by Valdes to Carapegio,
the papal legate-!
; These proceedings did not escape the vigilant eye
of the Inquisition. When Valdes returned soon
after to his native country, he was accused , before
* The foUowing is a specimen of the manner in which the Spanish
poets were accustomed to couple the reformers with the worst here
tics and greatest enemies of religion :
£1 Germano Martin la despedaza :
Ai-rio, Sfcbelio, Helvidio y Justiniano
Siguen de Cristo la homicida caza,
Calvino con Pelagio y el Nestoriano
Como tras fiera van tras El a caza :
Quien toma picrna o pie, quien brazo o mano :
Denuncia guerra Acab contra Miquea,
Y Malco a Dies de nuevo abofetea.
Francisco de Aldana, Obras : Floresta de Kimas
Antiguas Castellanas, vol. i. p. ItiO.
f Sa%, i. 186, 187. Schlegel, Vita Spalatini, p. 121, 122. Coeles-
tin has inserted what he considered as the paper referred to, consist
ing of 17 articles. (Hist. Aug. Comit. tom. i. f. 94.) But Seckendorf
is:of opinion that it is not the work of Melanchthon, (Hist. Luther
anismi, Ub. U. p. 166.)

134 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
the Holy Office, and conderaned as a suspected Lu
theran ; a censure which he incurred by his exer
tions to proraote polite letters in his native country,
as well as by the farailiarity which he had cultivat
ed with the reforraers of Germany.* Alfonso de
Virves met with the same treatment as his friend
Valdes, and for the sarae reasons. This learned
Benedictine was chaplain to Charles V. who had
taken hira along with hira in his late visits to Ger
many, and was so fond of him that, on his return
tb Spain, he would hear no other preacher. Virves
had favoured, though with rauch reserve, the writ
ings of Erasraus, and was known to have conversed
with sorae of the principal reformers.! ^^ these
grounds his conduct was Watched, and he soon
found himself in the hands of the inquisitors at
Seville. In vain did he appeal to a work against
Melanchthon which he had prepared for the press ;
and, what is raore singular, in vain did the erape-
ror interpose to stop the process, banish the inqui
sitor-general frora Seville, and signify his displea
sure against the other members of the council of
the Supreme. Virves was kept in the secret prisons
for four years, during which, to use his own words,
* Llorente, u. 280, 281. Burscheri SpicU. v. p. 17, 20.
f In a letter, dated Valeoleti, 1 3 kal. Jun. 1 527, Virves blames Erasmus
for taking freedoms in his writings which were oflfensive to himself
and others of his iriends. In another letter to him, dated Ratispona,
15 April 1532, he says, " In the mean time lam busy with {M-eaching,
having this for my object, that if I cannot reclaim the Germans from
error, I may at least preserve the Spaniards from infection." (Bur
scheri Spicil. v. p. 12-14, 16.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 135
"he was occupied, without breathing or respiite,
with charges, replies, rejoinders, depositions, defen
ces, arguraents, acts, (words, the very utterance of
which raade hira shudder) errors, heresies, schisrasj
blaspheraies, anatheraas." At last, in 1537, a de
finitive sentence was pronounced, condemning hira,
as suspected of holding the errors of Luther, to
make a formal abjuration, to be absolved ad cau-i
telam, to be confined in a monastery for two years,'
and to be prohibited frora preaching for other two
years. He was accordingly obliged to abjure, on
the day of his auto-de-fe in the metropolitan church
of Seville, all the heresies of Luther in general, and
those in particular which he was suspected of en
tertaining. The emperor procured a brief frora the
pope, absolving his favourite preacher from the re
maining pains of censure ; but when he afterwards
presented him to the bishopric of the Canaries, it
was with the utraost reluctance that his Holiness
granted the bull of confirmation to a man who had
inciirred the suspicion of heresy in the eyes of the
Inquisition.* " Many have adopted the inaxira,"
says Virves, speaking of the proper raanner of con
verting heretics, " that it is lawful to abuse a heretic
by word and writing, when they have it not in
their power to kill or torture him. If they get a
poor man, whora they can persecute with impunity,
into their hands, they subject him to a disgraceful
sentence; so that, though he prove hiraself innocent
-* Llorente, ii. 8-14.

136 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
and obtain an acquittal, he is stigmatized for life as
a criminal. If, on the other hand, the unhappy
person has fallen into error through inadvertence,
or the conversation of those with whom he associat
ed, his judges do not labour to undeceive him by
explaining the doctrine of scripture, soft persuasion,
and paternal advice, but, in spite of the character
of fathers to which they lay claim, have recourse lo
the prison, the torture, chains, and the axe. And
what is the effect of these horrible means ? All
these torraents inflicted on the body can produce no
change whatever on the dispositions of the raind,
which can be brought back to the truth only by the
word of God, which is quick, powerful, and sharper
than a two-edged sword."*
These reflections are so excellent in themselves,
and so refreshing as coming frora the pen of a Span
ish catholic of the sixteenth century, that, in read
ing thera, we feel disposed to rejoice, instead of
grieving at that imprisonraent which, if it did not
suggest them, raust have served to deepen their im
pression on his mind. No thanks, however, to the
persecutors. Sorae writers have expressed their
surprise that the proceedings against Virves and
others did not open the eyes of Charles V. to the
iniquity of the Inquisition ; and they think he con
tinued to be its protector from horror at Lutheran
ism.! But Charles was instructed in the nature of
* Virves, PhiUppicse Disputationes, apud Llorente, ii. 15.
f Llorente, ii. 13.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 137
that court, and had given it his decided support,
before the narae of Luther becarae forraidable. A
despotical raonarch may be displeased at the pro
cedure of a tribunal of terror when it happens to
touch one of his favourites, and may choose to check
its encroachraents on his own authority, without
feeling the slightest wish to weaken its power as an
engine for enslaving and oppressing his subjects.
In the raean tirae every raethod was taken to pre
vent the spread of Lutheran books and xjpinions.
The council of the Suprerae, in- 1530, addressed a
circular letter to the inquisitors dispersed over the
kingdora, informing thera that the writings of Lu
ther had raade their way into the country under
fictitious names, and that his errors were introduc
ed in the forra of notes appended to the works of
catholic authors ; and therefore requiring thera to
add to the annual edict of denunciation a clause re
lating to such books, and to examine all public li
braries with the view of discovering them. This
led to the doraiciliary visits which the farailiars of
the Inquisition were accustomed, at a subsequent
period, to pay to private houses. During the fol
lowing year the inquisitors were authorized to strike
with the sentence of excommunication all who hin
dered thera in the discharge of their duty, and all
who read or kept such books, or who did not denounce
those whom they knew to be guilty of that offence.
The same penalty was extended to the parish
priests who did not publish the edict in every city,
town, and village ; and all prelates of the regular

138 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN;
orders, confessors, and preachers, were laid under
an obligation to urge their hearers and penitents,
under the pain of incurring mortal sin, to in
forra against themselves and others. The edict
enumerated the different articles of the Lutheran
heresy, down to the slightest deviation from the ce
reraonies of the church, and required the inforraers
to declare " if they knew or had heard it said, that
any person had taught, raaintained, or entertained
in his thoughts, any of these opinions."*
Hitherto we have not met with a single Spaniard
who avowed the reforraed tenets, or who was con
victed on good grounds of holding thera. We have
every reason, however, to think that there were
persons of this description in Spain, though their
naraes have not corae down to us. If this had not
been the case, the inquisitors would have been
guilty of the grossest indiscretion, in exposing the
ears of the people to the risk of infection by pub
lishing, with such particularity, the opinions of the
Gerraan heretic in every parish church of the king
dora. Yet it raust be acknowledged that, in their
eagerness to discover what did not exist, and to ag
gravate the slightest deviation frora the received
faith into a dangerous error, they were sometimes
instrumental in propagating what they sought to
extirpate. A simple countryman was brought be
fore the inquisitors of Seville, accused of having
said among his friends, that he did not think there
* Llorente, i. 467^59; U. 1, 2.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 139
was any purgatory but the blood of Christ. He
confessed that he had thought so, but, understand
ing that it was offensive to the holy fathers, de
clared hiraself ready to retract the sentiraent. This
was by no raeans satisfactory to the inquisitors,
who told him, that by adopting that one error he
had involved himself in a multitude ; for, if there
was no purgatory, then the pope, who had decreed
the contrary, was not infallible, then general coun
cils had erred, then justification was by faith ; and
so on. In vain did the poor raan protest that such
ideas had never once entered into his raind ; he was
remanded to prison until he should be prepared to
retract thera. The consequence was, that he was
led seriously to think on these topics, and came out
of the Inquisition a confirmed Lutheran.*
The study of polite letters had been corarauni
cated frora Spain to Portugal,! and the knowledge
of the reformed opinions proceeded in the same
course. As early as 1521, Emanuel, the Portu
guese monarch, addressed a letter to the elector of
Saxony, urging hira to punish Luther, and extir-
* Reginaldus Gonsalvius Montanus, Inquisitionis Hispanicse Artes
Detect*, p. 31-33. Heydelbergse, 1567, 8vo.
•)• An accurate account of the state qf learning in Portugal during
the first part of the sixteenth century is given by Dr. Irving in his
Meraoirs of Buchanan, p. 75-88. Diego Sigea is said by Vassseus,
in his Chronicle of Spain, to have been the first or araong the first
restorers of poUte letters in Portugal. He was the father of two learn
ed females, Lnisa and Angela, the former of whora was skiUed in He
brew, Syriac, and Arabic, as well as in Latin and Greek. (Coloraesii
Italia et Hispania OrientaUs, p. 236, 237, Antonii Bibl, Hisp. Nov.
tom. ii p. 71, 72.)

140 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
pate his pernicious tenets, before they should spread
farther in Gerraany and penetrate into other Christ
ian countries.* In 1534, pope Clement VII. being
informed that the reforraed opinions were daily
making progress in Portugal, appointed Diego de
Silva as inquisitor of that kingdom ; and, in the
following year, we find the king representing to the
court of Rorae that a nuraber of the converted Jews
had becorae protestants.!
It has been conjectured that the first converts to
the reforraed doctrine in Spain belonged to the reli
gious fraternity of Franciscans, because the pope, in
1526, granted power to the general and provincials
of that order to absolve such of their brethren as
had irabibed the new opinions, and were willing to
abjure thera.! But this is rather to be viewed in the
light of a privilege, craved by the Franciscans to
exerapt thera frora the jurisdiction of the inqui
sitors, who were at first chosen frora the rival order
of Dominicans. Few of those who afterwards be
came protestants belonged to the brotherhood of St.
Francis. Juan Valdes, with whora we have met elsewhere,§
was the first person, so far as I can discover, who em
braced and was active in spreading the reformed opin
ions in Spain. He was of a good faraily, and had re
ceived a liberal education. If we raay judge from
* Fabricu Centifol. Luth. tom. i. p, 85-88,
f Llorente, U, 100.
X Ibid. p. 4.
§ History ofthe Reformation in- Italy, p. 16, 121, 122.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 141
those with whora he was on terras of intiraacy, he
had studied at the university of Alcala. Having
attached hiraself to the court, he quitted Spain about
the year 1535 in the corapany of Charles V, who
sent hira to Naples to act as secretary to the vice
roy.* The common opinion has been that he be
came a convert to the Lutheran creed in Gerraany,
but the fact is, that his raind was irabued with its
leading tenets before he left his native country. This
appears frora a treatise drawn up by hira under
the title of Advice on the Interpreters of sacred
scripture, which was circulated privately among his
acquaintance. It was originally sent in the forra
of a letter to his friend Bartolorae Carranza, who
afterwards becarae archbishop of Toledo, but had
early incurred the suspicions of the Holy Office by
the freedora of his opinions.! This tract was found
among the papers of the primate when he was sub
sequently seized by the order of the Inquisition,
and formed one of the gravest articles of charge
against that distinguished and long-persecuted pre
late. The Advice contained the following proposi
tions, among others : first, that in order to under
stand the sacred scriptures, we must not rely on the
interpretations of the fathers ; second, that we are
* Llorente is disposed to identify him with Alfonso Valdes, whom we
have already mentioned, and to caU him Juan Alfonso Valdes. (ii. 478 ;
iii 221.) But they were evidently different persons. The latter was
a priest; (see Burscheri Spicil. v. p. 17.) the former was a knight:
the latter is styled secretai-y to Charles V. ; the former, royal secretary
at Naples.
f Llorente, iu. 185-187.

142 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
justified by a lively faith in the passion and death
of our Saviour ; and -third, that we may attain to
certainty concerning our justification. The agree
ment between these and the leading sentiraents
raaintained by Luther, renders it highly probable
that Valdes had read the writings of that rcr
forraer or of sorae of his adherents. At the sarae
tirae we are told that the principal things in this
tract were taken from the Christian Institutes of
Tauler.* This fact throws light on the sentiments
of Valdes, and the peculiar cast of his writingSi
John Tauler was a distinguished German preacher
of the fourteenth century, and one of those writers
in the church of Rorae who have obtained the narae
of mystics. They were disgusted with the intricate
and jejune theology of the scholastic divines, and
with the routine of exterior services which consti
tuted the whole practice of piety in the convents ;
but, being imperfectly instructed in the doctrine of
the gospel, in flying frora the vice of their age they
fell into the opposite extrerae. They resolved reli
gion alraost entirely into conteraplation and medita
tion ; their discourses, consisting of soliloquies on
the love of God and the sufferings of Christ, were
chiefly calculated to stimulate the passions ; and they
occasionally raade use of extravagant and hyperboli
cal expressions, which implied that the soul of the
devotee was absorbed in the divine essence, and,
when favoured with supernatural visitations, was
* Llorente, ii. 478; iU.221, 244, 245,

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 143
rendered independent upon and superior to external
raeans and ordinances. The Exercises, or medita
tions, on the Life of Christ by Tauler bear a strong
resemblance to the better-known work of Thomas a
Kempis on the Imitation of Christ. They have the
sarae excellencies and the sarae faults ; breathe the
same rich odour of spiritual devotion, and laboijF
under the same deficiency of clear and distinct vie\l's
of divine truth.* Those who are well grounded in
the doctrines of Christianity raay reap great advan
tage frora a perusal of thera ; candidates for the rai-
nistry will find in thera an excellent suppleraent
to a course of systematic divinity ; but in minds
warra and uninforraed they are apt to foster a self-
righteous and servile disposition, and to give rise to
enthusiastic notions.!
The mystic theology had its votaries in Spain.
* Marco Antonio Flarainio, in a letter to Carlo Gualteruccio, has
given a just character of the work of Thomas a Kempis. After recom
mending it highly, he says, " One fault I find with this book; I do not
approve of the way of fear which he recommends. Not that I would
set aside every kind of fear, but merely penal fear, which proceeds
either from unbelief or weak faith." The whole letter is excellent.
Cardinal Quiiini produced it with the view of showing that the writer
was not a protestant, whereas there cannot be a stronger proof to the
contrary, so far as doctrine is concerned. (Quirini Prsefat. p. 69, 70.
ad CoUect. Epist. PoU, vol. iii.)
f The most distinguished of the mystic authors of the middle ages,
besides A Kempis and Tauler, were Ruysbrok and Harph. Those
who wish information respecting this class of writers, wiU find it in
Gottf. Amoldi Historia Theologise Mysticae Veteris et Novae; in
Andr. de Saussay de Mysticis GaUiae Scriptoribus ; and in the Preface
to the edition of Tauler's works by PhiUp James Spener.

144 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
A Spanish translation of the Imitation of Christ,
and of an earlier work of the same character, en
titled the Ladder of Paradise, were published at the
close of the fifteenth century.* Juan de Avila, Luis
de Granada, confessor to the queen regent of Por
tugal, and St. Francis de Borgia, duke of Gandia,
and third general of the order of Jesuits, were the
^authors of works, for which they were prosecuted
before the Inquisition as mystics and illurainati.!
Several of the protestants, who were afterwards
brought to the stake at Valladolid, appealed to the
writings of the two last-named individuals as con
taining sentiments similar to those which they held
on the head of justification.!
Valdes may have becorae acquainted with the
writings of Tauler through the recoramendation of
Luther, who, at one period of his life, was ena-
raoured with thera, and republished, with a cora-
mendatory preface, a work written in the same
strain, but more liable to exception, under the title of
German Theology. In a letter to his friend Spala-
tin, the reforraer says, " If you wish to read in your
own language the ancient and pure divinity, procure
Tauler's sermons, of which I now send you an ab
stract ; for nowhere, either in Latin or German, have
* PeUicer, Ensayo, p. 124-134. .
f Llorente, in. 103-107, 123. The Uluminati of Spain in the 16th
century, if we may judge from the accounts of the inquisitors, resem
bled the quakers, rather more than the quietists of France. (Ib. ii. 3.)
X Ibid. ui. p. 106, 123.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 145
I met with a theology more wholesome and accordant
to the gospel."* The doctrines of justification by
faith in Christ, and of regeneration by the agency
of the Spirit, form the groundwork in the writings
of Valdes, and so far his creed is Lutheran or pro
testant ; but we can trace in them the influence of
the transcendental divinity which he had caught frora
Tauler. More intellectual and speculative than the
mystic divines, he exhibits in his works the rationale
of their creed rather than an exemplification of their
mode of writing, and hazards some sentiraents which
gave just offence to several of the principal reformers.!
It is amusing to observe his natural inquisitiveness
contending with and overcoraing that principle in
his creed which led him to condemn as sinful all
curious inquiries into matters of religion, or indeed
into any other matter.
Valdes left his native country at an early period,
* Luther's SamtUche Schriften, tora. xxi p. 566. PhiUp Mamix,
Sieur de St. Aldegonde, had a less favourable opinionof Tauler, whom
he calls " deUrus monachus." He was afraid of certain enthusiasts
in the Low Countries, who sought to gain credit to their cause by the
name of that preacher, whUe they taught that God was the soul of the
universe, and deified not only raen, but brutes and vegetables. (Scri-
niura Antiquariura, tora. iv. p. 544, 545.)
f Beza was chiefly oflTended -with Valdes for leading his readers
from the scriptures to revelations of the Spirit. That he had good
reason, must appear to any one who reads the sixty-third chapter of
the Divine Considerations. Its title is, " By seven conformities is
shewed that the Holy Scripture is like a candle in a dark place, and
that the Holy Spirit is Uke the sun." To the EngUsh translation of
the work, printed in 1646, George- Herbert sidded notes, quaUfying
the most exceptionable passages. L

146 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
but he contributed greatly to the spread of the re
forraed opinions in it by his writings, several of
which were published in Spanish.* Though he had
remained, his personal presence would most pro
bably have produced little effect. It required a per-'
son of less caution and more adventurous .spirit to
^ burst the terrible barrier which opposed the entrance
of the gospel into Spain, and to raise the standard
of truth within sight of the flames of the Inquisi-'
tion. Such a person was found in the raan of
whom I am now to speak.
Rodrigo de Valer, a native of Lebrixa, distant
about thirty miles from Seville, had spent his youth
in those idle and dissipated habits which were com
mon araong the nobility and gentry of Spain. The
love of dress, and of horses and sports, engrossed
his attention ; and in Seville, which was his favour-
* His commentary on the Epistle to the Romans was pubUshed in
Spanish at Venice in 1556, with a dedication, by his countryman
Juan Perez, to JuUa Gonzaga, (Gerdesii ItaUa Reformata, p. 344.)
The foUowing is the title of another of his commentaries : " Com
mentario breve, 6 declaracion compendiosa, y familiar, sob re la pri-
mera epistola de San Pablo a los Oorinthios, muy util pai-a todos los
amadores de la piedad Christiana." In the Spanish Index Expurg.
this work is mentioned both with and without the author's name..
(Bayle, Diet. v. Valdes.) Schelhorn promised to " produce not a few
testimonies to the ti-uth" from a work by the same author, of which
two editions were pubUshed in Italy, translated from Spanish, and
entitled, " Due Dialoghi : I'uno di Mercuric et Caronte ; I'altro di Lat^
tantio et di uno Archidiacono." (Amoen. Hist. Eccl. et Lit. tom. U. p.
51.) He elsewhere ascribes to him a work entitled, " Modo di tenere,
neU' insegnar et nel predicar, al prineipio deUa ReUgion Christiana."
(ErgotzUchkeiten, tom. ii. p. 31. Both these works are in the In
dex Libr. Prohib. a. 1559. Llorente maltes Valdes the author of an
other work, which he calls Acliaro.. (ii. 478.) ,

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 147
ite residence, he shone in the first rank among the
young men of fashion in every scene of amusement
and feat of gallantry. All of a sudden he disap
peared frora those places of entertainraent of which.
he had been the life and ornament. He was in
good health, and his fortune had sustained no in
jury. But his mind had undergone a complete
change ; his splendid equipage was laid aside ; he
became negligent of his dress ; and, shut up in his
closet, he devoted hiraself entirely to reading and
meditation on religion. Had he becorae unexpect
edly pious, and immured himself in a convent, his
conduct would not have excited general surprise
among his countrymen ; but to retire from the
world, and yet to shun those consecrated abodes,
the choice of which was viewed as the great and
almost exclusive raark of superior sanctity, appear
ed to thera unaccountable on any other supposition
than that of raental derangeraent. Valer had ac
quired a slight acquaintance with the Latin lan
guage in his youth. He now procured a copy of
the Vulgate, the only translation of the Bible per
mitted in Spain ; and having by dint of application,
by day and by night, raade hiraself master of the
language, he, in a short time, became so well ac
quainted with the contents of the scriptures, that
he could repeat alraost any passage in them from
memory, and explain it with wonderful promptitude
and intelligence. Whether he had any other means
of instruction, or what these were, must remain a
secret ; but it is certain that he was led to form a

148 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
system of doctrine not different from that of the
reformers of Germany, and to lay the foundations
of a church in Seville which was Lutheran in all the
main articles of its belief.
When Valer had inforraed and satisfied his mind as
to the truths of religion, he left off that solitary life
which had been chosen by him as an instrument and
not as an end. He now returned to company, but
with a very different spirit and intention. His great
desire was now to impart to others those impressions
of divine truth which had been raade on his own
mind. With this view, he courted the society of
the clergy and monks, with whom he dealt, first by
arguraent and persuasion, and afterwards in the
severer style of reproof. He set before them the
general defection, araong all classes, from priraitive
Christianity, both as to faith and practice ; the cor
ruption of their own order, which had contributed
to spread infection over the whole Christian cora-
raunity ; and the sacred obligations which they were
under to apply a speedy and thorough remedy to
the evil before it should become altogether incu
rable. These representations were uniformly ac
companied with an appeal to the sacred writings
as the supreme standard in religion, and with an
exhibition of the principal doctrines which they
taught. When the clergy, weary of the ungrateful
theme, shunned his company, he threw himself in
their way, and did not hesitate to introduce his fa
vourite but dangerous topics in the public walks
and other places of concourse. His exhortations

HISTORY OF THE REFORMA.TI0N IN SPAIN. 149
were not entirely without success ; but in most in
stances their effects were such as might have been
anticipated frora the situation and character of
those to whom they were addressed. The surprise
excited by his first address gave place to indigna
tion and disdain. It was not to be borne that a
layman, and one who had no pretensions to learning,
should presume to instruct his teachers, nnd inveigh
against doctrines and institutions which were held
in reverence by the universal church, and sanction
ed by its highest authority. Whence had he his
pretended knowledge of the scriptures ? Who gave
him a right to teach ? And what were the signs
and proof of his mission ? To these questions Valer
replied with candour, but with firmness. That it
was true he had been brought up in ignorance of
divine things ; he had derived his knowledge, not
from the polluted streams of tradition and human
inventions, but from the pure fountain of revealed
truth, through the teaching of that Spirit by whose
influence living waters are made to flow from the
hearts of those who believe in Christ ; there was no
good reason for supposing that these influences
were confined to persons of the ecclesiastical order,
especially when it was so deeply depraved as at
present ; private and illiterate men had convicted a
learned sanhedrim of blindness, and called a whole
world to the knowledge of salvation ; he had the
authority of Christ for warning them of their errors
and vices ; and none would require a sign from him
but a spurious and degenerate race, whose eyes

150 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
could not bear the brightness of that pure light
which laid open and reproved their works of dark
ness. It was not to be expected that he would be long
permitted to continue in this offensive course. He
was brought before the inquisitors, with whom he
maintained a keen dispute on the church, the marks
by which it is distinguished, justification, and simi
lar points. On that occasion, some individuals of
considerable authority, who had secretly imbibed
his sentiraents, exerted theraselves in his favour.
Their influence, joined to the purity of his descent,
the station which he held in society, and the cir-
curastance that his judges either believed or wished
it to be believed that he was insane, procured for
him a milder sentence than that jealous and inexora
ble tribunal was accustomed to pronounce. He was
dismissed with the loss of his property. But neither
confiscation of goods, nor the fear of a severer pun
ishraent, could induce Valer to alter his conduct.
He yielded so far to the iraportunities of his friends
as to abstain from a public declaration of his sienti-
ments for a short time, during which he explained
to them in private the Epistle to the Romans.*
But his zeal soon burst through this restraint. He
considered hiraself in the light of a soldier sent on
the forlorn hope, and resolved to fall in the breach,
trusting that others, aniraated by his example, would
press forward and secure the victory. Resuming
* Montanus, p. 268.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 151
his forraer reproofs of the reigning errors and su
perstition, he was a second time denounced to the
Holy Office, which condemned him to wear a san-
benito, and to be iraprisoned for life. When con
ducted, along with other penitents, to the church
of St. Salvador in Seville, to attend public service
on festival days, instead of exhibiting the marks of
sorrow exacted frora persons in his situation, he
scrupled not to address the audience after sermon, and
to warn them against the erroneous doctrine which
they had heard from the preacher, whenever he
thought it contrary to the word of God. This of
itself would have been reckoned sufficient cause for
adjudging him to the flames ; but the reasons al
ready raentioned had influence to save him from
that fate. To rid themselves in the most quiet
way of so troublesorae a penitent, the inquisitors
carae to the resolution of confining hira in a raonas-
tery belonging to the town of San Lucar, near the
mouth of the Guadalquiver, where, secluded from
all society, he died about the age of fifty. His san-
benito, which was hung up in the raetropolitan
church of Seville, long attracted curiosity by its
extraordinary size, and the inscription which it
bore, — " Rodrigo Valer, a citizen of Lebrixa and
Seville, an apostate, and false apostle who pretend
ed to be sent of God."*
* Cypriano de Valera has given an account of Rodrigo de Valer in
his Dos Tratados : — del Papa, y de la Missa, p. 242-246. The second
edition of this work was printed, " Eu casa de Ricardo del Campo,
(Richard Field) ano de 1699." An English translation of it appeared

152 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
It was about the year 1541 that the final sentence
was pronounced on Valer.* The most distinguish
ed of his converts was Juan Gil, commonly called
Doctor Egidius. He was born at Olvera in Ara
gon, and educated at the university of Alcala, where
he distinguished himself by his skill in scholastic
theology, the only science then valued in Spain,
except among a few individuals who, by addicting
theraselves to the study of scripture in the original
languages, were derisively naraed Biblists. After
obtaining the highest academical honours, he was
appointed professor of divinity at Siguenza. Such
was his celebrity, that when the office of canon-ma
gistral, or preacher, in the cathedral church of Se
ville became vacant, he was chosen to fill it by the
unanimous vote of the chapter, without being re
quired to undergo the comparative trial prescribed
in such cases. But how well versed soever in the
writings of Lombard, Aquinas and Scotus, he proved
an unpopular preacher ; and not being indifferent to
his reputation and usefulness, he felt, after continu-
under the title of " Two Treatises : the first, ofthe Lives ofthe Popes,
and their doctrine ; the second, of the Masse, &c. The second edi
tion in Spanish, augmented by the author himselfe, M. Cyprian Valera,
and translated into EngUsh by John Golburne." London, 1600, 4to.
But both Cypriano de Valera, and Llorente (U. 147-149.) have bor
rowed their accounts from that of Reynaldo Gonzalez de Montes, (or
Montanus) in his Inquisitionis Hispanicae Artes Detectae, p. 259-264.
The narrative of De Montes is original and authentic, as he received
the particulars frora the raouth of Valer's disciple. Dr. Juan Gil, (or
Egidius) with whora he was intimate at SeviUe.
* Montanus, ut supra, p. 259. Cypriano de Valera says, " cerca del
ano 1545." (Dos Tratados, p. 246.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 153
ing for some years, nearly as anxious to relinquish
his situation as the people were to get rid of him.
In this state of raind he was accosted by Valer, who
had the penetration to discover his feelings, and to
perceive the good dispositions, as well as talents,
with which he was endowed. He pointed out the
defects of his raode of preaching, and exhorted him,
as the sure remedy, to give hiraself to the diligent
and serious perusal of the word of God. This ad
vice, frequently repeated, produced at last the de
sired effect. He took the course pointed out to
hira, and his " profiting appeared to all." He soon
became the most acceptable preacher who had ap
peared in Seville. Instead of the dry, abstruse, and
unprofitable discussions which he had formerly pur
sued, he brought forward the great truths of the
Bible ; and the frigid raanner in which he had been
accustoraed to acquit himself in public was suc
ceeded by powerful appeals to the consciences, and
affectionate'addresses to the hearts of his auditors.
Their attention was aroused ; deep convictions of
the necessity and suitableness of that salvation
which the gospel reveals were made on their minds ;
and they were prepared for receiving those new
views of divine truth which the preacher presented
to them, as they were gradually unfolded to him
self, and with a caution which regard to the weak
ness of the people, as well as to his own perilous
situation, seemed to warrant and require.^ In this
* Montanus, p, 256-259, 265.

154 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
manner, by a zeal more tempered with prudence than
that of his revered instructor, he was honoured
not only to make converts to Christ, but to train up
martyrs for the truth. " Araong the othei: gifts
divinely bestowed on this holy man," says one who
owed his soul to hira, " was the singular faculty
which he had of kindling in the breasts of those who
listened to his instructions a sacred flame which
aniraated thera in all the exercises of piety, internal
and external, and raade thera not only willing to
take up the cross, but cheerful in the prospect of
the sufferings of which they stood in jeopardy
every hour; a clear proof that the raaster whom he
served was present with him, by his Spirit engrav
ing the doctrine which he taught on the hearts of
his hearers."*
Egidius was not left alone in the work of en
lightening the citizens of Seville. In addition to
those who, like himself, had profited by the conver
sation of Valer, he was joined by Doctor Vargas
and Constantine Ponce de la Fuente, who had been
his fellow-students at the university, and were raen
of superior talents and learning. He imparted to
them his knowledge of evangelical truth, and they
in their turn contributed by their conversation to
the improvement of his ministerial gifts. The
three friends concerted a plan, according to which
they might co-operate in advancing the common
cause. Vargas read lectures to the more learned,
* Montanus, p. 231.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 155
in which he expounded the Epistle to the Romans,
and subsequently the book of Psalms ; and Con
stantine, of whora we shall have occasion to speak
more particularly afterwards, assisted Egidius oc
casionally in the pulpit. Their zeal, while it
awakened the suspicions, provoked the diligence
of the clergy who were devoted to the ancient su
perstition ; and the city was divided in its attach
ments between the two classes of preachers. Those
of the one class urged the necessity and importance
of the repetition of prayers at certain stated hours,
the frequent hearing of mass, the visiting of
consecrated places, and the regular observance of
fasting and of auricular confession ; while they ex
horted those who airaed at higher degrees of sanc
tity to dedicate their substance to pious uses, or, re
nouncing the world, to take on them the triple vow.
Those of the other class either passed over these
things entirely, or inculcated their inefficacy ; exhort
ed their hearers to rely on the merits of Christ in
stead of their own works, and to prove the genuine
ness of their faith by obedience to the commands
of God ; and, in place of recomraending rosaries and
scales of devotion, spoke in the warmest style of
the advantages to be derived from a serious and
daily perusal of the sacred writings. The first
class carried along with them the great body of the
people, whose religion is the creature of authority
and habit. But the eloquence of Egidius and his
two associates, their prudence, unaffected piety,
and irreproachable morals, and the harmony with

156 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
which ihey continued to act, gradually subdued the
prejudices of the multitude, and thinned the ranks
even of their clerical opponents. Assiduously em
ployed in the duties of their public functions through
the day, they met in the evening with the friends of
the reforraed doctrine, sometiraes in one private
house and soraetiraes in another ; the small society
in Seville grew insensibly, and became the parent
stock, from which branches were taken and planted
in the adjacent country.
The Inquisition had for sorae time fixed its
jealous eyes on the three preachers ; nor were there
wanting persons ready to accuse them, and espe
cially Egidius, who was raost obnoxious on account
of his greater openness of disposition, and his ap
pearing raore frequently in the pulpit. Surmises
unfavourable to his orthodoxy were circulated, spies
were set on his conduct, and consultations held in
secret as to the surest raethod of ruining one who
had become popular among all ranks. While these
things were going on he was deprived of his two
trusty associates ; Vargas being reraoved by death,
and Constantine called to the Low Countries. But
even after he was thus left alone his eneraies were
afraid to proceed against him.*
So great was the reputation of Egidius, that in
1550 the emperor nominated hira to the vacant
bishopric of Tortosa, which was one of the richest
benefices in Spain, and had been held by cardinal
* Montanus, p. 266.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 157
Adrian, the preceptor of Charles V., immediately
before his elevation to the popedom. This distin
guished mark of royal favour inflaraed the resent-
raent of his adversaries, and determined them to pro
ceed to extremities. Instead of confining themselves
as forraerly to raurmurs, they now charged hira
openly with heresy, and predicted that his elevation
to the episcopate would prove the raost disastrous
calamity which Spain had witnessed. He was for
mally denounced to the Holy Office, and, the pre
liminary steps having been taken, was thrown into
its secret prisons. The charges against him related
to the doctrine of justification, assurance of salva
tion, huraan raerits, plurality of raediators, purga
tory, auricular confession, and the worshipping of
images. He was also accused of having favoured
Rodrigo de Valer on his trial, aud opposed the
erection of a crucifix in the room of one which had
been accidentally burnt. In his defence he drew
up an araple statement of his sentiments on the
head of justification, with the reasons on- which
they were founded ; a display of frankness which
proved hurtful to his cause, as it furnished the pro
curator fiscal at once with evidence in support of
his charges and raaterials for increasing their num
ber. The friends of Egidius now became alarraed
for his safety. The eraperor, hearing of the danger
to which he was exposed, wrote in his favour to
the inquisitor general. The chapter of Seville fol
lowed his exaraple. And, what is raore strange,
the licentiate Correa, one of the most inexorable

158 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
judges of the Holy Office, becarae an advocate for
him, influenced, it is said, by indignation at the
conduct of Pedro Diaz, another inquisitor, who had
formerly been a disciple of Valer along with Egidi
us, whora he now prosecuted with base and unre
lenting hostility. In consequence of this powerful
intercession the inquisitors found it necessary to
adopt a moderate course, and agreed, instead of re
mitting the articles of charge to the ordinary quali
ficators, to subrait thera to two arbiters chosen by
the parties.
Egidius, after norainating Bartolome Carranza
and several other individuals, who were either
absent from the country or objected to by the
inquisitors, at last fixed, with the approbation of
his judges, on Domingo de Soto, a Dorainican and
professor at Salamanca, as his arbiter. Soto came
to Seville, and having obtained access to Egidius,
with whora he had been acquainted at the universi
ty, professed, after mutual explanations, to coincide
with him in his views of justification,* which was
the main article in the indictraent, and to think that
there would be no difficulty in procuring an amica
ble adjustment of the affair. It was arranged be
tween them, that each should draw up a paper con
taining his sentiments on the disputed point ex
pressed in his own words, and that these papers
* Soto was a disciple of St. Thomas, and addicted to the sentiments
of Au"-ustine, as appears from his treatise de Natura et Gratia, address
ed to the fathers of Trent, in ojiposition to Catharinus, and appended
to his Commentary on the Romans, printed at Antwerp in 1550.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 159
should be read in the presence of the inquisitors.
As the cause had excited great interest from its re
lation to a bishop elect and a preacher so popular
in Seville, it was thought proper that it should be
discussed at a public meeting held in the cathedral.
On the day appointed for the trial, pulpits were al
lotted for Egidius and his arbiter Soto ; but, either
from design or accident, they were placed at a great
distance from one another. After sermon was ended,
Soto read the declaration of his sentiments. Esi-
dius, owing partly to the distance at which he sat,
and partly to the bustle prevailing in a crowded and
anxious assembly, was unable to follow the speaker ;
but taking it for granted that what was read agreed
with what had passed between them in conversa
tion, he nodded assent to it, as Soto raised his voice
and looked toward him at the end of every proposi
tion. He then proceeded to read his own declara
tion, which in the judgraent of all who were pre
sent, whether friends or foes, contradicted the for
mer on all the leading points. The inquisitors
availed themselves of this variance between his
gestures and language to raise an outcry against
him. The two declarations were instantly joined
in process, and sentence was given forth, declar
ing him violently suspected of the Lutheran he
resy, and condemning hira to abjure the propo
sitions imputed to hira, to be imprisoned for three
years, to abstain from writing or teaching for
ten years, and not to leave the kingdora dur
ing that period, under the ,pain of being punished

160 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
as a forraal and relapsed heretic, or, in other words,
of being burnt alive. Confounded at the unexpect
ed issue of the process, abashed by the exultation of
his eneraies, and half-convinced, by the raortification
which he read in the countenances of his friends,
that he raust have said soraething far wrong, Egi
dius lost courage, and silently acquiesced in the sen
tence pronounced against hira. It was not until
some tirae after he had returned to his prison that
he learned from one of his companions the base
treachery of the friend in whom he had confided.*
Such is the account of the process given by De
Montes. The late historian of the Inquisition is
disposed to call in question the truth of his state
ment so far as concerns the artifice imputed to the
professor of Salamanca; upon this ground, that
Carranza, archbishop of Toledo, during his trial,
retaliated upon Soto by accusing him of " having
been too indulgent in regard to Doctor Egidius of
Seville."! But this objection is by no raeans con
clusive. For, in the first place, Llorente bears wit
ness to the general accuracy of De Montes, who
expressly asserts that he received his information
frora Egidius in prison. In the second place, the
charge of Carranza is not irreconcilable with the
narrative which has been given; for De Montes
states that Soto clairaed the raerit of having pro
cured a lenient sentence for Egidius.! In fine,
# Montanus, p. 266-272. f Llorente, ii. 144-147.
X Montanus, p. 271.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 161
Llorente has shown, in reference to another case,
that Soto was perfectly capable of the disgraceful
conduct imputed to him on this occasion.*
No sooner was it known that Egidius was con
demned, than a flight of hungry applicants gathered
round the fat benefice of Tortosa like crows round
carrion. The holy fathers assembled at Trent were
not so intently occupied in watching over the in
terests of the catholic church as not to have one
eye turned to Spain, and ready to discern what
might happen there to their advantage. While the
trial of the bishop elect was in dependence, cardinal
Granville, then bishop of Arras and prime minister
of Spain, had his table covered with applications,
in which the incense of adulation was thickly
sprinkled on rancid avarice. In a letter, dated from
Trent on the 19th of November 1551, the titular
bishop Jubin, in partibus Infidelium, writes : " We
have received intelligence here, that the bishop elect
of Tortosa has been condemned to perpetual impri-
* Speaking of his letters produced on the trial of Carranza, Llorente
says : " AU these documents prove that F. Domingo Soto was guilty' of
coUusion in regard to two parties, which he cheated, first the one after
the other, and afterwards both of them at the same time." (ii. 146.)
The ex-secretary of the Inquisition might have spared the strictures
which he subjoins on the protestant prejudices of his countryman De
Montes, and on his fanaticism in regarding it as a mark of divine jus
tice that three of the capital persecutors of Egidius died during his
imprisonment. The zeal of the friend of Egidius may have carried
him too far in interpreting the ways of Providence; but what means
the foUowing sentence ? " One cannot help rejoicing at the disgrace
which Providence had reserved for F. Domingo Soto, to serve as a
lesson to men of his character." (Llorente, ut supra.)
l/l'

162 HISTORY, OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
sonment. I shall be infinitely obliged to you to
think, of rae — the least of your servants — provided
his lordship of Elna shall be translated to the
bishopric of Tortosa, now vacant by this raeans."*
On the preceding day, the bishop of Elna had ad
dressed a letter to the same quarter, in wMch, with
out giving the least hint of the object he had in
view, he begs the premier to command him " as the
meanest domestic of his bousehold," calls himself
" his slave,"! and assures him that the rare quali
ties of his eminence, his native . goodness, and the
favours he had conferred, were so deeply seated in
the heart of his servant that he remembered him
without ceasing, especially " in liis poor sacrificesil
the fittest tirae to make mention of one's masters."
Two days after, the modest bishop has acquired as
much courage as to name his request : he acknow
ledges that the bishopric of Tortosa was "too weigh
ty a burden for his weak shoulders," but urges that
he could discharge his episcopal functions better in
such a tranquil spot than in the frontier province
of Roussillon, where his pious exercises were inter
rupted by the noise of warlike instruments, and that
he " felt a strong desire to end his days in tending
his infirm sheep in the peace of God."§ The bishop
of Algeri was equally disinterested as his brethren
* Lettres et Memoires de Fran9ois de Vargas, traduits par Mich.
Ie Vassor, p. 194, 195.
•|- " Esclavo."
X " Mis pobres sacrificios."
J Lettres et Me'moii-es de Vargas, p. 193, 195, 196.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 163
in seeking- promotion. " It was not avarice that
induced him to ask the favour" to be translated
frora the island of Sardinia; he only wished to
" have his residence on terra firma," that his spirit
being relieved frora the continual agitation in which
it was kept by the restless waves which surrounded
Mm, he might be " at more liberty to serve God,
and pray for the life of the king and his minister."*
The bishop of Elna having been unsuccessful in his
application, renewed it in the course of the follow
ing year, when he had recourse to a new line of ar
gument in its support. After telling the premier
" that his hands had raade hira," he requests him to
r£member, " if he pleased," that his raajesty had
certain rights in Valencia called les hayles de Mo-
rella, of which large suras were due to the treasury,
as would appear from the lists which he had pro
cured and took the liberty to transmit to his emi
nence ; that raost luckily the diocese of Tortosa in
cluded that district, though the episcopal seat was
in his native country of Catalonia ; and' that, if it
should please his majesty to gratify hira with that
bishopric, he could see to the payraent of these dues
without leaving his diocese, and " thus would have
it in his power to serve God and the king at the
sarae tirae."!
O the duplicity, the selfishness, the servility of
the clei'gy ! What good cause but one would they
not have ruined ? And how deeply has that been
* Lettres et Memoires de Vargas, p. 303.
t Ibid. p. 514, 515, 522.

164 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
marred by thera ! Boccaccio relates, (it is a tale,
but deserves to be repeated for the sake of the mo
ral it teaches,) that two persons, a Christian lay
man and a Jew, lived together in a retired spot on
the northern boundary of Italy. The Christian
had long piously laboured to convert his neighbour,
and had succeeded so far as to be in dai\y expecta
tion of his submitting to baptism, when all at once
the idea struck the latter that he would previous
ly visit the capital of Christendom. Dreading the
effects of his journey, the Christian endeavoured to
divert hira frora it ; but in vain. After an absence
of sorae weeks the Jew returned, and repairing to
the house of the Christian, who had given up his
convert for lost, surprised hira with the intiraation
that he was now ready to be baptized ; " for (added
he) I have been at Rorae, and have seen the pope
and his clergy, and I am convinced that if Christi
anity had not been divine, it would have been ruined
long ago under the care of such guardians."
All the applicants for the bishopric of Tortosa
took care to urge the services which they had done
to the emperor at the council of Trent. Several
authors have spoken in high terras of the liberal
views and independent spirit displayed by the Spa
nish divines who sat in that council ; and Father
Siraoti, in particular, asserts that they were ready,
upon the refusal of the ecclesiastical reforras which
they sought, to join with the French church in
throwing off the authority of the court of Rome, if
Charles V. had not, from political motives, discou-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 165
raged them by withdrawing his support,* A pe
rusal of their correspondence and that of the impe
rial embassy serves to abate, in no small degree, the
high opinion which these coraraendations are cal
culated to produce. If the Italian bishops were
passive tools in the hands of the papal legates, their
brethren of Spain were not less under the influence
of the iraperial ambassadors ; and it is quite as clear
that their zeal for the reformation of abuses was at
first excited, as that it was afterwards restrained,
by the policy of the emperor. Several of the re
forras which they demanded were in favour of their
own order, and would have added to their power
and wealth in proportion as they diminished those
of the papal see ; a circumstance which did not es
cape the observation of the court of Spain.! -^^
the same tirae they satisfied themselves with mur
muring in private at the shameful arts by which
the council was managed, and had not the courage
to resent the attacks raade on its freedom, or the
insults openly offered to their colleagues. The bi
shop of Verdun happening to apply the term pre-
* Simon, Lettres Choisies, tom. i p. 252-254.
•j- See their Postulata to the CouncU in Schelhom, Amoenit. Eccles.
tom. U; p. 584-590. Conf. Vargas, Lettres et Memoires, p. 210.
The Royal CouncU of Castile addressed a memorial to the CouncU of
Trent, urging a variety of ecclesiastical reforms. But desirable as
many of these certainly were, we cannot help feeling pleased at the
rejection of the whole, when we find the foUowing article among
them : " That the pope shaU support the Inquisition, and attempt
nothing to the prejudice of an institution so necessary to the welfere
of these kingdoms — porque el officio de la santa Inquisicion es rauy
necessarie en estos reynos, conviene ser rauy favorecido." (Vargas,
ut supra, p. 162, 167.)

166 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
tended reformation to sorae of the plans proposed
in the council, the papal legate, cardinal Crescentio,
assailed him publicly with invective, calling him a
thoughtless young man and a fpol, and ordering
him to be silent. " Is this a free council ?" said
the elector of Cologne to the Spanish bishop of
Orense, who sat next him. " It ought to be
free," replied the bishop, with a caution which
would not have disgraced an Italian. " But tell me
your opinion candidly. Is the synod free?" " Do not
press me at present, my lord," rejoined the prudent
bishop ; " that's a difficult question ; I will answer it
at home."* It has been alleged that the papal iur
fluence over the council was confined to raatters of
discipline and ecclesiastical polity, and did not extend
to points of faith, in the decision of which all th^
members were of one accord.! ^^^ this is contra
dicted by unquestionable documents. Sorae of the
raost learned divines who were at Trent were dis
satisfied with certain parts of the doctrine of the
council, and with the confused and hurried manner
in which this important part of the business was
transacted.! After the article concerning the sacra
ments of penance and extrerae unction had received
the forraal sanction of the holy and universal coun
cil, the divines of Louvain succeeded in convincing
* Vargas, p. 236, 254. The name of this bishop was Francisco
Blanco. In 1558 he gave a recommendation to the catechism of Car
ranza, but retracted it during the prosecution of the author for he
resy, and was rewarded with the archbishopric of Santiago. (Llo
rente, iu. 301, 302.)
f Simon, Lettres Choisies, tom. i.p. 254.
X Vargas, p. 43, 57, 224, 233.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 167
the leaders that it was erroneous. What was to
be done ? They agreed in a private conclave to alter
it, after taking precautions to have the whole affair
buried in silence, lest they should incur the ridicule
of the Lutherans. " A great misfortune !" says
the archbishop of Cologne ; " but the least of two
evils." The reflections of the counsellor of the ira
perial embassy are raore unceremonious. " I be
lieve (si^s he) that God has permitted this occur
rence to cover them with shame and confusion.
Surely, after this, they will open their eyes, accord
ing to the saying of the psalmist, Fill their faces
with shame, that they, may seek thy name. God
grant they may comprehend this ; but I dare not
hope for so much, and have always said that noth
ing short of a miracle will work a change."* It is
impossible to conceive any thing more deplorable
than the picture of the council drawn in the con
fidential correspondence of Vargas, who was attach
ed, as legal adviser, to the embassy sent by Charles
V. to Trent. " The legate is always the same,"
says he in a letter to the cardinal-bishop of Arras ;
" he is a raan lost to all sharae. Believe rae. Sir,
I have not words to express the pride and effrontery
which he displays in the affairs of the council.
Perceiving that we are timid, and that his raajesty is
unwilling to hurt or offend the pope, he endeavours
to terrify us by assuraing stately airs and a haughty
tone. He treats the bishops as slaves ; threat
ens and swears that he will depart. It is useless
* Vargas, p. 66, 246-248.

168 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
for his majesty tp continue longer to urge the pope
and his ministers. It is speaking to the deaf,
and trying to soften the stones. It serves only
to raake us a laughing-stock to the world, and
to furnish the heretics with subjects for pasquin
ades. We must delay till the tirae when God will
purify the sons of Levi. That time must soon corae ;
and, in ray opinion, this purification will not be
accoraplished without sorae extraordinary chastise
ment. Things cannot remain long in their present
state : the evils are too great. All the nerves of
ecclesiastical discipline are broken. The traffic in
things sacred is shameful... Thie prediction of St.
Paul is about to be accomplished in the church of
Rome, That day cannot come, unless there come a
falling away first. As to the manner of treating
doctrines, I have already written you, that they
precipitate every thing, examine few questions, and
do not submit them to the judgment of the learned
divines who are here in attendance. Many of the
bishops give their vote, and say placet, on points
which they do not understand and are incapable of
understanding. There is no one here who appears
on the side of God, or dares to speak. We are all
dumb dogs that cannot bark." Notwithstanding all
this, and rauch raore to the sarae purpose, Vargas
adds, like a true son of the church : " As for rayself, I
obey implicitly, and will subrait without resistance
to whatever shall be determined in matters of faith.
God grant that all may do this."*
* Vargas, p. 207-8, 211, 225-6, 233.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 169
These facts are not irrelative to the subject. The
secrets of the council of Trent soon tranispired ; and
several individuals, who were afterwards brought
to the stake in Spain, acknowledged that their eyes
were first opened to the radical corruptions of the
church of Rome by the accounts they received from
sorae of the merabers of that synod as to the scan
dalous raanner in which its decisions were influ
enced.* Egidius appeared among the criminals condemned
to penance, in an auto-de-fe celebrated at Seville in
1552.! '^^^ term of his imprisonment having ex
pired in 1555, he, in the course of the following year,
paid a visit to Valladolid, where he found a nuraber
'of converts to the reformed doctrine. His wounded
spirit was refreshed by what he saw of the grace
of God in that city, and after spending a short time
in the company of his brethren, and exhorting them
to constancy in the faith, he returned to Seville.
But the fatigue of travelling, to which he had been
unaccustomed for some years, brought on a fever,
which cut hira off in a few days. He left behind
hira a number of writings in his native tongue,
none of which appears tp have' been printed. | His
bones were afterwards taken from their grave, and
committed to the flames, his property confiscated,
and his memory declared infaraous, by a sentence
* Llorente.u. 223; Ui. 230, 231. f Ibid. U. 138.
X Montanus, p. 273. Histoire des Martyrs, p. 500, 501. De Montes
praises his commentaries on Genesis, on some of the Psalms, the Song
of Solomon, and the Epistle to the Colossians ; but especiaUy a trea
tise on bearing the cross, which he composed in prison.

170 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
of the inquisitors, finding that he had died in the
Lutheran faith.*
The first introduction of the reforraed doctrine
into Valladolid was attended with circurastances
nearly as extraordinary as those which had led to
its reception in Seville. Francisco San-Roraan, a
native of Burgos, and son of the alcayde mayor
of Bribiesca, having engaged in mercantile pur
suits, went to the Low Countries. In the year
1540 his employers sent him from Antwerp to
Bremen, to settle sorae accounts due to them in
that city. The reforraed religion had been intro
duced into Breraen ; and the young Spaniard, curi
ous to becorae acquainted with that doctrine which.
was so much condemned in his native country,
went to one of the churches, where he heard James
Spreng, forraerly prior of the Augustinian monas
tery at Antwerp, and one of the first persons of
note who erabraced the opinions df Luther in the
Netherlands.! The sermon made so deep an ira
pression on the mind of San-Roman, that he could
not refrain from calling on the preacher, who,
pleased with his candovir and thirst for knowledge,
introduced hira to the acquaintance of some of his
pious and learned friends. Among them was our
countryman Doctor Maccabeus,! then at Bremen,
by whose conversation he profited greatly. Like
# Montanus, p. 274. Llorente, u. 139, 144, 273.
f Erasmi Epistolie, ep. 427. Luther's SamtUche Schriften, tora.
XV. Anhang, p. 192; tom. xxi. p. 790, 806. Gerdesu Hist. Reform.
tom. u. p. 131 ; tom. iu. p. 25.
:j: Life of John Knox, vol. i. note I.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 171
sorae young converts he flattered hiraself that he
could easily persuade others to embrace those truths
which appeared to his own raind as clear as the light
of day ; and he burned with the desire of returning
home and imparting the knowledge which he had
received to his relations and cotintrymen. In vain did
Spreng endeavour to restrain an enthusiasm from
which he had himself suffered at an earlier period of
his life. In the letters which he wrote to his em
ployers at Antwerp, San-Rpraan could not help
alluding to the change which his religious senti
raents had undergone, and lamenting the blindness
of his countrymen. The consequence was, that
on his return to that city he was iraraediately
seized by certain friars, to whora the contents of
his letters had been communicated ; and a number
of Lutheran books and satirical prints against the
church of Rome being found in his possession, he
was throv^n into prison. After a rigorous confine
ment of eight months, he was released at the solici
tation of his friends, who represented that his zeal
was now cooled, and that he would be duly watched
in his native country. Going to Louvain, he met
with Francisco Enzinas, one of his fellow-citizens,
of whom we shall afterwards speak, who urged him
not to rush upon certain danger by an indiscreet or
unnecessary avowal of his sentiraents, and to con
fine hiraself to the sphere of his proper calling,
within which he raight do rauch good, instead of
assuming the office of a public teacher, or talking
on religious subjects with every person who fell in

172 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
his way. San-Roman promised to regulate his con
duct by this prudential advice ; but having gone to
Ratisbon, where a diet of the erapire was theu sit
ting, and being elated at hearing of the favour which
the emperor showed to the protestants,* with the
view of securing their assistance against the Turks,
he forgot his prudent resolutions. Obtaining an
introduction to Charles, he deplored the state of re
ligion in his native country, and begged him to use
his royal power in restraining the inquisitors and
priests, who sought, by every species of violence
and cruelty, to prevent the entrance of the only
true and saving doctrine of Jesus Christ into Spain.
By the raild answer which he received frora the em
peror, he was emboldened to renew his application,
at which some of the Spanish attendants were so in
censed that they would have thrown hira instantly
into the Danube, had not their master interposed, by
ordering him to be reserved for trial before the proper
judges. He was accordingly cast into chains, and
conveyed, in the retinue of the emperor, from Ger
raany to Italy, and frora Italy to Africa. After the
failure of the expedition against Algiers, he was
landed in Spain, and delivered to the Inquisition at
Valladolid. His process was short. When brought
before the inquisitors, he frankly professed his
belief in the cardinal doctrine of the Reforraation,
that salvation comes to no man by his own works,
raerit or strength, but solely frora the raercy of God
# Sleidani Comment, tora. ii. p. 222-236. edit. Am Ende.

-HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 173
through the sacrifice of the one Mediator ; and he
pronounced the raass, auricular confession, purga
tory, the invocation of saints, and the worshipping
of iraages, to be blaspheray against the living God.
If his zeal was irapetuous, it supported hira to the
last. He endured the horrors of a protracted ira-
prisonraent with the utmost fortitude and patience.
He resisted all the iraportunities used by the friars
to induce him to recant. He refused, at the place
ofexecution, to purchase a mitigation of punishment
by making confession to a priest, or bowing to a
crucifix which was placed before hira. When the
flames first reached him on his being fastened to the
stake, he raade an involuntary motion with his
head, upon which the friars in attendance exclaim
ed that he was become penitent, and ordered hira to
be brought frora the fire. On recovering his breath,
he looked thera calraly in the face, and said, " Did
you envy my happiness ?" at which words he was
thrust back into the flaraes, and alraost instantly
suffocated. Araong a great number of prisoners
brought out in this public spectacle, he was the
only individual who suffered death. The novelty
of the crimes with which he was charged, joined to
the resolution which he displayed on the scaffold
and at the stake, produced a sensible impression on
the spectators. A proclamation was issued by the
inquisitors, forbidding any to pray for his soul, or
to express a favourable opinion of such an obstinate
heretic. Notwithstanding this, sorae of the erape
ror's body-guards collected his ashes as those of a
8

174 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
martyr ; and the English arabassadori who happen
ed to be at Valladolid at that tirae, used raeans to
procure a part of his bones as a relic. The guards
were thrown into prison, and the arabassador was
prohibited from appearing at court for sorae tirae.
It is not unworthy of observation, that the serraon
at this auto-de-fe was preached by the well-known
Carranza, who was afterwards tried by the Inquisi
tion, and died in prison after a confineraent of seven
teen years.*
This event took place in the year 1544.! '^^^ ^^'
forraed doctrine had previously been introduced into
Valladolid, but its disciples contented theraselves with
retaining it in their own breasts, or talking of it in the
most cautious way to their confidential friends. The
speculation excited by the raartyrdora of San-Roraan
took off this restraint. Expressions of sympathy for
his fate, or of astonishment at his opinions, led to
conversations, in the course of which the favourers
of the new faith, as it was called, were easily able
to recognise one another. The zeal, and even mag
nanimity, which he evinced in encountering public
* PeUicer, Ensayo de una BibUoteca de Traductores Espanoles,
p. 78. Act. et Monira. Martyrura, f. 122-125, 4to. Histoire des Mar
tyrs, f. 146-148, foUo.
\ PeUicer, foUowing the Latin Martyrology, represents San-Roman's
conversion to the protestant faith as having taken place in 1545 ; but
the large French history of Martyrs places it ia 1540, which is ascer
tained to be the true date from collateral facts raentioned in the text.
Llorente gives no account of San-Roman's raartyrdora, but, in a tran
sient aUusion to it, (tom. iu. p. 188.) seems to say that it happened
in 1540. The Histoire des Martyrs, whose authority I am incUned
to prefer, fixes on 1544 as the year of his death.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 175
odium, and braving so horrible a death, for the
sake of the truth, provoked to emulation the most
timid among them ; and within a few years after
his martyrdom, they formed themselves into a
church, which met regularly in private for the pur
poses of religious instruction and worship.*
* Montanus, p. 273. Llorente, u. 144.

176 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.

CHAPTER V.

CAUSES OF THE PROGRESS OF THE REFORMED
DOCTRINE IN SPAIN.

Before proceeding farther with the narrative of
the religious moveraent in Spain, it raay be proper
to give an account of sorae facts which happened
without the kingdora. This will furnish the reader
with interesting inforraation respecting Spaniards
who erabraced the Reformation abroad, and whose
pious and enlightened exertions, in publishing the
scriptures and other books in their native tongue,
had great influence in disseminating the knowledge
of the truth among their countryraen at horae.
About the year 1540, three brothers, Jayme,
Francisco, and Juan, sons of a respectable citizen
of Burgos in Old Castile, were sent to study at
Louvain, a celebrated seat of education, to which
the Spanish youth had long been accustomed to re
sort. The faraily narae of the young raen was
Enzinas, though they were better known among

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 177
the learned in Gerraany by their assuraed narae of
Dryander.* Polite letters had been for sorae tirae
cultivated in the university of Louvain, and the
students indulged in a freedora of opinion, which
was not tolerated at Paris and other places where
the old scholastic ideas and raodes of teaching were
rigidly preserved. Along with a taste for elegant
literature, the young Spaniards acquired the know
ledge of the reforraed doctrines. They lived in
terms of great intiraacy with the celebrated George
Cassander,! who corresponded with the leading
protestant divines, and afterwards distinguished
himself by a fruitless atterapt to reconcile the po
pish and reformed churches. Dissatisfied with the
temporizing principles of this learned man, and the
partial reforras in which he was disposed to rest,
the three brothers entered with the raost cordial
zeal into the views of those who had formally sepa
rated from the church of Rome.
Juan Enzinas, or Dryander, the younger brother,
* Encina in Spanish, Uke Sps in Greek, signifies an oak. PeUicer
thinks that Francisco Enzinas adopted the narae of Dryander for the
purpose of concealment, after his escape from prison at Brussels in
1545. (Ensayo, p. 80.) But we find him subscribing Franciscus
Dryander to a letter written in 1541. (Gerdesu Hist. Reform, tom.
iu. append, p. 86.) It was customary at that period for learned men
to change their names into Greek ones of the same signification ; as
ReuchUn (smoke) into Capnio, Gerard (amiable) into Erasmus, and
Schwartzerd (black earth) into Melanchthon. '
f niustrium et clarorum Virorum Epistolae Selectiores, scriptae a
Belgis veladBelgas, p. 55, 58. Lugd. Bat. 1617. The letter from
Jacobus Dryander, inserted in that work, throws much light on his
character and family, N

178 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
chose the medical profession, and having settled in
Germany, became a professor in the university of
Marburg. He was the author of several works on
medicine and astronomy, and acquired reputation by
the ingenuity which he displayed in the invention
and improvement of instruments for advancing these
sciences.* Jayrae Enzinas, the elder brother, reraoved in
1541, by the direction of his father, to Paris. Du
ring his re.sidence in that city he becarae confirraed
in his attachraent to the Reformation, and was suc
cessful in communicating his impressions to some of
his countryraen who were prosecuting their studies
along with him. The expectations which he had
formed from the far-famed university of the French
metropolis were miserably disappointed. He found
the professors to be generally pedants and bigots, and
the students equally destitute of good manners and
a love for liberal pursuits. It was with the deepest
emotion that he beheld the Christian heroisra shown
by the protestant raartyrs under the cruel treatraent
to which they were exposed. There was soraething
solemn, though ' appalling, in the coraposure with
which a Spanish assembly witnessed the barbarous
spectacle of an auto-de-fe ; but the wanton ferocity
with which a Parisian mob shouted, when the exe-
ciitidrier', with his pincers, tore the tongue from the
* Teissier, Eloges, tom. i. p. 199. Melanchthonis Epistolae, coL 817.
In another letter, wjitten in the course of the sarae yeai*, 1543, Me
lanchthon bestows great praise on an orrery which Juan Dryander had
constructed. (Ibid. col. 818.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 179
mouth of his victim, and struck hira with it re
peatedly in the face, before binding his body to the
stake, was disgustingly horrible and fiendish.* Un
able to remain in a place where he could find neither
learning nor humanity, Jayrae Enzinas left Paris
and retm'ned to Louvain. Thence he went to Ant
werp to superintend the printing of a catechisra
which he had drawn up in his native language for
the benefit of his countryraen.! Soon after this he
received orders frora his father, who entertained san
guine hopes of his advanceraent in the church, to
visit Italy and spend sorae tirae in the capital of
Christendom. Nothing could be more contrary to
his inclinations ; but yielding to the dictates of filial
duty he set out, leaving his heart with his brothers
and other friends in the Netherlands. To a delicate
taste and generous independence of spirit, Jayme En-
ziflas added a tenderness of conscience and candour
of disposition which exposed him to peculiar danger
in Italy, at a tirae when the jealousy of the priests
was roused by the recent discovery that the re
formed tenets had spread extensively in that coun
try. After spending several years in great uneasi
ness of mind^ without being able to procure liberty
* Jacobus Dryander Georgio Cassandro : Epistolae Selectiores, ut
supra, p. 55-65. Eustathius a Kiiobelsdorf Georgio Cassandro : ibid.
p. 38-45. . Had not the facts been attested by two such credible eye
witnesses we might have , suspected the author of the Martyrology of
exaggeration in his narrative of the shocking scene. Dryander's letter
is dated " 20 Februarii ;" and that it was written in 1541, appears from
comparing it with Histoire des Martyrs, f. 119, b.
f Epistolae Selectiores, p. 66. I have not seen this catechism men
tioned elsewhere.

180 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
from his father to return, he resolved at last, in
compliance with the urgent request of his brothers,
to repair to Gerraany, and was preparing to quit
Rorae, when he was betrayed by one of his country
raen, who denounced hira as a heretic to the Inqui
sition, The circurastance of a Spaniard being ac
cused of Lutheranism, together with the character
which he bore for learning, attracted much interest
in Rorae ; and his examination was attended by the
principal bishops and cardinals. Undaunted by the
solemnity of the court, he avowed his sentiments,
and defended thera with such spirit that his judges,
irritated at his boldnes.s, conderaned hira instantly
to the flaraes ; a sentence which was loudly called
for by such of his countryraen as were present.
Atterapts were afterwards raade to induce him to
recant, by the offer of reconciliation to the church
upon his appearing publicly with the san-benito,
according to the custom of his native country.
But he refused to purchase his life on such condi
tions, and died at the stake with the utraost con
stancy and courage. His raartyrdora happened in
the year 1546.*
About the sarae time that Enzinas suffered, one
* PeUicer, Ensayo, p. 78, 79. Hist, des Martyrs, f. 159. Beza
places his martyrdom in 1545, by mistake. (Icones, sig. Kk. ij.)
Gerdes (Hist. Reform, iii. 165.) calls him jVicoZos Ensinas; probably
misled by the letter N. put before his name in the Actiones et Monim.
Martyrum, (f. 151, i.) which merely intimates that the -writer of the
article was ignorant of the martyr's Christian narae. PeUicer caUs
him " el doctor Juan de Ensinas," confounding him with one of his
brothers ah-eady mentioned.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 181
of his countrymen and intimate friends raet with a
still more tragical fate in Gerraany. Juan Diaz, a
native of Cuen9a, after he had studied for several
years at Paris, was converted to the protestant re
ligion by the private instructions of Jayrae Enzinas.
Being liberally educated, he had, previously to that
event, conceived a disgust at the scholastic theology,
and made himself master of the Hebrew language,
that he might study the Bible in the original.
With the view of enjoying the freedom of profess
ing the faith which he had embraced, he left Paris
in company with Matthew Bude and John Crespin,
and went to Geneva, where he resided for some
time in the house of his countryman Pedro Gales.*
Having removed to Strasburg in the beginning of
the year 1546, his talents and suavity of raanners
recoraraended him so strongly to the celebrated
Bucer, that he prevailed on the senate to join the
Spanish stranger with himself in a deputation which
they were about to send to a conference on the dis
puted points of religion to be held at Ratisbon. On
going thither Diaz raet with his countryraan Pedro
Malvenda, whora he had known at Paris, and was
now to confront as an antagonist at the conference.
To the pride and religious prejudices of his coun
trymen, Malvenda added the rudeness of a doctor
of the Sorbonne, and the insolence of a rainion of
the court.! When inforraed by Diaz of the change
* Calvini Epist. p. 39 : Opera, tora. ix.
t Seckendorf, Hist. Lutheranismi, Ub. iu. p. 623.

182 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
which had taken place in his sentiments, he ex
pressed the utmost surprise and horror; saying,
that the heretics would boast more of making a con
vert of a single Spaniard than of ten thousand
Germans. Having laboured in vain, at different
interviews, to reclaira him to the catholic faith, he
laid the raatter before the emperor's confessor. It
is not known what consultations they had ; but a
Spaniard, named Marquina, who had transactions
with them, repaired soon after to Rome, and com
municated the facts to a brother of Diaz, Doctor
Alfonso,* who had long held the office of advocate
in the sacred Rota. The pride and bigotry of
Alfonso were inflamed to the' highest degree by
the intelligence of his brother's defection ; and tak
ing along with him a suspicions attendant, he set
out instantly for Germany, deterrained, in one way
or other, to wipe off the infaray which had fallen
on the hitherto spotless honour of his faraily. In
the mean tirae, alarraed at sorae expressions of
Malvenda, and knowing the inveteracy with which
the Spaniards hated such of their countryraen as
had becorae protestants, Bucer and the other friends
of Juan Diaz had prevailed upon hira to retire for
a season to Neuburg, a small town in Bavaria si
tuated on the Danube. On arriving at Ratisbon,
* He had another brother named Esteban, who entered his novi
ciate, along with Father Ribadeneyra, amqng the Jesuits, but left the
order, and is said to have been kiUed in a duel. (Ijiibadeneyr^ Dialogo
sobre los que se salen de Religion, MS. : PeUicer, Ensayo, p. 74.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 183
Alfonso succeeded in discovering the place of his
brother's retreat, and after consulting with Mal
venda, repaired to Neuburg. By every art of per
suasion he sought during- several days to bring back
his brother to the church of Rbnie.' Di.sappointed
in this, he altered his method,^ — professed that the
arguments which he had heard had shaken his con
fidence, and listened with apparent eagerness and
satisfaction to his brother while he explained to him
the protestant doctrines, andthefpassages of scrip-'
ture on which they rested. Finding' Juain delighted
with this unexpected change, he proposed that he
should accompany him to Italy, where there was a
greater field of usefulness in disseininating the doc
trines of the gospel than in Germany, which was
already provided with an abundance of labourers.
The guileless Juan promised to think seriously on
this proposal, which he subraitted to the judgraent
of his protestant friends. They were unanimously
of opinion that he should reject it ; and in particu
lar Ochino, who had lately fled frora Italy and was
then at Augsburg, pointed out the danger and hope
less nature of the project. Alfonso did not yet de
sist. He insisted that his brother .should accompa
ny hira at least as far as Augsburg^ promising to
acquiesce in the decision which Ochino should pro
nounce after they had conversed with him on the
subject. His request appeared so reasonable that
Juan agreed to it ; but he was prevented frora
going by the arrival of Bucdr and two other friend.*?,

184 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
who, having finished their business at Ratisbon, and
fearing that Juan Diaz raight be induced to act
contrary' to their late advice, had agreed to pay him
a visit. Concealing the chagrin which he felt at
this unexpected obstacle, Alfonso took an affection
ate leave of his brother, after he had, in a private
interview, forced a sura of raoney upon hira, ex
pressed warra gratitude for the spiritual benefit
he had received frora his conversation, and warned
him to be on his guard against Malvenda. He
proceeded to Augsburg on the road to Italy ; but
next day, after using various precautions to conceal
his route, he returned, along with the raan whom
he had brought from Rome, and spent the night in
a village at a small distance frora Neuburg. Early
next raorning, being the 27th of March 1546, they
carae to the house where his brother lodged. Al
fonso stood at the gate, while his attendant, knock
ing at the door and announcing that he was the
bearer of a letter to Juan Diaz from his brother, was
shown up stairs to an apartment. On hearing of a
letter frora his brother, Juan sprang from his bed,
hastened to the apartment in an undress, took the
letter frora the hand of the bearer, and as it was
still dark, went to the window to read it, when the
ruffian, stepping softly behind him, despatched his
unsuspecting victim with one stroke of an axe which
he had concealed under his cloak. He then joined
the raore guilty murderer, who now stood at the
stair-foot to prevent interruption, and ready, if ne-
2

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 185
cessary, to give assistance to the assassin whora he
had hired to execute his purpose.*
Alarraed by the noise which the assassin's spurs
raade on the steps as he descended, the person who
slept with Juan Diaz rose hastily, and going into
the adjoining apartraent beheld, with unutterable
feelings, his friend stretched on the floor and wel
tering in his blood, with his hands clasped, and the
instruraent of death fixed in his head. The mur
derers were fled, and had provided a relay of horses
to convey them quickly out of Germany ; but the
pursuit after them, which comraenced as soon as
the alarra could be given, was so hot, that they
were overtaken at Inspruck, and secured in pri
son. Otho Henry, count palatine of the Rhine and
duke of Bavaria, within whose territories the crirae
was perpetrated, lost no tirae in taking the neces
sary measures for having it judicially tried. Law
yers were sent frora Neuburg with the night-cap
of the deceased, the bloody axe, the letter of Al
fonso, and other docuraents ; but though the pri
soners were arraigned before the crirainal court at
Inspruck, the trial was suspended through. the in
fluence of the cardinals of Trent and Augsburg,
to whora the fratricide obtained liberty to write at
the beginning of his iraprisonraent. When his
* Y si es asi, la dard
Senor a mi mismo hermauo
Y en nada reparare.
So let him die, for sentence Ortiz pleads ;
Were he my brother, by this hand be bleeds.
Lope de Vega, EstreUa de Sevilla.

186 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
ple^ for the benefit of clergy was set aside as con
trary to the laws of Germany, various legal quirks
were resorted to; and, at last, the judges produced
an order from the emperor, prohibiting them from
proceeding with the trial, and reserving' the cause
for the judgment of his brother Ferdinand, king of
the Romans. When the protestant princes, at the
subsequent diet of Ratisbon, demanded, first pf the
emperor and afterwards of his brother, that the
murderers should be punished, their requests were
evaded;* and, in the issue, the murderers were
allowed to escape untried and with impunity, to tbe
outraging of humanity and justice, and the disgrace
of the church of Rome, whose authorities were bound
to see that the most rigorous scrutiny was made
into the horrid deed, under the pain of being held
responsible for it to heaven and to posterity. The
liberated fratricide appeared openly at Trent, along
with his bloody accomplice, without exciting a
shudder in the breasts of the holy fathers met in
council; he was welcomed back to Rorae; and finally
returned to his native country, where he was ad-
raitted to the society of men of rank and edu
cation, who listened to hira while he coolly related
the circurastances of his sanctified crirae.! Dif
ferent persons published accounts,! agreeing in every
* Sleidani Comment, tora. ii p. 458.
•|- Sepulvedae Opera, tom. U. p. 132.
X One of these naiTatives was written by Melanchthon, under the
title of Historic von Alfonso Diacio. , (Sleidaii,;u. 440, not. i.) An
ample account is given in Act. et Monim. Martyrum, f. 126, b.-139, a.
Conf. Sleidan, U. 435-441. Seckendorf, lib, iu. p. 653-658. Calvini
Epist. p. 39 : Opera, tom, ix.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 187
material point, of a murder which, all circurastances
considered, has scarcely a parallel in the annals of
blood since the time of the first fratricide, and affords
a striking proof of the degree in which fanatical zeal
will stifle the tenderest affections of the human
breast, and stimulate to the perpetration of crimes
the most atrocious and unnatural.' '
The narrative which I have followed was drawn
up and published at the time by Claude Senarcle,*
a noble young Savoyard, who was strongly attach
ed to Juan Diaz, had accorapanied hira frora the
tirae he left Paris, and slept in the sarae bed with
hira on the night before his murder. Its accuracy
is confirmed by the attestation of Bucer, who was
personally acquainted with many of the facts, as
well as with the character of the author.! But in-

* Calvin mentions that Diaz had left Geneva, " cum duobus Senar-
clenis." (Epistolae, p. 39 : Opera, tora. ix.) Maimbourg imputes the
departure of Diaz from Geneva to his dislike of the harsh temper and
. opinions of the Genevese reforraer ; one of the fictions pf that disin
genuous historian, which is refuted by the stateraent of Senarcle,
(Hist. Diazii, ut infra, p. 33, 34.) and by the fact that Diaz maintained
a confidential cori-espiondence with Calviii after the period referred to.
(Lettres de Calvin a Jaque de Burgogne, Seigneuf- de Falais' et de
Bredara, p. 48, 56. Arast. 1744.)
•(• Historia vera de Morte sancti uiri Joannis Diazii Hispani, quera
eius frater gerraanus Alphonsus Diazius, exeraplum sequutus prirai
parricidae Cain, uelut alterum Abelem, nefarie interfecit : per Claudium
Senarclaenm, 1546, 8vo. Prefixed to the' work is an epistle from
Martin Bucer to couiit Otho Henry, and another from the author to
Bucer. Appended to it is' a short treatise by the' martyr, under the
foUowing title : Christianae ReUgionis Summa : ad iUustrissimura
principera Dominum D. Gttonem Heinricum, Palatinum Rheni, et
utriusque Bavariae Ducem. Joanne Diazio Hispano autore.

188 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
deed so far were the Roman catholics frora denying
the facts, that raany of thera, and especially the
countryraen of Diaz, justified and even applauded
the deed.* Juan Ginez de Sepulveda, who pro
fesses to have received the facts frora the raouth of
the terrible hero of the tragedy, has given an ac
count of them so completely in accordance with
Senarcle's, that we might suppose he had abridged
that work, in the way of substituting the atrocious
moral of fanaticisra for the touching sentiments of
friendship, charity, and piety, which pervade the
whole narrative of the protestant historian.! It is
humbling to think that Sepulveda was one of the
most elegant prose writers who flourished at that
time in Spain.
Francisco Enzinas continued, after his brother's
departure to Italy, to reside at Louvain. But though
he lived on good terras with the professors of the
university, he found his situation becoming daily
more irksome and painful. Among the learned
protestants in the neighbourhood with whora he
* Senarclaeus, Hist, de Morte Diazii, p. 169 ; et Buceri Epist. prse
fix. sig. ». 5, b. Bezae Icones, sig. Kk. Uj. Act. et Monim.. Martyrum,
f. 138, b, 139, a. Sepulveda expressly says, " the news ofthe slaugh
ter were disagreeable to none of our countrymen — de patrata nece
nuntius nuUi nostrorura ingratus ;" and he adds that the emperor evir
dently showed, by protecting Alfonso, that he approved of his spirit
and deed. (Sepulvedae Opera, tom. u. p. 132.) Maimbourg, who
wrote at the close of the 17th century, condemns the murder, but
his narrative shows that he felt Uttle abhoirence at it. (Hist, du
Lutheranisme, sect. 37.)
f Joannis Genesii Sepulvedae Opera, tom. ii p. 127-132, Matriti,
1780, 4to.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 189
carried on a confidential correspondence were Al
bert Hardenberg, preacher to the Cistercian mon
astery of Adwert, which, since the days of John
Wessel, the Dutch Wicliffe, had resembled an aca
demy more than a convent ; and the celebrated Po
lish nobleman, John a Lasco, who had left his na
tive country frora attachraent to the reforraed faith,
and was eminently successful in diffusing the know
ledge of the truth in East Friesland. It would ap
pear that the parents of Enzinas had intended him
for the array, to which he was now decidedly averse.
In a letter to A Lasco, accorapanying the present
of an ancient and richly-raounted sword, which he
had received frora a noblernan, he says : "All the
world will, I know, be in arras against rae on account
of the resolution which, in opposition to the advice of
sorae worthy men, I have now forraed to devote ray
self to literary pursuits. But I will not suffer my
self, frora respect to the favour of raen, to hold the
truth in unrighteousness, or to treat unbecomingly
those gifts which God in his free raercy has been
pleased to confer on rae, unvi^orthy as I am. On
the contrary, it shall be my endeavour, according
to my ability, to propagate divine truth. That I
may do this by the grace of God, I find that it will
be necessary for rae, in the first place, to fly frora
the Babylonian captivity, and to retire to a place
in which I shall be at liberty to cultivate undefiled
religion and true Christianity, along with liberal
studies. It is therefore my purpose to repair to
Wittenberg, because that city contains an abun-

190 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
dance of learned professors in all the sciences, and
I entertain so high an esteem for the learning, judg
ment, and dexterity in teaching possessed by Philip
Melanchthon in particular, that I would go to the
end of the world to enjoy the corapany and instruc
tions of such raen. I therefore earnestly beg that,
as your name has great weight, you will have the
goodness to favour me with letters of introduction
to Luther, Philip, and other learned men in that
city."* He accordingly paid a visit to Witten
berg, where he was warmly received by all, and espe
cially by the individual for whom he had expressed so
high a veneration. But he returned to the Low
Countries, probably by the advice of Melanchthon,
to labour in a work which promised to be of the
greatest benefit to his native country. This was
the translation of the New Testament into the Spa
nish language.
Though Spain was the only nation which at that
tirae did not possess the scriptures in the vulgar
language, it had not always laboured under that
deficiency. In the, year 1233, Juan I. of Aragon,
by a public edict, prohibited the use of any part of
the Old or New Testament in the vernacular tongue,
and comraanded all, whether laity or clergy, who
possessed such books, to deliver thera to their ordi
naries to be burnt, on the pain of being held sus-
* Franciscus Dryander Joanni a Lasco Baroni, Lovanii x. die
Mali 1541 : Gerdesii Hist. Reform, tom. iii. append, no. vii. Conf.
Epist. Selectiores, p. 58.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 191
pected of heresy.* On the other hand, Alfonso X. of
Castile caused the sacred scriptures to be tran.slat-
ed into Castilian, with the view of improving the na
tive language of his people; and a copy of that trans
lation, executed in the year 1260, is still preserved
in manuscript.! Other ancient versions of the scrip
tures into the Liraosin, or Catalonian, and Castilian
dialects, are still to be seen, in whole or in part, a-
mong the manuscripts in the public libraries of Spain
and France.lj: BonifaciP Ferrer, brother of St. Vin-
cente Ferrer, and prior of the Carthusian monastery
of Portaceli in Valencia, who died in the year 1417,
translated the whole scriptures into the Valencian
or Catalonian dialect of Spain. His translation
was printed at Valencia in the year 1478, at the
expense of Philip Vizlant, a merchant of Isny in
Germany, by Alfonso Fernandez, a Spaniard of
Cordova, and Lambert Philoraar, a German. But,
although it was the production of a catholic author,
and underwent the examination and correction of
the inquisitor Jaraes Borrell; it had scarcely raade
its appearance when it was suppressed by the In
quisition, who ordered the whole irapression to be
* Du Cange; Glossarium, v. Romancium. Constitutiones Jacobi
regis Aragonuhi adversus HaeretiCos: Martene et Durand, Veter.
Script, et Monum. Hist. CoUect. tom. vii. p. 123, 124.
\ Rodriguez de Castro, Bibl. Espanola, tom. i. p. 411-426, where
extracts of the translatioii are given from the MS. in the Library of
the Escurial.
I LeLong,Bibl. Sacr.tom. ip. 361. Paris. 1723, 2 tom. foL Rodri
guez de Castro, i. 431-440. Ocios deEspanoles Eraigrados, tom. i. p. 39.

192 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
devoured by the flaraes.* So strictly was this order
carried into execution, that scarcely a single copy
appears to have escaped. Long after the era of
the Reformation, it was taken for granted by all
true Spaniards, that their language had never been
made the unhallowed instrument of exposing the
Bible to vulgar eyes ; and with the exception of
two incidental allusions, the translation of Ferrer
remained unnoticed for nearly two hundred years
after its publication-! At length, in 1645, the last
four leaves of a copy of this edition were discovered
in the library belonging to the monastery of Porta
celi. The number was reduced within a short
time to one leaf ; but happily this contained the
imprint, or final epigraph, indicating the names of
the translator and printers, together with the place
and year of the impression,! According to sorae
authors, the version of Ferrer underwent, about the
year 1515, a second irapression, which shared the
* Ferdinand and Isabella prohibited aU, under the severest pains,
from translating the sacred scripture into the vulgar tongues, or from
using it when translated by others. (Alphonsus de Castro contra
Haereses, Ub. i. cap. 13; apud Schelhom, Aracenit. Liter, tom. vUi.
p. 485.)
¦f It is raentioned by Frederico Furio, in a treatise entitled Sononia,
printed in 1556 ; (Rodriguez de Castro, Bibl. Espan. i. 448.) and by
Cypriano de Valera, in his Exhortacion al Christiano Lector, prefixed
to his Spanish Bible printed in 1602.
ij; The imprint has been copied in Bayer's edition of Antonu Bibl,
Hisp. Vet. tom. ii. p. 214, note (2.) ; in Mendez, Typogr. Espan. p. 62 ;
and in Ocios de Espanoles Eraigrados, tom. i. p. 36. Along with the
imprint, the translation, from Rev. xx. 8. to the close of the book, is
given by Rodriguez de Castro, BibUoteca Espanola, tom. i. p. 444-448,

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 193
same fate as its predecessor ; but of this statement
the evidence is less complete and satisfactory.*
Apparently ignorant that his native country had
once possessed such a treasure, and anxious that
they should be supplied with it^ Francisco de Enzi
nas undertook a translation of the New Testament
into the Castilian tongue. Having finished his task,
he subraitted the work to the judgraent of the di
vines of Louvain. They allowed that there was no
law of the state prohibiting the printing of transla
tions of the scriptures, but expressed .their fears
that such works would lead to the spread of heresy
and disturbance of the peace of the church, and ex
cused themselves from either sanctioning or censur
ing the undertaking, on the ground of their igno
rance of the Spanish tongue. The private friends
of the translator, who were acquainted with both
languages, gave it as their opinion, after examining
the work, that it would be a great honour as well
as benefit to Spain-! It was accordingly printed
at Antwerp in the year 1543, under the title of
" The New Testament, that is, the New Covenant

* Frederici Furii Bononia, apud Le Long, Bibl. Sacra, tom. i.
p. 362. Before meeting with this authority, I was incUned to
think that Dr. Alexander Geddes had alluded to the original impres
sion of Ferrer's version, of which he raistook the date, when he says,
" A Spanish translation of the Bible was printedin 1516. It has been
so totaUy destroyed that hardly a copy of it js to be found." (Pro
spectus of a New Translation of the Bible, p. 109.) Quere : Was a
single copy to be found ? According to Furio the date of printing
was 1615.
f Gerdesii Hist. Reforra. tora. Ui. p. 166.
O

194 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
of our only Redeemer and Saviour Jesus Christ,
translated from Greek into the Castilian language."
The purblind raonks, to whom' it was subraitted
before publication, could not proceed farther than
the title-page. One of thera, whose pretensions to
learning were not the least among those of his order,
smelled Lutheranism in " the new covenant." The
leaf was cancelled, and the suspicious phrase struck
out. He next pointed out a palpable heresy in the
expression " our only Redeemer." Recourse was
again had. to the operation of cancelling, and the
obnoxious particle expelled. But his success in dis
covery only served to quicken the censorial organ
of the monk ; so that the author, despairing to see
an end of the process, gave directions for putting
the work into the hands of the booksellers.*
The eraperor having soon after arrived at Brussels,
the author presented a copy of the work to hira, and
requested his perraission to circulate it araong his
countryraen. Charles received it graciously, and
proraising his patronage, if it were found to contain
nothing contrary to the faith, gave it to his confes-
* The work appeared under the foUowing title : " El Nuevo Tes-
tamento de nuestro Redemptor y Salvador Jesu Christo, traduzido
de Griego en lengua CasteUana, por Franpisco de Enzinas, dedicado a
la Cesarea Magestad. Habla Dios. Josue, i. No se aparte el Ubro de
esta ley, &c. m.d.xliii." On the reverse is a quotation from Deut.
xvii. Then follows the dedication to Charles V., to which are added
foui- Spanish coplas. The imprint at the end of the work is, " Aca-
bose de imprimir este Ubro en la insigne fibdad de Enveres, en casa
de Estevan Mierdmanno, impressor de Ubros, a 25. de Octubre, en el
anno del Senor de m.d.xliii." The work is divided into chapters,
but not into verses ; and is beautifully printed in small 8vo.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 195
sor Pedro de Soto* to examine. After various de
lays, Enzinas, having waited on the confessor, was
upbraided by him as an enemy to religion, who had
tarnished the honour of his native country y and
refusing to acknowledge a fault, was seized by the
officers of justice and thrown into prison. Besides
the crime of translating the scriptures, he was
diarged with having made a translation of a work
of Luther, and visiting Melanchthon.! To add to
his distress, his father and uncles, hearing of his
imprisonment, paid him a visit, and participating
in the comraon prejndices of their countrymen^
reproached him for bringing calamity on hiraself,
and dishonour on his kindred. He continued how
ever to possess his soul in patience,! employed his
time in translating the Psalms, and received many
marks of sympathy frora the citizens of Brussels,
of whom he knew more than four hundred warmly
attached to the protestant faith. After a confine-

* Soto afterwards accompanied PhiUp II. into England, and was
incorporated at Oxford, 14 Nov. 1555. (Wood's Fasti Oxon. edit.
Bliss, p. 148.) After taking" an active part in the prosecution of the
EngUsh protestants, he was himself prosecuted, on his return to Spain,
before the inquisition of ValladoUd, as suspected of heresy. (Llorente,
ui. 88.)
•)- One fault found with the translation was, that Rom. iU. 28. was
put in large characters, which had been done by the printer -without
any directions from the author. Enzinas was at "Wittenberg in Feb
ruary 1543. (Melanchthonis Epist. col. 570.)
X " I am persuaded," says Melanchthon, in, a letter to Caraerarius,
25 Dec. 1545, " you -wiU feel great pleasure in reading the letter of
Francis my Spanish guest, -written from his prison in Belgium. His
magnanimity will delight you." (Epistolae, col. 842.)

196 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
ment of fifteen months, he one day found his prison
doors open, and walking out without the slightest
opposition, escaped from Brussels and arrived safely
at Wittenberg ; an escape the more remarkable
that a hot persecutipn raged at that time throughout
the Netherlands, and the portraits of the protestant
preachers, accorapanied with the offer of a reward
for their apprehension, were to be seen affixed to
the gates of all the principal cities.* Tbe following
extract shows the steps taken against him after his
flight. " The inquisitors in Belgium have sum
moned my guest, the wise, upright and pious Span
iard, in his absence ; and from the day fixed for
his appearance, we conclude that sentence has al
ready been pronounced against him. He sets out for
your town to ascertain the fact, and to learn if there
are any letters for hira frora that quarter. I have
given him a letter to you, both that I raay acquaint
you with the cause of his journey, and because I
know you feel for the calaraities of all good raen.
He evinces great fortitude, though he evidently sees
that his return to his parents and native country is
now cut off. The thought of the anguish which
* Melanchthonis Epist. col. 848. Gerdesii Hist. Reforra. iu. 173.
In a letter to his friend Caraerarius, 16 cal. Aprilis 1545, Melanchthon
says, " Our Spanish friend Franciscus has returned, being set free by
a divine interposition, vrithout the help of any man, so far as he
knows at least." I have enjoined hira to draw up a narrative of
the affair, which shall be sent you." (Epist. coL 8-48.) This narra
tive was printed at Antwerp in 1545. It is inserted at length by Ra-
bus, in his Gerraan Martyrology, vol. vu. p. 1707-2319, and abridged
by Gerdes, in his Hist. Reform, tom. iii. p. 166-172.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 197
this will give to his parents distresses him. These
inquisitors are as cruel to us as the thirty tyrants
were df old to their fellow-citizens at Athens ; but
God will preserve the remnant of his church, and
provide an asylum for the truth soraewhere."*
In another letter, written in the year 1546, the
sarae individual says, " Franciscus the Spaniard
has resolved to go to Italy, that he raay assuage
the grief of his raother."! Whether he accora
plished that journey or not, is _ uncertain ; but
in 1548 he went to England, on which occasion he
was warmly recomrriended by Melanchthon to Ed
ward VI. and archbishop Cranraer, as a person of
excellent endowraents and learning, averse to all
fanatical and seditions tenets, and distinguished by
his piety and grave raanners. He obtained a situa
tion at Oxford ; but returning soon after to the con
tinent, he resided soraetiraes at Strasburg and sorae
tiraes at Basle, where he spent his tirae in literary
pursuits, and in the society of the wise and good.!
* Melanchthon Camerario, 20 Aug. 1545 : Epistolae, col. 858,
t Ibid. coL 874.
X Melanchthonis Epist. col. 494, 522, 911. Strype's Mem. of
Cranmer, p. 404. Gerdesu Serin. Antiquar. torn. iii. p. 644 ; iv. 666.
Letters from him are to be found in Gabbema, CoUect. Epist. Clar.
Viror. p. 40; Olyrapise Moratae Opera, p. 333; Fox's Acts and
Monuments, p. 1628, edit. 1596 ; and in the Library of Corpus Christi;
Nasmyth's Catalogue, no. cxix. 94. Enzinas was the author of a S^ar
nish translation of Plutarch's Lives, (Antonu Bibl. Hisp. Nova, torn, i.
p. 422.) and of "Breve Description del Pais Baxo, y Razon de la Re
ligion en Espana;" which last work, according to Gerdes, contains the
narrative of his imprisonraent and escape, and was printed both in
Latin and French. (Gerdesu Florilegium Libronjm Rariorura, p. 1 II.
PeUicer, Ensayo, p. 80.

198 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
In the sarae year in which the New Testament
of Enzinas came from the press, a Spanish transla
tion of the seven penitential Psalms, the Song of
Solomon, and the Lamentations of Jeremiah, was
printed at Antwerp by Ferdinand Jarava, who,
three years before, had printed the Book of Job,
and the Psalms for the office of the dead, 4n the
same language and at the same place. There exists
also a copy of a Spanish psalter in Gothic letter, with
out date, but apparently ancient.*
The Jews appear tp have early had translations
pf the Old Testament, or parts of it, in Spanish.
In 1497, only five years after their expulsion from
the Peninsula, they printed the Pentateuch in that
-language at Venice. In 1547 this work was print
ed at Constantinople in Hebrew characters, and
in 1552 it was reprinted at the same place in Ro
man characters.! In 1553 they printed at Ferrara
two editions of the Old Testament in Spanish ; the
one edited by Abraham Usque, and the other by
Duarte Pinel. Bibliographers have generally held
that the first of these was intended for the use of
Jews, and the last for the use of Christians ;!
an opinion which does not seem to rest on good
grounds.^
* Rodriguez de Castro, Bibl. Espan. tom. i. p, 449.
t Ibid. p. 448.
J Such is the opinion of Wolfius, (Bibl. Hebr. tom. u. p. 451.)
who has been foUowed by Clement^ Brunet, and Dibdin, in his Mies
Althorpianae, tom. i. p. 86.
} Cassiodoro de Reyna, Amonestaciou, prefixed to his Spanish
translation of the Bible. Rodriguez de Castro, i. 401-408; where

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 199
At the time that Egidius was thrown into prison,
several of his religious friends became alarraed for
their safety, and took refuge in Gerraany and
Switzerland. Araong these were Juan Perez, Cas
siodoro de Reyna, and Cypriano de Valera, who were
industriously eraployed during their exile, in provid
ing the raeans of religious instruction for their coun
trymen, Juan Perez was born at Montilla, a town
of Andalusia. He was sent to Rome in 1527, as
charge d'affaires of Charles V., and procured from
the pope a suspension of the decree by which the
Spanish divines had conderaned the writings of
Erasmus.* Subsequently he was placed at the head
of the College of Doctrine, an endowed school at
Seville, where he contracted an intimacy with Egi
dius and other favourers of the reformed opinions.
He received the degree of doctor of divinity in his
native country ; and his talents and probity secured
him a high place in the esteera of the foreigners
araong whom he resided, first at Geneva and after
wards in France-! The works which he composed
in his native tongue Were of the most valuable
the opinion of the writers referred to in the preceding note is examin
ed. Usque dedicated his edition to Dona Gracia Naci ; and Pinel
to the duke of Ferrara. The latter adopts the Christian era, and in
the translation of Isa. vu. 14. makes use of the word virgen, whereas
the former uses moza. But they agree exactly in their translation of
aU the other passages which have been the subject of dispute between
Jews and Christians ; and the versions are almost entirely the same.
* Llorente (ii. 280.) calls him " Jean Perez de Pineda." Beza
designates him " Joannes Pierius."
f PeUicer, Ensayo de Traductores Espan,' p. 120. Bezse Icones,
sig, Ii, iij.

200 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
kind. His version of the New Testament came
from the press in 1556 ;* his version of the Book
of Psalms followed in the course of the subsequent
year ;! and his Catechisra, and Suraraary of Christ-
ian doctrine, appeared about the sarae time.:|: They
were all printed at Venice. Besides these, he pub
lished in Spanish several of the works of his country
man Juan Valdez.J Being called from Geneva^ and
having officiated as a preacher atBlois, and as chaplain
to Renee, duchess of Ferrara, in the castle of Mon-
targis, he died of the stone at Pari.s, after he had be-
* " El Testaraeiito Nuevo de nuestro Senor y Salvador Jesu
Christo. Nueva y fieknente traduzido del original Griego en Romance
CasteUano. En Venecia, en casa de Juan Philadelpho. m.d.lvi." It
is dedicated, " Al todo poderoso Rey de cielos y tierra Jesu Christo,"
&c. (PeUicer, Ensayo, p. 120, 121. Riederer, Nachrichten, tom. U.
p. 145-152.) The author's narae does not appear in the book ; but
Le Long says that Juan Perez states, in the prologue to his version of
the Psalms, that he had published a version of the New Testament in
the preceding year. This prologue was not in the copy examined by
PeUicer. Cypriano de Valera says, " El doctor Juan Perez, de
pia memoria, ano de 1556, imprimio el Testamento Nuevo." (Exhor
tacion prefixed to his Spanish Bible. Conf. Abbate D. Giov. Andres
deU' Origine d'ogni Letteratura, tom. xix. p. 238.)
¦j- Los Psalmos de David, con sus sumarios, en que se declara con
brevedad lo contenido en cada Psahno, agora nueva y fiehnente
traduzidos en romance CasteUano, por el doctor Juan Perez, con
forme a la verdad de la Lengua Sancta. En Venecia, en casa de
Pedro Daniel, m.d.lvii." The work is dedicated, " A Dona Maria de
Austria, Reyna de Hungria y de Bohemia." A Spanish translation of
the Psalter, the Ptoverbs of Solomon, and the Book of Job, had been
printed at Lyons in 1550. (Riederer, Nachrichten, tom. u. p. 146.)
X Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Nova, i. 757. Llorente, u. 280. The kst-
naraed author, by raistake, ascribes to Perez a translation of the
Bible. J See above, p. 145 ; and PelUeer, Ensayo, p, 120.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 201
queathed all his fortune to the printing of the Bible
in his native tongue.* The task which he left un
finished was continued by Cassiodoro de Reyna,
who, after ten years' labour, produced a translation
of the whole Bible, which was printed in 1569 at
Basle.! It w^s revised and corrected by Cypriano
de Valera, who published the New Testaraent in
1596 at London, and both Testaraents in 1602 at
Arasterdam.:|: It is no slight proof of the zeal with
which the Spanish protestants sought to disserainate
the scriptures araong their countryraen, that Juan
Lizzarago pubhshed, in 1571, a translation of the
New Testaraent into Basque, or the language of
Biscay, which differs widely frora the other dialects
spoken in the Peninsula. § The versions of the three
writers last mentioned did not appear until the Re-
* Bezae Icones, sig. Ii. iij.
f Miscellanea Grroningana, tom. Ui p. 98-100. Rodriguez de Cas
tro, tom. i. p. 464-468.
X Rodriguez de Castro, i. 468-470. Antonii BibL Hisp. Nova, tom.
i. p. 234, 235. In 1602, the sarae year in which De Valera's Bible
was printed at Arasterdara, another edition of De Reyna's was printed
at Frankfort, in 4to. (Riederer, Nachrichten, tom. iv. p. 265-270.)
J The Basque New Testaraent was printed at RocheUe, and dedi
cated to Joan d'Albret, queen of Navarre. (Larraraendi, Diccionario
TriUngue del CasteUano, Bascuence y Latin, prologo, sect. 20. Andres
deU 'Origine^d'ogni Letteratura, tom. xix. p. 239.)
It would be^improper to pass over another version, as it bears
the name of Enzinas, so honourably connected with the translation of
the scriptures. In 1708, there was printed at Amsterdam, a Spanish
version of the New Testament, " corregido y revisto por D. Sebas
tian de la Enzina, ministro de la Yglesia AngUcano y Predicador de la
iUustre congregacion de los honorables senores tratantes en Espana."
This translation is the same with that of Valera, except that the con-

202 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
formation was suppressed in Spain ; but they were
of great utility to many individuals, and the reprint
ing of De Valera's translation at a recent period was
the means of provoking the Spanish clergy to make
the dangerous experiment of translating the scrip
tures into their native tongue.*
All these versions were accorapanied with vindi
cations of the practice of translating the scriptures
into vernacular languages, and the right ofthe people
to read thera. This formed one of the points raost
warraly contested between the Romanists and re
formers. The Spanish divines distinguished them
selves by their intemperate support of the illiberal
side of the question ; and the deterraination pf Alfon
so de Castro, " that the translation of the scriptures
into the vernacular tongues, with the reading of
them by the vulgar, is the true fountain of all
heresies," continued long to be the standard of or
thodoxy in Spain.! There was, however, one

tents of chapters are not inserted, and the marginal notes ai-e either
omitted or put at the foot of the page. (PeUicer, Ensayo, p. 156.
Rodriguez de Castro, i 499-501.)
* Dr. Alexander Geddes's Prospectus, p. 109. Preface by Don
Felix Torres Amat, bishop elect of Barcelona, to his Spanish transla
tion of the New Testament, in 1823. Scio's Bible consisted of no
fewer than 19 volumes 8vo. Of Amat's New Testament, in 2 vols.
4to, 2000 copies were printed in Latin and CastiUan, and only 500 in
CastiUan alone.
f Gerdesii Hist. Reform, tom, iu, p, 169, 170, So late as 1747, D,
Francisco Perez del Prado, the inquisitor general, lamented, " that
some raen carried their audacity to the execrable extreme of asking
permission to read the sacred scriptures in the vulgar tongue, not
afraid of finding in thera the most deadly poison," (Llorente, i. 481.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 203
honourable exception. Frederico Furio,* a learned
native of Valencia, defended the cause of biblical
translation intrepidly and ably, first, in an academi
cal dispute with John de Bononima, rector of the
university of Louvain, and afterwards frora the
press.! This raised against him a host of enemies,
and his book was strictly prohibited ;! but he was
protected by Charles V<, and what is singular, con
tinued during life about the person of Philip IL,
that most determined patron of ignorance and the
Inquisition.^ The versions of the scriptures by which the Re
forraation was proraoted in Spain, were those of
Enzinas and Perez. In spite of the suppression of the
forraer in the Liow Countries, copies of it were con-
yeyed to the Peninsula. Accordingly pope Julius
III. states in a bill addressed to the inquisitors in
1550, that he was inforraed that there were in the
possession of booksellers and private persons a great
number of heretical books, including Spanish Bibles,
marked in the catalogue of prohibited books which

* He is commonly caUed Fredericus Furius Caeriolanus, that is, of
Serial, the vulgar name of Valencia.
f The title of his work is " Bononia ; sive de Libris Sacris in ver-
naculam Unguam con vertendis Libri duo." BasUeae, a. 1556, He has
commemorated the opposition which he raet -with, in some elegant
Latin verses addressed to cardinal Mendoza. (Schelhorn, Amoenit.
Literariae, tom. viu. p. 485, 486.) Furio also -wrote encomiastic verses
on CastaUo's version of the Bible. (Colomesu ItaUa et Hispania Ori
entaUs, -p. 102.)
X Index Libr. Prohib. a. 1559. Ut. F.
J Thuani Hist. Ub. civ. cap. 7.

204 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
the university of Louvain, at the desire of the era
peror, had drawn up in the preceding year. And
at a period somewhat later, Philip, who governed
Spain during the absence of his father, ordered an
examination of certain Bibles introduced into the
kingdom but not mentioned in the late index ; and
the council of the Supreme, having pronounced thera
dangerous, gave instructions to the provincial inqui
sitors to seize all the copies, and proceed with the
utraost rigour against those who should retain thera,
without excepting raembers of universities, colleges
or monasteries.*
At the same tirae the strictest precautions were
adopted to prevent the iraportation of such books
by placing officers at all the sea-ports and land-
passes, with authority to search every package, and
the person of every traveller that should enter the
kingdora. It might be supposed that these mea
sures would have reared an insuperable barrier to
the progress of illumination in Spain. But the thirst
for knowledge, when once excited, is irresistible ;
and tyranny, when it goes beyond a certain point,
inspires its victims at once with daring and in
genuity. The books provided by the Spanish
refugees remained for some time locked up in Gene
va, none choosing to engage in the hazardous and
almost desperate attempt to convey them across the
Pyrenees. But at last an humble individual had
the courage to undertake, and the address to execute
* Llorente, i, 464, 465.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 205
the task. This was Julian Hernandez, a native
of Villaverda in the district of Carapos, who on ac
count of his sraall stature was commonly called Ju
lian the Little. Having irabibed the reforraed doc
trine in Gerraany, he had corae to Geneva and en
tered into the service of Juan Perez as araanuensis
and corrector of the press.* Two large casks, filled
with translations of the scriptures and other protes
tant books in Spanish, were in 1557 coraraitted to
his trust, which he undertook to convey by land ;
and having eluded the vigilant eyes of the inquisi
torial farailiars, he lodged his precious charge safely
in the house of one ofthe chief protestants of Seville,
by whom the contents were quickly dispersed araong
his friends in different parts of the country.!

* Montanus, p. 217. Bezae Icones, sig. B. uj. b. Histoire des Mar
tyrs, p. 497. Llorente represents Hernandez as having undertaken a
journey from Spain to Geneva with the view of bringing home the
contraband books, (U. 282.)
-f- Montanus, et Histoire des Martyrs, ut supra.

206 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.

CHAPTER VL

PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.

The circumstances attending the condemnation of
Egidius inflicted a severe shock on the infant church
of Seville. While the eneraies of the truth triuraph-
ed in his fall, its friends felt " as when a standard-
bearer fainteth." His release frora iraprisonraent,
and the proofs which he gave of unabated attach
ment to the doctrine which he had forraerly taught,
were consolatory to them ; but the obstinacy with
which he continued to the last to upbraid himself
for his imbecility, together with the restraints under
which he was laid, threw a melancholy air over his
instructions, which had a tendency to discourage
those who needed to be animated by the countenance
and advice of a person of unbroken courage and
high reputation. Providence furnished them with
such a head, a little before the death of Egidius, by
the return of the individual who had been his asso
ciate in his early labours, and who was unquestion-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 207
ably the greatest ornament of the reformed cause in
Spain. Constantine Ponce de la Fuente was a native of
San Cleraente de la Mancha, in the diocese of Cuen-
9a.* Possessing a good taste and a love of genuine
knowledge, he evinced an early disgust for the bar
barous pedantry of the schools, and attachraent to
such of his countryraen as sought to revive the study
of polite letters. Being intended for the church, he
raade hiraself raaster of Greek and Hebrew, to qua
lify hira for interpreting the scriptures. At the
same tirae he spoke and wrote his native language
with uncoraraon purity and elegance; Like Eras
mus, with whose writings he was first captivated, he
was distinguished for his lively wit, which he took
pleasure in indulging at the expense of foolish preach
ers and hypocritical monks. But he was endowed
with greater firmness and decision of character than
the philosopher of Rotterdam. During his attends
ance at the university, his youthful spirit had be
trayed hira into irregularities, of which his eneraies
afterwards took an ungenerous advantage ; but these
were succeeded by the utraost decorura and correct
ness of manners, though he always retained his gay
teraper, and could never deny hiraself his jest. One
of his conteraporaries has rjeraarked, " that he never
knew any raan who loved or hated Constantine mo
derately;" a treatment which is experienced by every
* Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Nov. tom. i. p. 256.

208 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
person who possesses superior talents and poignancy
of wit combined with generosity and benevolence.
His knowledge of raankind made him scrupulous in
forming intimate friendships, but he treated all his
acquaintance with a cordial and easy familiarity.
Notwithstanding the opportunities he had of enrich
ing himself, he was so exempt from avarice that his
library, which he valued above all his property, was
never large. His eloquence caused his services in
the pulpit to be much sought after ; but he was free
frora vanity, the besetting sin of orators, and scorn
ed to prostitute his talents at the shrine of popu
larity. He declined the situation of preacher in the
cathedral of Cuen9a, which was offered him by the
unaniriipus vote of the chapter. When the more ho
nourable and lucrative office of preacher to the me
tropolitan church of Toledo was afterwards put in
his offer, after thanking the chapter for their good
opinion of him he declined it, alleging as a reason,
" that he would not disturb the bones of their ances
tors ;" alluding to a dispute between them and the
archbishop Siliceo, who had insisted that his clergy
should prove the purity of their descent. Whether
it was predilection for the reformed opinions that in
duced hira at first to fix his residence at Seville, is
uncertain ; but we have seen that he co-operated with
Egidius in his plans for disseminating scriptural
knowledge. The emperor having heard him preach
during a visit to that city, was so much pleased
with the sermon, that he iraraediately naraed him

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 209
Ctne of his chaplains, to which he added the office
of almoner ; and he soon after appointed him to
accompany his son Philip to Flanders, " to let the
Flemings see that Spain was not destitute of po
lite scholars and orators."* Constantine made it
a point of duty to obey the -orders of his sovereign,
and reluctantly quitted his residence in Seville, for
which he had hitherto rejected the most tempting
offers. His journey gave him the opportunity of
becoming personally acquainted with some of the rcr
formers. Among these was James Schopper, a
learned man of Biberach in Suabia, by whose con
versation his views of evangelical doctrine were
greatly enlarged and confirmed.! In 1555 he re
turned to Seville, and his presence imparted a new
irapulse to the protestant cause in that city. A be
nevolent and enlightened individual having founded
a professorship of divinity in the College of Doc
trine, Constantine was appointed to the chair ; and
by means of the lectures which he read on the scrip
tures, together with the instructions of Fernando
de St. Juan, provost of the institution, the minds of
many of the young raen were opened to the truth.!
On the first Lent after his return to Seville, he was
chosen by the chapter to preach every alternate day
in the cathedral church. So great was his popu-
* Geddes's MisceU. Tracts, vol, i. p. 536. Montanus, p. 269, 282.
f Jacobi Schopperi Oratio de vita et obitu Parentis, p. 26-28 ;
Gerdesu Serin. Antiq. tom. iv. p. 648,
X Montanus, p, 283; conf, p. 214. P

210 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
larity, that though the fxublic service did not begin
till eight o'clock in the mornings yet when; he >
preached, the church was filled by four and even by
three o'clock. Being newly recovered from a fever
when he commenced his labours, he felt so weak that
it was necessary for him repeatedly to pause during
the serttjpn, on which occasions he was allowed to
recruit his strength by taking a draught of wine in
the pulpit J a, permission which had never been
granted to any other preacher.*
While Constantine was pursuing this career of
honjjur and usefulness, he involved himself in diffi
culties by coming forward as a candidate for the
place of canon magistral in the cathedral of Seville.
There are three canonries in eVery episcopal church
in. Spain, which must be obtained by comparative
trials. These are chiefly filled by felloWs belonging
to the six CoUegios Mayores, who form a kind of
learned aristocracy, which has long possessed great
influence in that country. No place of honour or
emolument in the church or the departments of law
is left unoccupied by these collegians. Fellows
in orders, who possess abilities, are kept in re
serve for the literary competitions ; such as caii?
not appear to advantage in these trials, are pro-»
vided; through court-favour to stalls in the wealthier
cathedrals ; while the absolutely dull and ignorant
are placed in the tribunals of the Inquisition,
* Montanus, p. 279, 283.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 211
where, passing judgraent in their secret halls, they
raay not by their blunders disgrace the college to
which they belonged.*?' The place of canon magis
tral in Seville having become' vacant by the death
of Egidius, the chapter, in accordance with the ge
neral wish of the city, fixed their eyes upon Con
stantine, as the person most fitted by his talents for
filling that important office. Egidius had been in
troduced into it without engaging in the literary
competition ; but, in consequence of his unpopular
ity when he first ascended the pulpit, the canons
had entered on their records a resolution that the
usual trials should take place in all future elections.
Constantine had uniforraly ridiculed these literary
jousts, as reserabling the exercises of schoolboys
and the tricks of jugglers. Finding hira obstinate
in. refusing to enter the lists, the chapter were in
clined to dispense with their resplution, when Fer
nando Valdes, the archbishop of Seville and inqui
sitor general, who had conceived a strong dislike to
Constantine on account of a supposed injury which
he had received frora hira when he was preacher to
the eraperor, interposed his authority to prevent
the suspension of the law. A day was accordingly
fixed for the trial, and edicts were published in all the
principal cities, requiring candidates to make their
appearance. The friends of Constantine now press
ed him to lay aside his scruples ; and an individual,
* Doblada's Letters from Spain, p. 106, 107.

213 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
who had great infiuence oyer his mind, represented
so strongly the services which he would be able to
render to the cause of truth in so influential a situa
tion, and the hurtful effects which would result from
its being occupied by some noisy and ignorant de-
claimer, that he consented at last to offer hiraself as
a candidate. The knowledge of this fact prevented
others from appearing, with the exception of two
individuals who came from a distant part of the
country. One of them declined the contest as soon
as he becarae acquainted with the circurastances ;
but the other, a canon of Malaga, instigated by the
archbishop, who wished to raortify his cbrapetitor,
descended into the arena. Despairing, however, of
being able to succeed by poleraical skill, or by inte^
rest with the chapter, he had recPurse to personal
charges and-insinuations, in which he was supported
by all those who envied the fame of Constantine, had
felt the sting of his satire, or hated him for his
friendship with Egidius. He was accused of having
contracted a marriage before he entered into holy
orders ; it was alleged that there were irregularities
in his ordination and the manner in which he ob
tained his degree of doctor of divinity ; and an at-r
tempt was made to fasten on him the charge of
heresy. In spite of these accusations he carried his
election, was installed in his new office, and com
menced his duty as preacher in the cathedral With
high acceptance. But this contest arrayed a party
against him, which sought in every way to thwart

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 213
his measures, and afterwards found an opportunity
to raake him feel the weight of its vengeance.*
Constantine, while he instructed the people of
Seville from the pulpit, was exerting hiraself to
diffuse religioiis knowledge through the nation at
large by means of the press. In the character of
his writings, we have orie of the "clearest indications
of the excellence of his heart. They were of that
kind which was adapted to the spiritual wants of
his countrymen, and nPt calculated to display his
own talents, or to acquire for hiraself a narae in the
learned world. They were coraposed in his native
tongue, and in a style level to the lowest capacity.
Abstruse speculations and rhetorical ornaments,
in which he vv^as qualified both by nature and edu
cation to excel, were rigidly sacrificed to the one
object of being understood by all, and useful to all.
Among his works were a Catechism, whose highest
recoraraendation is its artless and infantine simpli
city ; a small treatise on the doctrine of Christian
ity, drawn up in the familiar form of .a Dialogue
between a master and his pupil ; an Exposition of
the first Psalm in four sermons, which show that
his pulpit eloquence, exerapt frora the coraraon
extremes, was neither degraded by vulgarity, nor
rendered disgusting by affectation and effort at dis
play ; and the Confession of a sinner, in which the
doctrines of the gospel, poured from a contrite and
humbled spirit, assume the form of the most edify-
* Montanus, p. 284-287.

214 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
ing and devotional piety.* His Summary of Christ
ian Doctrine, withoiit being deficient in simplicity,
is more calculated to interest persons of learning
and advanced knowledge. In this work he proposed
to treat first of the article's of faith ; and secondly,
of good works and the sacrament. The first part
only came from the press ;! the second being kept
hack until such time as it could be printed with
greater safety, a period which never arrived. It
was not the author's object to' lay down or defend
the protestant doctrines, but to exhibit from the
scriptures, and without intermeddling with modern
disputes, the great truths of the gospel.; The work
was translated into Italian, and has been highlyprais-
ed by some Roman catholic writers.! But it was
viewed with great suspicion by the ruling clergy, who
took occasion from it to circulate reports unfavour
able to the author's orthodoxy, and held secret con
sultations on the propriety of denouncing him to the
Inquisition. They complained that he had not con
demned the Lutheran errors, nor vindicated the su
premacy ofthe bishop of Rome ; and that, if at any
time he mentioned indulgences, purgatory and hu
man merit, instead of extolling, he derogated from
* Montanus, p. 294-297. Histoire des Martyrs, f. 502, b.-506, 8.
Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Nova, tom. i. p. 256.
f It was printed at Antwerp, -without date, under the title of " Suma
de Doctrina Christiana;" and appended to it was " El Serraon de
Christo nuestro Redemptor en el raonte, traducido por el raismo autor,
con declaraciones."
X UUoa, Vita di Carlo V. p. 237. Joan. Pineda, Comment, in Fab.
Justinian! Indie. Univ. praef. cap. xiU. sect. 6.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 215
these authprized dpctrines of the church,, by warn
ing his readers not to risk their salvation on thera.
When these charges ^carae to the ears of. Constan
tine, he contented hiraself with saying, that these
topics did not properly belong to the iirst part of
his treatise, but that he would explain his views re
specting thera in his second volurae, .which he was
preparing for the press. This reply, backed by the
popularity of which he was in possession, silenced
his ;adversaries for that tirae.*
Previonsly to the period of which we have been
speaking, an occurrence took place which had nearly
proved fatal to the disciples of the reforraed faith
in Seville. Francisco Zafra, a doctor of laws, and
ivicar of the parish church of- San Vincente, had
long cherished a secret predilection for the Luther
an , sentiraents. Being a man of learning, he was
frequently called, in the character ot qualificator, to
pronounce judgment on the articles laid to the
charge of persons denounced to the Holy Office, and
had been instrumental in saving the lives of many
individuals, who otherwise would have been con
demned as heretics.! He had received intp his
house Maria Gomez, a widow, who was a zealous
and constant attendant on the private meetings of
the protestants, and consequently well acquainted
with all the persons of that persuasion in the city.
* Montanus, p. 294, 295.
-|- Llorente (ii. 25j6-7.) refers to De Montes in support of this fact,
I do not find it stated hy that writer, whom he probably confounded
with some pth^r authority. ' ; , ,.'.'-

216 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
'In the year 1555 she became deranged in her intel
lect, and having conceived, as is not unusual with
persons in that unhappy state of raind, a violent
antipathy to her former friends, she talked of
nothing but vengeance on heretics. It was found
necessary to lay her under an easy restraint ; but,
escaping from her doraestic confinement, she went
straight to the castle of Triana, in which the in
quisitors held their sittings, and, having obtained
an audience, told them that the city was full of
Lutherans, while they, whose duty it was to guard
against the entrance and spread of this plague, were
slumbering at their post. She ran over the names
of those whora she accused, araounting to the num
ber of more than three hundred. The inquisitors
had no apprehension of the extent to which the re
forraed doctrines had been embraced in Seville, and
could not but perceive marks of derangeraent in the
appearance and incoherent talk of the informer;
but, acting according to the maxim of their tribu
nal, that no accusation is to be disregarded, they
resolved to make inquiry, and ordered the instant
attendance of Zafra. Had he yielded to the sudden
impressions of fear, and attempted to raake his
escape, the consequences would have been fatal to
himself and his religious connexions. Instead of
this, he, with great presence of mind, repaired on
the first notice to tbe Holy Office, treated the accu
sation with indifference, stated the symptoms of
the woman's distemper, with the reason which in
duced him to confine her, and referred to the mem-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 217
bers of his family and the neighbours for the truth
of the facts. His statement, together with the
character which he bore, succeeded in removing the
suspicions of the inquisitors, who were persuaded
that Maria laboured under a confirmed lunacy, and
that her representations had no other foundation
than the visionary workings of a disordered brain.
Accordingly they requested Zafra to take the unfor
tunate woraan along with him, and to keep her un
der a stricter confinement than that from which she
had escaped. Thus did this dark cloud pass away, by
the kindness of Providence, which watched over a
tender flock, not yet sufficiently prepared for en
countering the storra of persecution.*
In the raean tirae the protestant church in Se
ville was regularly organized, and placed under the
pastoral inspection of Christobal Losada, a doctor
of medicine. He had paid his addresses to the
daughter of a respectable meraber of that society,
and was rejected on a religious ground ; but having
afterwards become acquainted with Egidius, he em
braced the reformed opinions, and recommended
himself so strongly to those of the same faith, by
his knowledge of the scriptures, and other gifts,
that they unaniraously chose him as their pastor.
* Montanus, p. 50-53. Llorente (u. 267.) is of opinion that the
inquisitors did not entirely discredit the information of Maria Gomez,
and that it led to the subsequent discovery and apprehension of the
protestants in SeviUe. When afterwards aroused by new informal
tions, the names raentioned by her might assist their inquiries ; but it
is not very probable that they would have remained inactive during
two years, if they had credited her testimony.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
His future conduct did not disgrace their choice.*
He was assisted by a friar naraed Cassiodoro, whose
ministry was uncomraonly successful.! The church
met ordinarily in the house of Isabella de Baena, a
lady pot less distinguished for her piety, than for
her I'ank and opulence,:!: Araong the nobility who
attached theraselves to it, the two raost distin
guished were Don Juan Ponce de Leon, and Do
mingo de Guzraan. The forraer was a younger
son of -Don Rodrigo, count de Baylen, cousin
gerraan of the duke D'Arcos, and allied to the
principal grandees of Spain. So unbounded was
this nobleman in charity to the poor, that, by dis
tributing to their necessities, . he encumbered his
patrimonial estate, and reduced himself to those
straits in which others of his rank involve them
selves by prodigality and dissipation. He was
equally unsparing in his personal exertions to pro
mote the reforraed canse.^ Domingo de Guzman
was a son of the duke de Medina Sidonia, and be
ing destined for the church, had entered the order
of St. Dominic. His extensive library, contained
the principal Lutheran publications, which he lent
and recommended with uncommon industry. ||
' * Cypriano de Valera, Dos Tratados, p. 249, 251. Montanus, p.
231, 232.
f Llorente, ii. 264, 270.
X Cypriano de Valera, nt supra, p. 251. Montanus, p. 210, 211.
§ Montanus, p. 200, 201.
II Sepulveda says he was " of the iUustrious house of the Guz-
raans." (De Rebus gestis CaroU V. p. 54 1 .) Skinner, in his additions
to Montanus, says, " He was bastarde brother to the duke de Medina

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 219
Most of the religious institutions in Seville and
the neighbourhood were leavened with the new
doctrines. The preacher of the Dominican monas
tery of St. Paul's was zealous in propagating thera.*
They had disciples in the convent of St. Elizabeth,
a nunnery established according to the rule of St.
Francis d'Assisa.! But they raade the greatest
progress in the Hieronymite convent of San Isidro
del Campo, situated within two railes of Seville.
This was owing in a great degree to a person whose
singular character merits exaraination.
Garcia de Arias, coraraonly called Doctor Blanco,
on account of the extrerae whiteness of his hair, pos
sessed an acute raind and extensive inforraation ;
but he was undecided and vacillating in his conduct,
partly from timidity and partly from caution and
excess of refinement. He belonged to that class of
subtle politicians, who, without being destitute of
conscience, are wary in committing themselves, for
feit the good opinion of both parties by failing to
yield a consistent support to either, and trusting to
their address and dexterity to extricate theraselves
frora difficulties, are sometiraes caught in the toils
of their own intricate management. There is no
reason to question the sincerity of his attachraent to
the reforraed tenets, but his adoption of them was
known only to the leaders of the Sevillian church,
Sidonia." (A Discovery and playne Declaration of sundry subtiU
Practises of the Holy Inquisition of Spayne, sig. D d, iiij. b. 2d edit.
Lond. 1569, 4to,)
* Ibid. -f Montanus, p, 229.

220 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
with whom he was secretly in correspondence. By
the ruling clergy, he was regarded not only as
strictly orthodox, but as the ablest champion of
their cause, and accordingly was consulted by them
on every important question relative to the esta
blished faith. An anecdote which has been pre
served is strikingly illustrative of his character and
mode of acting. Gregorio Ruiz, in a serraon preach
ed by hira in the cathedral of Seville, -eraployed ex
pressions favourable to the protestant doctrine con
cerning justification and the merit of Christ's death,
in consequence of which he was denounced to the
Inquisition, and had a day fixed for answering the
charges brought against hira. In the prospect of
this, he took the advice of Arias, with whose real
sentiments he was perfectly acquainted, and tp
whom he confidentially communicated the line of
defence which he meant to adopt. But on the day
pf his appearance, and after he had pleaded for him
self, what was his surprise to find the man whora he
had trusted rise, at the request of the inquisitors^
and in an elaborate speech refute all the arguraents
which he had produced ! When his friends remon
strated with Arias on the impropriety of his con
duct, he vindicated hiraself by alleging that he had
adopted the course which was safest for Ruiz and
them ; but, galled by the censures which they pro-
nounced on the duplicity and baseness with which
he had acted, he began to threaten that he would
inform against thera to the Holy Office. " And if
we shall be forced to descend into the arena," said

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 221
Constantine to him, " do you expect to be permit
ted to sit araong the spectators ?"
Yet this was the man who was made the instru*
ment of conveying the light of divine truth into
the convent of San IsidrS, when it was iramersed
in the most profound ignorance and superstition.
Without laying aside his characteristic caution, he
taught his brethren, that true religion was sorae
thing very different from what it was vulgarly sup
posed to be ; that it did not consist in chanting
matins and vespers, or perforraing any of those acts
of bodily service, in which their time was consumed ;
and that if they expected to obtain the approbation
of God, it behoved them to have recourse to the
scriptures to know his mind. By inculcating these
things in his serraons and in private conversation,
he produced in the breasts of the raonks a feeling
of dissatisfaction with the circular and raonotonous
devotions of the cloister, and a spirit of inquiry
after a purer and more edifying piety. But from
versatility, or with the view of providing for his
future safety, he all at once altered his plans, and
began to recomraend, by doctrine and exaraple, aus
terities and bodily mortifications more rigid than
those which were enjoined by the monastic rules of
his order. During Lent he urged his brethren to
reraove every article of furniture from their cells, to
lie on the bare earth, or sleep standing, and to wear
shirts of haircloth, with iron girdles, next their bo
dies. The monastery was for a time thrown into
confusion, and some individuals were reduced to a

222 HISTORY OF THB REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
State of mind bordering on distraction. But this
attempt to revive superstition produced a reaction
which led to the happiest consequences. Suspect
ing the judgraent or the honesty of the individual
to whom they had hitherto looked up as an oracle,
some of the raore intelligent resolved to take the
advice of Egidius and his friends in Seville; and,
having received instructions from them, began to
teach the doctrines of the gospel tp their brethren
in a plain and undisguised manner ; so that, with
in a few years, the whole convent was leavened
with the new opinions.* The person who had the
greatest influence in effecting this change was Cas
siodoro de Reyna, afterwards celebrated as the
translator of the Bible into the language of his
country.! A more decided change on the internal state of
this monastery took place in the course of the year
1557. An araple supply of copies of the scriptures
and protestant books, in the Spanish language, hav
ing been received, they were read with avidity by
the raonks, and contributed at once to confirm those
who had been enlightened, and to extricate others
from the prejudices by which they were inthralled.
In consequence of this, the prior and other official
persons, in concurrence with the fraternity, agreed
to reform their religious institute. Their hours of
prayer, as they were called, which had been spent
* Montanus, p. 237-247.
f Llorente (U. 262.) merely calls him " Fr. Cassiodoro," but I have
no doubt that he was the individual mentioned in the text.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 223
in soleran ihuihraeries, were appointed for hearing
prelections on the scriptures ; prayers for the dead
were oraitted, or converted into lessons for the liv
ing; papal indulgences and pardons, which had
formed a lucrative and engrossing traffic, were en
tirely abolished ; images were allowed to remain,
without receiving homage ; habitual temperance
was substituted in the room of superstitious fast
ing ; and novices were instructed in the principles
of true piety, instead of being initiated into the
idle and debasing : habits of nionachism. Nothing
remained of the old system but the monastic garb
and the external ceremony of the raass, which they
could not lay aside, without exposing theraselves to
imminent and inevitable danger.*
The good effects of this change were felt without
the monastery of San Isidro del Campo. By their
conversation, and by the circulatiPn of books, these
zealous monks diffused the knowledge of the truth
through the adjacent country, and imparted it to
many individuals who resided in towns at a consid
erable distance frora Seville.! ^^ particular, their
exertions were successful in religious houses of the
Hieronymite order ; and the prior and many of the
brotherhood of the Valle de Ecija, situated on the
banks of the Xenil, were araong the converts to
the reforraed faith.! Individuals of the highest re
putation belonging to that order incurred the sus
picion of heresy. Juan de Regla, prior of Santa Fe,
* Montanus, p, 247, 248. t ^^^^- P- 249.
X Cypriano de Valera, Dos Tratados, p. 248.

224 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
and provincial of the Hieronymites in Spain, was a
divine greatly celebrated for his talents and learn-
ing, and had assisted at the council of Trent during
its second convocation. Being denounced to the in
quisition of Saragossa, he was condemned to pen
ance, and the abjuration of eighteen propositions
savouring of Lutheranism. After his recantation,
-he verified the maxira respecting apostates, by his
bitter persecution of those who were suspected of
holding the new opinions, and was advanced to the
office of confessor, first to Charles V. and after
wards to Philip IL* Francisco de Villalba, a Hie
ronymite raonk of Montamarta, sat in the council
of Trent along with Regla, and was preacher to
Charles and Philip. He waited on the former in his
last moments, and pronounced his funeral oration
with such appalling eloquence, that several of his
hearers declared that he made their hair stand erect.
After the eraperor's death, a process was coraraenced
against Villalba before the inquisition of Toledo, in
which he was accused of having taught certain Lu
theran errors. At the sarae tirae an attempt was
made, in a chapter of the monks of St. Jerome, to
attaint his blood, by showing that he was of Jewish
extraction. This charge was refuted. But it was
not so easy to put a stop to his trial before the in
quisitors ; all that he could obtain, through the
intervention of the court, was, that his incarcera
tion should be delayed until additional witnesses
* Llorente, u. 160, 161 ; iii 84, 85.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 225
should be found ; and while matters remained in
this state, he was released from persecution, by the
hand of death.*
While the reforraed doctrine was advancing in
Seville and its vicinity, it was not stationary at
Valladolid. The protestants in this city had for
their first pastor Doraingo de Roxas, a young raan
of good talents, and allied to some of the principal
grandees of Spain. His father was Don Juan, first
marquis de Poza ; his raother was a daughter of the
conde de Salinas, and descended frora the faraily of
the raarquis de la Mota. Being destined for the
church, Doraingo de Roxas had entered into the
order of Dorainicans. He was educated under
Bartolorae de Carranza, from whora he irabibed
opinions more liberal than those which were com
mon either in the colleges or convents of Spain.
But the disciple did not confine himself to the timid
course pursued by the master. The latter made
use of the sarae language with the reforraers re
specting justification, and sorae other articles of
faith ; but he cautiously accorapanied it with ex
plications intended to secure him against the charge
of heterodoxy. The former was bolder in his spec
ulations, and less reserved in avowing thera. Not
withstanding the warnings which he received from
Carranza to be diffident of his own judgraent, and
subraissive to the decisions of the church, De Roxas
repudiated as unscriptural the doctrine of purga-
* Llorente, iii. 55, Sy.
Q

226 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
tory, the mass, and other articles of the established
faith. Beside the books of the German reformers,
with which he was familiar, he circulated certain
writings of his own, and particularly a treatise,
entitled. Explication of the Articles of Faith ;
containing a brief statement and defence of the
new opinions. By his zealous exertions, many
were indnced to join themselves to the reformed
church in Valladolid, among whora were several
individuals belonging to his own family, as well as
that of tlie marquis of Alcagnizes, and other noble
houses of Castille.*
The protestants at Valladolid obtained an in
structor of greater talents and reputation, though of
inferior courage, in Doctor Augustin Cazalla. This
learned man was the son of Pedro Cazalla, chief offi
cer of the royal finances, and of Leanor de Vibero ;
both of thera descended frora Jewish ancestors. In
1526 a process was coraraenced before the Inquisi
tion against Constanza Ortiz, the mother of Leanor
de Vibero, as having died in a state of relapse to
Judaism ; but her son-in-law» by his influence with
the inquisitor Moriz, prevented her bones frora be
ing disturbed, and averted the infaray "which other
wise would have been entailed on his faraily.! His
son, Augustin Cazalla, was born in 1510, and at

* Llorente, ii. 228-230, 238 j ui. 202-217, 220-1. The leading facts
concerning De Roxas, stated by Llorente in the passages referred to,
are confirraed by the Register appended to the EngUsh translation of
Montanus's work on the Inquisition, by V, Skinner, sig. E, ij.
f Llorente, u. 25-27.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 227
seventeen years of age had Bartolorae Carranza
for his confessor. After attending the college of
San Gregorio at Valladolid, he finished his studies
at Alcala de Henares, and was admitted a canon of
Salamanca.* The interest possessed by his father,
toge&iev with his own talents, opened up to hira
the most flattering prospects of advanceraent in the
church. Being esteemed one of the first pulpit
orators in Spain,! ^® ^^^ ^^ 1545 chosen preacher
and aimoner to the emperor, whom he accompanied
in the course of the following year to Germany.
During his residence in that country, he was en
gaged in opposing the Lutherans, by preaching and
private disputation.!
Spanish writers impute the extensive sjiread of
the protestant opinions in the Peninsula, in a great
degree, to the circumstance that their learned coun
trymen, being sent into foreign parts to confute
the Lutherans, returned with their minds infected
with heresy ; an acknowledgment not very honour
able to the cause which they maintain, as it implies
that their national creed owes its support chiefly to
ignorance, and that, when brought to the light of
scripture and argument, its ablest defenders were
convinced of its weakness and falsehood. " For
merly," says the author of the Pontifical History,
" such Lutheran heretics as were now and then
apprehended and coraraitted to the flaraes, were
* Llorente, u. 222.
f niescas, Historia Pontifical, tora. ii. f. 337, b.
X Llorente, u. 223.

228 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
almost all either strangers, — Germans, Flemings,
and English, or, if Spaniards, they were mean peo
ple and of a bad race ; but in these late years, we
have seen the prisons, scaffolds, and stakes, crowd
ed with persons of noble birth, and, what is still
more to be deplored, with persons illustrious, in the
opinion of the world, for letters and piety. The
cause of this, and many other evils, was the affec
tion which our catholic princes cherished for Ger
many, England, and other countries without the
pale of the church, which induced them to send
learned men and preachers frora Spain to these
places, in the hopes that,, by their serraons, they
would be brought back to the path of truth. But
unhappily, this measure- was productive of little
good fruit ; for of those who went abroad to give
light to others, some returned horae blind thera
selves, and being deceived, or puffed up with ambi
tion, or a desire to be thought vastly learned, and im
proved by their residence in foreign countries, they
followed the example of the heretics with whom
they had disputed."* This important fact is con
firmed by the testiraony of contemporary protestant
writers, with a particular reference to those divines
whom Philip II. brought along with hira into Eng
land, on his raarriage with queen Mary. " It is
much more notable," says the venerable Pilkington,
" that we have seen come to pass in our days, that
the Spaniards sent for into the realra on purpose
¦^ lUescas, ut supra.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 229
to suppress the gospel, as soon as they were return
ed home, replenished many parts of their country
with the sarae truth of religion to the which before
they were utter eneraies."* It is probable that
these authors include in their stateraent those di
vines who were accused to the Inquisition, and
thrown into prison, on suspicion of heresy, though
they were averse to Lutheranism, or, at raost, fa
vourably inclined to it in sorae points connected
with the doctrine of justification. But there are at
least two striking instances of the truth of their
remark. It was during his attendance on the era
peror in Gerraany, as we have already seen, that
Constantine Ponce de la Fuente decidedly erabraced
the reforraed faith ; and Augustin de Cazalla be
carae a convert to it in the sarae circurastances-!
On returning to Spain in 1552, Cazalla took up
his residence at Salaraanca, where he reraained for
three years. But he kept up an epistolary corres
pondence with the protestants of Seville ; and his
office of royal chaplain leading hira occasionally to
visit Valladolid, he was induced by Domingo de
Roxas to fix his abode in this city. He still con
tinued, however, to be regarded as a patron of the
established faith, and was consulted on the most
important questions of an ecclesiastical kind. Soon

* . Sermon by James Pilkington, Master of St. John's CoUege, Cam
bridge, (afterwards bishop of Durham) at the interring of the bones
of Martin Bucer and Paul Fagius ; apud Strype's Memorials of Cran
mer, p. 246.
f Sepulveda de Rebus gestis PhiUppi II, p.' 55 : Opera, tom, ui.

230 HISTORY OF THE ItEFORMATION IN SPAIN.
after his return to Spain he was nominated by the
eraperor as a member of a junta of divines and
lawyers; who were called to give their opinion on
the conduct of Julius III. in transferring the gen
eral council from Trent to Bologna ; on which occa
sion he joined with his colleagues in declaring that
the pope was actuated in that measure raore by
personal considerations than regard to the good of
the church.* He also preached at different tiraes
before Charles V. after his retireraent into the con
vent of St. Juste, when he had for hearers the prin
cess Joanna, who governed Spain in the absence of
her brother Philip IL, together with other members
of the royal faraily. In spite" of the caution which
he used on these occasions, his real sentiments were
discovered by the more intelligent of those who fre
quented the court ; but they were unwilling to fix
the stigma of heresy on a person of so great repu
tation, and could not permit theraselves to believe
that he would rush upon certain danger by trans
gressing the line of prudence which he appeared
to have prescribed to hiraself-! In this opinion,
however, they were deceived. After his settlement
at Valladolid his mother's house became the ordi
nary place in which the protestant church assem-

# Llorente, U, 222, 223.
¦f Sepulveda, after mentioning that he had heard Cazalla preach at
St, Juste, says, " Animadverti, id quod ex ipso etiam audivi, eum mag
na soUcitudine cavere, nequod verbum excideret coneionaati, quod ab
serauUs et invidis, quos vehementer extimescebat, ad iDalumniam trahi
posset." (De Rebus gestis PhiUppi II, p. 55.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 231
bled for worship. The greater part of his relations
were among its merabers. He could not resist the
pressing requests which were made to hira to take
the charge of its spiritual interests ; and favoured
with his talents and the authority of his name, it
increased daily in numbers and respectability.*
At Valladolid, as at Seville, the reformed doc
trine penetrated into the monasteries. It was era-
braced by a great portion of the nuns of Santa
Clara, and of the Cistercian order of San Belen ;+
and had its converts araong the class of devout wo
men, called in Spain beatas, who are bound by no
particular rule, but addict theraselves to works of
charity.! The protestant opinions spread in every direc
tion round Valladolid. They had converts in al
most all the towns, and in many of the villages, of
the ancient kingdom of Leon. In the town of
Toro they were erabraced by the licentiate Antonio
Herezuelo, an advocate of great spirit, and by indi
viduals belonging to the houses of the marquises
de la Mota and d'Alcagnizes.^ In the city of Zaraora
the protestants were beaded by Don Christobal de
Padilla, a cavalier, who had undertaken the task of
tutor to a noble faraily of -that place, that he might
have the better opportunity of propagating the
* Cypriano de Valera, Dos Tratados, p. 251. Lhjreate, ij. 221,
222; .
f Llorente, ii. 229, 240-343.
X Ibid, u, 231, 242,
J Ibid, ii 227, 229. Register appended te SMnner's translation of
Montanus, sig. E. i, b.

232 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
knowledge of the truth.* The reformed opinions
were also introduced into Aldea del Palo and Pe-
droso, in the diocese of Zamora. In the last of
these villages they had numerous converts, who
enjoyed the instructions of Pedro de Cazalla, their
parish priest.! Their spread was equally exten
sive in the diocese of Palencia. In the episcopal
city they were taught by Doctor Alfonso Perez, a
priest, and patronised by Don Pedro Sarmiento, a
cavalier of the order of Santiago, commander of
Quintana, and a son of the marquis de Roxas. The
parish priest of the neighbouring villages of Hor-
migos belonged to the family of Cazalla, which was
wholly protestant.:|: Frora Valladolid, the new opin
ions were diffused through Old Castile to Soria in
the diocese of Osraa, and to Logrono on the borders
of Navarre. In the last-naraed town they were
erabraced by nuraberS, including the individual who
was at the head of the custora-house, and the pa
rish priest of Villa mediana in the neighbourhood of
Logrono. J
The propagation of the reformed doctrine in all
these places was owing in a great degree to Don
Carlos de Seso. This distinguished nobleman was
born at Verona in Italy. Having performed im-

* Llorente, U. 227, 241. Register, ut supra.
f niescas. Hist. Pontif. tom. U. f. 337, b. Llorente, u. 228, 233, 237.
X Sepulveda de Rebus gestis PhiUppi IL p. 57. Llorente, u. 225,
226, 228.
§ Register, ut supra, sig. E, i. a. E. ij. b. Llorente, U. 227, 338,
407.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 233
portant services for Charles V., he was held in
great honour by that raonarch, through whose in
terest he obtained in raarriage Donna Isabella de
Castilla, a descendant of the royal faraily of Castile
and Leon. De Seso was not less elevated by dig
nity of character, raental accoraplishraients and deco
rura of raanners, than by his birth aiid connexions.
While he resided at Valladolid he connected himself
with the protestants in that city. At Toro, of
which he was corregidor, or mayor, at Zamora, and
at Palencia, he zealously promoted the cause of re
forraation, by the circulation of books and by per
sonal instructions. After his raarriage, he settled at
Villaraediana, and was raost successful in diffusing
religious knowledge in the city of Logrono, and
in all the surrounding country.*
The reformed cause did not make so great pro
gress in New Castile, but it was erabraced by raany
in different parts of that country, and particularly
in the city of Toledo.! It had also adherents in the
provinces of Granada,! of Murcia,^ and of Valencia. ||
But, with the exception of the places round Seville
and Valladolid, nowhere were they more numerous
than in Aragon. They had forraed settleraents
in Saragossa, Huesca, Balbastro, and raany other
towns. ^ This being the case, it raay appear singu
lar that we have no particular account of the pro-
* niescas. Hist. Pontif. tora. i f. 337, b. Llorente, U. 235-6, 407. -
f lUescas, ut supra. Llorente, U. 384, 386.
i Llorente, u. 401. § Ibid. p. 340-343,
II Ibid. p. 411. t Ibid, p. 386, 389.

234 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
testants in the eastern part of Spain. But one rea
son serves to account for both facts. The inhabi
tants of Beam were generally protestants ; and
many of them, crossing the Pyrenees, spread them
selves over Aragon, and, at the same tirae that they
carried on trade, found the opportunity of circulat
ing their religious books and tenets araong the na
tives. When violent measures were adopted for
crushing the Reforraation in Spain, the greater part
of them made good their retreat, without difficulty
and without noise, to their native country, where
the proselytes they had made found an asylum
along with them ; whereas their brethren who were
situated in the interior of the kingdom either fell
into the hands of their prosecutors, or, escaping with
great difficulty, were dispersed over all parts of Eu
rope ; and thus the tragical fate of the one class,
and the narrow and next to miraciUous escape of
the other, by exciting deep interest in the public
mind, caused their naraes and their histcnry to be
inquired after and recorded, '
By the facts which have been Iwought forward, the
reader will be enabled to form an estimate of the ex-,
tent to which the reformed doctrine was propagated
in Spain, and ofthe respectability, as well as nuraber,
of its disciples. Perhaps there never was in any
other country so large a proportion of persons, il
lustrious either frora their rank or their learning,
among the converts to a new and proscribed reli
gion. This circumstance helps to account for the
singular fact, that a body of dissidents, who could

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 235
not amount to fewer than two thousand persons,
scattered over an extensive country, and loosely con
nected with one another, should have been able to
communicate their sentiraents, and hold their pri
vate meetings, for a number of years, -without being
detected by a court so jealous and vigilant as that of
the Inquisition. In forming a judgraent of the ten
dency which existed at this time in the rainds of
Spaniards toward the reforraed doctrine, we must
take into account, not only the numbers who em
braced it, but also the peculiar and almost unprece
dented difficulties which resisted its progress. At
the beginning of Christianity, the apostles had for
some time the external liberty of preaching the gos
pel ; and when persecution forced thera to flee from
one city, they found " an effectual door" opened to
thera in another. Luther, and his co-adjutors in
Germany, were enabled to proclaira their doctrine
from the pulpit and tbe press, under the protection
of princes and free cities, possessing an authority
within their own territories which was independent
ofthe emperor. The reformers of Scotland enjoyed
a similar advantage under their feudal chiefs. The
breach of Henry VIII. with the pope, on a domestic
• ground, gave to the people of England the Bible in
their own language, which they were at least per
mitted to hear read frora the pulpits, to which it
was chained. In France, a Hugonot could not be
seized without the concurrence and orders of the
magistrates, who soraetiraes proved reluctant and
dilatoiy. And the sarae check was imposed on the

236 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
violence of a persecuting priesthood, in raany of the
Italian states. But not one of these advantages
was enjoyed by the friends of the Reforraation in
Spain, where the slightest expression of public opin
ion in favour of the truth was prevented or in
stantly put down by a terrific tribunal, arraed with
both swords, and present at once in every part of
the kingdom. That flame raust have been intense,
and supplied with ample raaterials of corabustion,
which could continue to burn and to spread in all
directions, though it was closely pent up, and the
greatest care was taken to search out .and secure
every aperture and crevice by which it raight find
a vent, or corae into coraraunication with the
external atmosphere. Had these obstructions to
the progress of the reformed doctrine in Spain
been removed, though only in part and for. a short
time, it would have burst into a flame, which resist
ance would only have increased, and which, spread
ing over the Peninsula, would have consuraed the
Inquisition, the hierarchy, the papacy, and the des-
potisra by which they had been reared and were up
held. These were not the sanguine anticipations of
enthusiastic friends to the Reforraation, but the deli
berately-expressed sentiraents of its decided eneraies.*
" Had not the Inquisition taken care in tirae," says
one of thera, " to put a stop to these preachers, the
protestant religion would have run through Spain
* Authorities for this assertion, beside those which are subjoined,
raay be seen in La Croze, Histoire de Christianisme des Indes, p. 256,
257.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 237
like wildfire ; people of all ranks, and of both sexesj
having been wonderfully disposed to receive it."*
The testiraony of another popish writer is equally-
strong. " All the prisoners in the inquisitions of
Valladolid, Seville, and Toledo, were persons abun
dantly well-qualified. I shall here pass over their
naraes in silence, that I raay not, by their bad farae,
stain the honour pf their ancestors, and the nobility
ofthe several illustrious farailies which were infected,
with* this poison. And as these prisoners were
persons thus qualified, so their nuraber was so great,
that had the stop put to that evil been delayed two
or three months longer, I am persuaded all Spain
would have been set in a flarae by thera."! I sub
join the reflection of a protestant author, who re
sided for a considerable tirae in Spain, and, feeling
a deep interest in this portion of its history, drew
up a short account of its protestant raartyrs. " So
powerful (says he) were the doctrines of the Refor
raation in those days, that no prejudices nor in
terests were any where strong enough to hinder
piously- disposed minds, after they carae thoroughly
to understand thera, from embracing them. And
that the sarae doctrines have not still the sarae divine
force, is neither owing to their being grown older,
nor to popery's not being so gross, nor to any

* Paramo, Hist. Inquisitionis : Preface to Spanish Martyrology,
in Geddes's MisceU. Tracts, vol. i. p. 555.
f lUescas, Hist. Pontifical, tom. ii f. 451, a. Burgos, 1578. The
edition of lUescas quoted in the former pai-t of this work was printed
at Barcelona, in 1606.

238 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
change in people's natural dispositions, but is owing
purely to the want of the sarae zeal for those doc
trines in their professors, and especially for the
three great doctrines of the Reformation, which the
following martyrs sealed with their blood : which
were, that the pope is antichrist ; that the worship
of the church of Rome is idolatrous ; and that a
sinner is justified in the sight of God by faith, and
through Christ's and not through his own merits."*
* Geddes, MisceU. Tracts, vol. i. p. 556.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 2^9

CHAPTER VII.

SUPPRESSION OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.

We cannot condemn, either upon the principled
of nature or revelation, those individuals who,
finding themselves in the utmost peril of their
lives, chose to forsake their native country, and to
seek abroad for a place in which they were at lib
erty to worship God according to their consciences.
Yet it was this step on the part of sorae of the
Spanish protestants which led to the discovery pf
their brethren who reraained behind. Their sud
den disappearance led to inquiries as to the cause,
and the knowledge of this excited suspicions that
they were not the only persons who were disaffected
to the religion of their country. The divines at-
tached to the court of Philip II. at Brussels kept a
strict watch upon the refugees fi-ora Spain who had
settled in Geneva and different places of Gerraany ;
and, having got possession of their secrets by raeans

240 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION iN SPAIN.
of spies, conveyed information to the inquisitors,
that a large quantity of heretical books had been
sent to Spain, and that the protestant doctrine was
spreading rapidly in the kingdora. This intelli
gence was received in the close of the year 1557.*
Roused frora their security, the inquisitors in
stantly put their extensive police in raotion, and
were not long in discovering the individual who
had been active in introducing the heretical books.
Juan Hernandez, in consequence of inforraation re
ceived frora a sraith, to whora he had shown a copy
of the New Testaraent, was apprehended and thrown
into prison.! He did not seek to conceal his senti
ments, and gloried in the fact that he had contributed
to the illumination of his countrymen by furnishing
thera with the scriptures in their native tongue.
But the inquisitors were disappointed in the expec
tations they had forraed frora his apprehension.
His life indeed was in their hands, and they could
dispose of it according to their pleasure ; but the
blood of an obscure individual appeared, in their
eyes, altogether inadequate to wash away the dis
grace which they had incurred by their failure in
point of vigilance, or to expiate the enorraous crirae
which had defiled the land. What they aimed at
was, to obtain frora the prisoner such inforraation
respecting his associates as would enable them " at
once to crush the viper's nest," (to use their own
* Llorente, iii. 191, 258.
-}• Register appended to Skinner's ti-aii-^lalion of Montanus, sig.
D d. iiij. a.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 241
words) and set them at ease for the future. But
they found themselves raortifyingly baffled in all
their atterapts to accoraplish this object. In vain they
had recourse to those arts of deceit in which they were
so deeply practised, in order to draw frora Hernandez
his secret. In vain they eraployed proraises and
threats, exarainations and cross-exarainations, sorae
tiraes in the hall of audience, and at other tiraes in
his cell, into which they sent alternately their avow
ed agents, and persons who "feigned theraselves just
men," and friendly to the reforraed doctrine. When
questioned concerning his own faith, he answered
frankly ; and though destitute of the advantages pf
a liberal education, he defended himself with bold
ness, silencing, by his knowledge of the scriptures
alone, his judges, together with the learned men
whora they brought to confute hira. But when
asked to declare who were his religious instructors
and corapanions, he refused to utter a word. Nor
were they raore successful when they had recourse
to that horrid engine which had pften wrung se
crets frora the stoutest hearts, and raade them be
tray their nearest and best-beloved friends. , Her
nandez displayed a firmness and heroism altpgether
above his physical strength and his station in life.
Dur-ing the three years complete that he was kept
in prison, he was frequently put to the torture, in
every form and with all the aggravations of cruelty
which his persecutors, incensed at his obstinacy,
could inflict or devise ; but, on every fresh occa-
R

242 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
sion, he appeared before them with unsubdued for
titude ; and when led, or rather dragged, from the
place of torment to his cell, he returned with an
air of triumph, chanting this refran, in his native
tongue :
Vencidos van los frayles, vencidos van :
Corridos van los lobos, corridos van.*
Conquered return the friars, conquered return :
Scattered return the wolves, scattered return.
At length the inquisitors got possession of the
secret which they were so eager to know. This
was obtained at Seville, by means of the supersti
tious fears of one meraber of the protestant church,
and the treachery of another, who had for sorae
time acted as a concealed emissary of the Inquisi
tion-! At Valladolid, it was obtained by one of
those infernal arts, which that tribunal, whenever it
served its purposes, has never scrupled to eraploy.
Juan Garcia, a goldsmith, had been in the habit of
summoning the protestants to serraon ; and aware
of the influence which superstition exerted over the
mind of his wife, he concealed frora her the place
and tiraes of their asserabling. Being gained by her
confessor, this deraon in woraan's shape dogged her
husband one night, and having ascertained the place
of meeting, coraraunicated the fact to the Inquisi-

* Histoire des Martyrs, f. 497, b. Llorente, ii, 282.
f Montanus, p. 218.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 243
tion. The traitress received her earthly reward in
an annuity for life, paid frora the public funds !*
Having raade these important discoveries, the
council of the Supreme despatched messengers to
the several tribunals of inquisition through the
kingdom, directing them to make inquiries with all
secrecy within their respective jurisdictions, and to
be prepared, on receiving further instructions, to act
in concert. The familiars were employed in trac
ing out the reraoter raraifications of heresy ; and
guards were planted at convenient places, to intercept
and seize such persons as might atterapt to escape.
These precautions having been taken, orders were
issued to the proper agents ; and by a siraultaneous
raoveraent, the protestants were seized at the sarae
time in Seville, in Valladolid, and in all the sur
rounding country. In Seville and its neighbour
hood two hundred persons were apprehended in one
day ; and, in consequence of information resulting
from their examinations, the number soon increas
ed to eight hundred. The castle of Triana, the com
raon prisons, the convents, and even private hpuses,
were crowded with the victiras. Eighty persons
were committed to prison in Valladolid, and the
nuraber of individuals seized by the other tribunals
was in proportion.! When the alarra was first
given, raany were so thunderstruck and appalled
* Register appended to Skinner's translation of l^ontanus, sig.
E. i a. Llorente, U. 227.
f Montanus, p. 218, 219. Puigblanch's Inquisition IJiimasked, vol.
n. p, 183. Llorente, u. 250, 258.

244 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
as to be unable to take the least step for securing
their safety. Some ran to the house of the Inquis
sition, and informed against themselves, without
knowing what they were doing ; like persons who,
rushing out of a house which has taken fire in the
night-time, precipitate themselves into a devouring
flood. Others, in attempting to make their escape,
were pursued and overtaken ; and some, who had
reached a protestant country, becoraing secure, fell
into the snares laid for thera by the spies of the
Holy Office, were forcibly carried off, and brought
hack "to Spain. Araong those who raade good their
retreat, was the licentiate Zafra, formerly mentioned,
who was peculiarly obnoxious to the inquisitors. He
was apprehended among the first, but, . during the
confusion caused by want of roora to contain the
prisoners, contrived to raake his escape, and to con
ceal hiraself, until he found a favourable opportuni
ty of retiring into Gerraany.*
The reader will recollect the reform which the
-monks of San Isidro had introduced into their con
vent.! Desirable as this change was in itself, and
commendable as was their conduct in adopting it,
it brought them into a situation both delicate and
painful. They could not throw off the raonastic
forras entirely, without exposing theraselves to the
fury of their eneraies ; nor yet could they retain them,
without being conscious of acting to a certain de
gree hypocritically, and giving countenance to a per-
# Montanus, p. 52. t See before, p. 222.

IIISTORY of the reformation in SPAIN. 245
aicious system of superstition, by which their country
was at once deluded and oppressed. In this dilemma,
they held a cPnsultation on the -propriety of desert
ing the convent, and retiring to sorae foreign land,
in which, at the expense of sacrificing their worldly
emoluments and spending their lives in poverty,
they raight enjoy peace of mind and the freedora of
religious worship. The atterapt was of the most
hazardous kind, and difficulties presented theraselves
to any plan which could be suggested for carrying
it into execution. How could so raany persons,
well known in Seville and all around it, after hav
ing left one of the raost celebrated raonasteries in
Spain deserted, expect to accomplish so long a jour
ney, without being discovered ? If, on the other
handj a few of them should make the attempt and
succeed, would not this step bring the lives of the
remainder into the greatest jeopardy; especially
as the suspicions of the inquisitors, which had for a
considerable tirae been laid asleep, had been lately
aroused ? This last consideration appeared so strong
that they unaniraously resolved to reraain where
they were, and coramit theraselves to the disposal
of an all-powerful and gracious providence. But
the aspect of matters becoraing hourly darker and
more alarming, another chapter was held, at which
it was agreed that it would be tempting instead of
trusting providence to adhere to their former resolu
tion, and that therefore every one should be left at
liberty to adopt that course which in the emergency
appeared to his own raind best and raost advisable.

246 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
Accordingly, twelve of their number left the mon
astery, and taking different routes, got safely out of
Spain, and at the end of twelve months met in Ge
neva, which they had previously agreed upon as
the place of their rendezvous. They were gone
only a few days when the storra of persecution burst
on the heads not only of their brethren who re-'
mained in San Isidro, but of all their religious con
nexions in Spain.*
It was in the beginning of the year 1558 that
this calamitous event befell Spain. Previously to
that period Charles V., having relinquished his
scheraes of worldly arabition, and resigned the em
pire in favour of his brother Ferdinand, and his
hereditary dominions to his son Philip, had retired
into the convent of St. Juste, situated in the province
of Estremadura, where he spent the reraainder of
his days in the society aud devotional exercises of
monks. Several historians of no inconsiderable re
putation have asserted, that Charles, during his re
treat, became favourable to the sentiraents of the
protestants of Gerraany, that he died in their faith,
that Philip charged the Holy Office to investigate
the truth of this report, and that he had at one
tirae serious thoughts of disinterring the bones of
his father as those of a heretic! Various causes
may be assigned for the currency of these ruraours.
* Cypriano de Valera, Dos Tratados, p. 178. Montanus, p. 249,
250. ! See the authorities quoted by Burnet, in his History of the
Reformation, vol. iii. p. 253.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 247
Charles had three years before been involved in a
dispute with Paul IV., who had threatened him with
excoraraunication ; Constantine Ponce and AugUstin
Cazalla, two of his chaplains, had erabraced the
protestant opinions ; his confessor De Regla had
been forced to abjure them ; and Carrahza and Vil
lalba, who exhorted him on his death-bed, were
soon after denounced to the Inquisition. To these
presumptions it may be added, that the raanner in
which Philip treated his son Don Carlos, and the
known fact that he never scrupled to eraploy the
Inquisition as an engine for accoraplishing purpos
es purely political, if not doraestic alsOj have induc
ed historians, from supposing hira capable of any
crirae, to irapute to him those of which he was never
guilty.* There is the best reason for believing that
Charles, instead of being raore favourably disposed,
became more averse to tbe protestants in his latter
days, and that, so far from repenting of the conduct
which he had pursued towards themj his only re
gret was that he had not treated thera with greater
severity. When informed that Lutheranisra was
spreading in Spain, and that a nuraber of persons
had been apprehended under suspicion of being in
fected with itj he wrote letters, frora the monastery
of St. Juste^ tp his daufghter Joanna, governess of
-Spain,. to Juan de Vega, president of the council of Gas^
tile, and to the inquisitor general, charging them to
exert their respective powers with all possible vigour
* Llorente, tom. ii. chap, xviu, art. 2,

248 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
" in seizing the whole party, and causing thera all
to be burnt, after using every raeans to raake thera
Christians before their punishraent ; for he was per
suaded that none of thera would becorae sincere
catholics, so irresistible was their propensity to
dograatize." He afterwards sent Luis Quixada, his
major-dorao, to urge the execution of these measures.*
In conversation with the prior and monks of the
convent, he took great credit to himself for having
resisted the pressing solicitations of the protestant
princes to read their books and adrait their divines
to an audience; although they proraised on that
condition to march with all their forces, at one
time against the king of France, and at another
against the Turk.! '^^® ^^^Y thing for which he
blamed himself was his leniency to them, and par
ticularly keeping faith with the heresiarch. Speak
ing of the charge he had given to the inquisitors
respecting the heretics in Spain, " If they do not
condemn them to the fire," said he, " they will cora-
rait a great fault, as I did in permitting Luther to
live. Though I spared him solely on the ground
of the safe-conduct I had sent hira, and the promise
I made at a time when I expected to suppress the
heretics by other means, I confess nevertheless
that I did wrong in this, because I was not bound
to keep my promise to that heretic, as he had of
fended a master greater than I, even God himself.
* Sandoval, Historia de la Vida y Hechos del Emperador Carlos V.
tom. ii. p, 829, 881.
f Ibid, p, 388. Sepulvedae Opera, tom. U. p, 542-544.

HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 249
I was at liberty then, yea I ought, to have forgot
ten my word, and avenged the injury he had done
to God. If he had injured me only, I should have
kept my proraise faithful ; but, in consequence of
my not having taken away his life, heresy continued
to raake progress, whereas his death, I ara per
suaded, would have stifled it in its birth."* Nor
does this rest merely on the evidence of reported
conversations. In his testament, made in the Low
Countries, he charged his son " to be obedient to the
comraandraents of holy raother church, and espe
cially to favour and countenance the holy office of
the Inquisition against heretical pravity and apos
tasy." And in a codicil to it, executed in the con
vent of St. Juste a few weeks before his death, after
mentioning the instructions he had forraerly given
on this subject, and the confidence which he placed
in his son for carrying thera into execution, he
adds ; " Therefore I entreat him and recomraend
to him with all possible and due earnestness, and
moreover comraand him as a father, and by the
obedience which he owes me, carefully to attend to
this, as an object which is essential and nearly con
cerns him, that heretics be pursued and punished as
their crime deserves, without excepting any who
are guilty, and without showing any regard to en
treaties, or to rank or quality. And that my inten
tions raay be carried into full effect, I charge hira. to
favour and cause to be favoured the holy Inquisi-
* Sandoval, ut supra, p. 829.

250 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
tion, which ds the means of preventing and cor
recting so many evils, as I have enjoined in my tes
taraent ; that so he may fulfil his duty as a prince,
and that our Lord may prosper him in his reign,
and protect him against his enemies, to my great
peace and contentment."*
But though it appears from these facts that the
imprisoned protestants had nothing to hope frora
Charles V., yet their calamities were aggravated by
his retirement and the succession of Philip II.
That bigotry which in the father was paralysed by
the incipient dotage which had inflaraed it, was
eorabined in the son with all the vigour of youth,
and with a teraper naturally glooray and unrelent
ing. Other circumstances conspired to seal the
doom of the reforraers in Spain. The wars which
had so long raged between that country and France
were terrainated by the treaty of Chateau Cara-
bresis, and the peace between the rival kingdoras
was ratified by the marriage of Philip to the eldest
daughter of the French king. Previously to that
event the dissension between the Spanish monarch
and the court of Rome had been amicably adjusted.
The papal throne was fiMed at ¦ this tirae by Paul
IV., a furious persecutor, and deterrained supporter
of the Inquisition. And the office of inquisitor gen
eral in Spain was held by Francisco Valdes, a pre
late who had already distinguished himself from
his two immediate predecessors by the severity of
* Sandoval, ut supra, p. 863, 881, 882.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 251
his administration, and whose worldly passipns
were unmitigated by the advanced age to which he
had arrived. The supreme pontiff, the inquisitor
general, and the monarch, were alike disposed to
adopt the raost illegal and sanguinary measures for
extinguishing heresy in the Peninsula.
When only sixteen years of age, Philip gave a
proof of his extreme devotion to the Inquisition,
and of the principles on which his future reign
was to be conducted. In the year 1543 the mar
quis de Terranova, viceroy of Sicily, ordered two
familiars of the Holy Office to be brought before the
ordinary tribunals, for certain crimes of which they
were guilty. Though this was in perfect accord
ance with a law which, at the request of the in
habitants, Charles V. had promulgated, suspending
for ten years the powers of the inquisitors to judge
in such causes within the island, yet a complaint
was made, on the part of the familiars, to Philip,
then acting as regent of the Spanish dominions,
who addressed a letter to the viceroy, exhorting him,
as an obedient son of the church, to give satisfac
tion to the holy fathers whom he had offended.
The consequence was, that the raarquis, who was
grand constable and admiral of Naples, one of the
first peers of Spain, and sprung frora the royal
Stock of Aragon, felt hiniself obliged to do pen
ance in the church of the Dorainican monastery,
and to pay a hundred ducats to the catchpolls of
the Inquisition, whose vices he had presumed to

252 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
correct.* During the regency of the prince, the
Spanish inquisitors in more than one instance ob
tained the revival of those powers which had been
suspended, as at once injurious to the civil judica
tures and to the liberties of the subject-!
During the negotiation in 1557 between the court
of Spain and the Roman see, which ended so dis
gracefully to the forraer, Philip wrote to his gen
eral, the duke of Alva, " that Rorae was a prey to
great calaraities at the tirae of his birth, and it
would be wrong in hira to subject it to sirailar evils
at the coraraenceraent of his reign ; it was there
fore his will that peace should be speedily conclud
ed on terras no way dishonourable to his Holiness ;
for he would rather part with the rights of his
crown than touch in the slightest degree those of
the holy see."| In pursuance of these instructions,
Alva, as viceroy of Naples, was obliged to fall on
iis knees, and, ip his own narae, as well as that of
his raaster and the eraperor, to beg pardon of the
pope for all the offences specified in the treaty of
peace ; upon which they were absolved frora the
censures which they had respectively incurred.
# Llorente, U. 84-88. f Puigblanch, ii 272.
X PhiUp was not without a precedent in using such language. When
the deputies of Aragon petitioned for a reform on the Inquisition,
Charles V. answered, " that on no account would he forget his soul,
And that he would lose pai-t of his dominions rather than permit any
- thing to be done therein contrary to the honour of God, or the author
ity of the Holy Office." (Dormer, Anales de Aragon, Ub. i. cap. 26 :
Puigblanch, u. 266, 267.)

HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 253
After this ceremony was over, the haughty and
gratified pontiff, turning to the cardinals, told them
" that he had now rendered to the holy see the
most important service it would ever receive ; and
that the exaraple which the Spanish raonarch had
just given would teach popes henceforth how to
abase the pride of kings, who knew not the extent
of that obeisance which they legitiraately owed to
the heads of the church."* With good reason raight
Charles V. say in his testaraent, when leaving his
dying charge to extirpate heresy, " that he was
persuaded the king his son would use every possi
ble effort to crush so great an evil with all the
severity and promptitude which it required."!
Paul IV. acceded with the utmost readiness to the
applications which were now addressed to him by
Philip, in concurrence with Valdes, the inquisitor
general, for such enlargements of the authority of
the Holy Office as would enable it to compass the
conderanation of the heretics who were in prison,
and to seize and convict others. On the 15th of
February 1558 he issued a suraraary brief, re
newing all the decisions of councils and sovereign
pontiffs against heretics and schisraatics ; declaring

* The duke of Alva, who had retired before this address, when in
formed of it, is reported to have said, that if he had been PhiUp' II.,-
cardinal Caraffa (Paul IV.) should have come to Brussels, and done
that obeisance at the feet of the king of Spain," which he, as Viceroy,
had done before the pope. (Llorente, ii 181-183.)
f Sandoval, Historia de la Vida y Hechos del Emperador Carlos V.
tom. n, p, 881.

254 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
that this measure was rendered necessary by the
information he had received of the daily and in
creasing progress of heresy ; and charging Valdes
to prosecute the guilty, and inflict upon them the
punishments decreed by the constitutions, particu
larly that which deprived them of all their digni
ties and functions, " whether they were bishops,
archbishops, patriarchs, cardinals or legates,— -ba
rons, counts, marquises, dukes, princes, kings or
emperors."* This sweeping brief, from whose ope
ration none was exempted but his Holiness, was
raade public in Spain with the approbation of the
monarch, soon after he himself and his father had
been threatened with excommunication and de
thronement. Valdes, in concurrence with the coun
cil of the Suprerae, prepared instructions to all the
tribunals of the Inquisition, directing thera, araong
other things, to search for heretical books, and to
make a public auto-de-fe of such as they should
discover, including many works not mentioned in
any former prohibitory index.! This was also the
epoch of that terrible law of Philip which ordained
the punishment of death, with confiscation of goods,
against all wbo sold, bought, read, or possessed, any
book that was forbidden by the Holy Office.^ To
ferret the poor heretics from their lurking-places,
and to drive them into the toils of this bloody
statute, Paul IV., on the 6th of January 1559,
* Llorente, U. Id3, 184. f Ibid. i. 468.
X Ibid. p. 470.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 255
issued a bull, enjoining all confessors strictly to
examine their penitents of whatever rank, from the
lowest to that of cardinal or king, and to charge
thera to denounce all whom they knew to be guilty
of this offence, under the pain of the greater excom-
municatibuj from which none but the pope or the in-
qnisitor general could release them ; and subjecting
such confessors as neglected- this duty to the sarae
punishment that was threatened against their peni
tents.* On the following day the pope declared^ in full
consistory, that the heresy of ; Luther and other in
novators being propagated in Spain, he had reasons
to suspect that it had been erabraced by sorae bish
ops ; on which account he authorized the grand
inquisitor, during two years frora that day, to hold
an inquest on all bishops, archbishops, patriarchs,
and primates of that kingdom, to commence their
processes, and, in case he had grounds to suspect
that they intended to make their escape, to seize
and detain them, on condition of his giving notice
of this immediately to the sovereign pontiff, and
conveying the prisoners, as soon as possible^ to
Rome-! As if these measures had not been calculated
sufficiently to multiply denunciations^, Philip sec
onded them by an edict renewing a royal ordinancej
which had fallen into desuetude or been suspended^
and which entitled informers to the fourth part of
the property of those found guilty of heresy.! But
* Llorente, i, 471. f Ibid, iii 228. :|; Ibid, ii 216-7;

256 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
the existing code of laws, even after those which
had been long disabled or forgotten were revived,
was too raild for the rulers of this period. Stat
utes StiU raore barbarous and unjust were enacted.
At the request of Philip and Valdes, the pope, on
the 4th of February 1559, gave forth a brief, au
thorizing the council of the Suprerae, in derogation
of the standing laws of the Inquisition, to deliver
over to the secular arra those who were convict
ed of having taught the Lutheran opinions, even
though they had not relapsed, and were willing to
recant. It has been justly observed, that though
history h^d had nothing else with which to re
proach Philip II. and the inquisitor general Val
des, than their having solicited this bull, it would
have been sufficient to consign their naraes to in
faray. Neither Ferdinand V. and Torqueraada,
nor Charles V. and Manriquez, had pushed raatters
to this length. They never thought of burning
alive, or subjecting to capital punishraent, persons
who were convicted of falling into heresy for the
first tirae, and who confessed their errors ; nor did
they think themselves warranted to proceed to this
extreraity by the suspicion that such confessions
were dictated by the fear of death. This Was
the last invention of tyranny, inflaraed into raad-
ness by hatred and dread of the truth. Were it
necessary to point out aggravations of this iniquity,
we raight state that the punishraent was to be in
flicted for actions done before the law was enacted ;
and that it was unblushingly applied to those who
2

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 257
had been long iraraured in the cells of the Inqui
sition.* The next object was to find fit agents for carry
ing these sanguinary statutes into execution. It is
one of the wise arrangements of a merciful provi
dence for thwarting designs hurtful to huraan so
ciety, and for inspiring their authors with the dread
of ultiraate discorafiture, that wicked raen and ty
rants are disposed to suspect the raost slavish and
devoted instruraents of their will. The individuals
at the head of the inquisitorial tribunals of Seville
and Valladolid had incurred the suspicions of Valdes,
as guilty of culpable negligence, if not of conni
vance at the protestants, who had held their con
venticles in the two principal cities of the kingdom,
alraost with open doors. To guard against any
thing of this kind for the future, and to provide
for the multiplicity of business which the late dis
closures had created, he delegated his powers of in
quisitor general to two individuals, in whom he
could place entire, confidence, Gonzales Munebrega,
archbishop of Tarragona, and Pedro de la Gasca^
archbishop of Palencia, who fixed their residence, the
former at Seville, and the latter at Valladolid, in the
character of vice-inquisitoi-ff general,! Both sub
stitutes prpved themselves worthy of the trust re
posed in them ; but the conduct of Munebrega gra
tified the highest expectations of Valdes and Philip.

* Llorente, ii. 215.
f Montgniis, p. 90, 91. Llorente, ii. 217.
S

258 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
When engaged In superintending the exarain^ibns
of the prisoners, and giving directions as to the
torture to which they should be put, he was accUs-
temed to indulge in the raost profane and cruel
raillery^ saying that these heretics had the com
mandment, " Thpu shalt love thy neighbour as
thyself," so deeply seated in their hearts, that it
was necessary to tear the flesh from their bones, to
make them inform against their brethren. During
the intervals of business, he was to be seen sailing
in his barge on the river, or walking in the gardens
of the Triana, dressed in purple and silk, accompa
nied with a train of servants, surrounded by wretch
ed ppetasters, and followed by hired crowds, who
at one tirae saluted him with their huzzas, and at
lanpther insulted the protestants, whora they descried
through the grated windows of the castle.* An
anecdote which is told of hira, though trifling cora-
pared with the horrors of that time, deserves to be
5repeated as a proof of the insolence of office, and
one among raany instances of the sharaeless man
ner in which the inquisitors converted their author
ity into an instrument of gratifying their meanest
passions. A servant of the vice-inquisitor general
snatched a stick one day from the gardener's son,
who was amusing himself in one of the avenues^
The father, attracted by the cries of his child, came
to the spot, and having in vain desired the servant
to restore the stick, wrested it from his hand, which
* Montanus, p. 92, 93.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 259
was slightly injured in the struggle. A coraplaint
was instantly made to Munebrega ; and the con
duct of the gardener being found sufficient to fasten
on him a suspicion of heresy de levi, he was thrown
into prison, where he laynine months heavilyironed.*
The reader will raistake very much, if he sup
pose that the holy fathers undertook all these extra
ordinary services frora pure zeal for the truth, or un
der the idea that their superabundant and superero
gatory labours would secure to them an unseen and
future recompense. If heretics were visited in this
life with exemplary punishment for the sins of which
they had been guilty, why should not the defenders
of the faith have " their good things" in this life ?
To meet the expenses of this domestic crusade,
the pope, at the request of the inquisitors, autho
rized thera to appropriate to their use certain ec
clesiastical revenues, and granted thera, in addition,
an extraordinary subsidy of a hundred thousand
ducats of gold, to be raised by the clergy. The
bull issued for that purpose stated, that the heresy
of Luther had made ah alarming progress in Spain,
where it was embraced by many rich and powerful
• individuals ; that, with the view of putting a stop
to it, the in4uisitor general had been obliged to
commit to prison a multitude of suspected persons,
to increase the number of judges in the provincial
tribunals, to employ supernumerary familiars, and
to purchase and keep in readiness a supply of horses
* Montanus, p. 190-192.

260 HISTORY' OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
in the different parts of the kingdom for the pur
suit of fugitives ; and that the ordinary revenue of
the Holy Office was quite insufficient to defray the
expenses pf so enlarged an establishraent, and at
the sarae tirae to maintain such of the prisoners as
were destitute of raeans to support theraselves.
Zealous as the clergy in general were against here
sy, they fretted exceedingly against this fax on their
income; and after the Inquisition had succeeded
in exterminating the Lutherans, it needed to direct
its thunders, and even to call in the assistance of
the secular arm, against certain refractory canons,
who resisted the payment of the suras in which
they had been assessed.*
While these preparations were going on, it. is
not easy to conceive, but easier to conceive than
describe, the situation and feelings of the captive
protestants. To have had the prospect of an open
trial, though accompanied with the certainty of be
ing convicted and doomed to an ignominious death,
would have been relief to their minds. But, instead
of this, they were conderaned to a protracted confincr
ment, during which their melancholy solitude was
only broken in upon by attempts, to bereave them
of their best consolation ; distracted, on the one
hand, by. the entreaties of their disconsplate friends,
who besought them to purchase their lives by an
early recantation, and harassed, on the other, by the
endless examinations to which they were subjected
* Llorente, ii 218.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 261
by their persecutors ; assured to-day that they would
escape provided they made an ingenuous confession
of all they knew, and told to-morrow that the con
fessions which they had raade in confidence had only
served to confirm the suspicions entertained of their
sincerity ; hearing, at one tirae, of sorae unhappy
individual who was added to their number, and re
ceiving, at another tirae, the still raore distress
ing intelligence that a fellow-prisoner, entangled by
sophistry, or overcorae by torraents, had consented
to abjure the truth. A railder tribunal would
have been satisfied with making an example of the
ringleaders, or would have brought out the guilty
for execution as soon as their trials could be over
taken. The policy of Philip II. and his inquisitors
was different. They wished to strike terror into
the minds of the whole nation, and exhibit to Eu
rope a grand spectacle of zeal for the catholic faith,
and vengeance against heresy. Filled with those
fears which ever haunt the minds of tyrants, they
imagined that heresy had spread more extensively
than was really the case, and therefore sought to
extort from their prisoners such confessions as
would lead to the discovery of those who still re
mained concealed, or who might be in the slightest
degree infected with the new opinions. While they
had not the most distant intention of extending
raercy to those who professed themselves penitent,
and had already procured a law which warranted
them to withhold it, they were nevertheless anxious
to secure a triumph to the catholic faith, by having

263 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
it in their power to read, in the public auto-de-fe,
the forced retractions of those who had embraced
the truthk With this view, the greater part of the
protestants were detained in prison for two, and
some of them for three years, during which their
bodily health was brokai, or their spirit subdued,
by the rigour of confinement and the severity of
torture. The consequence of this treatment was,
that the constancy of some of them was shaken,
while others ended their days by a lingering and
secret martyrdom.
Among those of the last dass was Constantine
Ponce de la Fuente. Exposed as he was to the
hatred of those who envied his popularity, and the
jealousy of those who looked upon him as the ablest
supporter of the new opinions,* it is not to be sup
posed that this learned raan could escape the storm
that overwhelmed the reformed church in Spain. He
was among the first who were apprehended, when
the familiars were let loose on the protestants of Se
ville.! When information was conveyed to Charles
V. in the monastery of St. Juste, that his favourite
chaplain was thrown into prison, he exclaimed, " If
Constantine be a heretic, he is a great one !" and
when assured, at a subsequent period, by one of the
inquisitors, that he had been found guilty, he re
plied with a sighj •* You cannot condemn a greater !"!
* See before, p. 210-215. t Montanus, p. 287.
% Sandoval, Historia del Emperador Carlos V. tom. u. p. 829. When
told of the impritonment of Domingo de Cbizman, the emperor said,
" They should ImP ooo^oed him as a fool !" (Ibid.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. S68
The joy which the inquisitprs felt at obtaining pos
session of th^ perspn of a man whom they had long
eyed with jealousy, was in no sraall degree abated
by the difficulties which they found in the way of
procuring hig conviction. Knowing the perilous
circurastances in which he was placed, he had fo«
some time back exercised the utmost circumspection
over his words and actions. His confidently,! friends,
as we have already stated, were always few and
iselect. His penetratipn enabled him with a singlg
glance tp detect th^ traitor under his mask ; and his^
knowledge of human nature kept him from com-t
mitting himself to the we«k thpugh honest parti
sans of the reformed faith. Thp vpieration and,
esteem in which he was held by his friends was so
great, that they would have died sooner than com->
promise his safety by their confession?. Whea
bronght before his judges, he maintained his inno*
cence, challenged the public prosecutpr to show that
he had done any thing criminal, and repelled the
charges brought agamst hira with such ability and
success as threw his adversaries info the greatest
perplexity. There was every probability, that he
would finally baffle their efforts to convict him of
heresy, when an unforeseen occurrence obliged him
tp abandon the line of defence which he had hitherto
pursued. DoQa Isabella Martinis, a widow lady
of respectability and opulence, bad been thrown
into prison as a suspected heretic, and her property
confiscated. The inquisitors being informed, by
the treaehery of a servant in the faijiily, that her

264 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
son, Francisco Bertran, had contrived, before the
inventory was taken, to secrete certain coffers con
taining valuable effects, sent their alguazil, Luis
Sbtelo, to demand them. As soon as the alguazil
entered the house, Bertran, in great trepidation,
told him he knew his errand, and would deliver
up what he waiited, on condition that he screened
him from the vengeance of the Inquisition. Con
ducting the alguazil to a retired part of the build
ing, and breaking down a thin partition-wall, he
disclosed a quantity of books which Constan
tine Ponce had deposited with his mother for
the purpose of security, some time before his
imprisonment. Sotelo signified that these were
not exactly what he was in search of, but that he
would take charge of them,, along with the coffers
which he was instructed to carry to the Holy Of
fice. Dazzling as were the jewels of Isabella Mar-
tinia, the eyes of the inquisitors glistened still
more at the sight of the books of Constantine. On
examining them, they found, beside various heret
ical works, a volume of his own handwriting, in
which the points of controversy between the church
of Rome and the protestants were discussed at con
siderable length. In it the author treated of the
true church according to the principles of Luther
and Calvin, and, by an application of the different
marks which the scriptures gave for discriminating
it, showed that the papal church had no claim to
the title. In a sirailar way he decided the ques
tions respecting justification, the raerit of good

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 265
works, the sacraments, indulgences, and purgatory ;
caUing this last the wolf's head, and an invention
of the monks to feed idle bellies. When the volurae
was shown to Constantine, he acknowledged at once
that it was in his handwriting, and contained his
sentiraents. " It is unnecessary for you (added he)
to produce further evidence : you have there a can
did and full confession of ray belief. I ara in your
hands ; do with rae as seeraeth to you good."*
' No arts or threatenings could prevail on him to
give any information respecting his associates. With
the view of inducing the other prisoners to plead
guilty, the agents of the Holy Office circulated the
report that he had inforraed against them when put
to the question ; and they even suborned witnesses
to depone that they had heard his cries on the rack,
though he never endured that inhuman mode of
examination. By what motives the judges were
restrained from subjecting him to it, is uncertain.
I can only conjecture that it proceeded from re
spect to the feelings of the emperor; for, soon
after his death, Constantine was reraoved from
the apartment which he had hitherto occupied,
and thrust into a low, damp, and noisorae vault,
where he endured raore than his brethren did
from the application of the engines of ; torture.
Oppressed and worn out with a mode of living
so different from what he had been used to, he was
heard to exclaira, " O ray God, were there no Scy-
* Histoire des Martyrs, f. 502, a. Montanus, p. 289, 290.

266 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
thians, or cannibals, or pagans still raore savage,
that thou hast permitted me to fall into the hands
of these baptized fiends ?" He could not remain
long in such a situation. Putrid air and unwhole-
sorae diet, together with grief for the ruin of th^
reformed cause in his native country, brought on a
dysentery, which put an end to his days, after he
had been nearly two years in confinement.*
Not satisfied with wreaking their vengeance on
hira when alive, his adversaries circulated the re
port that he had put an end to his own life by
opening a vein with a piece of broken glass ; and
ballads grounded on this fabricated story, and
containing other slanders, were indecently hawked
through the streets of Seville. Had. there been
the least foundation for this report, we raay be sure
the inquisitors would have taken care to verify it,
by ordering an inquest to be held on the dead body*
But the calumny was refuted hy the testimony
pf a yonng monk of San Isidro, named Fernando,
who being providentially confined in tbe same cell
with Constantine, ministered to him during his
sickness, and closed his eyes in peace.!
The slanders which were at this time so indi^-
^Qusly propagated against hira, only serve t©
show the anxiety of the inquisitors to hilmt bi«i

• Montanus, p. 287-392. Uorente, ii. 275-277,
¦f Cypriano de Valera, Po» Tratadoa, p- 251, 252. Montanus,
p. 291, 292. Paramo mentions the calumny hesitatingly. (Hist. Inquis.
lib. ii. tit. ui cap. 5 ; apud Puigblanch, vol. ii. p. 210.) lUeacas states
it as a mere report. (Hist. Pontif, tom, u, f, 451, a.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 267
fame, and the dread which they felt lest the reform
ed opinions should gain credit from the circum
stance of their having been embraced by a person
of so great eminence and popularity.* In this ob
ject, however, they did not succeed altogether to
their wish. This appeared when his effigy and
bones were brought out in the public auto-de-f?
celebrated at Seville on the 22d of December 1560.
The effigies of such heretics as had escaped from
justice, by flight or by death, usually consisted of
a shapeless piece of patch-work surraounted by a
head ; that . of Constantine Ponce consisted of a
regular huraan figure, complete in all its parts,
dressed after the manner in which he appeared in
public, and representing hira in his raost coramon
attitude of preaching, with one arm resting on
the pulpit and the other elevated. The production
of this figure in the spectacle, when his sentence
was about to be read, excited a lively recollection
of a preacher so popular, and drew from the spec->
tators an expression of feeling hy no means pleas-.
ing to the inquisitors. In consequence of this they
caused it to be withdrawn from the prominent 8i<^
tuation which it occupied, and to be brought near to
their own platform, where they commenced the read<

* The dianders referred to are contained in the work «f QleBcas.
(Ifistoria Pontifical, ut supra.) But this is no proof that they were
beUeved by that author; for, as we shaU afterwards see, his original -
history was suppressed, and he was obliged to -write another, agi^eahly
to the instructions of the inquisitors, and to insert in it statements the
very opposite of those whicb he had foiwerljr pubUshed.

268 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
ing of the articles of the libel on which Constantine
had been condemned. The people, displeased at this
step, and not hearing what was read, began to mur
mur; upon which Calderon, who, as mayor ofthe city,
presided on the occasion, desired the acting secretary
to go to the pulpit provided for that part of the
ceremony. This intimation being disregarded, the
murmurs were renewed, and the mayor, raising his
voice, ordered the service to be suspended. The in
quisitors were obliged to restore the ef^gy to its
forraer place, and to recomraence the reading ofthe
sentence in the audience of the people ; but the
sfecretary was instructed, after naraing a few of the
errors into which the deceased had fallen, to con
clude by saying, that he had vented others so hor
rible and irapious that they could not be heard
without pollution by vulgar ears. After this the
effigy was sent to the house of the Inquisition, and
another of ordinary construction was conveyed to
the stake to be burnt along with the bones of Con
stantine. The inquisitors were not a little puzzled
how to act respecting his works, which had already
been printed by their approbation ; but they at last
agreed to prohibit thera, " not because they had
found any thing in thera worthy of conderanation,"
as their sentence runs,- " but because it was not fit
that any honourable raeraorial of a raan doomed
to' infaray should be transmitted to posterity."*
But they had a still more delicate task to perform.
# Montanus, p. 293, 294, 297. Llorente, U, 278, 279.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 269
The histpry of a voyage to Flanders by Philip Hi
when prince of Asturias, had been printed at Ma
drid by royal authority, in which his chaplain Con--
stantine was described as " the greatest philoso
pher, the prpfoundest divine,. and the raost eloquent
preacher, who has been in Spain for raany ages.''
Whether Philip hiraself gave inforraation of thi§
work, we know not ; but there can be no doubt that
he would have run the risk of excoraraunication by
retaining it in his library, after it was stigmatized
by the inquisitorial, censors pf the press. They or
dered all the copies of the book to be delivered to-
them, that they might delete the obnoxious pan
egyric ; " and on this passage," says one who after
wards prociired a copy of the History in Spain,
" the expurgafor of the book, which is in my
hands, was so liberal of his ink, that I had much
ado to read it."*
Constantine , Ponce was not the only protestant
who fell a sacrifice to the noxious vapours and or
dure of the inquisitorial prisons. This was also the
fate pf Olmedo, a man distinguished for his learn
ing and piety, who fell into the hands of the inqui
sitors of Seville, and was often heard to exclaim,
that there was no species of torture which he would
not endure in preference to the horrors of his present
situation^! Considering the treatment which the
prisoners received, it is wonderful that raany pf them
* Geddes, MisceU, Tracts, vol, i p. 567.
f Montanus, p. 104, 105. Cypriano de Valera, Dos Tratados,
p. 250.

270 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
were not driven to distraction. One individual
only, a female, had recourse to the desperate remedy
of shortening her days. Juana Sanchez, a ieata,
after having been long kept in prison at Valladolid,
was found guilty of heresy. Coming to the know
ledge of her sentence before it was forraally inti
mated to her, she cut her throat with a pair of
scissors, and died of the wound in the course
df a few days. During the interval every ef
fort was employed by the friars to induce her, not
to repent of the suicide, but to recant the errors
which she had cherished. She repulsed thera with
indignation, as raonsters equally devoid of human
ity and religion.*
I raust again refer ray readers to the common
histories of the Inquisition-, for information as to
the modes of torture and other cruel devices used
for procuring evidence to convict those who were
imprisoned on a charge of heresy. One or two in
stances, however, are of such a character that it
would be unpardonable to omit them in this place.
Araong the protestants seized in Seville was the
widow of Fernando Nugnez, a native of the town
of Lepe, with three of her daughters and a married
sister. As there was nP evidence against thera,
they were put to the torture, but refused to inform
against one another. Upon this the presiding in
quisitor called one of the young woraen into the
audience-charaber, and after conversing with her
f Llorente, ii 240.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 271
for some time, professed an attachraent to her per
son. Having repeated this at another interview,
he told her, that he could be of no service to her
unless she iraparted to hira the whole facts of her
case ; but if she intrusted him with these, he would
manage the affair in such a way as that she and all
her friends should be set at liberty. Falling into
the snare, the unsuspecting girl confessed to him
that she had at different times conversed with heir
raother, sisters, and aunt, on the Lutheran doctrines.
The wretch iraraediately brought heir into court,
and obliged her to declare judicially what she had
owned to him in private. Nor was this all : under
the pretence that her confession was not sufficiently
ample and ingenuous, she was put to the torture
by the raost excruciating engines, the pulley and the
wooden horse ; by which raeans evidence was ex
torted frora her, which led, not only to the condera
nation of herself and her relations, but also to the
seizure and conviction of others who afterwards
perished in the flames.* Another instance relates
to a young countryman of our own. An English
vessel, which had entered the port of St. Lucar, was
visited by tlie familiars of the Inquisition, and sev
eral of the crew, who, with the frankness of British
seamen, avowed themselves protestants, were seized
• Montanus, p. 82-85. Llorente has corrected a mistake of Mon
tanus as to the degrees of consanguinity among these female prisonerg,
and by doing this confirms the general statement of the protestant
historian, while he passes over some of the aggravating circumstances
of the case, (Tom. ii. p. 286.)

272 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN .SPAIN.
.before they came on shore. Along with them the
familiars conveyed to prison a boy of twelve years
of age, the son of a respectable merchant to whom
tbe principal part of the cargo belonged. The pre
text for his apprehension was, that an English
psalm-book was found in his portmanteau ; but
there is reason to believe that the real ground was
the hope of extorting from the father a rich ran
som for his son's liberation. Having been piously
educated, the youth was observed to be regular in
his devotions, and to relieve the irksoraeness of his
confineraent by occasionally singing one of the
psalras which he had coraraitted to raeraory. Both
of these were high offences ; for every piece of de
votion not conducted under the direction of its
ghostly agents, and even every raark of cheerful
ness on the part of the prisoners, is strictly prohib
ited within the glooray walls of the Holy Office.*
Oh the report of the jailer, the boy's confineraent
was rendered raore severe ; in consequence of which
he lost the use of both his lirabs, and it was found
necessary, for the preservation of his life, to reraove
hira to the public hospital.!
So sharaeful were the measures taken' for procur
ing the conviction of the prisoners at this tirae, that
a legal investigation of the procedure in the inqui
sitorial tribunals was afterwards deraanded by per
sons of great respectability in the church. In 1560,
Senor Enriquez, an ecclesiastic of rank in the coUe-
* Montanus, p. 116-7. ' f Ibid, p, 119-121.
I

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. ^73
giate church of Valladolid, presented to Philip a re
monstrance against the inquisition of that city, in
which he charged it with tyranny and avarice.
Among other things he asserted, that in the cause
of Cazalla the officers had allowed the nuns, who
like him were imprisoned for Lutheranisra, to con
verse together, that, by confirraing one another in
their errors, the judges might have it in their power
to condemn them, and thus to confiscate their pro
perty. Having accoraplished the object which
they had iu view, they changed their raeasures,
kept the prisoners apart, and, by exarainations and
Visits, proraises and threatenings, tried every me
thod to induce thera to recant and die in the bosom
of the church.*
Nearly two years having been spent in the pre
vious steps, the time was considered as come, ac
cording to Spanish ideas of unity of action, for the
exhibition of the last scene of the horrible tragedy.
Orders were accordingly issued by the council of
the Suprerae for the celebration of public autos-de-
fe, under the direction of the several tribunals of
inquisition through the kingdora. Those whicIi
took place in Seville and Valladolid were the most
noted for the porap with which they were solera-
nized, and for the number and rank of the victims.
Before describing these, it may be proper to give the
reader a general idea of the nature of these exhibi-
* Original Proceedings against Cazalla, taken from the archives' of
the tribunal of VaUadolid : Puigblanch, u. 273. Llorente, iu, 202-217.
T

274 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
tions, and the order in which they were usually con
ducted.
An auto-defe, or act qf faith, was either partic
ular or general. In the particular auto, or autillQ,
as it is called, the offender appeared before the in-.
quisitors in their hall, either alone or in the pre
sence of a select number of witnesses, and had hia
sentence intimated to hira. A general auto, in
which a nuraber of heretics were brought; out, was
performed with the most iraposing soleranity, and
formed an imitation of an ancient Roman triumph,
combined with the last judgment.* It was always
celebrated on a Sunday or holyday, in the largest
church, but more frequently in the most spacious
square, of the town in which it happened to be^
held. Intimation of it was publicly raade before
hand in all the churches and religious houses in
the neighbourhood. The attendance of the civil
authorities, as well as of the clergy, secular and re
gular, was required ; and, with the view of attract
ing the raultitude, an indulgence of forty days was
proclaimed to all who should witness the ceremo
nies, of the act.
* The last-mentioned resemblance is noticed in a letter written by
a Moor in Spain to a friend in Africa, giving him an account of the
sufferings of his countrymen from the Inquisition.: " After this they
meet in the square of Hatabin, and there having erected a large stage,
they make all resemble the day of judgment ; and he that reconciles
himself to theni is clothed in a yeUow mantle, and the rest ai-e carried
to the flames with effigies and horrible figures." (Mai-mol,. Historia
.del RebeUon delReyno de Granada, Ub. iu, cap. 3,)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 275
On the evening preceding the auto, such of the
prisoners as were penitent, and were to suffer a
punishraent milder than death, were assembled, the
males in one apartment of the prison, and the fe
males in another, when they had their respective
sentences intimated to them. At midnight a con
fessor entered the cell of the prisoners who were
sentenced to the stake, and intimated to thera for
the first time the fate which awaited them, accom
panying the intimation with earnest exhortations io
recant their errors, and die reconciled to the church j
in which case they obtained the favour of being
strangled before their bodies were committed to the
flaraes. On such occasions the most heart-rending
scenes sometimes took place.
. Early on the following raorning the bells of all
the churches began to toll, when the officials of the
Inquisition repaired to the prison, and having as-
serabled the prisoners, clothed thera in the several
dresses in which they were to raake their appear
ance at the spectacle. Those who were found sus
pected of having erred in a slight degree were sim
ply clothed in black. The other prisoners wore a
sanbenito, or species of loose vest of yellow cloth*
called zamarra in Spanish. On the sanbenito of
those who were to be strangled were painted flames
burning downwards, which the Spaniards call^e^o
revolto, to intiraate that they had escaped the fire.
The sanbenito of those who were doomed to be
burnt alive was covered with figures of flaraes burn
ing upwards, around which were painted devils*

276 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
carrying faggots, or fanning the fire. Similar
marks of infamy appeared on the pasteboard cap,
called corona, which was put on their heads. Af
ter this ceremony was over, they were desired to
partake of a suraptuous breakfast, which, on their
refusal, was devoured by the raenials of the of
fice. The persons who were to take part in the cere
mony being all assembled in the court of the prison,
the procession moved on, generally in the following
order. Preceded by a band of soldiers to clear the
way, carae a certain nuraber of priests in their sur
plices, attended by a corapany of young persons, such
as the boys of the college of Doctrine in Seville, who
chanted the liturgy in alternate choruses. They
were followed by the prisoners, arranged in differ
ent classes according to the degrees of their sup
posed delinquencies, the raost guilty being placed
last, having either extinguished torches or else
crosses in their hands, and halters suspended frora
their necks. Every prisoner was guarded by two
farailiars, and, in addition to this, those who were
condemned to die were attended each by two friars.
After the prisoners came the local raagistrates, the
judges, and officers of state, accorapanied by a train
of nobility on horseback. They were succeeded by
the secular and monastic clergy. At some distance
from these were to be seen moving forward, in slow
and solemn pomp, the merabers of the Holy Office,
the persons who principally shared the triumph of
the day, preceded by their fiscal, bearing the stan-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 277
dard of the Inquisition, composed of red silk da
mask, on which the naraes and insignia of pope
Sixtus IV. and Ferdinand the Catholic, the founders
of the tribunal, were conspicuous, and surmounted
by a crucifix of massive silver, overlaid with gold,
which was held in the highest veneration by the
populace. They were followed by the farailiars on
horseback, forraing their body-gUard, and including
many of the principal gentry of the country as hon
orary merabers. The procession was closed by an
immense concourse of the coraraon people, who ad
vanced without any regular order.
Having arrived at the place pf the auto, the in
quisitors ascended the platforra erected for their re
ception, and the prisoners were conducted to an
other which was placed opposite to it. The service
commenced with a serraon, usually preached by some
distinguished prelate; after which the clerk of the
tribunal read the sentences of the penitents, who,
on their knees, and with hands laid on the missal,
repeated their confessions. The presiding inquisi
tor then descended from the throne on which he sat,
and advancing to the altar, absolved the penitents
a culpa, leaving them under the obligation to bear
the several punishraents to which they had been
adjudged, whether these consisted of penances, ban
ishraent, whipping, hard labour, or iraprisonraent.
He then administered an oath to all who were pre
sent at the spectacle, binding them to live and die
in the coraraunion of the Roraan church, and to up
hold and defend, against all its adversaries, the tri-

278 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
bunal of the Holy Inquisition ; during which cere
mony the people were to be seen all at once on their
knees in the streets. The more tragical part of
the scene now followed. The sentences of those
who were doomed to die having been publicly read,
such of thera as were in holy orders were publicly
degraded, by being stripped, piece by piece, of their
priestly vestraents ; a cereraony which was per
forraed with every circurastance calculated to ex
pose thera to ignominy and execration in the eyes
of the superstitious beholders. After this they were
formally delivered over to the secular judges, to
suffer the punishment awarded to heretics by the
civillaw. It was on this occasion that the inquisi
tors perforraed that irapious farce which has excited
the indignation of allin whose breasts fanaticisra,
or sorae worse principle, has not extinguished every
sentiment of coramon feeling. When they delivered
the prisoner into the hands of the secular judges
whom they had suramoned to receive him, they be
sought them to treat hira with cleraency and com
passion.* This they did to escape falling under the
censure of irregularity, which the canons of the
church had denounced against ecclesiastics who
* The protestant historian of the Inquisition, De Montes, states the
matter thus : When the person who is relaxed has confessed, the in
quisitors, on deUvering him to the secular judges, " beseech them to
treat him with much commiseration, and not to break a bone of his
body, nor shed his blood ;" but when he is obstinate, they " beseech
them, if he shaU show any symptoms of true repentance, to treat him
with much commiseration," &c. (Montanus, p. 148.) I do not ob
serve any such distinction in the accounts of the popish historians,
(Llorente, ii. 250-253. Puigblanch, i 279-281.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 279
shpuld be accessory to the inflicting of any bodily in
jury. Yet they not only knew what would be the
consequence of their act, but had taken all the pre
cautions necessary for securing it. Five days before
the auto-de-fe, they acquainted the ordinary royal
judge with the number of prisoners to be delivered
over to him, in order that the proper quantity of
stakes, wood, and every thing else requisite for the
execution, might be in readiness. The prisoners
once declared by the inquisitors to be impenitent or
relapsed heretics, nothing was competent to the ma
gistrate but to pronounce the sentence adjudging
them to the flames ; and had he presumed in any in
stance to change the sentence of death into perpetual
imprisonment, though it were in one of the remotest
forts of Asia, Africa, or America, he would soon
have felt the vengeance ofthe Holy Office.* Besides,
the statutes adjudging heretics to the fire had been
confirmed by nuraerous bulls of popes, which cora
manded the inquisitors to watch Over their exact
observance. And in accordance with this, they, at
eyery aiito-de-fe, required the raagistrates to swear
that they would faithfully execute the sentences
against the persons of heretics, without delay, " in
the way and manner prescribed by the sacred ca
nons, and the laws which treated on the subject,"!
Were it necessary to say more on this topic, we
might add that the very appearance of the prison-
* Llorente, U. 253, 254, Puigblanch, i 350-353.
t Puigblanch, i, 351, 352,

280 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
ers, when brought out in the public spectacle, pro
claimed the unblushing hypocrisy of the inquisitors.*
They implored the secular judge to treat with lenity
and corapassion persons whora they theraselves had
worn to skeletons by a cruel incarceration, — ^not to
shed the blood of hira frora whose body they had
often raade the blood to spring, nor to break a bone
of her whose tender lirabs were already distorted
and mangled by their hellish tortures !!
The penitents having been remanded to their se
veral prisons, the other prisoners were led away to
elocution. Sorae writers have spoken as if they
were executed on the spot where their sentence
was read, and in the presence of all who had wit
nessed the preceding parts of the spectacle. This
however is a raistake. The stakes were erected
without the walls of the town in which the auto-de-
fe was celebrated ; but though the last act was
deeraed too horrid to be exhibited on the sarae
stage with those which we have described, yet
* With the view of preventing such appearances as much as pos
sible, the inquisitors have laid it down as a rule, that no prisoner
shaU be tortured within fifteen days of the auto-de-fe. The Portuguese
regulation ou this head is very plain in assigning the reason : " por
nao hirem os prezos a eUe mostrando os sinaes do tormento Iho darao
no potro." Yet their anxiety to obtain information often induces
them to transgress this prudential regulation; in which cases they
¦ have recourse to the rack, which does not distort the body like the
puUey. (Puigblanch, i. 294.)
f The apologies made for this hypocritical deprecation, not only by
De Castro in the sixteenth, but by several -writers in the nineteenth
century, may be seen in Puigblanch, vol. i. p. 354-359.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 281
it was perforraed publicly, and was witnessed, not
only by the raob, but by persons who from their
rank and station might have been expected to turn
with disgust from so revolting a spectacle.
Seville contained by far the greatest number of
protestants under confinement; and the long period
during which its prisons had been crowded gave
it a claim to the benefit of the first jail-delivery.
Valladolidj however, was preferred ; for no other
reason, apparently, than that it afforded the Inqui
sition the opportunity of exhibiting the greatest
proportion of criminals of whom it could boast as
converts from heresy.
The first public auto-de-fe of protestants was ac
cordingly celebrated in Valladolid on the 21st of
May 1559, being Trinity Sunday, in the presence of
Don Carlos the heir apparent to the crown, and his
aunt Juana, queen dowager of Portugal and gov
erness of the kingdom during the absence of her
brother Philip II. ; attended by a great concourse of
persons of all ranks. It was performed in the
grand square between the church of St. Francis
and the house of the Consistory. In the front of
the town-house, and by the side of the platform
occupied by the inquisitors, a box was erected,
which the royal family could enter without in
terruption from the crowd, and in which they
had a full view of the prisoners. The spectacle
continued from six o'clock in the raorning till two
in the afternoon, during which the people exhibited
no gyraptoras of impatience, nor did the queen re-

282 History of the reformation in spain.
tire until the whole was concluded.* The serraon
was pi^eached bythe celebrated Melchior Cano, bishop
of the Canaries ; the bishop of Palencia, to whose dio
cese Valladolid at that tirae belongedi perforraed the
ceremony of degrading such of the victims as were in
holy orders. When the corapany were asserabled and
had taken their places, Francisco Baca, the presid
ing inquisitor, advancing to the bed of state on which
the prince and his aunt were seated, adrainistered to
thera the oath to support the Holy Office, and to re
veal to it every thing contrary to the faith which
might come to their knowledge, without respect of
persons. This was the first time that such an oath
had been exacted from any of the royal family ;
and Don Carlos, who was then only fourteen years
of age, is said from that moraent to liave vowed
an iraplacable hatred to the Inquisition.
The prisoners brought forth on this occasion
araounted to thirty, of whora sixteen were recon
ciled, and fourteen were " relaxed," or delivered
over to the secular arra. Of the last class, two
were thrown alive into the flaraes, while the re
mainder were previously strangled.
The greater part of the first class were persons
distinguished by their rank and connexions. Don
Pedro Sarraiento de Roxas,! ^^^ ^^ ^he first mar-
* Register appended to Skinner's translation of Montanus, sig. E. i
b. E. ij. a.
f Don Juan de RoxaS Sarmiento, a brother of the prisoner, was
celebrated as a mathematician, and" addressed a consolatory letter to
his sister Dona El-vira de Roxas, marchioness d'Alcagnizes, which
was printed at Louvain in 1544.

history of the REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 28S
-quis de Poza, and of a daughter of the conde de
Salinas y Ribadeo, was stripped of his ornaraents as
chevalier of St. Jaraes, deprived of his office as com
mander of Quintana, and conderaned to wear a
perpetual sanbenito, to be iraprisoned for life, and
to have his raeraory declared infamous. His wife
Dona Mercia de Figueroa, dame of honour to the
queen,* was sentenced to wear the coat of infamy,
and to be confined during the remainder of her
life. His nephew Don Luis de Roxas, eldest son
of the second marquis de Poza, and grandson of
the marquis d'Alcagnizes, was exiled frora the cities
of Madrid, Valladolid, and Palencia, forbidden to
leave the kingdora, and declared incapable of suc
ceeding to the honours or estates of his father.
Dona Ana Henriquez de Roxas, daughter of the
marquis d'Alcagnizes,' and wife of Don Juan
Alonso de Fonseca Mexia, was a lady of great ac-
coraplishraents, understood the Latin language per
fectly, and though only twenty-four years of age,
was farailiar with the writings of the reforraers,
particularly those of Calvin. She appeared in the
sanbenito, and was conderaned to be separated from
her husband and spend her days in a monastery.
Her aunt Dona Maria de Roxas, a nun of St. Ca
therine in Valladolid, and forty years of age, re
ceived sentence of perpetual penance and impris
onment, from which, however, she was released

* Skinner says she was " one of the maydes of honour to the
queene oi Boheme"

284 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
by an influence which the inquisitors did not
choose to resist.* Don Juan de UUoa Pereira,
brother to the raarquis de la Mota, was subjected
to the sarae punishraent as the first-raentioned
nobleman. This brave chevalier had distinguish
ed himself in many engageraents against the Turks
bpth by sea and land, and performed so great
feats of valour in the expeditions to Algiers, Bu-
gia, and other parts of Africa, that Charles the
Fifth had advanced him to the rank of first cap
tain, and afterwards of general. Having appeal
ed to Rorae against the sentence of the inquisitors,
and represented the services which he had done to
Christendora, De UUoa was eventually restored to
his rank as coraraander of the order of St. John of
Jerusalera. Juan de Vibero Cazalla, his wife Dona
Silva de Ribera, his sister Dona Constanza, Dona
Francisca Zunega de Baeza, Marina de Saavedra
the widow of a hidalgo naraed Juan Cisneros de
Soto, and Leanor de Cisneros, (whose husband An
tonio Herezuelo was dooraed to a severer punish
raent) with four others of inferior condition, were
conderaned to wear the sanbenito, aud be iraprison
ed for life. The iraprisonraent of Anthony Wasor,
an Englishman, and servant to Don Luis de Roxas,

* " This Donna Maria (de Rojas) was intirely beloved of king
PhiUip's sister the queene of Portugall, by whose meanes and pro
curement she was released for wearyng the Sambeuite, and restored
immediately into her cloyster agayne, whereat the inquisitours greatly
repyned." (Register appended to Skinner's translation of Montanus,
sig. E. ij. a.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 285
was restricted to one year's confineraent in a con
vent. Confiscation of property was an article in
the sentence of all these persons.*
Among those who were delivered over to the
secular arm, one of the raost celebrated was Doctor
Augustin Cazalla.! His reputation, and the office
he had held as chaplain to the late eraperor, raade
hira an object of particular attention to the inquisi
tors. During his confineraent he underwent fre
quent exarainations, with the view of establishing
the charges against hiraself and his fellow-prisoners.
Cazalla was deficient in the courage which was
requisite for the situation into Which he had brought
hiraself. On the 4th of March 1559 he was con
ducted into the place of torture, when he shrunk
from the trial, and promising to submit to his
judges, made a declaration, in which he confessed
that he had erabraced the Lutheran doctrine, but
denied that he had ever taught it, . except to those
who were of the sarae- sentiraents with hiraself.
This answered all the wishes of the inquisitors, who
were deterrained that he should expiate his offence
by death, at the sarae tirae that they kept hira in
suspense as to his fate, with the view of procuring
frora hira additional inforraation. On the evening
before the auto-de-fe, Antonio de Carrera, a raonk
of St. Jerome, being sent to acquaint hira with his
sentence, Cazalla begged earnestly to know, if he
* Llorente, ii, 228-233. Register appended to Skinner's translai-
tion of Montanus, sig. E. ij. a.
t See before, p, 226.

286 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
raight entertain hopes of escaping capital punishraent ;
to which Carrera replied, that thse inquisitors could
not rely on his declarations,butthat, if he would con
fess all that the witnesses had deponed against him,
mercy raight perhaps be extended to hira. This cau
tious reply convinced Cazalla that his doom was fix
ed. " Well, then," said he, " I must prepare to die
in the grace of God ; for it is impossible for me to
add to what I have said, without falsehood." He
confessed himself to Carrera that night, and next
morning. On the scaffold, seeing his sister Constan
za passing araong those who were sentenced to per
petual imprisonment, he pointed to her, and said to
the princess Juana, " I beseech your highness, have
compassion on this unfortunate woman, who has
thirteen orphan children !" At the place of execu
tion, he addressed a few words to his fellow-prison
ers in the character of a penitent, in virtue of which
he obtained the poor favour of being strangled before
his body was coraraitted to the fire. His confessor
was so pleased with his behaviour as to say, he had
no doubt Cazalla was in heaven.* His sister Dona
Beatriz de Vibero, Doctor Alonso Perez, a priest of
Palencia, Don Christobal de Ocarapo, chevalier of the
order of St. John of Jerusalem, and almoner to the
* Llorente, u. 222-225.. If we may believe Dlescas, or rather his
interpolators, Cazalla confessed, to the great edification of those who
heard him, that in embracing the new opinions he had been actuated
by ambition and a desire to have his foUowers in Spain caUed Cazal-
Utes, as those of the same sentiments were caUed Lutherans ia Ger
many, ZuingU^ns in Smtzerland, and Hugonots in France. - (Hist.
Pontif. tom. ii. f. 450, b.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 287
grand prior of Castile, Don Christobal de Padilla,
and seven others, shared the same fate as Cazalla.
Among these were the husband of the woman who.
had inforraed against the protestant conventicle in
Valladolid, and four females, one of whom. Dona
Catalina de Ortega^ was daughter-in-law to the fis-i
cal of the royal council of Castile.* They were aU
protestants, except Gonzales Baez, a Portuguese,
who was conderaned as a relapsed Jew.!
The two individuals who on this occ^asion had the
honour to endure the flames were Francisco dci
Vibero Cazalla,! parish priest of Horraigos, and
Antonio Herezuelo, an advocate of Toro. Somgk
writers say that the forraer begged, when under the
torture, to be adraitted to reconciliation ; but it is,
certain that he gave no sign of weakness or a wish,
to recant on the day of the auto-de-fev Seeing hia
brother Augustin Cazalla,, not at the stake, but on;
the adjoining scaffold araong the penitents, and
being prevented frora speaking by the gag, he sigr.
nified his sorrow by an expressive motion of his
hands ; after which he bore the fire without shrinkr
ing. Herezuelo conducted hiraself with surpass-
* " Donna KataUua de Ortega, in common reputation a widow,
daughter to the fischal, the king's attumey in the court of Inquisition^
and at that time a chief counceUour to the high inquisitour, howbeit
she was privily contracted and maried to the same Doct. Cazalla."
(Register appended to Skinner's translation of Montanus, sig. E. i. a.)
-(- Ibid. Llorente, U. 222-228. , ;
X Llorente, ii. 225-6. " Francisco de Vibero, a priest, brother to
the same D. Cazalla, having his tong pinched betwixt a clefte sticke,
because he remayned most constant in the open profession of his
fayth." (Register, ut supra.)

288 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
ing intrepidity. From the moraent of his appre
hension to that of his death, he never exhibited
the least symptom of a wish to save his Ufe, or
to mitigate his sufferings, by comproraising his
principles. His courage remained unshaken a-
midst the horrors of the torture, the ignominy of
the public spectacle, and the terrors of the stake.
The only thing that moved hira, on the day of the
auto-de-fe, was the sight of his wife in the garb of
a penitent ; and the look which he gave, (for he
could not speak) as he passed her to go to the place
of execution, seeraed to say, " This is hard to bear !"
He listened without eraotion to the friars who teazed
hira with their iraportunate exhortations to repent,
as they conducted him to the stake ; but when, at
their instigation, his former associate and instruc
tor. Doctor Cazalla, began to address him in the sarae
strain, he threw upon hira a glance of disdain,
which froze the words on his recreant lips. " The
bachelor Herezuelo (says the popish author of the
Pontifical History) suffered hiraself to be burnt
alive with unparalleled hardihood. I stood so near
him that I had a complete view of his person, and
observed all his motions and gestures. He could
not speak, for his raouth was gagged on account of
the blaspheraies which he had uttered ; but his
whole behaviour showed hira to be a raost resolute
and hardened person, who, rather than yield to be
lieve with his companions, was determined to die in
the flaraes. Though I marked hira narrowly, I could
not observe the least syraptPra of fear, or expression

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 289
of pain ; only, there was a sadness in his counte
nance beyond any thing I had ever seen. It was
frightful to look in his face, when one considered
that in a moment he would be in hell with his asso
ciate and master, Luther."* Enraged to see such
courage in a heretic, one of the guards plunged his
lance into the body of Herezuelo, whose blood was
licked up by the flaraes with which he was already
enveloped.! Herezuelo and his wife, Leanor de Cisneros, were
divided in their death, but it was in the time of it
only, not the kind or manner ; and their memory
must not be divided in our pages. Leanor was on
ly twenty-two years of age when she was thrown,
into the Inquisition ; and when we consider that,
during her imprisonraent, she was precluded from
ail intercourse with her husband, kept in ignorance
of his resolutions, and perhaps deceived into the
belief that she would find hira araong the class of
penitents in the auto, we need not wonder that
one of her tender sex and age should have fainted
in the day of trial, suffered herself to be overcorae-
by the persuasions of the raonks, or, yielding to th^,
feelings of nature, consented to renounce with the
hand that truth which she continued to believe with-
the heart. Such assaults have shaken, and threat
ened to throw to the ground, pillars, in the church.
But Leanor was not long in recovering from the-
* lUescas, Hist. Pontif. tom. u. f. 450, b. >
f Register appended to Skinner's translation of Montanus, sig. E. i. b^
Llorente, U. 227, 231. U

290 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN".
shock. The parting look of her husband never depart
ed from her eyes ;* the reflection that she had inflict
ed a pang on his heart, during the arduous conflict
which he had to raaintain, fanned the flame of at
tachment to the reformed religion which secretly
burned in her breast ; and having resolved, in de
pendence on that strength which is made perfect
in weakness, to emulate the exaraple of constancy
set by one in every respect so dear to her, she re
solutely broke off the course of penance on which
she had entered. The consequence of this was, that
she was again thrown into the secret prisons. Dur
ing eight years that she was kept in confineraent,
every effort was raade in vain to induce her to re
new her recantation. At last she was brought out
in a public auto-de-fe celebrated at Valladolid ; and
we have the account of her behaviour irom the same
pen which so graphically described that of her hus
band. " In the year 1568, on the 26th of Septem
ber, justice was executed on Leanor de Cisneros,
widow of the bachelor Herezuelo. She suffered her
self to be burnt alive, notwithstanding the great
and repeated exertions made to bring her to a con
viction of her errors. Finally, she resisted, what
was sufficient to melt a stone, an admirable sermon

* Llorente has adopted the monkish slander, that Herezuelo, on
descending from the scaffold, seeing his wife in tbe dress of a penitent,
expressed his indignation at her conduct by kicking her -with his foot.
(Tom. ii, p. 231.) Ulescas, who has given a minute account of the
beliaviour of both parties, talces no notice of any thing of this natm-e,
which is irreconcilable with all the circumstances of the caso.

HISTORY OF THE REFORJIATION IN SPAIN. 291
preached, at the auto of that day, by his excellency
Don Juan Manuel, bishop of Zaraora, a raan no less
learned and eloquent in the pulpit than illustrious
in blood. But nothing could raove the irapenetrable
heart of that Obstinate woman."*
One part of the solemnities in the first auto at
Valladolid, though not so shocking to the feelings
as some others which have been related, was never
theless a flagrant violation both of justice and hu
manity. Dona Leanor de Vibero, the mother of
Doctor Cazalla and of four other children who ap
peared as criminals in this auto-de-fe, had died sorae
years before, and was buried in a sepulchral chapel
of which she was the proprietress. No suspicion of
heresy attached to her at the tirae of her death ;
but, on the iraprisonraent of her children, the fiscal
of the inquisition at Valladolid coraraenced a pro
cess against her ; and certain witnesses under the
torture having deponed that her house was used as
a teraple for the Lutherans, sentence was passed,
declaring her to have died in a state of heresy, her
memory to be infamous, and her property confis
cated ; and ordering her bones to be dug up, and,
together with her effigy, publicly coraraitted to the
flames ; her house to be razed, the grqund on which
it stood to be sown with salt, and a pillar, with an
inscription stating the cause of its demolition, to be
erected on the spot. All this was done, and the
last-mentioned raonuraent of fanaticism and ferocity
* Ulescas, Hist. Pontif. torn, ii f. 451, a.

292 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
against the dead was to be seen until the year 1809,
when it was reraoved during the occupation of Spain
by the French.*
There were still a great nuraber of protestant
prisoners in Valladolid ; but though the processes
of raost of thera were terminated, they were kept
in confinement, to afford a gratifying spectacle to
the raonarch on his arrival from the Low Countries.
The second auto-de-fe in this city was celebrated
on the Sth of October 1559. Philip II. appeared
at it, attended by his son, his sister, the prince of
Parma, three ambassadors from France, with a nu
merous assemblage of prelates, and nobility of both
sexes. The inquisitor general Valdes administered
the oath to the king ; on which occasion Philip,
rising frora his seat, and drawing his sword in token
of his readiness to nse it in support of the Holy
Office, swore and subscribed the oath, which was
afterwards read aloud to the people by one of the
officers of the Inquisition.
Twenty-nine prisoners appeared on the scaffold,
of whom sixteen wore the garb of penitents, while
the flames painted on the sanbenitos and corozas of
the reraainder marked them out for the stake.
Araong the forraer were Dona Isabella de Castilla,
wife of Don Carlos de Seso, her niece Dona Cata
lina, and three nuns of St. Belen.! The first two
* Cypriano de Valera, Dos Tratados, p. 251. Llorente, ii 221-2.
-)- Another nun of that order. Dona Catalina de Reynoza, daughter
of the baron de Auzillo, and sister of the bishop of Cordova, was de
Uvered to the secular arm, She was only twenty-one years of age.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 293
were conderaned to lose all their property, to wear
the sanbenito, and be imprisoned during life. To
the. Lutherans subjected to penances were added
two men, one of whom was convicted of having
sworn falsely that a child had been circuracised, with
the view of bringing the father to the stake; the
other of having personated an alguazil of the Holy
Office. The forraer was sentenced to receive two
hundred lashes, to lose the half of his property, and
to work in the galleys for five years ; the latter to
receive four hundred lashes, to lose the whole of his
property, and to work in the galleys for life ; — a
striking specimen of the coraparative estiraate which
the Inquisition forras of raeditated raurder, and an
insult on its own prerogatives.
At the head of those devoted to death was Don
Carlos de Seso, with whose narae the reader is al
ready acquainted.* Arrested at Logrono, he was
thrown into the secret prisons of the inquisition of
Valladolid ; and, on the 28th of June 1558, answer
ed the interrogatories of the fiscal. His conduct
during the whole of his imprisonment, and in the
forraidable scene by which it terrainated, was wor
thy of his noble character, and the active part he
had taken in the cause of religious reforra. In the
exarainations which he underwent, he never variedj
nor sought to excuse hiraself by affixing blame to
and was chai-ged with having said to the sisters, when engaged in their
monkish devotions, " Cry aloud, that Baal may hear you ; break your
heads, and see if he will heal them," (Register appended lo the trans«
lation of Montanus, sig. E. ij. b. Llorente, ii 241.)
•* See before, p. 2S2.

294 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
those whom he knew his judges were anxious to
condemn.* When informed of his sentence on the
night before his execution, he called for pen, ink,
and paper, and having written a confession of his
faith, gave it to the officer, saying, " This is the
true faith of the gospel, as opposed to that of the
church of Rome which has been corrupted for ages :
in this faith I wish to die, and in the remerabrance
and lively belief of the passion of Jesus Christ, to
offer to God ray body now reduced so low." '• It
would be difficult (says one who read this document
in the archives of the Inquisition) to convey an idea
of the uncoraraon vigour of sentiraent with which
he filled two sheets of paper, though he was then in
the presence of death."! The whole of that night
and next raorning was spent by the friars in inef
fectual atterapts to induce hira to recant. He ap
peared in the procession with a gag in his mouth,
which remained while he was in the auto-de-fe, and
on the way to the place of execution. It was re
moved after he was bound to the stake, and the
friars began again to exhort him to confess. He
replied, in a loud voice, and with great firmness,
" I could demonstrate to you that you ruin your
selves by not imitating my exaraple ; but there is
no tirae. Executioners, light the pile which is to
consurae me." They obeyed, and De Seso expired
* This appears from his answers on the trial of archbishop Car
ranza. (Llorente, iii. 204.)
f Ibid. ii. 236.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 295
in the flaraes without a struggle or a groan. He
died in the forty-third year pf his age.*
Pedro de Cazalla, parish priest of Pedrosa,, wlien
arrested on the 25th of April 1558, confessed that he
had embraced the protestant doctrines. Having af
terwards supplicated reconciliation, he could obtain
only two votes in the court of Inquisition for a
punishraent milder than death, and the decision of
the majority was confirraed by the council of the
Supreme. He refused to make confession to the
priest sent to intimate his sentence, and appeared
in the auto with the gag ; but after he was bound
to the stake, having asked, or the attendant monks
having represented hira as asking a confessor, he
was strangled and then cast into the fire. He was
only in the thirty-fourth year of his age.
Domingo de Roxas, son of the marquis de Poza,
two of whose children appeared in the forraer auto,
was seized, in the garb of a laic, at Calahorra,
where he had stopped, in his flight to the Low Coun
tries, in order to have an interview with his friend
De Seso. Subsequently to the 13th of May 1558,
when he made his first appeai'ance before the
Inquisition, he underwent frequent examinations.
The inquisitors having ordered the torture to be
adrainistered with the view of extorting from him
certain facts which they were anxious to possess,
he promised to tell all he knew, provided they would
ispare hira the horrors of the Question, which he
* Llorenie, ii. 237.

296 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
dreaded more than death. Deluded by the pros
pect of a merciful sentence which was held out to
him, he was induced to raake certain professions of
sorrow, and to throw out insinuations unfavour
able to the cause of archbishop Carranza ; but as
soon as he was undeceived, he craved an audience of
the inquisitors, at which he did araple justice to that
prelate, without asking any mitigation of his own
punishraent. On the night before his execution he
refused the services of the priest appointed to wait
on hira. When the cereraonies of the auto were
finished, and the secular judge had pronounced sen
tence on the prisoners delivered over to hira, De
Roxas, in passing the royal box, made an appeal to
the mercy ofthe king. " Canst thou. Sire, thus wit
ness the torments of thy innocent subjects ? Save
us frorh so cruel a death." " No," replied Philip
sternly ; " I would rayself carry wood to burn my
own son, were he such a wretch as thou."* De
Roxas was about to say something in defence of
himself and his fellow-sufferers, when, the unrelent
ing despot waving his hand, the officers instantly
thrust the gag into the martyr's mouth. It remain
ed, contrary to the usual custom, after he was
bound to the stake; so much were his judges irri
tated at his boldness, or afraid of the liberties he
* Colmenares, in his Historia de Segovia, quoted by Puigblanch,
(U. 142.) represents Don Carlos de Seso as making a similar address
to Philip, and receiving a similar reply ; but, according to Llorente's
account, that nobleman wore the gag during the whole of the auto-
de-fe.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 297
would use. Yet we are told, that when the fire was
about to be applied to the pile, his courage failed, he
begged a confessor, and having received absolution,
was strangled. Such appears to be the account of his
last moments inserted in the records of the Inqui
sition ;* but private letters, written frora Spain at
the time, give a different representation : " They
carried him frora the scaffold accorapanied with a
nuraber of raonks, about a hundred, flocking about
him, railing and making exclaraations against hira,
and sorae of thera urging him to recant ; but he,
notwithstanding, answered them with a bold spi
rit, that he would never renounce the doctrine of
Christ."! Juan Sanchez, at the coraraenceraent of the per
secution of the protestants in Valladolid, had raade
his escape to the Low Countries, under the assura
ed narae of Juan de Vibar. Thinking himself
safe, he wrote letters, dated from Castrourdiales
in the raonth of May 1558, and addressed to
Dona CataUna Hortega, in whose family he had
forraerly resided. That lady having been seized
as a suspected Lutheran, the letters fell into the
hands of the inquisitors, who sent inforraation to
Philip, then at Brussels. Sanchez was apprehended
at Turlingen, conveyed to Valladolid, and delivered

* Llorente, U. 239.
f Register appended to Skinner's translation of Montanus, sig.
E. ij. b. Sepulveda mentions De Roxas among those who were
" thrown alive into the flames, because they persevered in error."
(De Rebus gestis PhiUppi II. Ub. u. cap. xxvii. p. 60 : Opera, tom. iu,)

298 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
over to the secular raagistrate as a dogmatising and
impenitent heretic. The gag was taken from his
mouth at the place of execution, but as he did not
ask for a confessor, the pile was kindled. When
the fire had consumed the ropes by which he was
bound, he darted from the stake, and unconsciously
leaped on the scaffold used for receiving the confes
sions of those who recanted in their last raoraents.
The friars instantly collected to the spot, and urg
ed hira to retract his errors. Recovering frora his
momentary delirium, and looking around him, he
saw oh the one side some of his fellow-prisoners on
their knees doing penance, and on the other Don
Carlos de Seso standing unraoved in the raidst of
the flaraes, upon which he walked deliberately back
to the stake, aud calling for raore fuel, said, " I
will die like I)e Seso." Incensed at what they con
sidered as a proof of audacious impiety, the archers
and executioners strove who should first coraply
with his request. He died in the thirty-third year
pf his age.
The case of Dona Marina Guevara, a nun of
St. Belen, presents sorae singvdar featiires which
are worthy of observation. When first denounced
to the Inquisition, she owned that she had given en
tertainraent to certain Lutheran opinions, but with
hesitation, and in ignorance of their iraport and
tendency. Her petition to be recpnciled to the
church was refused, because she would not aclsnow-
ledge some things which the witnesses had de
poned against her, and because she persisted in her

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 299
assertion, that she had not yielded a cordial and
complete assent to the heresies with which her
mind had been tainted. When the depositions were
communicated to her by order of the inquisitors,
she replied, that it seeraed as if they wished to in
stil into her mind errors of which she was ignorant,
rather than induce her to abandon those to which
she had incautiously given ear ; and that the oath
she had taken would not permit her to add to her
confession, or to acknowledge crimes- of which she
was not conscious, and facts which she did not re
collect. The whole of the proceedings, while they
display the honourable feelings of Marina, and the
firraness of her character, depict, in strong colours,
the sternness with which the Holy Office adhered
to its tyrannical principles. She was connected
with persons of high rank, including Valdes the
grand inquisitor, who used every raeans for her de
liverance. But the ordinary judges lent a deaf ear
to the applications raade by their superior in her
behalf, which they resisted as an interference with
their jurisdiction, and a proof of partiality and
weakness, unworthy of one whose office required
hira to be insensible to the calls of nature and friend
ship. Valdes was obliged to procure an order from
the council of the Supreme, authorizing Don Tellez
Giron de Montalban, the cousin of the prisoner, to
have a final interview with her, in the presence of
the leading merabers of the tribunal, with the view
of inducing her to yield to their demands. But the
attempt was unsuccessful. Dona Marina resist-

SOO HISTOEY OF THE REFOlSMATION IN SPAIN.
ed all the entreaties of her noble relative, and re
fused to purchase her life by telling a falsehood.
The inquisitors, inflexible to their forraer purpose,
proceeded to pronounce sentence against her ; and
on the day of the auto she was delivered to the se
cular arra, and being strangled at the place of exe
cution, her body was given to the flames. This
act proclaimed, more decidedly than even the reply
made by Philip to the son of the marquis de Poza,
that there was no safety in Spain for any one who
harboured a thought at variance with the Roraan
faith, or who was not prepared to yield the raost
iraplicit and absolute obedience to the dictates of the
Inquisition.* The autos-de-fe celebrated at Seville were still
raore meraorable than those at Valladolid, if not for
the rank of the spectators, at least for the nuraber
of prisoners exhibited on the scaffold. The first
of these was soleranized on the 24th of Septeraber
1559, in the square of St. Francis. It was attend
ed by four bishops, the raerabers of the royal court
of justice, the chapter of the cathedral, and a great
asserablage of nobility and gentry. Twenty-one
persons were delivered over to the secular arra, and
eighty were conderaned to lesser punishraents.
The raost distinguished individual, in point of
rank, who suffered death on the present occasion, was

* Sepulveda de Rebus gestis PhiUppi II. p. 59, 60. Register ap
pended to Skinner's translation of Montanus, sig. E. ij. E. iiji
Llorente, tom. ii chap. xx. art, 2.

HISTORY OF THE R,EFORMATION IN SPAIN. SOI
Don Juan Ponce de Leon,* son of the count de
Baylen, and a near relation of the duchess de Bejar,
who was present at the spectacle. None had given
more decided proofs of attachraent to the reforraed
cause, and none had raore diligently prepared hira
self for suffering raartyrdora for it than this noble
man. For years he had avoided giving countCT
nance to the superstitions of his country, and had
raade it a practice to visit the spot where the con
fessors of the truth suffered, with the view of habi
tuating his mind to its horrors, and abating the
terror which it was calculated to inspire. But the
stoutest heart will soraetiraes faint in the hour of
trial. The rank of Don Juan inspired the inquisi
tors with a strong desire to triuraph over his con
stancy. After extorting frora hira, by raeans of
the rack, a confession of some of the articles laid
to his charge, they eraployed their secret eraissa-
ries to persuade hira that he would consult his own
safety, and that of his brethren, by confessing
the whole. He had scarcely given his consent to
this when he repented. On the night before his
execution he coraplained bitterly of the deceit which
had been practised towards hira, and having raade
an undisguised profession of his faith, i-ejected
the services of the priest appointed to wait upon
hira. De Montes asserts that he preserved his con
stancy to the last, and, in support of this statement,
appeals to the official account of the auto, and to
* See before, p. ^18.

302 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
his sanbenito which was hung up in one of the
churches, with the inscription " Juan Ponce de
Leon, burnt as an obstinate Lutheran heretic."
But Llorente says, that this epithet was applied to
all who were sentenced to capital punishment, and
that Don Juan, after he was bound to the stake and
saw the fire about to be kindled, confessed hiraself
to one of the attendant priests, and was strangled.
His doora entailed infamy, arid the forfeiture of
every civil right, on his posterity ; but the issue of
his elder brother failing, Don Pedro, his son, after
great opposition, obtained a decision frora the royal
chancery of Granada in favour of his clairas, and
was restored by letters frora Philip IIL, to the earl-
dora of Baylen.*
No such doubt hangs over the constancy of the
persons to be naraed. Doctor Juan Gonzalez was
descended of Moorish ancestors, and at twelve
years of age had been iraprisoned on suspicion of
Mahometanisra. He afterwards becarae one of
the raost celebrated preachers in Andalusia, and a
protestant. In the midst of the torture, which he
bore with unshrinking fortitude, he told the inqui
sitors, that his sentiments, though opposite to those
of the church of Rorae, rested on plain and express
declarations of the word of God, and that nothing
would induce hira to inforra against his brethren.
When brought out on the raorning of the auto, he
appeared with a cheerful and undaunted air, though
* Cronica de lo.s Ponces de Leon, apud Llorente, ii. 260.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 30.^
he had left his raother and two brothers behind
hira in prison, and was accorapanied by two sisters,
who, like hiraself, were doomed to the flames. At
the door of the Triana he began to sing the hundred
and ninth psalm ; and on the scaffold he addressed
a few words of consolation to one of his sisters,
who seemed to hira to wear a look of dejection ;
upon which the gag was instantly thrust into his
mouth. With unaltered mien he listened to the
sentence adjudging hira to the flames, and submit
ted to the humiliating cereraonies by which he was
degraded frora the priesthood. When they were
brought to the place of execution, the friars urged
the feraales, in repeating the creed, to insert the
word Roman in the. clause relating to the catholic
church. Wishing to procure liberty to hira to bear
his dying testimony, they said they would do as
their brother did. The gag being removed, Juan
Gonzalez exhorted them to add nothing to the good
confession which they had already raade. Instantly.
the executioners were ordered to strangle thera, and
one of the friars, turning to the crowd, exclaimed
that they had died in the Roman faith ; a false
hood which the inquisitors did not choose to repeat
in their narrative of the proceedings.
The same constancy was evinced by four raonks of
the convent of San Isidro. Among these was the
celebrated Garcia de Arias,* whose character had un
dergone a complete revolution. From the moment
* See before, p. 210-221.

S04 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
of his iraprisonraent he renounced that system of cau
tiousness and tergiversation on which he had for
merly acted. He raade an explicit profession of his
faith, agreeing, in every point, with the sentiraents
of the reforraers ; expressed his sorrow that he had
concealed it so long ; and offered to prove that the
Opposite opinions were grossly erroneous and super
stitious. On his trial he raocked the inquisitors,
as persons who presuraed to give judgraent on raat
ters of which they were utterly ignorant, and re-
rainded them of instances in which they, as well as
the qualificators whom they called to their assist
ance, were forced to confess their incapacity to in
terpret the scriptures. The priests, as a necessary
point of forra, visited his cell, but none of them
durst enter the lists in argument with him. Being
advanced in years, he ascended the scaffold, on the
day of the auto, leaning on his staff, but went to the
stake with a countenance expressive of joy and rea
diness to raeet the flaraes.
Christobal d' Arellano, a raeraber of the same con
vent, was distinguished by his learning, the inquisi
tors themselves being judges. Araong the articles in
his process, read in the auto, he was charged with
having said, "that the raother of God was no raore
a virgin than he was." At hearing this, D'Arel-
lano, rising frora his seat, exclairaed, " It is a false
hood ; I never advanced such a blaspheray ; I have
always raaintained the contrary, and at this raoraent
ara ready to prove, with the gospel in my hand,
the virginity of Mary." The inquisitors were so

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN; 305
confounded at this public contradiction, and the tone
in which it was uttered, that they did not even order
him to be gagged. On arriving at the stake, he
was thrown into some degree of perturbation at see
ing one of the raonks of his convent who had corae
there to insult over his fate ; but he soon recovered
his forraer serenity of raind, and expired amidst the
flames, encouraging JuanChrisostomo, who had been
his pupil and was now his fellow-sufferer.
The fate of Juan de Leon was peculiarly hard,
He had resided for sorae time as an artisan at Mex
ico, and on his return to Spain was led, under thp
influence of a superstitipus feeling general araong
his countryraen, to take the vow in the convent of
San Isidro, near Seville.. This happened about the
tirae that the knowledge of the truth began to bq
introduced into that raonastery. Having irabibed
the protestant doctrine, Juan lost his relish for the
monastic life, and quitted the convent on the pre-i
text of bad health ; but the regret which he felt at
losing the religious instructions of the good fathers
determined him to rejoin their society. On his re
turn to San Isidro he found it deserted by its .prin
cipal inhabitants, whom he followed to Geneva.
During his residence in this city, intelligence carae
that Elizabeth had succeeded to the throne of Eng
land; and Juan de Leon, wiith some of his country
men resolved to accompany the English exiles who
were preparing to return horae. The Spanish court,
in concert with the Inquisition, had planted spies on
the road frora Milan to Geneva, and at Frankfort,
X

306 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
Cologne, and Antwerp, to waylay such Italians or
Spaniards as left their native country for the sake
of religion. Aware of this fact, Juan de Leon
and another Spaniard took a different road, but
at Strasburg they were betrayed to a spy, who
pursued their route to a port in Zealand, and
having procured a warrant, seized them as they
were stepping on board a vessel for England. As
soon as the officers presented, theraselves, Juan,
aware of their intentions, turned to his compan
ion, and said, " Let us go ; God will be with
us." After being severely tortured to make them
discover their fellow-exiles, they were sent to Spain.
During the voyage and the journey by land, they
were not only heavily chained like felons, but each
of them had his head and face covered with a spe
cies of helmet, raade of iron, having a piece of the
sarae raetal, shapen like a tongue, which was in
serted into his mouth, to prevent him frora speaking.
While his corapanion was sent to Valladolid,* Juan
was delivered to the inquisitors at Seville. The
sufferings which he endured, from torture and im
prisonraent, had brought on a consuraption ; and
his appearance, on the day of the auto, was such as
* De Montes calls this person Joannes Ferdinandus ; Llorente says
his name was Juan Sanches. (See, before, p. 297.) According ta
the statement of another author, these were different names of the
same individual. " Juan Sanches, otherwise caUed Jiian Fernandez,
sometime servant to Doct. Cazalla ; the same pai-tie that was taken
in Zeland, with Juan de Leon, as they were talking passage into
England." (Register appended to Skinner's translation of Montanus,
sig. E. ij. b.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 307
would have raelted the heart of any huraan being
but an inquisitor. He was attended at the stake
by a monk who had passed his noviciate along with
him, and who disturbed his last moments, by re
minding him of those things of which he was now
asharaed. His mouth being relieved from the gag,
he, with rauch coraposure and graveness, made a
declaration ef his faith in few but emphatic words,
and then welcomed the flaraes which were to put an
end to his sufferings, and to convey hira to the spi
rits of just raen raade perfect.*
Fernando de San Juan, raaster of the cpUege of
Doctrine, and Doctor Christobal Losada, pastor to
the protestant church in Seville, suffered with the
sarae fortitude and constancy. The latter, after he
had reached the place of burning, was engaged in a
theological dispute by the iraportunity of the friars,
who flattered theraselves with being able to con
vince hira of his errors ; but perceiving that the
people listened eagerly to what was said, they be
gan to speak in Latin, and were followed by Losa
da, who continued for a considerable time to carry
on the conversation with propriety and elegance iu
a foreign tongue, at the foot of that stake which
was about to. consume him to ashes.!
This auto-de-fe furnished examples of Christian
heroism, equally noble, in those of the tender sex,
several of whom " were tortured, not accepting de
liverance, that they might obtain a better resurrec-
* Montanus, p. 223-228. f Ibid. p. 214-216,

SOS HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
tion." Araong these were Dona Isabel de Baena,
Maria de Virves, Maria de Cornel, and Maria de
Bohorques. The first was a rich matron of Seville,
who had permitted' the protestants to meet for wor
ship in her house, which on that account was laid
under the same sentence of execration as that of
Leanor de Vibero at Valladolid.* The rest were
young ladies, and connected with the raost dis
tinguished families in Spain. The story of Maria de
Bohorques becarae celebrated, both from its interest
ing circurastances, and frora its having been made
the foundation of an historical novel by a Spanish
writer.! ^^^ ^^^ ^ natural daughter of Don Pedro
Garcia de Xeres y Bohorques, a Spanish grandee of
the first class, and had not completed her twenty-
first year when she fell into the hands of the Inqui
sition. Great care had been bestowed on her edu
cation, and being able to read the Bible, and expo
sitions of it, in the Latin tongue, she acquired a
knowledge of the scriptures which was possessed
by few men, or even clergymen, in her native coun
try. Egidio, whose pupil she was, used to say
he always felt himself wiser frora an interview
* Cypriano de Valera, Dos Tratados, p. 251. Montanus, p. 223.
See before, p. 291.
f It is entitled Cornelia Bororquia, and was printed at Bayonne.
The author asserts that it is rather a history than a romance. But
Llorente says it is neither the one nor the other, but a tissue of iU-
conceived scenes, which outrage both nature and fact ; and he com
plains that this and. similar works have contributed to support the
cause «f the Inquisition, by throwing the air of fiction around its
atrocities, and imputing to its agents words and actions which are ridi
culous and destitute of verisimiUtude, (u. 267.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 309
with Maria de Bohorques. When brought before
the inquisitors she avowed her faith ; defended it
as the ancient truth, which Luther and his asso
ciates had recovered frora the rubbish by which it
had been hid for ages ; and told her judges, that it
was their duty to erabrace it, instead of punishing
her and others for maintaining it. She was se
verely tortured, in consequence of her refusal to an
swer certain questions calculated to iraplicate her
friends. From deference to the intercession of her
relations, or from the desire of making a convert of
one so accomplished, the inquisitors, contrary to their
usual custom, sent first two Jesuits, and afterwards
two Dominicans, to her eell, to persuade her to re
linquish her heretical opinions. They returned
full of chagrin at their ill success, but of adrai
ration at the dexterity with which she repelled
their arguments. On the night before the auto
,at. which she was to suffer, they repeated their vi^
sit, in company with two other priests. She re
ceived thera with great politeness, but at the
same time told them very plainly, that they might
have saved themselves the trouble which they
had taken, for she felt more cpncern about her sal
vation than they could ppssibly feel ; she would
have renounced her sentiments if she had entertain
ed any doubt of their truth, but was more confirmed
in them than she was when first thrown into prison,
inasrauch as the popish divines, after many at
tempts, had opposed nothing to them but what she
had anticipated, and to which she was able tore-

310 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
turn an- easy and satisfactory answer. On the
morning of the auto-de-fe she made her appearance
with a cheerful countenance. During the time that
the line of the procession vi^as forming, she com
forted her feraale corapanions, and engaged them to
join with her in singing a psalm suitable to the oc
casion, upon which the gag was put into her mouth.
It was taken out after her sentence was read, and
she was asked, if she would now confess those er
rors to which she had hitherto adhered with such
obstinacy. She replied with a distinct and audible
voice, " I neither can nor will recant." When the
prisoners arrived at the place of execution, Don
Juan Ponce, who began to waver at the sight of
the preparations for the fiery trial, admonished her
not to be too confident in the new doctrines, but to
weigh the arguraents of those who attended to give
them advice. Dona Maria upbraided him for his
irresolution and cowardice ; adding that it was not
a time for reasoning, but that all of them ought to
employ their few reraaining moments in meditating
on the death of that Redeemer for whom they were
about to suffer. Her constancy was yet put to a
further trial. After she was bound to the stake,
the attending priests, having prevailed on the pre
siding magistrate to delay the lighting of the pile,
and professing to feel for her youth and talents,
requested her merely to repeat the creed. This she
did not refuse, but iraraediately began to explain
sorae of its articles in the Lutheran sense. She was
not permitted to finish her coraraentary ; and the
2

HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 311
executioner having received orders to strangle her,
she was consuraed in the fire»*
The effigy of the licentiate Zafra, whose provi
dential escape has been mentioned, was burnt at
this auto-de-fe.! Araong the penitents who ap
peared on the present occasion, one deserves to be
mentioned as a speciraen of the lenity with which
the inquisitors punished a crirae which, in Spain,
ought to have been visited with the raost exemplary
vengeance. The servant of a gentleraan in Puerto
de Santa Maria having fastened a rope to a crucifix,
concealed it, along with a whip, in the bottom of a
«hest, and going to the Triana, informed the holy
fathers that his raaster was in the habit of scourg
ing the iraage every day. The crucifix was found
in the place and situation described by the inforraer,
and the gentleraan was thrown into the secret pri
sons. Happily for hira, he -recollected a quarrel

* Montanus, p. 210-213. Geddes, MisceL Tracts, vol. i. p. 574.
Llorente, u. 268-271.
f See before, p. 244. liorente, ii. 256. Skinner mentions, among
those " burned at SivU in the yeare of our Lord 1559, Juan de Cafra,
father to him that escaped out of prison, wherof mention is made foL
4, whose picture notwithstanding was bumed at the same tyme." If
this last is the person referred to in the text, he must have been pri
vately married ; for the individual next mentioned in Skinner's list, is
" Francisca Lopez de Texeda de Man9aniUa, wyfe unto the same
partie that so escaped." (Register appended to the translation of
Montanus, sig. D d. iij. b,) The same Ust contains the foUowing
names : " Medel de Espinosa, an embroderer condemned onely for re-
ceyving into his house certayne of Luthers workes that were brought
out of Germany. Luys de Abrego, a man that was wont to get his
living by writing of missals and such other chui'ch-bookes,"

312 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
which he had had with his servant, and succeeded
in proving that the accusation had its origin in per
sonal revenge. According to the regulations of the .
Holy Office the servant ought to have suffered
death ; but he was merely sentenced to receive four
hundred strokes with the whip, and to be confined
six years in the galleys. The execution appears to
have been confined to the first part of the sentence,
which, upon a principle of retaliation worthy of the
ingenuity of the Inquisition, was considered as ex
piatory of the supposed indignity done to the cru
cifix.* The second grand auto-de-fe in Seville took place
on the 22d of December 1560, after it had been de
layed in the hopes of the arrival of the raonarch.
It was on this occasion that the effigies of the de
ceased doctors Egidius and Constantine, together
with that of Juan Perez,! who had fled, were pro
duced and burnt. Fourteen persons were deUvered
to the secular arra, and thirty-four were sentenced
to inferior punishraents. t
Julian^ Hernandez was in the first class, and the
closing scene of his life did not disgrace his forraer
daring 'and fortitude. When brought out to the
court of the Triana on the morning of the auto,
* Llorente, U. 271.
¦f See before, p. 199.
X According to the Narrative of John Frampton, thirty persons
were burnt, and forty condemned to other punishments, on this occa
sion ; but being himself one of the prisoners, he might easily mistake
in computing their numbers. (Strype's Annals, vol. i p. 244.)
§ In page 240 he is by mistake called Juan, instead of Julian.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 313
he said to his feUow-prisoners, " Cpurage, com
rades ! This is the hour in which we raust show
ourselves valiant soldiers of Jesus Christ. Let us
now bear faithful testiraony to his truth before
raen, and within a few hours we shall receive the
testiraony of his approbation before angels, and tri
uraph with hira in heaven." He was silenced by
the gag, but continued to encourage his corapanions
by his gestures, during the whole of the spectacle.
On arriving at the stake he knelt down and kissed the
stone on which it was erected ; then rising he thrust
his naked head once and again among the faggots,
in token of his welcoming that death which was so
dreadful to others. Being bound to the stake, he
composed hiraself to prayer, when Doctor Fernando
Rodriguez, one of the attending priests, interpret
ing his attitude as a raark of abated courage, pre
vailed with the judge to reraove the gag frora his
mouth. Having delivered a succinct confession of
his belief, Julian began to accuse Rodriguez, with
whom he had been forraerly acquainted, . of hy
pocrisy in concealing his real sentiraents . through
fear of man. The galled priest exclairaed, " Shall
-Spain, the conqueror and mistress of nations, .have
her peace disturbed by a dwarf? Executioner, do
your office." The pile was instantly kindled ; and
the guards, envying the unshaken firraness of the
-martyr, terrainated his sufferings by plunging their
lances into his body.*
* Montanus, p. 220-222. Histoire des Martyrs, f. 497, b, Ged
des, Miscel. Tracts, vol, i. p, 570, Llorente, ii. 282.

314 HIStORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
No fewer than eight females, of irreproachable
character, and sorae of them distinguished by their
rank and education, suffered the most cruel of
deaths at this auto-de-fe. Among these was Maria
Gomez, who, having recovered from the mental dis
order by which she was overtaken, had been received
back into the protestant fellowship, and fell into
the hands of the Inquisition.* She appeared on
the scaffold along with her three daughters and a
sister. After the reading of the sentence which
doomed them to the flames, one of the young wo
men went up to her aunt, frora whora she had ira
bibed the protestant doctrine, and, on her knees,
thanked her for all the religious instructions she
had received from her, implored her forgiveness for
any offence she might have given her, and begged
her dying blessing. Raising her up, and assuring
her that she had never given her a moment's unea
siness, the old woraan proceeded to encourage her
dutiful niece, by rerainding her of that support
which their divine Redeemer had promised thera in
the hour of trial, and of those joys which awaited
thera at the terraination of their raoraentary suffer
ings. The five friends then took leave of one an
other with tender embraces and words of mutual
comfort. The interview between these devoted fe
raales was beheld by the members of the Holy Tri
bunal with a rigid composure of countenance, un
disturbed even by a glance of displeasure ; and so
* See before, p. 215, 270.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 315
corapletely had superstition and habit subdued the
strongest eraotions of the huraan breast, that not a
single expression of syrapathy escaped frora the
multitude at witnessing a scene which, in other cir
cumstances, wonld have harrowed up the feelings
of the spectators, and driven them into mutiny.*
Three foreigners, two of whom were English
men, perished in this auto. Nicolas Burton, a mer
chant of London, having visited Spain with a ves
sel laden with goods, fell into the hands of the In
quisition, and refusing to abjure the protestant
faith, was burnt alive.! '^^^ remarks of Llorente
on this transaction are extremely just. " Let it be
granted, if you will have it so, that Burton was
guilty of an imprudence, by posting up his religi
ous sentiraents at San Lucar de Barraraeda, and at
Seville, in conterapt of the faith of the Spaniards ;
it is no less true that both charity and justice re
quired, that in the case of a stranger who had not
his fixed abode in Spain, they should have contented
theraselv.es with warning hira to abstain frora all
marks of disrespect to the religion and laws of the
country, and threatening him with punishment if
he repeated the offence. The Holy Office had no
thing to do- with his private sentiraents ; having
been established, not for strangers, but solely for the
people of Spain."! That the charge against Burton
was a mere pretext, if not a fabrication, is evident
* Montanus, p. 85, 86. Llorente, U. 185-187.
f Montanus, p. 175. Strype's Annals, vol. i. p, 238,
X Llorente, ii. 283, 284.

316 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN;
from the fact, that WiUiam Burke, a mariner of
Southarapton, and a Frenchman of Bayonne, named
Fabianne, who had corae to Spain in the course of
trade, were burnt at the sarae stake Avith him, al
though not accused of any insult on the religion of
the country.*
Part of the goods in Burton's ship, which was
confiscated by the inquisitors, belonged to a raer
chant in London, who sent John Frarapton of Bris
tol to Seville, with a power Of attorney, to reclaim
his property. The Holy Office had recourse to
every , obstacle in opposing his claim, and after
fruitless labour during four raonths he found it
necessary to repair to England to obtain, arapler
powers. Upon his landing the second tirae in
Spain,, he was seized by two farailiars, and conveyed
in chains to Seville, where he was thrown into the
secret prisons of the Triana. The only pretext for
his apprehension was, that a book of Cato in Eng
Ush was found in his portraanteau. Being unable
to substantiate a charge on this ground, the inqui
sitors interrogated hira on his religious opinions,
and insisted that he should clear himself of the
.suspicion of heresy by repeating the Ave Maria.
In doing this, he omitted the words, " Mother of
God, pray for us ;" upon which he was put to the
torture. After enduring three shocks of the pulley,
and while he " lay flat on the ground, half-dead and
Half-alive," he agreed to confess whatever his tor-
* Strype's Annals, i. 238. Llorente, U. 285.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 317
mentors chose to dictate. In consequence of this,
he was found violently suspected of Lutheranisra,
and the property which he had corae to recover was
confiscated. He appeared araong the penitents at
the auto at which Burton suffered, and after being
kept in prison for raore than two years was set at
liberty.* Among those who appeared as penitents were
several ladies of family and raonks of different or
ders. Others were severely punished on the raost
trivial grounds. Diego de Virves, a raeraber of the
municipality of Seville, was fined in a hundred
ducats for haying said, on occasion of the prepara
tions for Maunday-Thursday, " Would it not be
more acceptable to God to expend the money lavish
ed on this ceremony in relieving poor families ?"
Bartolorae Fuentes having received an injury from
a certain priest, exclaimed, " I cannot believe that
God will descend frora heaven into the hands of
such a worthless person ;" for which offence he ap
peared on the scaffold with a gag in his raouth.
Two young students were punished for " Lutheran
acts," in having copied into their albura some anor
nymous verses, which contained either a eulogium
or a satire on Luther, according to the manner in
which they were read.!
Gaspar de Benavides, alcayde, or head jailer, of
* Frampton's Narrative, in Strype's Annals, i. 239-245. This nar
rative agrees substantially with the accounts given by Montanus,
p. 175-179, and by Llorente, u. 287-289".
- f Montanus, p. 192-196. Llorente, ii. 289-291.

318 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
the inquisition at Seville, was convicted of a course
of malversation in his office. There was no species
of oppression which this miscreant had not commit
ted in his treatraent of the prisoners, before a riot
excited by his insufferable cruelties led to a disco
very of his guilt. He was raerely declared " to
have failed in zeal and attention to his charge," and
conderaned to lose his situation, to appear in the
auto with a torch in his hand, and be banished frora
Seville. Corapare this sentence with the punish
ments inflicted on those who were the means of
bringing his knavery to Ught. For conspiring
against him, and inflicting a wound on one of his
assistants which proved raortal, Melchior del Salto ,
was burnt alive. A raulatto of fourteen years of
age, naraed Luis, suspected of being an accoraplice
in the riot, received two hundred lashes, and was
condemned to hard labour in the galleys for life ;
while Maria Gonzalez and Pedro Herrera, servants
to the alcayde, were sentenced to the same number
of lashes, and confinement in the galleys for ten
years, merely because they had treated the prison
ers with kindness, and perraitted such of thera as
were relations to see one another occasionally for a
few minutes.*

* Montanus, p. 108-114. Llorente, U. 289, 291-293. Hen-era, at
the earnest request of a mother and her daughter, who were confined
in separate cells, had humanely permitted them to converse together
for half an hour. On their being summoned soon after to the torture-
room, he became alarmed lest they should mention this indulgence,
and going to the inquisitors confessed what he had done. He was in-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 319
The treatment of one individual, who was pro
nounced innocent in this auto-de-fe, affords more
damning evidence against the inquisitors than that
of any whom they devoted quick to the flames.
Dona Juana de Bohorques was a daughter of Don
Pedro Garcia de Xeres y Bohorques, and the wife
of Don Francisco de Vargas, baron of Higuera.
She had been apprehended in consequence of a
confession extorted by the rack from her sister
Maria de Bohorques, who owned that she had con
versed with her on the Lutheran tenets without
exciting any raarks of disapprobation. Being six
months gone in pregnancy, Dona Juana was per
mitted to occupy one of the public prisons until the
time of her delivery ; but eight days after that event
the child was taken from her, and she was thrust
into a secret cell. A young female, who was after
wards brought to the stake as a Lutheran, was con
fined along with her, and did every thing in her
power to promote her recovery. Dona Juana had
soon an opportunity of repaying the kind atten-
stantly ordered into close confinement, which, together with the grief
which he conceived, brought on mental derangement. Having reco
vered, he appeared in the auto with a rope about his heck. Being
led out next day to be pubUcly whipped, he was seized with a fit of
insanity, and throwing himself from the ass on which he was borne,
wrested a sword from the attending' alguazil, and would have kiUed
him, had not the crowd interposed. For this offence, four years were
added to his confinement in the galleys. " The holy fathers (says the
historian who relates these facts) wiU not permit people even to be
insane with impunity." (Montanus, p. 111.)

320 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
tions of her fellow-prisoner, who, having been called
before the inquisitors, was brought back into her
dungeon faint and mangled. Scarcely had the lat
ter acquired sufficient strength to rise frora her bed
of flags, when Dona Juana was conducted in her turn
to the place of torture. Refusing to confess, she
was put into the engine delhurro, which was applied
with such violence, that the cords penetrated to the
bone of her arras and legs ; and sorae of the inter
nal vessels being burst, the blood flowed in streams
from her raouth .and nostrils. She was conveyed to
her cell in a state of insensibility, and expired in
the course of a few days. The inquisitors " would
fain have concealed the cause of her death, but
it was irapossible; and they thought to expiate
the crirae of this execrable murder, in the eyes. of
men at least, by pronouncing Juana de "Bohorques
innocent on the day of the auto-de-fe, vindicating
her reputation, and restoring her property to her
heirs. " Under . what an overwhelming responsi
bility (exclaims one of their countrymen) raust these
cannibals appear one day before the tribunal of the
Deity !" But may we not hesitate in deciding the
question. Whose was the greatest responsibility?
that of the cannibals, or of those who perraitted thera
thus to gorge themselves with human blood ? Sure
ly the spirit of chivalry had fled frora the breasts of
the Spanish nobility, else they never would have
suffered their wives and daughters to be abused in
this manner by an ignoble junto of priests and friars.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 321
supported by a monarch equally base and unprin
cipled.* Having discharged the painful task of describing
the four great autos in Valladolid and Seville, it
may be proper, before proceeding with the narrative
of the extermination of the protestants, to advert
to the severe measures adopted against certain dig
nified ecclesiastics who fell under the suspicion of
favouring heresy.
We have had occasion repeatedly to mention the
name, and allude to the trial of Bartolorae de Car
ranza y Miranda, archbishop of Toledo. After sit
ting in the council of Trentj and accorapanying Phi
lip II. to England, where he took an active part in the
exaraination of the protestants who were led to the
stake, this learned man was rewarded in 1558 with
the primacy ; but he had not been many raonths in
his diocese when he was denoimced to the Inquisi
tion and thrown into prison at Valladolid. Sorae
historians have ascribed his prosecution entirely to
the envy and personal hatred of his brethren, par
ticularly Melchior Cano, bishop of the Canaries, and
the inquisitor general Valdes.! It is unquestionable
that the proceedings were exasperated by such base
motives ; but there were grounds of jealousy, dis
tinct from these, which operated against the pri--
mate.- Several of the leading persons' among the
Spanish protestants had . received their education
* Montanus, p. 181-184. Cypriamttde Valera, Dos Tratados, p. 250,
Llorente, ii 293-293.
f Llorente, iii. 195. •'¦ ¦
Y

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
under Carranza, who continued to maintain afriend-
ly correspondence with them, and, though he sig
nified his disapprobation of their sentiments in pri
vate, did not give inforraation against them to the
Holy Office. His theological ideas were more en
larged than those of his brethren, and he appears to
have agreed with the reformers on justification
and several collateral points of doctrine. In these
respects his mode of thinking resembled that of
Marco Antonio Flarainio, cardinals Pole and Mo-
rone, and other learned Italians.* Indeed his in
timacy with these distinguished individuals formed
part of the evidence adduced against him.! His
Catechism, which was made the priraary article of
charge against hira, besides its presuraed leaning
on sorae points to Lutheranisra, was offensive to the
Inquisition, because it was published in the vulgar
tongue, and inculcated the doctrines of the Bible
more than the traditions of the church. At the end
of seven years the cause was transferred to Rorae,
whither the priraate was conveyed ; and after va
rious intrigues and, delays, pope Gregory XIII. pro
nounced a definitive sentence on the 14th of April
1576, finding Carranza violently suspected of he
resy, confirraing the prohibition of his Catechism,
and ordaining him to abjure sixteen Lutheran pro
positions, and to be suspended for five years frora
the exercise of his archiepiscopal functions. The
* History of the Progress and Suppression of the RefonnaWon in
Italy, p. 166-188.
f Llorente, ui. 246.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
sentence had scarcely passed when the primate sick
ened and died, having been eighteen years under
process and in a state of confinement.*
The prosecution of the primate gave rise to others.
Eight bishops, the raost of whom had assisted at
the council of Trent, and twenty-five doctors of
theology, including the raen of greatest learning in
Spain, were denounced to the Holy Office ; and few
of thera escaped without making some hurailiating
acknowledgment or retractation.! Mancio de Cor
pus Christi, professor of theology at Alcala, had
given a favourable opinion of the Catechisra of
Carranza, to which he had procured the subscrip
tions of the divines of his university ; but hearing
that a prosecution was coraraenced against him, he
saved himself frora being thrown into the secret
prisons by transraitting to the inquisitors another
opinion, in which he conderaned three hundred and
thirty-one propositions in the works of that prelate,
whom he had a little before pronounced raost or
thodox. | Luis de la Cruz, a favourite disciple of
Carranza, was thrown into the secret prisons, in
consequence of certain papers of his raaster being
found in his possession, and the intercourse which
he had held with Doctor Cazalla and other reform
ers. Confinement and anxiety produced a ten
dency of blood to his head, accompanied with fits
of delirium, which rendered it necessary, for the pre-
* Llorente, tom. iii, chap, xxxii Bayle, Diet, art, Carranza.
t Llorente, u. 427-480 ; iu, 62-90.
X Ibid, U, 442.

324 HISTORY OF THE HEFORMAl'ION IN SPAIN.
servation of his life, to remove hira to the episcopal
prison. Notwithstanding this and the failure of
the proof brought against him, La Crflz was kept in
confinement for five years, in the hopes that he would
purchase his liberty by blasting the reputation and
betraying the life of his patron.* Before Carranza
was formally accused, the inquisitors had extracted
a number of propositions from his Catechism, and
without naraing the author, subraitted them to the
judgment of Juan de Pegna, professor at Salamanca,
who pronounced them all catholic, or at least suscep
tible of a good sense. After the primate was laid
under arrest, De Pegna becarae alarraed, and sent
an apology to the Holy Office, in which he acknow
ledged hiraself guilty of concealing the favourable
opinion which Carranza had entertained of Don
Carlos de Seso. This did not pacify the holy fa
thers, who conderaned hira to undergo different
penances for his faults, araong which they reckoned
the following : that he did not censure the proposi
tion, " that we cannot say that a person falls from
a state of grace by committing a mortal sin ;" and
that he had given it as his private opinion, "that even
although the primate was a heretic, the Holy Office
should wink at the fact, lest the Lutherans of Ger
many should canonize him as a martyr^ as they had
done others who had been punished."!
In the mean time the persecution against the Lu
therans in Valladolid and Seville had not relaxed.
• Llorente, u. 443-4. f Ibid. u. 463-4.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 325
Every raeans was used to excite the popular odium
against thera. The abominable 'caluranies propa
gated by the pagans of Rome against the priraitive
Christians were revived ; and it was believed by
the credulous vulgar, that the protestants, in their
nightly assemblies, extinguished the candles, and
abandoned theraselves to the grossest vices.* On the
feast of St. Matthew, in the year 1561, a destructive
fire broke out at Valladolid, which consuraed up
wards of four hundred houses, including sorae of
the richest raanufactories and stores in the city.
This was ascribed to a conspiracy ofthe Lutherans ;
and every year afterwards, on the day of St. Mat
thew, the inhabitants observed a solemn procession,
accorapanied with prayers to our Lord, through the
intervention of his holy apostie, to preserve thera
frora this plague and calaraity.! In the course ofthe
same year, the pope sent to Spain a bull, authoriz
ing a jubilee, with plenary indulgences. Among
other things, it gave authority to confessors to ab
solve those who had involved theraselves in the Lu
theran heresy, upon their professing sorrow for their
errors. Though the object ofthe court of Rome was
to amass money, this measure tended to mitigate the
persecution which had raged for sorae years ; but
the inquisitors, deterrained that their prey should
not escape thera, prohibited the bull frora being pub
lished within the kingdora.:}:
* Cypriano de Valera, Dos Tratados, p. 252.
f Ulescas, Hist. Pontif. tom. u. f. 451, b, 452, a,
X Montanus, p. 188-9.

326 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
The four autos-de-fe which we have already
described, although the raost celebrated, were not
the only spectacles at which the protestants suffered
in Valladolid and Seville. It required raany years
to erapty their prisons, from which adherents to
the reforraed faith continued, at short intervals, to
be brought out to the scaffold and the stake. On the
10th of July 1563, a public auto was celebrated in
Seville, at which six persons were coraraitted to the
flaraes as Lutherans. Doraingo de Guzman* ap
peared among the penitents on this occasion. The
hope of an archbishopric had been held out to in
duce him to recant ; and his brother, the duke of
Medina Sidonia, exerted himself to procure his re
lease, upon undergoing such a slight penance as
would not interfere with his future prospects. But
the inquisitors were resolved to prevent the ad
vancement of one who had embraced the reformed
tenets ; and after causing his books, which exceeded
a thousand volumes, to be burnt before his eyes,
they condemned hira to perpetual iraprisonraent.!
An occurrence which took place at Seville in
1564 diverted for a little the attention of the pub
lic, and even of the inquisitors, frora the adherents of
the reforraed doctrine. In consequence of com
plaints that the confessional was abused to lewd
purposes, edicts were repeatedly procured from Rome
* See before, p. 218, 262.
! Register appended to the translation of Montanus, sig. D d. iiij.
b. E. i, a.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 327
to correct the evil. Several scandalous discoveries
having been raade by private investigation, and the
public claraour increasing, the inquisition of SeviUe
came to a resolution, of which they had reason to
repent, that an edict of denunciation should be pub
lished, in all the churches of the province, requir
ing, under a severe. penalty, those who had < been so^
Ucited bypriests'in the confessional to.criminal inter.
course, or who knew of this having been done, to
give inforraation to the Holy Office within thirty
days. In consequence of this intimation, such num
bers flocked to the Triana, that the inquisitors were
forced once andagain to prolong the period of denun
ciation, until it extended to a hundred and twenty
days. Among the inforraers were woraen of illus
trious birth and excellent character, who repaired
to the inquisitors with their veils, and uufder dis
guise, for fear of being raet and recognised by their
husbands. The priests were thrown into the great
est alarra ;* the peace of farailies was broken ; and
the whole city rang with scandal. At last, the
council of the Suprerae, perceiving the odiura which
it brought on the church, and its tendency to pre-
* " On the other side it was a joly sport to see the monkes and
friers and priestes go up and downe hanging downe theyr heads, all in
dumpe and a melancholy, by meanes of theyr guilty consciences, quak
ing and trembUng, and looking every hower when some of the famil
iars should take them by the sieve, and eaU them corarn, for these
matters. In so much that a number feared lest as great a plague were
come among them as the persecution that was so hote about that time
against the Lutherans." (Skinner's translation of Montanus, sig.
R. iij.)

328 History of the reformation in spain.
judice the people against auricular confession, inter
posed their authority, by quashing the investigation,
and prohibiting the edict of denunciation from being
repeated.* Valladolid and Seville were not the only cities
whose prisons were crowded with friends to the re
forraed doctrine. Frora 1560 to 1570, one public
auto-de-fe at least was celebrated annually in all
the twelve cities in which provincial tribunals of the
Inquisition were then established ; and at each of
these, adherents to the new faith made their appear
ance. On the Sth of Septeraber 1560, the inquisi
tion of Murcia soleranized an auto, at which five
persons were sentenced to different punishraents for
erabracing Lutheranism ; and three years after, ele
ven appeared as penitents in that city on the same
charge.! ^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ last-mentioned auto, that a
son of the eraperor of Morocco, who had subraitted
to baptisra in his youth, was brought on the scaffold
for relapsing to Mahometanisra, and was condemned
* Montanus, p. 184-188. Llorente does not deny the facts stated
by the protestant historian, but contents himself with saying that he
has mistaken the year 1563 for 1564, and that " the denunciations
were much fewer than he pretends." (Tom. iii. p. 29.) The docu
ments which enabled the ex-secretary of the Inquisition to correct the
exaggeration, must have put it in his power to state the exact num
ber. There is reason in what he says on this subject, that whUe in
some instances the priests were guilty, in others they might be
fabely accused from malice or from mistake ou the part of the peni
tents; but did it not occur to him, that, on either supposition, auri
cular confession and the ceUbacy of the clergy are calculated to have
the most pernicious influence on pubUc morals?
t Llorente, ii. 338, 340, 344.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 329
to confinement for three years, and to banishraent
frora the kingdoms of Valencia, Aragon, Murcia, and
Granada. On the 25th of February 1560, the in
quisition of Toledo prepared a grand auto-de-fe for
the entertainraent of their young queen, EUzabeth
de Valois, the daughter of Henry II. of France.
To render it the more soleran, a general asserably
of the cortes of the kingdora was held there at
the sarae tirae, to take the oath of .fidelity to Don
Carlos, the heir apparent to the throne. Several
Lutherans appeared among those who were con
deraned to the flames and to other punishments.
On this occasion the duke of Brunswick delivered
up one of his retinue to the flaraes, to testify his
hatred of the reforraed cause, and to strike terror
into the rainds of the Gerraans, Fleraings, and
French, who were present, and were greatly sus
pected of heresy.* At the sarae place in the subse
quent year, four priests, Spanish and French, were
burnt alive for Lutheranisra, and nineteen persons
of the sarae persuasion were reconciled. Araong
the latter was one of the royal pages, whose
release was granted by Philip and Valdes, at ; the
intercession of the queen. In 1565, the same in-

* Cabrera, Cronica de Don FiUpe Segimdo, Rey de Espana, p. 248.
Madrid, 1619, foUo. Thehouseof Brims wick Lunenbui^ was at that
time divided into three branches. The person referred to in the text,
Henry X., duke of Brunswick, was a determined foe to the Reforma
tion. On the other hand, Ernest, duke of Lunenburg-Zell, whose de
scendants afterwards became electors of Hanover and kings of England,
was a zealous reformer.

330 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
qnisitioh celebrated another auto, at which a nura
ber of protestants were condemned to the fire
and to penances, under the several designations of
Lutherans, faithful, and huguenaos, or hugonotSi
The raetropolitan city of Spain was so eager to
signalize its zeal against heresy, that in 1571,
not to raention other exaraples, an auto was held
in it, at which two persons were burnt alive, and
one in effigy, while no fewer than thirty-one were
sentenced to different punishments, as Lutherans.
One of the two who perished in the flames was
Doctor Sigisraond Archel, a native of Cagliari
in Sardinia. He had been arrested at Madrid in
1562, and after suffering for many years in the
prisons of Toledo, had contrived to make his es
cape ; but his portrait having been sent to the prin
cipal passes of the frontier, he was seized before he
got out of the kingdom, and delivered again into
the hands of his judges. When the depositions of
the witnesses were communicated to him, Sigis-
mond acknowledged all that was laid to his charge,
but pleaded, that so far frora being a heretic he was
a better catholic than the papists ; in proof of which
he read, to the great mortification of the court, a
long apology which he had coraposed in prison.
He derided the ignorance of the priests who were
sent to convert hira, in consequence of which he
was conderaned to wear the gag on the scaffold and
at the stake ; and the guards, envying hira the glory
of a protracted martyrdom, pierced his body with
their lances, while the executioners were kindling

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 331
the pile, so that he perished at the sarae tirae by
fire and sword.* . Though the greater part of the
prisoners exhibited in the autos-de-fe of Granada
and Valencia , were Jews or Mahoraetans, yet pro
testants suffered along with thera from time to time ;
araong whora our attention is particularly fixed up
on Don Miguel de Vera y Santangel, a Carthusian
monk of PortaceU, as belonging to the convent in
which the first translation ofthe Bible into the Span
ish language was coraposed.!
None of the provincial tribunals was so much
occupied in suppressing the Reformation as those of
Logrono, Saragossa, and Barcelona. In the nurae
rous autos celebrated in these cities, a great part
of those who appeared on the scaffolds were protes
tants. But the chief eraployraent of the inquisi
tors in the eastern provinces consisted in searching
for and seizing heretical books, which were intro
duced from the frontiers of France or by sea. In
1568 the council of the Suprerae addressed letters
to them, comraunicating alarraing inforraation re
ceived frora England and France. Don Diego de
Guzraan, the Spanish ambassador at London, had
written that the English were boasting of the con
verts which their doctrine was' making in Spain, and
particularly in Navarre. At the same tirae advertise-
raent was given by the arabassador at Vienne, that
the Calvinists of France were felicitating them-

* Llorente, n, 384, 386, 389.
t Ibid. u. 401, 411. See before, p. 191.

332 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
selves on the sighing of the treaty of peace between
the French and Spanish raonarchs, and entertain
ed hopes that their religion would make as great
progress in Spain as it had done in Flanders, Eng
land and other countries, because the Spaniards, who
had already embraced it secretly, would now have
an easy coraraunication through Aragon with the
protestants of Beam. From Castres and from
Paris the inquisitor general had received certain
inforraation that large quantities of books, in the
Castilian tongue, were destined for Spain. These
were in some instances put into casks of Chara-
pagne and Burgundy wine, with such address that
they passed through the hands of the custom-house
officers without detection. In this way many copies
of the Spanish Bible, published by Cassiodoro de
Reyna at Basle in 1569, made their way into Spain,
notwithstanding the severest denunciations of the
Holy Office, and the utmost vigilance of the famil
iars.* But the Inquisition was not satisfied with pre
venting heretical men and books frora coraing into
Spain ; it exerted itself with equal zeal in prevent
ing orthodox horses from being exported out of the
kingdora. Incredible or ludicrous as this may ap
pear to the reader, nothing can be more unques
tionable than the fact, and nothing deraonstrates
raore decidedly the unprincipled character of the
* Llorente, i 477 ; U, 392-394, 407.

HISTORY OF THE. REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 333
inquisitors, as well as of those who had recourse to
its agency to proraote their political scheraes. As
early as the fourteenth century it had been declared
illegal to transport horses from Spain to France.
This prohibition originated entirely in views of poli
tical economy, and it was the business of the offi
cers of the customs to prevent the contraband trade.
But on occasion of the wars which arose between
the papists and hugonots of France, and the increase
of the latter on the Spanish borders, it occurred to
Philip, as an excellent expedient for putting down the
prohibited comraerce, to coraraitthe task to thelnqui-
sition, whose services would be more effective than
those of a hundred thousand frontier guards. With
this view he procured a bull from the pope, which,
with a special reference to the hugonots of France^
and the inhabitants of Beam in particular, declared
all to be suspected of heresy who should furnish
arras, raunitions, or other instruraents of war to
heretics. In consequence of this, the council of the
Suprerae in 1569 added to the annual edict of de
nunciation a clause obliging all, under the pain of
excoraraunication, to inforra against any who had
bought or transported horses for the use of the
French protestants ; which was afterwards extended
to all who sent thera across the Pyrenees. For this
offence nurabers were fined, whipped, and conderaned
to the galleys, by the inquisitorial tribunals on the
frontiers. Always bent on extending their jurisdic
tion, the inquisitors sought to bring under their cog-
2

334 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
nizance all questions respecting the contraband trade
in saltpetre, sulphur, and powder.* Philip, how
ever, diverted their attention from this encroach
ment on the civil administration, by engaging them
in the pursuit of royal garae. Ferdinand the ca
tholic, availing hiraself of favourable circurastances,
had added the greater part of the kingdom of Na
varre to his dominions ; and Charles V., in a fit of
devotion, had, by his testament, enjoined his son to
examine the claim which the Spanish monarchy had
to these territories, and, if it should be found invalid,
to restore thera to the original proprietor.! ^^ ^^^
from doing this act of justice, Philip intended to
annex the whole of that kingdom to his crown. At
his instigation pope Pius IV. in 1563 issued a
bull, excommunicating Jeanne d'Albret, the here
ditary queen of Navarre, and offering her dominions
to the first catholic prince who should undertake
to clear them of heresy. With characteristic du
plicity Philip professed to the French court his dis
approbation of the step taken by his Holiness, while,
in concert with the inquisitor general Espinosa
and the house of Guise, he was concerting raeasures
to seize the person of the queen of Navarre, and of
her son, afterwards Henry IV. of France, with the
view of carrying them by force into Spain, and de
livering them to the Inquisition. This disgraceful
conspiracy, formed in 1565, was defeated only by
* Llorente, U. 394-400.
f Sandoval, Vida del Emperador Don Carlos V. tom. ii. p. 876,

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 335
the sudden illness of the officer to whora its execu
tion had been intrusted.*
The public is not unacquainted with the cruel
ties perpetrated by the inquisition of Goa, within
the settlements ofthe Portuguese in theEast Indies.!
Sirailar atrocities were coraraitted by the Spaniards
in the , New World, in which the tribunal of the
Inquisition was erected at Mexico, Lima, and Car
thagena. At Mexico, in the year 1574, an English
man and a Frenchman were burnt alive as im
penitent Lutherans, while others were subjected to
penances for erabracing the opinions of Luther and
Calvin-! In the close of the seventeenth century,
Louis Rarae, a French protestant, was detained as
a prisoner for four years by the inquisitors of Mexi
co ; and several natives of England and its colonies
were forced to abjure their religion, and submit to
rebaptization.^ A splendid autO-de-fe was cele
brated at the same place in 1659, at which. William
Lamport, an Irishman, was conderaned to the flaraes,
" for being infected with the errors of Luther, Cal
vin, Pelagius, Wiclifi^ and John Huss ; in a word,
because he was guilty of all imaginable heresies."
He was the author of two writings, in one of which,
* Recueil des choses memorables avenues en France, depuis I'an
1547, jusques a 1597, p. 292. Memoires Secrets de M. de Villeroi.
Llorente, chap. xxvU. art. 4.
-|- Dellon's Account of the Inquisition at Goa. Lond. 1815. Bu
chanan's Christian Researches in Asia, p. 140-165.
X Llorente, U. 199.
§ Relation de Mons. Louis Rame : Baker's History of the Inqui
sition, p. 368-394;

336 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
to use the language of his indictment, " things were
said against the Holy Office, its erection, style,
raode of process, &c. in such a raanner, that in the
whole of it not a word was to be found that was
not deserving of reprehension, not only as being
injurious, but also insulting to our holy catholic
faith." Of the other writing the procurator fiscal
says, " that it contained detestable bitterness of
language, and contumelies so filled with poison, as
to manifest the heretical spirit of the author, and
his bitter hatred against the Holy Office." On the
day of execution, being desirous of testifying the
readiness with which he met death, he was no
sooner seated at the foot of the stake, and his
neck placed in the ring, than he let hiraself fall and
broke his neck. According to the official report of
the auto-de-fe, Laraport trusted " that the devil, his
farailiar, would relieve him," and as he walked
through the streets to the place of execution, con
tinued looking up to the clouds to see if the supe
rior power he expected was coming ; but finding all
his hopes vain, he strangled himself.*
The year 1570 may be fixed upon as the period
of the suppression of the reforraed religion in Spain.
After that date, protestants were still discovered at
intervals by the Inquisition, and brought out in
the autos-de-fe ; but they were " as the gleaning
grapes when the vintage is done." Several of these
* Auto General de la Fe celebrado en Mexico, en 1659: Puigblanch,
tom. i. p. 85-87, 190-192.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 337
were foreigners, and especially Englishmen. The
punishment of Burton and others produced re
monstrances from foreign powers, which were long
disregarded by the Spanish government. All that
Mann, the English ambassador at the court of
Madrid, could obtain, was a personal protection on
the head of religion, while those of his retinue were
corapelled to go to raass ;* and having caused the
English service to be performed in his house, he was
for sorae tirae excluded frora the court, and obliged to
quit Madrid. The circurastances in which Elizabeth
was then placed, obliged her to act cautiously ; but
she wrote to Mann, desiring hira to reraonstrate
with his catholic raajesty against treatraent so dis
honourable to her crown, and so opposite to that
which the Spanish arabassador received at London ;
and intiraating that she would recall hira, unless the
privilege of private worship, according to the rites
of their country, were granted to his servants.! -^^
a subsequent period, the injury done to coramerce" by
persecution obliged the government to issue orders,
that strangers visiting Spain for the purpose of trade
should not be raolested on account Of their religion.
The inquisitors, however, raade no scruple of trans
gressing the ordinances of the court on this point,
by proceeding frora tirae to tirae against foreigners,
under the pretext that they propagated heresy by
books or conversation. Araong raany others, Wil-
* Epistola Jo. Manni, Madr. 4 Nov. 1566 : MSS. BibL Corpus
Christi, Np. cxiv. 252.
f Strype's Annals, vol. i. p. 543-4. Z

338 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
liam Lithgow, the well-known traveller, was in
1620 iraprisoned and put to the torture at Malaga ;*
and in 1714 Isaac Martin was subjected to the sarae
treatraent at Granada.!
Of fifty-seven persons, whose sentences were read
at an auto held in Cuen9a in 1654, one only was
charged with Lutheranism. |: In 1680, an auto-de-
fe was celebrated at Madrid, in honour of the raar
riage of the Spanish raonarch, Don Carlos II., to
Marie Louise de Bourbon, the niece of Louis XIV.
of France ; and as a proof of the taste of the na
tion, a minute account of the whole procedure on
that occasion was published to the world, with the
approbation of all the authorities, civil and ecclesi
astical. - Among a hundred and eighteen victiras
produced on the scaffold, we meet with the name of
only one protestant, whose effigy and bones were
given to the flaraes. This was Marcos de Segura, a
native of Villa de Ubrique, in Granada, whose sen
tence bears, that he had forraerly been ' reconciled'
by the inquisition of Llerena, as a heretic who denied
purgatory, but who, having relapsed into this and
other errors, was again thrown into prison, ¦#here
he died in a state of impenitence and contumacy.^

* Lithgow's Travels, part x.
f The Narrative of Martin's Sufferings was pubUshed in EngUsh,
and translated into French, under the title of " Le Procfe et les
Souffrances de Mons. Isaac Martin. Londres, 1723."
X Llorente, ui 470.
§ Joseph del Olmo, Relacion Historica del Auto General de Fe, que
se celebro en Madrid este ano de 1680, p. 248.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 339
Although upwards of sixteen hundred victims
were burnt alive in the course of the eighteenth
century, we do not perceive that any of them were
protestants.* But the reformed faith can number
araong its confessors a Spaniard who suffered in the
nineteenth century. Don Miguel Juan Antonio So
lano, a native of Verdun in Aragon, was vicar of Esco
in the diocese of Jaca. He was educated according to
the Aristotelian systera of philosophy and scholastic
divinity; but the natural strength of his raind enabled
hira to throw off his early prejudices, and he raade
great proficiency in raatheraatics and raechanics. His
benevolence led hira to eraploy his inventive powers
for the benefit of his parishioners, by improving
their irapleraents of husbandry, and fertilizing their
soil. A long and severe illness, which raade him a
cripple for life, withdrew the good vicar of Esco
from active pursuits, and induced hira to apply hira
self to theological studies raore closely than he had
hitherto done* His sraall library happened to con
tain a Bible ; and by perusing this with irapartiality
* The last person who was committed to the flames, was a beata,
biimt alive at SeviUe, on the 7th of November 1781. (Llorente, iv.
270.) " I myself (says Mr. Blanco White) saw the pile on which
the last victim was sacrificed to human infalUbiUty. It was an unhap
py woman, whom the inquisition of SeviUe committed to the flames,
under the charge of heresy, about forty years ago. She perished on a
spot where thousands had met the same fate. I lament from my heart,
that the structure which supported their melting limbs was destroyed
during the late convulsions. It should have been preserved with the
infallible and immutable canon of the Council of Trent over it, for the
detestation of future ages." (Practical and Internal Evidence against
CathoUcism, p, 122-3,)

340 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
and attention, he gradually formed for himself a
system of doctrine, which agreed in the main with
the leading doctrines of the protestant churches.
The candid and honourable mind of Solano would
not permit hira either to conceal his sentiraents, or
to disserainate thera covertly araong his people.
Having drawn up a stateraent of his new views, he
laid it before the bishop of the diocese for his judg
ment, and receiving no answer from him, submitted
it to the theological faculty in the university of Sa
ragossa. The consequence was, that he was seized
and thrown into the prison of the holy tribunal at
Saragossa, which, in the infirra state of his health,
was the same as sending him to the grave. He
contrived, however, by the assistance of sorae kind
friends, to raake his escape, and to reach Oleron, the
nearest French town ; but after seriously deliber
ating on the course which he should pursue, he
carae to the resolution of asserting the truth in
the very face of death, and actually returned of
his own accord to the inquisitorial prison. On ap
pearing before the tribunal, he acknowledged the
opinions laid to his charge, but pleaded in his defence,
that after long meditation, with the most sincere de
sire to discover the truth, and without any other
help than the Bible, he had come to these conclu
sions. He avowed his conviction, that all saving
truth was contained in the holy scriptures ; that
whatever the church of Rorae had decreed to the
contrary, by departing frora the proper and literal
sense of the sacred text, was false ; that the idea of

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 341
a purgatory and limbus patrum was a raere huraan
invention ; that it was a sin to receive raoney for
saying raass ; that tithes were fraudulently intro
duced into the Christian church by the priests ; that
the exaction Of thera was as dishonourable on their
part, as it was irapolitic and injurious to the culti
vators of the soil ; and that the rainisters of religion
should be paid by the state for their labours, in the
sarae raanner as the judges were. ' The tribunal,
after going through the ordinary forms, decided
that Solano should be delivered over to the seciilar
arm. The inquisitor general at that time was
Arce, archbishop of Saragossa, the intiraate friend
of the Prince of Peace, and suspected of secret infi
delity. Averse to the idea of an execution by fire
during his adrainistration, he prevailed on the
council of the Suprerae to order a fresh exaraina
tion of the witnesses. This, was carried into
execution, and the inquisitors renewed their for
raer sentence. Arce next ordered an inquiry
into the raental sanity of the prisoner. A phy
sician was found to give an opinion favourable to
the known wishes of the grand inquisitor ; but the
sole ground on which it rested was, that the pri
soner had vented opinions different frora those of
his brethren. The only thing that reraained was,
to endeavour to persuade Solano to retract those
opinions which had been conderaned by so raany
popes and general councils. But this atterapt was
altogether fruitless. To all the arguraents drawn
frora such topics, he replied, that raoney was the god
worshipped at Rorae, and that, in all the councils
2

342 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
which had been held of late, the papal influence had
decided theological questions, and rendered useless
the good intentions of some respectable men. In the
raean tirae, his confineraent brought on a fever,^ dur
ing which the inquisitors redoubled their efforts for
his conversion. He expressed hiraself thankful for
their attention, but told them, that he could not re
tract his sentiments without offending God and be
traying the truth. On the twentieth day of his
sickness, the physician informed hira of his danger,
and exhorted him to avail himself of the few mo
ments which reraained. "I ara in the hands of
God," said Solano, " and have nothing more to do."
Thus died, in 1805, the vicar of Esco. He was re
fused, ecclesiastical sepulture, and his body was pri
vately interred within the enclosure of the Inquisi-
tioHj near the back gate, towards the Ebro. His
death was reported to the council of the Supreme,
who stopped further proceedings, to avoid the ne
cessity of burning him in effigy.*
Such are the details of the unsuccessful, but in
teresting, attempt to reforra religion in Spain dur
ing the sixteenth century. Melancholy as the
results were, they present nothing which reflects
discredit on the cause, or on those by whom it was
espoused. It did not raiscarry through the impru
dence or the infidelity of its leading friends. On-
the contrary, we have met with exaraples of the
* Llorente, iv. 127-133. Blanco White's Practical and Internal Evi
dence against CathoHcism, p. 239-S42.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 343
power of religion, of enlightened and pure love to
truth, and of invincible fortitude, combined with
meekness, scarcely inferior to any which are to be
found in the ¦ annals of Christianity. To faU by
such weapons as we have described, can be disgrace
ful to no cause. The fate of the Reforraation in
Spain, as well as in Italy, teaches us not to forra
hasty and rash conclusions respecting a course of
proceedings on which Providence, for inscrutable
reasons, rnay sometimes be pleased to frown.* The

* The foUowing words of a writer, whose knowledge of facts was
not equal to his strong natural sense, express an opinion which is
now not uncommon : " I beUeve it wiU be found, that when Chris
tians have resorted to the sword, in order to resist persecution for tho
gospel's sake, as did the Albigenses, the Bohemians, the French Pro-
testaUts, and some others, within the last 600 years, the issue has
commonly been, that they have perished by it, that is, they have been
overcome by their enemies, and exterminated; whereas, in cases
where their only weapons have been 'the blood ofthe Lamb, and the
word of their testimony, loving not IJieir lives unto death,' they have
overcome." (Christian Patriotism, by Andrew FuUer.) The facts
which have been laid before the reader will enable him to judge of the
truth of the last part of this assertion. Nor is the first part less incor
rect and objectionable. The truth is, that th« Albigenses, &c. who
resisted, were not exterminated; whUethe Italian and Spanisk protes
tants, who did not resist, met with that fate. If the defensive wars of
the Albigenses, &c. were unsuccessful, it ought to be remembered that
those of the protestai^ in Germany, Switzerland, Scotland, and the
Low Countries, were crowned with success. The French protes
tants were suppressed, not when they had arms in their hands, but
when they were Uving peaceably under the protection of the 'pubUc
faith pledged to them in edicts which had been repeatedly and solemn
ly ratified. It is to be hoped that the pubUc mind in Britain, much as
has been done to mislead it, is not yet prepared for adopting prin
ciples which lead to a condemnation of the famous Waldenses and
Bohemians, for standing to the defence of their Uves, when proscribed

344 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
comraon raaxim, that " the blood of the raartyrs is
the seed of the church," was reraarkably verified
in the priraitive ages of Christianity ; but we must
distinguish what is effected by the special interposi
tion and extraordinary blessing of heaven, from
what will happen according to the ordinary course
of events. In the nature of things, it cannot but
operate as a great, and with multitudes as an insu
perable, obstacle to the reception of the truth, that,
in following the dictates of their conscience, they
must expose theraselves to every species of worldly
evil; and persecution may be carried to such a
pitch as will, without a miracle, crush the best of
causes ; for, though it cannot eradicate the truth
frora the rainds of those by whora it has been cor
dially erabraced, it may cut off all the ordinary
means of coraraunication by which it is propagated.
Accordingly history shows that true religion has been
not only excluded, but banished, for ages frora ex-

and violently attacked on account of their religion. They Uved dur
ing the period of Antichrist's power, and, according to the adorable
plan of providence, were aUowed to faU a sacrifice to his rage ; but
whUe the scriptures foreteU this, they mention it to their honour, and
not in the way of fixing blame on them. " It was given unto the beast
to make wsir with the saints, and to overcome them." Instead of being
ranked with those who perished in consequence of their having taken
the sword without a just reason, these Christian patriots deserve rather
to be numbered with those who " through faith waxed vaUant in
fight, turned to flight the armies of the aUens, and others were slain
with the sword," aU of whom, "having obtained a good report through
faith, received not the promises, God having provided some better
thing for us."

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 345
tensive regions of the globe, by oppressive laws and
a tyrannical adrainistration.
But we are not on this account to conclude that
the Spanish raartyrs threw away their lives, and
spilt their blood in vain. They offered to God a
sacrifice of a sweet-sraelling savour. Their blood
is precious in his sight ; he has avenged it, and
may yet raore signally avenge it. They left their
tes.tiraony for truth in a country where it had been
erainently opposed and outraged. That testimony
has not altogether perished. Who knows what
effects the record of what they dared and suffered
may yet, through the divine blessing, produce upon
that unhappy nation, which counted them as the
filth and offscouring of all things, but was not wor
thy of them ? Though hitherto lost on Spain, it
has not been without all fruit elsewhere. The
knowledge of the exertions raade by Spaniards, and
of the barbarous raeasures adopted to put them
down, provoked raany in other countries to throw
off the Roraan yoke, and to secure theraselves against
sirailar cruelties. In particular, it inspired their
fellow-subjects in the Low Countries with a deter
raination not to perrait their soil to be polluted by
the odious tribiinal of the Inquisition, and consoli
dated that resistance which terrainated in the esta
blishment of civil liberty, in connexion <with the
reformed religion, in the United Provinces. While
we bow with reverence to those providential ar
rangements which permitted the standard of truth
to fall in one part of the world, we cannot but re-

346 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
fleet with gratitude on the signal success vouch
safed to it in others. It was during the years 1559
and 1560 that the death-blow was given to the
reformed religion in Spain ; and during tbe sarae
period the religious liberties of the protestants of
Gerraany were finally secured, the reformed jdiurch
was regularly organized in the kingdom of France,
England was freed from popery by the accession of
Elizabeth, and the cause of the Reformation, after
struggling long for existence, attained to a happy
and perraanent establishraent in Scotland.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 347

CHAPTER VIII.

PROTESTANT EXILES FROM SPAIN.
Those who have taken an interest in the preced
ing narrative will feel a desire to know soraething
of the fate of those Spaniards who escaped the
horrors of the dungeon and the stake by abandoning
their native country.
From the time that violent measures were first
adopted to put down the new opinions, individuals
who had incurred the suspicions of the dergy, or
whose attachraent to country yielded to their fears
or to their passion for religious liberty, began to. quit
the Peninsula. As the persecution grew hotter,
the eraigration increased ; nor had it altogether
ceased at the close of the sixteenth century. Some
of the emigrants crossed the Pyrenees, after which
they sought out abodes in France and Switzerland ;
others, escaping by sea, took refuge in the Low
Countries and in England.
Antwerp was the first place in which the refugees

348 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
were formed into a church. The reforraed opinions
had been early introduced into this great mart of
Europe, in consequence of the multitude of stran
gers who continually resorted to it, and the superior
freedora which is enjoyed wherever coraraerce flou
rishes. It was to the merchants of Antwerp that the
Spaniards were first indebted for the means of their
illuraination ;* and they continued long to promote
the good work which they had begun, by encouraging
translations of the scriptures and other books into the
Spanish language.! Antonio de Corran, or Corranus,
a learned native of Seville, was pastor ofthe Spanish
church in Antwerp before the year 1568, when that
city fell into the hands of the duke of Alva, of san
guinary meraory.! After it recovered its liberty, the
exiles returned to their forraer asylura, and enjoyed
the pastoral labours of another native of Seville,
Cassiodoro de Reyna, the translator of the Bible,
who appears to have continued with thera until
1585, when the city was again brought under the
Spanish yoke, after a raeraorable siege by the duke
of Parraa. During his residence there, he drew up,
for the use of his hearers, the Antwerp Catechisra,
which he published both in Spanish and French.^
* See before, p. 124.
-|- Testimony is borne to the zealous UberaUty of the merchants of
Antwerp, both by De Reyna and De Valera, in the prefaces to their
translations into Spanish. ,
X MSS. of Archbishop Parker iii the University Library of Cam
bridge, No. cxiv. 334. Strj^e's Life of Grindal, p. 148.
§ Walchii BibUotheca Theologica, tom. i. p. 463-4. De Reyna also
published at Antwerp, in 1583^ a French translation of Chytrseus's

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 349
Previously to his settleraent at Antwerp, De
Reyna had resided at Strasburg, Frankfort, and
other iraperial cities, where he found a nuraber of
his countrymen, whom he would willingly have
served as a preacher. But the Gerraan divines
received hira coldly, on account of his leaning to
the sentiments of Calvin and the Swiss churches,
on the subject of the eucharist.* On this account,
he retired to Basle, and meeting with a kind recep
tion in that seat of literature, he finished his trans
lation of the Bible, which had been his chief em
ployraent for several years.!
The Palatinate, and the dorainions of the land
grave of Hesse-Cassel, opened a raore hospitable re
treat to the refugees than any other part of Gerraa
ny. It was in Heidelberg that De Montes publish-
History of the Augsburg Confession. (Ib. p. 328. Ukert, Luther's
Leben, tom, i. p. 282.)
* Fechtu Apparatus ad Hist. Eccles. Sec. XVL p. 305. In 1573, De
Reyna pubUshed at Frankfort the Greek text of the Gospel accord
ing to John, with TremeUius's Latin translation of it from the Syriac ;
to which he added notes of his own. (Le Long, Bibl. Sacra, part. ii.
vol. iii. cap. iv. sect. iv. (J 11. edit. Masch.)
f A copy of this Bible, preserved in the pubUc Ubrary of Basle, has
the foUowing inscription in the handwriting of the translator : " Cas-
siodorus Reinius Hispanus Hispalensis, inclytse hujus Academise alum
nus, hujus sacromm Ubrorum versionis Hispanicse author, quam per
integrum decennium elaboravit, et auxiUo pientissimorum ministrorum
hujus Ecclesise BasUeensis ex decreto prudentissimi Senatus typis ab
honesto viro Thoma Guarino cive BasUeensi excusam demum emisit
in lucem, in perpetuumgratitudinis et observantise monumentum hunc
libnim inclytae huic Academise supplex dicabat A. 1570, mense Junio."
(Miscellanea Groningana, tom, ui, p, 99, 100,)

350 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
ed that work which first laid open to the eyes of
Europe the mysteries of the Spanish inquisition,
and the sufferings which his protestant countrymen
had endured from that inhuman tribunal;* whUe
a confession of faith in the narae of the exiles from
Spain, along with an account of their persecution,
came from the press of Cassel.!
France was happily in such a state as to offer a
refuge to the Spanish protestants, when driven from
their native country. Many of thera repaired to
the city of Lyons, where means of religious in
struction had been provided for them, as well
as for their brethren who had fled from Italy.!
The French protestants shpwed theraselves uni
forraly disposed to syrapathize with the Spanish
refugees, contributed to their support, shared with
thera that degree of religious liberty which they
* The Heidelberg Catechism was also translated into Spanish, for
their use. (Gerdesii Florilegium Libr. Rar. p. 77. edit. 1763.)
t The Confession of the Spanish exiles was pubUshed in Spanish and
German at Cassel in 1601. And at the same time was printed a Brief
History of the Spanish Inquisition, with an Account ofthe Spectachel
(auto-de-fe) at ValladoUd, 21 May 1558. (Freytag, Adparatus Litte-
rarius, tom. iii. p. 196-200.) The Confession was printedin German
at Amberg in 1611, by Joachim Ursin, who pubUshed at the same
time Hispanicee Inquisitionis et CamificiruB Secretiara. (Gerdesu
Florilegium Libr. Rar. p. 86-7.) Learned men differ as to the real
author, who concealed himself under this fictitious name ; sorae fixing
on Innocent Gentillet, the author of Anti-Machiavel, and others on
Michael Beringer. The materials of the work are chiefly borrowed
from that of Montanus.
X See before, p. 200, note f. History of the Reformation in Italy,
p. 405-6.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 351
happened at the time to enjoy, and adraitted several
of thera to he pastors of their churches.* It is
gratifying to find the French synods also receiving
into their coraraunion Moors, who had escaped,
along with the protestants, frora the inquisition of
Spain, and now abjured Mahoraetanisra under cir
curastances which rendered their change of religion
less obnoxious to suspicion-!
But it was in Geneva and England that the
greater part of Spanish refugees found a safe har
bour and permanent abode. As they were inti
mately connected with the Italian refugees who
settled in these placeSj we shall, according to a for
raer proraise,! corabine the affairs of both in the
foUowing narrative.
As early as 1542, there was formed at Geneva a
congregation of Italian refugees, which had the
chapel of tbe cardinal d'Ostie assigned to it by the
council, and was under the pastoral inspection of

* Gaspar Olaxa, a Spaniard, was ministeir of Castres, but deposed
for fomenting dissensions in that church, before the year 1594.
(Quick's Synodicon, vol. i. p. 172, 188.) At a subsequent period,
Vincente Solera was minister of St. Lo, in Normandy. (Ibid. i.
509; ii. 241.) In 1614, Juan de Luna and Lorenzo Fernandez,
Spaniards who had abjured monachism and popery, obtained, on the
recommendation of the church of Montauban, pecuniary relief from
the National Synod of Tonneins. (Ibid, i, 413-4.) And in 1620,
Geronimo Quevedo, who had escaped from the Inquisition, received
a pension from the Synod of Alez, to be continued at the discretion
ofthe Church of MontpeUier. (Ibid, ii.43.)
t Ibid, i 491-2.
X History of the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation in
Italy, p. 408.

352 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
Bernardino de Sesvaz.* Its raeetings were, how
ever, discontinued after a short tirae, probably by
the reraoval of sorae of its principal raerabers ; and
they were not resuraed until the year 1551.
The person to whora its revival was chiefly ow
ing was Galeazzo Caraccioli, whose life presents
incidents which would excite deep interest in a
roraance.! He was the eldest son of Nicol-Antonio
Caraccioli, raarquis of Vico, one of the grandees of
Naples. His raother was of the noble faraily of
the Caraffi, and sister to the cardinal of that name
who was raised to the pontifical chair. At the age
of twenty, he married Vittoria, daughter to the
duke of Nuceria, who brought hira a large fortune,
and bore hira six children. The eraperor Charles
v., who was under obligations to the raarquis, con
ferred on his son the office of gentleraan-sewer ;
and the personal accoraplishraents of Galeazzo,
the uniforra correctness of his raanners, his affa
bility, and the talents which he discovered for pub
lic business, led all who knew him to anticipate
his gradual and certain advancement in worldly
honours. Serious irapressions, accompanied with
* Spon, Histoire de Geneve, tom. i p. 290, note ; 4to edition. I have
not met with the name of Sesvaz among the Italian reformers, and am
incUned to suppose that Ochino, who arrived at Geneva in the course
ofthe year 1542, assumed that appellation for the purpose of con
cealment at the beginning of his exile.
f The Life of CaraccioU was written in his native tongue, by Nicola
Balbani, minister of the Italian church in Geneva. It was translated
into Latin by Beza; into French by Minutoli, and by Sieur de
Lestan ; and into English by WilUam Crashaw.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 353
a conviction of the errors of the church of Rorae,
were raade on his raind by Valdes and Martyr, at
the tirae that the protestant tenets were secretly
erabraced by raany individuals in Naples ; and his
religious dispositions were cherished by the advices
of that pious and elegant scholar, Marc-Antonio
Flarainio.* Having accompanied the emperor
to Germany, his acquaintance with the reforraed
doctrine was enlarged by conversation with sorae
of the leading protestants, and the perusal of their
writings ; and his attachraent to it was confirmed
by an interview which, on his way horae, he had at
Strasburg with Martyr, who had lately forsaken his
native country for the sake of religion. After his
return to Naples, he endeavoured to prevail on such
of his countryraen as held the sarae views with him
self to raeet together in private for their mutual edifi
cation ; but he found that the severe measures lately
resorted to had struck terror into their rainds, and
that they were resolved, hot only to conceal their
sentiments, but also to practise occasional confor
mation to the rites of the popish worship. He now
entered into serious deliberation with himself on
one of the raost delicate and painful questions which
can be forced on a person in his circumstances.

# Giannone says that Flaminio wrote a letter to Caraccioli, ex
horting him to adhere to the Reformation, which had been embraced
by the marchioness of Pescara and others'. The letter, rich with the
unction of true piety, is inserted in the Life of CaraccioU, chap. v.
and in Schelhom's Amcenitates Ecclesiasticse, tom. ii p. 122-132 ;
but it makes no mention ofthe Reformation,
2 A

354 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
What w^ he to do ? Was he to spend his whole?
life in the midst of idolatry, in the way of conceal
ing that faith which was dearer to his heart than
life, and incurring the threatening^ "Him that con
fesseth me not before men, I will not confess before
my Father and his aHgels;?" Or, was it his duty
to lea,ve father, and wife, and children, and housesj,
saad lands, for Christ's sake and the gospel's ? The
sacrifice of his secular dignities and possessions
did not cost him a sigh ; but as often as he reflect
ed on the distress which his departure would inflict
on his aged father, who, with parental pride, re
garded him as the heijr of his titles, and the stay of
his family,^on his wife whom he loved and by
whom he was loved tenderly, — and on the dear
pledges of their union, he was thrown into a state
of unutterable anguish^ and started back with hor
ror from the resolution to which conscienjce had
brought him. At length,, by an heroic effort of
zeal, which few can imitate, and many will con
demn, he came to the determination of bursting the
tenderest ties which perhaps ever bound man to
country and kindred. His nearest, relal^ns^ so far
fi:om being reconcilable to the idea of his abandon?
ing the church of Rome, had signified, their dis
pleasure at the pious life which he had led for some
years, and at his evident disrelish for the gaieties of
the court. Having no hope of procuring their con
sent, he concealed his design from thera, and, avail
ing hiraself of the pretext of business which he had
to transact with the emperor, set out for Augsburg,

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN; 355
whence he speedily repaired to Geneva.* The in
telligence of his arri valat that place, and his abjura
tion of the Roman religion, while it filled ih6 impe
rial court with astonishment, plunged his family into
the deepest distress. One of his cousins, who had
been his intiraate friend, was despatched from Naples*
to represent the grief which his conduct had caused,
and urge hira to, return. As soon as his refusal ivaS"
known, sentence was passed against him, and he!
was deprived of all the property which he inherited
from his mother. At the risk of his life, he wen^
to Italy and met his father at Verona, Where he
i*emained until the marqnis went to the empetorj'
and obtained, as a special favour, thiat the sentence
pronounced against his son should not extend tO
his grandson. During his father's absence, Galeazzo
was waited upon by the celebrated Fracastoroy who
used his great eloquence to persuade him to comply*
with the wishes df his friends'. In the following
year he met his father a second time at Mantua,'
when an offer was mad'^ to him, in the name of bid
Hucle, now pope Paul IV., that he should have a
protection against the IhqMsition, provided he would
take up his residence within the Venetian states ; a
proposal to which neither his safety nor the dictates
of his conscience would permit hira to accede. All
this tirae he had been refused the privilege of seeing
his family ; and it was not iintil the end of the year
1557 that he received a letter from- his wife Vit-
* His arrival in that city, in June 1551, excited such- surprise that
he" was afr first suspected by sbme as a spy. (Spon, i 200,) '

356 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
toria, earnestly requesting an interview with him,
and fixing the place of meeting. Having obtained
a safe-conduct from the governraent of the Grisons,
he iraraediately set out for Lesina, an island on the
coast of Dalraatia, over against his paternal castle
of Vieo ; but, on his arrival at the appointed place,
Vittoria, instead of making her appearance, sent
two of her sons to meet their father. He had
scarcely returned to Geneva from this fatiguing
and dangerous journey, when he received another
packet from his wife, apologizing for her breach of
engagement, and begging him to come without
delay to the sarae place, where she would not fail
to meet him, along with his father and children.
On his reaching Lesina the second time, none of
the faraily had arrived ; and unable to brook fur
ther delay, he crossed the Gulf of Venice, and pre
sented himself at his father's gate. He was receiv
ed with every deraonstration of joy, . and for sorae
days the castle was thronged with friends who came
to welcome hira. But it behoved the parties to
come at last to an explanation.- Taking Vittoria
aside, Galeazzo apologized for not having imparted
to her the secret of his departure, gave a full account
of the reasons of his conduct, and begged her to
accompany him to Geneva ; promising that no con
straint should be laid on her conscience, and that
she should be at liberty to practise her religion
under his roof. After many protestations of affec
tion, she finally replied, that she could not reside
out of Italy, nor in a place where any other religion

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 357
than that of the church of Rome was professed ;
and further, that she could not live with him as her
husband, so long as he was infected with heresy.
Her confessor had inculcated upon her that it was
a damnable sin to cohabit with a heretic, and dread
ing the influence which her husband hiight exert
over her mind, had prevented her frora keeping
her first appointraent. The day fixed for his de
parture being come, Galeazzo went to take leave
of his father, who, laying aside the affection with
which he had hitherto treated hira, and giving way
to his passion, loaded hira with reproaches and curses.
On quitting his father's apartraent, he had to under
go a still severer trial of his sensibility. He found
his wife and children, with a nuraber of his friends,
waiting for hira in the hall. Bursting into tears,
and embracing her husband, Vittoria besought him
not to leave her a widow, and her babes fatherlessi.
The children joined in the entreaties of their mo
ther ; and the eldest daughter, a fine girl of thirteen,
grasping his knees, refused to part with hira. How
he disengaged hiraself, he knew not ; for the first
thing which brought him to recollection was the
noise made by the sailers on reaching the opposite
shore of the Gulf. He used often to relate to his in
timate friends, that the parting scene continued long
to haunt his mind ; and that, not only in dreams, but
also in reveries into which he fell during the day, he
thought he heard the angry voice of his father, saw
Vittoria in tears, and felt his daughter dragging at
his heels. His return gave great joy to his friends

358 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
^t Geneva, who, in proportion to the confidence
which they reposed in his constancy, were alarraed
for the safety of his person.
Painful as this visit had been to his feelings, it
contributed to restore his peace of mind, by convinc
ing him that he could entertain no hope of enjoying
the society of his family except on the condition bf
renouncing his religion. After he had remained
nine years in exile, he consulted Calvin on the pro
priety of contracting a second marriage. That re
former, who took a deep interest in the character of
his noble friend, felt great scruples as to the expe
diency of this step, but ultimately gave his approba^
tion to it, after he had consulted the divines of Swit
zerland and the Grisons. Accordingly, the courts
of Geneva having legally pronounced a sentence of
divorce against Vittoriaj on the ground of her ob
stinate refusal to live with her husband, he raarried
Anne Freraejerg, the widow of a French refugee
from Ronen, with whom he continued to liye hap
pily in a state of dignified frugality. On being in
forraed of this part of his conduct, we feel as if it
detracted from the high unsuUied virtue which Ga
leazzo had hitherto displayed. His second nuptials,
though contracted according to the rules of the ca
non law, gave occasion of reproach to the keen adver
saries of the Reforraation ; but they did not lower him
in the estiraation of his acquaintance of either religir
ous persuasion- By the citizens of Geneva he was
all along held in the highest respect ; the freedom
of the city had been conferred on him soon after his

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 359
arrival among them; a house was allotted to him
by the public ; and he was admitted a member both
of the great and small council. Princes> ambassa
dors, and learned men^ popish as well as protestant,
who visited the city, regularly paid their respects to
the raarquis ; a title which was always giveh him,
though he refused to assume it even after the death
of his father. Nothing gave greater offence to the
papal court, and the government of Naples, than
his choosing the see qf heresy for his residence. It
was probably with the view of reraoving thiis
prejudice, and thereby procuring reraittances from
his patriraonial estate, that he consented, in the
spring of 1572, to a proposal raade by Admiral
Coligni to take up his abode with him ;* but pro
videntially he was prevented from reraoving to
France so soon as he had intended, and thus escaped
the massacre of St. Bartholoraew, which took place
in August that year. After residing five years at
Nion and Lausanne for the sake of economy in his
living, he returned to Geneva, which he did not
again leave until his death, which happened in 1586,
in the sixty-eighth year of his age.!
The first thing which engaged the attentioh of
* On that occasion the CouncU of Geneva testified the strongest
reluctance to consent to his departure. They promised to release him
from all pubUc charges, and to supply him with every thing which he
needed ; while the Sienrs Reset and Franc offered him the use of their
country houses. (Fragmens, extraits des Registres de Geneve, p. 44.)
•j- Life of Galeacius Caracciolus, Marquis of Vico, passim. Gian
none, His.t. de Naples, Uv. xxxii. ohap. 5. GerdeSil Italia Reforma
ta, p. t04-l 12. Spon, i. 290. Fi-agmens, ut supra, p. 16, 22, 2^, SO.

360 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAlxV.
CaraccioU, after his settlement in Geneva, was the
re-organizing of the Italian congregation. Lattan-
tio Ragnoni, a gentleman of Sienna, whom he had
known at Naples, having arrived a few days after
hira, and given proofs of his orthodoxy and qua
lifications for public teaching, was persuaded by
him to undertake the office of pastor to his country^
men.* They accordingly recommenced their public
exercises in the Magdalene church, which was as
signed to thera by the council.! CaraccioU hiraself
became one of thfeir elders, and by the respectabiUty
of his character, and the wisdom of his counsels,
contributed raore than any other individual to the
perraanent prosperity of that church. In the close
of the year 1553, they obtained a preacher of greater
abilities in Celso Massimiliano, usually called Mar-
tinengo, because he was the son of a count of that
name, in the territories of Brescia. He had entered
into the order of canons regular, and having irabib
ed the reformed doctrine from Peter Martyr, preach
ed it for sorae tirae with great boldness and elo
quence ; but understanding that snares were laid
for his life, he fled to the Valteline, whence he carae
to Basle, with the intention of proceeding to Eng
land. By the iraportunities of Caraccioli he was
induced to abandon his intended journey, and to un
dertake the pastoral charge of the Italian church at
Geneva.! On his death in 1557, Calvin exerted
* Life of Caracciolus, chap. xi.
f Spon, Hist, de Geneve, tom. i. p. 290.
X Zanchu Epist. ad Landgravium : Opera, tom, vii, p, 3. Spon, i.
299, 300. Life of Caracciolus, chap. xvii.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 361
himself to procure for them the services of Martyr
and Zanchi, who excused themselves on account of
their engagements ; and the church appears to have
remained under the sole inspection of Ragnoni*
until 1559, when they procured Nicola Balbani>
who continued to serve them with rauch approba
tion nearly to the close of the sixteenth cen
tury.! It would seera that this situation was also
held by Jean Baptiste Rotan, a learned raan, who>
on reraoving to France, incurred the suspicion of
seeking to betray the reforraed church by reconciling
it to Rome.!
The peace of the Italian church was for some
time disturbed by the antitrinitarian controversy.
Alciati, a military officer frora Milan, and Blandra-
ta, a physician frora Piedmont, in the visits which
they made to Geneva, privately disseminated their
sentiraents, which were adopted by Valentinus Gen^
tills, a native of Cosenza in Calabria, who had join
ed the Italian congregation. The celebrated lawyer
Gribaldo, after differing with Calvin, had taken up
his residence at Fargias, a villa which he purchased
in the neighbouring district of Gex, within the ju-
* It appears from a letter of Calvin, that Lattantio Ragnoni sur
vived Martinengo. (Calvini Epist. p. 128 : Opera, tom. ix.)
f Senebier, Hist Lit. de Geneve, tom. i. p. 1X5-6. " The ItaUau
minister of Geneva, Balbani, (says Joseph ScaUger) carried a barrette
(a leather cap or cowl) in his breast, which he wore in the pulpit, and
put his hat over it when he preached ; as aU the other Genevese pas
tors wear smaU flat bonnets." (Secunda ScaUgerana, voc. Barrette^
X Bock, Hist. Antitrin. tom. u. p. 665. Conf. Gerdesu Ital. Ref.
p. 327-329, Senebier, i. 395.

362 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
risdiction of Bern, from which he kept up an in
tercourse with the secret agitators in Geneva. They
had caused great uneasiness to Martinengo, who, in
recomraending his church to the care of Calvin,
when he was on his death-bed, adjured that reform
er to guard thera against the arts of these restless
spirits.* In concert with Ragnoni, their surviving
pastor, Calvin exer^d himself in allaying these
dissensions, and, in 1558, drew up a confession of
faith for the use of the Italian congregation. This
was subscribed by Gentilis, under the pain of per
jury if he should afterwards contradict it ; but,
encouraged by Gribaldo, he began again to spread
the opinions which he had renounced, upon which
a process was coramenced against hira, Which issued
in his expulsion frora the city.!
' The internal peace of the Italian church being
restored, it continued to flourish, and gained fresh
accessions every year by the arrival of persons from
the different parts of Italy. All classes in Geneva, the
magistrates, the ministers, and the citizens, vied with
each other in their kind attention to the exiles from
Italy, who were admitted to privileges, and advanc
ed to offices, in comraon with the native inhabitants
of the city. Nor had the republic any reason to re
pent of this liberal policy. The adopted strangers
transferred their loyalty and affections to Geneva ;
and among those who have served her most honour-
* Calvini Epistolae, p, 128 : Opera, tom. ix.
¦|- Bock, Hist. AntitriM. tom. ii. p. 427-443, 466-472, Calvini Epist.
p. 160-162. Spon, i. 301-304.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 363
ably in the senate, the acaderay, and the field, from
that tirae to the present, we recognise with plea
sure Italian refugees and their descendants. It is
sufficient here to raention the naraes of Diodati,
Turretini, Calandrini, Burlaraaqui, Micheli, Minu
toli, Butini, and Offredi.
Individual Spaniards, who found it necessary to
fly frora the Inquisition, had taken refuge in Gene
va frora the tirae that Egidio was thrown into pri-»
son at Seville.* In 1557, additions were raade to
their nuraber ;! and the persecution increasing dur-^
ing the tWo subsequent years, emigrants poured in
frora all parts of the Peninsula.^ The council ex
tended to thera the privileges which had been already
granted to the emigrants from Italy. It was Juan
Perez, to whom his countrymen were otherwise SO
much indebted,^ who first formed a Spanish church
in Geneva. II After his departure to France, they
enjoyed the pastoral labours of De Reyna and
others of their learned countryraen ; hut, as many of
their members reraoved to England and other places,

* See before, p. 199.
f " Oct. 14, 1557. Onrepoit 300 habitans le meine matin; sar
voir, 200 Franjois, 50 Anglois, 25 ItaUens, 4 Espagnols, &c. ; teUe-
ment que I'antichambre du conseU ne les pouvoit tons contenir."
(Fragmens Biographiques et Historiques, extraits des Registres de
Genlve, p. 24.)
X Jn a, letter, dated Zurich, 10 June 1558, Martyr writes to
tJtenhovins, " Quin et Hispani, ac u docti et probi viri, turmatim
Genevam confluimt," (Gerdesii Scrinium Antiq. tom. ii. p. 673.)
^ See before, p. 199.
II Bezae Icones, sig. Ii. iij. ; comp. Spon, i. 299.

364 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
and as the most of them understood Italian, they
adjoined theraselves, before the close of the century,
to the church which was placed under the charge
of Balbani.* One of the raost distinguished of
their number, both in point of learning and piety,
was Pedro Gales. While he taught Greek and ju
risprudence in Italy, he had faUen under the sus
picion of heresy, and being put to the torture at
Rorae, lost one of his eyes. Escaping from prison,
he came to Geneva about the year 1580, and was
appointed joint professor of philosophy with Julio
Paci, an Italian lawyer.! During an interruption
of the acaderaical exercises caused by the attempts
of the duke of Savoy on Geneva, Gales was per
suaded to accept the rectorship of the college of
Guienne at Bordeaux. But finding his situation
unpleasant, in consequence of the civil wars which
then raged in France, and the envy of one of his
colleagues, he left it, with the intention of repair
ing to the Netherlands. On his journey he was
seized by sorae of the partisans of the League, and
delivered first to his countrymen, and afterwards to
the Spanish Inquisition, by whose sentence he was
comraitted to the flaraes, after making an undaunt-

* In the epistle dedicatory to his edition of the Spanish Confes
sion of faith, Eberhardt von Retrodt says that, when he was at Gene
va in 1581, he heard " Sign. Balbado" (Balbani) preach to a large
congregation of ItaUans and Spaniards, " in their own church."
•f- Paci was the intim^j:e friefid of the learned Peiresc. Tiraboschi
labours to shoiv that he returned to the Roman faith in his latter days ;
but his arguments are inconclusive.'

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 365
ed profession of his faith-* He had made a large
collection of ancient manuscripts, with annotations
of his own, part of which was preserved, and has
been highly prized by the learned.!
England had the honour of opening a harbour
to protestants of every country who fled from
persecution at the beginning of the Reformation.
The first congregation of strangers formed in Lon-
? don was the Dutch or German, which met in the
church of Austin Friars, under the superintendence
of the learned Polish nobleman John a Lasco. It
was followed by the erection of French and Italian
congregations. As early as 1551 there was an Ita
lian church in London, of which Michael Angelo
Florio was pastor.! On its restoration after the
death of queen Mary, Florio returned ; but, owing

* Meursii Athenae Batavae, p. 333. The Jesuit Andreas SchottUs,
unwiUing to have it thought that a person of such erudition was put
to death by the Inquisition, says, " It is reported that he was seized
along with his wife by a miUtary band, and expired in the Pyrenees."
(Schotti BibUotheca Hispanica, p. 612.)
f Cujas, Casaubon, and Father Labbe have aU extoUed the learning
of Gales. (Colomesiana, CoUection par Des Maizeaux, tom. i, p. 612-3.
Bayle, Diet. art. Gales, Pierre.) The person whom I have caUed
Pedro Gales in p. 181, was, I am satisfied on reflection,' Nicolaus
Gallasius, or De Gallars, one of the ministers of Geneva.
X Scrinium Antiquarium, tom. U. p. 674 ; tom. iv. p. 478. Florio is
the author of an extremely rare work : " Historia de la Vita e de la
Morte de I'iUnstriss, Signora GiOTanna Graia, gia Regina eletta e
pubUcata d'Inghilterra. Con I'aggiunto d'una doctiss, disputa...e nel'
Proemio de I'Authore, M. Michelangelo Florio Fiorentino, gia Pre-
dicatore famoso del' Sant' Evangelo in piu cita d'ltaUa, et in Londra.
Stampato appresso Richardo Pittore, ne I'anno di Christo 1607."

366 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATIO!!? IN SPAIN.
to some irregularity of conduct, he was not adraitted
to his former place, which was conferred on Jero-
nimo Jerlito.* The raost distinguished of its
members were Jacorao Contio, better known as an
author by the name of Acontius, who was suspend
ed for some time from coraraunion, on suspicion of
his being infected with Arian and Pelagian tenets ;!
his friend Battista CastigUoni, who had a place at
court, and taught Italian to queen Elizabeth;!*
Julio Borgarusci, physician to the earl of Leices
ter ;^ Camillo Cardoini, a Neapolitan nobleman,
whose son was afterwards made governor of Cala
bria, as a reward for abjuring the protestant reli
gion,! ^"'^ Albericus Gentilis, who becarae professor
of civil law at Oxford.^[ The foreign Italian con
gregation appears to have been united to the French
in the course of the sixteenth century ; but in 1618
the noted Antonio de Dominis, archbishop of Spal-

* Strype's Life of Grindal, p. 108, 135. History of the Reforma
tion in Italy, p. 374.
•j; Bayle, Diet. art. Acontius; addition in Eng. Trans. Gerdesii
Hist. Ref. tom. iU. Append. No. xvi. Serin. Antiq. tom. vu. p: 123.
Strype's Life o£ Grindal, p. 45.
J Bayle,, ut supra. Gerdesii Italia Reformata, p. 166.
§ Strype's Life of toindal, p. 225.
II Wood's Fasti Oxon. col. 228. edit. Bliss. Senebier, Hist. Lit.
de Geneve, torn. ii. p. ISl.
t IVfatteo Gentile, a physician of Ancona, left his native country
fbr religion, accompanied by his two sons, Alberieo and Scipio. The
latter settled with his father in Germany, and became as eminent a ci-
viUan as his brother. (Wood's Athenae Oxon. vol U. p. 90. Fasti
Oxon. p. 217. edit. BUss. Gerdesu. Ital. Ref. p. 271-274.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 367
atroi, preached in Italian at London, and had one
of the family of Calandrini appointed as his col
league.* There had been Spaniards in England from the
time of Henry VIII., whose first queen belonged
to that nation. Her daughter Mary entertained
them about her person, and their nuraber greatly
increased after her marriage to Philip II. of Spain.^
> As several of thera were converted to protesftantisra,
some writers; are of opinion that they must have
heard the gospel preached in their native tongue
during the reign of Edward VI.! But it does not
appear that the Spanish protestants were formed
into a congregation until the accession of Eliza
beth. During the year 1559 they met for worship
in a private house in London, and had one Cassiodo
ro for their preacher. In the course of the follow-''
ing year they presented a petition to secretary
Cecil and Grindal bishop of London, for liberty ta
meet in public. They had hitherto refrained, they
said, from taking this step, by the advice of persons
whom they greatly respected, and from fear of giving
offence ; but they were convinced that their continu
ing to do so was no less discreditable to the religion
wMeh they professed, than it was incomraodious to
theraselves. Their adversaries took occasion to
say, that they must surely harbour some monstrous
* Wodrow's Life of Robert Boyd of Trochrig, p. 260 j MSi in the
Library ofthe CoUege of Glasgow.
f- Strype's Life of Cranmer, p. 246.

368 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
tenets, detested even by Lutherans, when they were
not perraitted, or did not venture, to asserable pub
licly in a city where protestants frora every coun
try were allowed this privilege. Sorae of their
countryraen had withdrawn frora their asserably,
and others had declined to join it, lest they should
suffer in the trade which they carried on with
Spain, from their attendance on a private and unau
thorized conventicle. They added, that if the king
of Spain complained of the liberty granted to them,
they would desist from the exercise of it, and quit
the kingdora rather than involve it in a quarrel
with foreign states.* The government was favour
able to their application, and ' it would seera that
they raet soon after in one bf the city churches,
whose ministers, as stated in their petition, were
willing to accoraraodate thera. London was not
the only place which furnished them with an asy
lum ; but in other towns both they and the Italians
generally asserabled for worship along with the
French eraigrants.! With the view of counteract
ing the invidious and unfounded reports circulated
against their orthodoxy, the Spanish protestants in
* Strype's Life of Grindal, p. 47-8. Strype's Annals of the Refor
mation, vol. i. p. 237,
+ Besides the metropolis, the Dutch and French exiles settled, and
for some time had churches, in Southwark, Canterbury, Norwich, Col- •
Chester, Maidstone, Sandwich, and Southampton. (Strype's Annals,
i. 554.) In 1575, John Migrode was pastor of the Dutch church in
Norwich. (Bibl. Bremensis, class, vi. p. 518.) And in 1583, Mons.
Mary was pastor of the French church iu that city. (Aymon,
Synodes Nationaux des Eglises Reformees de France, tom. i. p, 169.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 369
England drew up and published a confession of
their faith, which was adopted by their brethren
scattered in other countries.* This docuraent
proves that the Spanish exiles, while they held
the doctrines coraraon to all protestants, were fa
vourable to the views which the reforraed churches
maintained in their controversy with the Lutherans
respecting the euchari'st.!
The countenance granted by the government of
England to protestant exiles, and particularly to
Spaniards, gave great offence to the pope and to the
king of Spain. It was specified as one of the charges
against Elizabeth, in the bull of Pius V. excomrau-
nicating that princess. This drew frora bishop
Jewel the following triuraphant reply. Having
mentioned that they had either lost or left behind
them their all, goods, lands, and houses, he goes on
* Gerdesius says it was pubUshed at London in 1559. (Florilegi
um Libr.^Rar. p. 87. edit. an. 1763. Scrinium Antiq. tom. i p. 151.)
The following is its title, as given in an edition with. a German trans
lation : " Confession de Fe Christiana hecha por ciertos Fieles Espan-
noles, los quales huyendo los abuses de la Iglesia Romana, y la cruel-
dad de la Inquisition de Espanna, dexaron su patria, para ser recibidos
de la Iglesia de los Fieles por hermanos in Christo. AnfengUch in
Hispanischer Sprachen beschrieben jetzt aber aUen frommen Christen
zu Nutz und Trost verteuchet, durch Eberhardten von Redrodt Fiirstl.
Hessischen bestalten Hauptman uber L F. G. Leibguardia im Schlos
und Vestung Cassel. Gedruckt zu Cassel durch WiUem Wessel, 1601."
8vo. foUor. 69. (Freytag, Adparatus Litter, tom. iu. p. 196-200.)
f See the extracts from the Spanish Confession given by Gerdesius,
in his Scrinium Antiquarium, tom. i. p. 149, 150, The same fact is
confirmed by another pnbUcation : " Anton. Corrani, dicti BeUerive,
Epistola ad Fratres Augustanse Confessionis, data Antwerpiae, d, 21
Januarii 1567;" which was printed in Latin, French, German, and
English.
2 B

370 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN..
to say : " Not for adultery, or theft, or treason, but
for the professioii of the gospel. It pleased God
here to cast thera on land. The queen, of her gra
cious pity, granted them harbour. Is it become a
heinous thing to show raercy ? God willed the
children of Israel to love the stranger, because
they were strangers in the land of Egypt. He that
showeth raercy shall find raercy. But what was
the number of such who carae in unto us ? Three
or four thousand. Thanks be to God, this realm is
able to receive them, if the nuraber be greater. And
why may not queen Elizabeth receive a few afflicted
merabers of Christ, which are corapelled to carry his
cross ? Whora, when he thought good to bring safely
by the dangers ofthe sea, and to set in at our havens,
should we cruelly have driven thera back again, or
drowned them, or hanged them, or starved thera ?
Would the vicar of Christgive this counsel ? Or, if aking
receive such, and give thera succour, raust he therefore
be deprived ? They are our brethren ; they live not
idly. If they take houses of us, they pay rent for
thera ; they hold not our grounds, but by making
due recorapence. They beg not in our streets, nor
crave any thing at our hands, but to breathe our
airj and to see our sun. They labour truly, they
live sparefuUy ; they are good exaraples of virtue,
travail, faith, and patience. The towns in which
they abide are happy, for God doth follow them with
his blessings." Referring to the Spaniards who came
to England in the reign of queen Mary, the bishop
thus contrasts them with their protestaiit country-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 371
men. " These are few, those were raany ; these
are poor and miserable, those were lofty and proud ;
these are naked, those were armed ; these are spoil
ed by others, those came to spoil us ; these are dri
ven from their country, those came to drive us
frora our country ; these carae to save their lives,
those came to haye our lives. If we were content to
bear those then, let us not grieve now to bear
these."* The Spanish monarch was not less indignant than
his Holiness at the asylum granted to his protestant
subjects. Not contented with persecuting thera at
horae, he hunted thera in every country to which
they were driven. Large sums of raoney were
appropriated to the maintaining of spies, and de
fraying other expenses incurred by that disgraceful
traffic. In France and Gerinany, individuals were
from time to tirae carried off, and deUvered over to
the Inquisition. Not daring to make such attempts
on the free soil of England, the emissaries of Spain
had recourse to methods equally infaraous. They
required the English governraent to deliver up the
refugees as traitors and crirainals who had fled
frora justice. Francisco Farias and Nicolas Moli-
no, two respectable members of the Spanish congre
gation, who had resided eight years in this country,
were denounced by one of their countrymen who
acted as a spy in London. In consequence of this,
the Spanish ambassador received instructions from
* View of a Seditious Bull, in Bishop Jewel's Works.

372 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
his court to demand of Elizabeth, that they should
be sent horae tp be tried for crimes which were laid
to their charge ; and to induce her to comply with
the request, their names were coupled with that of
a notorious malefactor who had lately escaped from
Flanders. If these innocent men had not had friends
at court who knew from experience to syrapathize
with the exile, they raight have been delivered up to
a cruel death.* To enable it to raeet any future de
mand of this kind, the English government adopts
ed measures to obtain an exact account of all the
members of the foreign congregations who had
corae from any part of the king of Spain's domin
ions.! In the year 1568, Corranus came from Antwerp,
and undertook the pastoral charge of the Spanish
congregation in London. Having been involved in
a quarrel with Jerlito and Cousin, the ministers
of the Italian and French congregations, who ac
cused him of error and defaraation, the parties ap
pealed to Beza, who referred the controversy to bi
shop Grindal. The coraraissioners naraed by the
bishop to try the cause suspended Corranus from
preaching4 He appears to have been a raan of a hot
teraper ;§ but his learning recoraraended hira to se-
* Strype's Life of Grindal, p. 109 ; Append. No. xiU.
f Ibid', p. 110, III. In the year 1568, the Spaniards and the Ital
ians who had been subjects of the king of Spain, amounted to about
57 in London alone. (Ibid. p. 135.)
X Ibid. p. 125-127, 147-149.
§ When the sentence was intimated to him, he exclaimed, " It seems
you English are determined to wage both a civil and ecclesiastical war

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 373
cretary Cecil, by whose influence the suspension was
taken off, and he was raade reader of divinity in the
Teraple. When he went to Oxford at a subsequent
period, sorae of the heads of colleges scrupled to re
ceive hira, on account of the suspicions forraerly en
tertained as to his orthodoxy ; but their objections
were overcorae, and he was admitted to read lectures
on theology in the university, as well as to hold a
living in the church of England.* Though there is
no evidence that Cypriano de Valera ever acted as a
preacher in England, yet he took an active part in
the affairs of the foreign churches.! But his la
bours were chiefly by raeans of the press, in which
respect he was more extensively beneficial to his
countryraen than any of the exiles. He arrived
in England soon after the accession of Elizabeth,
and appears to have spent the reraainder of his
life chiefly in ¦ this country. After studying for
sorae tirae at both universities,! he devoted himself
to the writing of original works in Spanish, and the
translating of others into that language. The most
of these were published in England, where also his
translation of the Bible, though printed abroad, was
against the Spaniards j a civil wai* by taking their ships, an ecclesias
tical in my person."
* Strype's Life of Grindal, p. 149. Wood's Athenae Oxon. vol. i.
p. 578-581 ; Fasti, vol. i. p. 203. edit, BUss. He died in 1591, aged 64.
f Riederer, Nachrichten, tom. iu. p. 482.
'j The act of his incorporation at Oxford, 21 Feb. 1565, bears, that
he was M. A. of Cambridge, of three years' standing. He had obtain
ed the degiee of B, A, Cantab, in 1559-60. (Wood's Fasti O-vou,
vol, i, p, 169,)

374 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
prepared for the press. It would seera that the
circulation of the last-mentioned work in Spain was
much raore extensive than we could have expected.*
The influx of Spanish refugees into England
ceased with the sixteenth century, though a solitary
individual, who had found the raeans of illuraina
tion in his native country, flying from the awaken
ed suspicions of the inquisitors, occasionally reached
its hospitable shore after that period.!
* To his worlts already mentioned, the foUowing may be added.
" El CathoUco Reformado." (Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Nov. tom. i p. 261.)
" Catecismo, que significa, forma de instrucion, &c. En casa de Ricar
do del Campo, 1596." This is a translation of Calvin's Catechism, and
was printed at the same press, and in the same year, with Valera's Spa
nish New Testament. (Riederer, Nachrichten, tom. iii. p. 475-484.)
His Spanish translation of Calvin's Institutions appeared in 1597.
(Gerdesu Florilegium Libr. Rar. p. 55.) The celebrated Diodati, in
a letter to the Synod of Alenfon, dated 1 May 1637, says : " The new
Spanish translation of Cyprian de Vallera hath produced incredible
effects in Spain ; no less than three thousand copies having penetrat
ed, by secret ways and conveyances, into the very bowels of that
kingdom. Let others pubUsh the fruit of my Italian version, both in
Italy and elsewhere." (Quick's Synodicon, vol. U. p. 418.)
-f- Ferdinando Texeda, B. D. of the university of Salamanca, having
embraced the protestant religion, came to England about the year 1623.
(Wood's Fasti, p. 413.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 375

CHAPTER IX.
EFFECTS WHICH THE SUPPRESSION OF THE
REFORMATION PRODUCED ON SPAIN.
Tyranny, while it subjects those against whom it
is iraraediately directed to great sufferings, entails
still greater misery on the willing instruraents of its
vengeance. Spain boasts of having extirpated the.
reforraed opinions frora her territory ; but she has
little reason to congratulate herself on the conse
quences of her blind and infatuated policy. She has
paid, and is still paying, the forfeit of her folly
and crimes, by the loss of civil and religious liberty,
and by the degradation into which she has sunk
among the nations.
Other causes, no doubt, contributed to produce
this raelancholy issue ; but that it is to be traced
chiefly to a corrupt religion, will appear from a ge
neral comparison of the condition of Spain with
Other European nations, and from an examination.
of her internal state.
It is a fact now admitted on all hands, that the
Reforraation has ameliorated the state of govern
ment and society in all the countries into which

376 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
it was received. By exciting inquiry and diffusing
knowledge, it led to the discovery and correction of
abuses ; imposed a check, by pubUc opinion, if not
by statute, on the arbitrary will of princes ; gene
rated a spirit of liberty araong the people ; gave a
higher tone to morals ; and iraparted a strong ira
pulse to the huraan raind in the career of invention
and improvement. These benefits have been felt to
a certain degree in countries into which the re
formed religion was only partially introduced, or
whose inhabitants, from local situation and other
causes, were brought into close contact with pro
testants. But while these nations were advancing
with different degrees of rapidity in improvement,
— acquiring free governments, cultivating literature
and science, or extending their comraerce and in
creasing their resources,— rSpain, though possessed of
equal or greater advantages, becarae stationary, and
soon began to retrograde. It is impossible to ac
count for this phenomenon frora any peculiarity in
her political condition at the middle of the six
teenth century. Italy was in very different circum
stances in this respect, and yet we find the two
countries nearly in the sarae condition, owing to
their having pursued the sarae raeasures in regard
to religion. On the other hand, the political state
of France, at the era referred to, was. very sirailar
to that of Spain. The nobles had been stripped of
their feudal power in both countries ; the French
parliaraents had becorae as passive instruraents in
the hands of the sovereign as the Spanish cortes ;

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 377
and both kingdoras were equally exhausted by the
wars which for raore than half a century they had
waged against one another. But the bulls of the
Vatican had not the sarae free course in France as
in the Peninsula. The Reforraation deposited a
seed in that country which all the violence and craft
of Louis XIV., a despot as powerful as Philip II.,
could not eradicate ; and though persecution drove
frora its soil thousands of its raost industrious citi
zens, yet, as there was no Inquisition there, litera
ture and the arts survived the shock. The conse
quence has been, that, after coraing out of the
storras of a revolution which long raged with most
destructive fury, and being subjected to a military
government of unparalleled strength, France still
holds a place araong the great powers of Europe, nor
has she been entirely stripped of her liberties,
though she has received back that faraily which
forraerly reigned over her with unliraited authority ;
while Spain, after being long subject to a branch
bf the sarae faraily, and participating of all the ef
fects of the revolutionary period, is now lying pros
trate and in chains at the feet of a despot and his
ghostly ministers.
But the evils which Spain has brought upon her
self, by her bigoted and intolerant zeal for the Ro
raan catholic religion, will appear in a raore strik
ing light from an exaraination of her internal
state. The unsuccessful attempt to reforra reUgion in
Spain led to the perpetuation of the tribunal of the

378 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
Inquisition, not only by affording a pretext for
arraing it with new powers, but by increasing the
influence which it already exerted over the public
raind. It becarae the boast of that tribunal that it
had extirpated the northern heresy, and henceforth
all true Spaniards were taught to regard it as the
palladiura of their religion. This, if it did not
entail the miseries of tyranny and ignorance in
Spain, at least sealed the entail. To the superficial
and egotistical philosophy, which is too often to be
met with in the present day, we owe the discovery,
that the Inquisition was no cause of the decline of
the Spanish nation, inasrauch as it was raerely the
organ of the governraent. That the Spanish rao
narchs eraployed it as an engine of state, we have
seen, and that it xjould not have tortured the bodies,
or invaded the property of the subjects, without
power conveyed to it by the state, is self-evident ;
but it is equally true that it was in itself a moral
power, and exerted its authority over the minds of
both princes and subjects. When Macanaz per
suaded Philip V. to lay restraints on the transmis
sion of money to Rorae, his Holiness, by raeans
of the Inquisition, not only drove the rainister into
exile, but forced his raaster to retract the law which
he had passed, and, in a letter addressed to the
council of the Suprerae, to confess, that, led astray
by evil counsel, he had rashly put his hand into the
sanctuary. And to coraplete its triumph, the en
lightened Macanaz, while in France, was induced
to write a defence of the Holy Office, which is ap-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 379
pealed to by its apologists in Spain to this day.*
When at a recent period the cortes wished to abo
lish that tribunal, they were made to feel that it
had an existence independently of their authority,
and a foundation deeper than that which raere laws
had given it.
But civil and religious despotisra are natural al
lies. Though the Inquisition exalted the power of
the pope above that of the king, and its advocates
have sometimes had recourse to the principles of
civil liberty to vindicate the restraint and dethrone
ment of princes who proved refractory to the
church,! y^t it all along yielded the most effective
support to the arbitrary measures of the govern
ment, and exerted its influence in crushing every
proposal to correct abuses in the state, and stifling
the voice of coraplaint. -Under other forras of despo
tisra, actions, or the external manifestation of liberal
opinions, have been visited with punishraent ; but in
Spain every reflection on politics was denounced by

* Puigblanch, ii. 12-21.
f The treatise of the Jesuit Mariana, De Rege, et Regis Institutione,
which was burnt at Paris by the hands of the common hangman, is
weU known to the learned. In the Ubrary of Lambeth there is a
copy of the Works of Charles I, wdth the corrections made on it by
ordei- of the inquisition of Lisbon. Furious dashes of the pen appeal-
across those passag'es in the prayers which refer to the protestant re
ligion. Describing a " right mouM-chy,'' the British monarch had
said, " where counsel may be in many, as the senses, but the supreme
power can be but in one, as the head." The inquisitors have aUow
ed this passage to stand ; but over against it on the margin, they have
written, " If king, false ; if pope, true." (Catal. of Archiepiscopal
Library at Lambeth, No. cccxxii.)

380 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
the monks as damnable heresy, and proscribed in
the sanctuary of conscience.
Ever since the suppression of the Reformation,
it has been the great object of the inquisitors and
ruling clergy to arrest the progress of knowledge.
With this view they have exercised the most rigid
and vigilant inspection of the press and the semina
ries of education. Lists of prohibited books have
been published from tirae to time, including vernacu
lar translations of the Bible,* and the writings not
only of the reforraers, but also of Roraan catholics,
who discovered the slightest degree of liberality in
their sentiraents, or who treated their subjects in
such a way as to encourage a spirit of inquiry. A
coraraentary on the Pentateuch by Oleaster, a
member of the council of Trent, and a Portuguese
inquisitor, which had been several years in circula
tion, was ordered to be called in and corrected, be
cause the author had ventured to depart from the
Vulgate and the interpretations of the fathers.!
The commentaries of Jean Ferus, a French raonk,
who had availed hiraself of the learning of the pro-

* The prohibition of Bibles in the Spanish language was erased from
the index by an edict dated 20 Dee. 1782; and yet the inquisition of
SeviUe, by a general edict promulgated 1 Feb. 1790, commanded aU
such Bibles to be denounced. This might be an oversight ; but it is
certain that the index stiU contains a prohibition of two books, upon
this ground, that they point out the advantages of reading the scrip
tures. Nor was it the intention of the Inquisition to give the Bible
to the common people ; and accordingly it is printed in such a form
as to confine it to the wealthy.
! Simon, Lettres Choisies, tom. i. p, 193-197.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 381
testants, were censured as containing " the heretical
sentiments of Luther ;" and for reprinting them in
Spain, Michael de Medina, guardian of the Fran
ciscans at Toledo, was thrown into the secret pri
sons of the Inquisition, and was saved from the dis
grace of making a public recantation, only by a pre
mature death.* Arias Montanus was under the
necessity of defending hiraself against the charges
which the inquisitorial censors brought against his
polyglot Bible, published under the patronage of
Philip IL! J-t^is de Leon, professor of divinity at
Salaraanca, having written a translation of the Song
of Soloraon in Spanish, to which he added short
explanatory notes, was confined for five years in
the dungeons of the Inquisition ; and his poetical
paraphrases of the book of Job and other parts
of scripture, distinguished for their elegance and
purity, were long suppressed.!
The taste for theological studies, which had been
produced by the revival of letters in Spain, survived
for sorae tirae the suppression of the Reformation.
It was cherished in secret by individuals, who, con
vinced that the protestants excelled in the inter
pretation of scripture, appropriated their writings
in whole or in part, and published them as their
own. The Latin Bible, with notes, by Leo Juda,
and other Swiss divines, after undergoing certain
* Simon, ut supra, p. 148-152. Llorente, ui 86-88.
f Rodriguez de Castro, BibUoteca Espanola, tom. i p. 649-666.
f Antonu Bibl. Hisp. Nov. tom. U. p. 45-7. Geddes's Prospectus,
p. 87.

382 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
corrections, ' was printed at Salaraanca with the ap
probation of the censors of the press ; but the real
authors being discovered, it was subsequently put
into the index of prohibited books.* Hyperius, a
reforraed divine, was the author of an excellent
book on the method of interpreting the scriptures.
Having removed from it every thing which appear
ed to contradict the tenets of the church of Rome,
Lorenzo de Villavicencio, an Augustinian raonk of
Xeres in Andalusia, published that work as his
own, not even excepting the preface ;- and in con
sequence of the little intercourse which subsisted
between Spain and the north of Europe, nearly half
a century elapsed before the plagiarisra was detect
ed.! Martini Martinez was less fortunate ; for
publishing a sirailar work, in which he exalted the
originals above the Vulgate, he was subjected to
penance, and prohibited frora writing for the fu
ture. ! Precluded from every field of inquiry or
discussion, the divines of Spain addicted theraselves
exclusively to the study of scholastic and casuistic
theology. The sarae tyranny was extended to other branches
of science, even those which are raost remotely con
nected with religion. All books on general sub
jects coraposed by protestants, or translated by
* Le Long, Bibl. Sacra, tom. iii p. 439-448. edit. Masch. Carpzovii
Critica Sacra, p. 739-
f Carl. Friedric StaudUn, Geschichte der Theologischen Wissen-
schaften, tom, i. p. 145. Riveti Opera, tom. ii. p. 948.
X Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Nov. tom. ii. p. 105.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 383
thera, or containing notes written by thera, were
strictly interdicted. A papal bull, dated 17 Au
gust 1627, took from metropolitans, patriarchs, and
all but the inquisitor general, the privilege of read
ing prohibited books. Nicolas Antonio, the literary
historian of Spain, was obliged to reraain five years
in Rorae before he obtained this privilege, with the
view of finding raaterials for his national work.*
The Pontifical History of Illescas was repeatedly
suppressed, and the author constrained at last to piit
his name to a work containing statements and opin
ions dictated to him by others, and diametrically
opposite to those which he had forraerly given to
the world.! While the native historians of Spain
were prevented frora speaking the truth, histories
written by foreigners were forbidden under the se
verest pains, as satires on the policy and religion of
the Peninsula. The consequence has been, that the
Spaniards entertain the raost erroneous conceptions
of their own history, and are profoundly ignorant
of the affairs of other countries.!
Not satisfied with exerting a rigid censorship
over the press, the inquisitors intruded into private
houses, ransacked the libraries of the learned and
curious, and carried off and retained at their plea
sure such books as they, in their ignorance, suspect
ed to be of a dangerous character. So late as the
beginning of the eighteenth century, we find Ma-
* Puigblanch, ii. 366, 434.
f Llorente, i 475, 476.
X Sismondi, Hist, of the Literature of the South, vol. iv. p. 124.

384 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
nuel Martini, dean of Alicant, and one of the raost
enlightened of his countryraen in that age, cora-
plaining bitterly, in his confidential correspondence,
of what he suffered frora such proceedings.*
Universities and other serainaries of education
were watched with the raost scrupulous jealousy.
The professors in the university of Salaraanca, who
appear to have shown a stronger predilection for li
beral science than their brethren, were forbidden to
deliver lectures to their students ; and similar or
ders were issued by Philip II. to those of the Escu
rial, who were instructed to confine theraselves to
reading frora a printed book.! Moral phUosophy
is too intiraately allied both to reUgion and politics
not to have excited the dread of the defenders of
superstition and despotisra ; and, in fact, the feeble at
tempts raade in Spain to throw off the degrading yoke
have chiefly proceeded frora the teachers of that
science. This accordingly gave occasion to repeat
ed interdicts, besides processes carried on against
individuals. During the reign of Don Carlos IV.,
the prirae rainister, Caballero, sent a circular to all
the universities, forbidding the study of moral phi
losophy, " because what his majesty wanted was,
not philosophers, but loyal subjects."! Even na
tural philosophy, in its various branches, was placed
under the sarae traraniels, and the Copernican sys
tera is still taught in that country as an hypothesis.
* Martini Epist. p. 32, 36 : Schelhom, ErgotzUchkeiten, tom. L
p. 685-690.
•|- Simon, Lettres Choisies, torn. i. p, 365,
X Doblado's Letters, p. 115, 358.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 385
Medical science is neglected ; and surgeons, before
entering on practice, are obliged to swear, not that
they will exercise the healing art with fidelity, but
that they will defend the iramaculate conception of
the blessed Virgin.*
The great events which distinguished the reign
of the eraperor Charles V., by awakening the en
thusiasm, contributed to develope the genius of
the Spanish nation ; and the impulse thus given to
intellect continued to operate long after the cause
which had produced it was reraoved. But the. cha
racter of the degenerate age in which they lived was
impressed even on the towering talents of Cervantes,
Lope de Vega, and Calderon, and can be easily traced
in the false ideas, childish prejudices, and gross, ig
norance of facts which disfigure their writings.
With these master spirits of literature the genius
of Spain sunk ; and when it began to recover from
the lethargy by which it was long oppressed, it as
suraed the most unnatural form. Imagination be
ing the only field left open to them, Spanish writers^
as if they wished to corapensate for the restraints
under which they were laid, set aside the rules of
good taste, and abandoned theraselves to all the ex
travagancies of fancy, which they erabodied in the
most inflated and pedantic language. Although the
natural talents of the inhabitants are excellent,
there is at present no taste for literature in Spain..
The lectures on experimental philosophy which So
lano began to deliver gratis in the capital towards
* Townsend's Travels, ii 283.
2 C

386 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
the close of the last century, though distinguished
by their simplicity and elegance, were discontinued
for want of an audience. Reading is unknown ex
cept among a very limited class. Every attempt to
establish a literary magazine has failed, through the
listlessness of the public mind and the control of the
censorship.* And the spies of the police and the
Inquisition have long ago banished every thing like
rational conversation froin those places in which the
people asserable to spend their leisure hours.!
In Italy the sarae canses produced the sarae ef
fects. Genius, taste, and learning were crushed un
der the iron hand of inquisitorial despotisra. The
iraprisonment of Galileo in the seventeenth, and the
burning of tlie works of Giannone in the eighteenth
century,^ are sufficient indications of the deplorable
state of the Italians, during a period in which know
ledge was advancing with such rapidity in countries
long regarded by thera as barbarouSf When their
intellectual enei-gies began to recover, they were di
rected to a species of coraposition in which senti
ment and poetry are mere accessories to sensual
harmony, and the national love of pleasure could be
gratified without endangering the authority of the
* It has been wittily said, that in Madrid, provided you avoid say
ing any thing concerning government, or reUgion, or poUtics, or morals,
or statesmen, or bodies of reputation, or the opera, or any other public
amusement, or any one who is engaged in any business, you may print
what you please, under the correction of two or three censors. ,
t Townsend's Travels, u. 154, 275. Doblado's Letters, p. 377,380.
X Anecdotes Ecclesiastiques de I'Histoire de Royaume de Naples
brulee i Rome en 1726, pref. p. viii. Amst. 1738.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 387
rulers. To ennoble pleasure and render it in some
degree sacred ; to screen the prince from the shame of
his own indolence and effeminacy ; to blind the peo^
pie to every consideration but that of the passing
moraent ; and to give the author an opportunity to
exert his talents without incurring the vengeance of
the Inquisition — is the scope and spirit of the Italian
opera.* Later writers in Italy, whose productions
breathe a fiery spirit of liberty, were of the French,
or rather revolutionary school, and afford no crite
rion for judging of the national feelings and taste.
In Spain the increase of superstition, and of the
nurabers and opulence of the clergy, has kept pace
with the growth of ignorance. The country is overr
run with clergy, secular and regular. Towards the
close of last century it contained nearly nine thou
sand convents ; and the nuraber of persons who had
taken the vow of celibacy approached to two hun
dred thousand.! The Wealth of the church was
eqiially disproportionate to that of the nation, as the
nurabers of the clergy were to its population. The
cathedral of Toledo, for example, besides other val
uable ornaments, contained four large silver images,
* Sismondi, History of the Literature of the South, vol. u. p. 290.
f Townsend's Travels, vol. ii. p. 233; "The city of Toledo, which
contains 25,000 souls, has 26 parish churches, 38 convents, 17 hospitals,
4 coUeges, 12 chapels, and 19 hermitages. Medina del Campo con
sists of 1000 houses, and has 9 parish churches, 70 priests, 17 convents,
and 2 hospitals. Salamanca contains 3000 houses, and has 27 parish
church8.s, 15 chapels, 580 priests, and 1509 persons under vows. (Ibid.
vol. i. 309-362 ; ii. 84.)

388 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
standing on globes of the same metal ; a grand mas
sive throne of silver, on which was placed an image
ofthe Virgin, wearing a crown valued at upwards
of a thousand pounds; and a statue of the infant
Jesus, adorned with eight hundred precious stones.
Six hundred priests, richly endowed, were attached
to it ; and the revenues of the archbishop were es
timated at nearly a hundred thousand pounds.*
The suras which are extorted by the mendicant
friars, and which are paid for raasses and indulgen
ces, cannot be calculated ; but the bulls of crusade
alone yield a neat yearly incorae of two hundred
thousand pounds to his Catholic Majesty, who pur
chases thera frora the pope, and retails them to his
loving subjects.! Equally great are the encroacb-
ments which superstition has made on the time of ¦
the inhabitants. Benedict XIV. reduced the nura
ber of holydays in the states of the church, and re
coraraended a similar reduction in other kingdoras.
But in Spain there are still ninety-three general fes
tivals, besides those of particular provinces, parishes,
and convents; to which we must add the bull-
* Townsend, i. 309-311. Conf. ScaUgerana Secunda, voc. Espagn
ols. ¦\ For this buU the nobles pay about 6 shiUings and 4 pence, the
common people about 2 shilUngs and 4 pence, in Aragon. In Castile it
is somewhat cheaper. No confessor will grant absolution to any one
who does not possess it. (Townsend, ii. 171-^2. Doblado's Letters,
p. 214.) Ite, CoUiaeh has given an account of thi» trafiic. In 1709 a
privateer belonging to Bristol took a galleon, in which they found 500
bales of these precious goods, containing each 16 reams, and amount
ing in all to 384,000 bulls. Captain Dampier says he cai'eened hia
ship with them.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 389
feasts,* and the Mondays claimed by apprentices
and journeymen.!
Coraraerce and all the sources of national wealth
are obstructed by persecution and intolerance. But
the evil is unspeakably aggravated, when the great
er part of the property of a nation is locked up, and
a large proportion of its inhabitants, and of their
time, is withdrawn from useful labour. Holland,
with no soil but what she recovered from the ocean,
waxed rich and independent, while Spain, with a
third part of the world in her possession, has be
come poor,. The city of Toledo is reduced to an
eighth part of its forraer population ; the raonks re
main, but the citizens have fled. Every street in
Salamanca swarms with sturdy beggars and vaga
bonds able to work ; and this is the case wherever
the clergy, convents, and hospicios are numerous.
With a soil which, by its extent and fertility, is ca
pable of supporting an equal number of inhabitants,
the population of Spain is not half that of France.
The effects produced on the national character
and mprals are still raore deplorable. Possessing na
turally some of the finest qualities by which a peo
ple can be distinguished — ^generous, feeling, devot
ed, constant — -the Spaniards became cruel, proud, re
served and jealous. The revolting spectacles of the
auto-de-fe, continued for so long a period, could not
* These disgraceful spectacles are countenanced by the clergy, and
a priest is always in attendance to administer the sacrament to the ma
tadors who may be mortaUy Wounded.
f Townsend, i. 350; U, 233-235.

390 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
fail to have the raost hardening influence on their
feelings.* In Spain, as in Italy, religion is associ
ated with crirae, and protected by its sanctions.
Thieves and prostitutes have their iraages of the
Virgin, their prayers, their holy water, and their
confessors. Miirderers find a sanctuary in the
churches and convents. Criines of the blackest
character are left unpunished in consequence of the
iraraunities granted to the clergy.! Adultery is
comraon, and those who live habitually in this vice
find no difficulty in obtaining absolution. The
cortejos, or raale pararaours, like the cicisbei in
Italy, appear regularly in the family circle. In
great cities the canons of cathedrals act in this cha-.
racter, and the monks • in villages. The parish
priests live almost universally in concubinage, and
all that the raore correct bishops require of them
is, that they do not keep their children in their own
houses. Until they begin to look towards a mitre,
few of the clergy think of preserving decorum in
this matter.:}:
The dramatical pieces composed by their most
celebrated writers, and acted on the stage with
* Cogan mentions that he was one day walking in the streets of
London with a young lady from Portugal, about nine years of age, a pro
testant, and of a mild, compassionate disposition. Seeing a crowd col
lected round a pUe of faggots on fire, he expressed an anxiety to know
the cause, upon which the young lady repUed without any emotion,
" It is only some people going to burn a Jew." (PhUosophical Trea
tise on the Passions, note L.)
f Sismondi, Hist, of the Lit, of J;he South, vol. iu. 404 ; iv. 6, 7, 18,
Townsend's Travels, i, 223, 398, Doblado's Letters, p. 222.
X Townsend's Travels, ii, 147-151, Doblado's Letters, p, 220.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 391
the greatest applause, demonstrate the extent to
which the principles of morality have been in
jured by fanaticisra and bigotry. In one of them,*
after the hero has plotted the death of his wife,
and accomplished that of his parents, Jesns Christ
is represented as descending from heaven to ef
fect his salvation by raeans of a rairacle. In
another,! an incestuous brigand ,and professed
assassin preserves, in the raidst of his criraes, his
devotion for the cross, at the foot of which he was
born, and the irapress of which he bears on his
breast. He erects a cross over each of his victiras ;
and being at last slain, God restores hira to life in
order that a saint raight receive his confession, and
thus secure his admission into heaven. In another
piece,! Alfonso VL receives the capitulation of the
Moors of Toledo, and, in the midst of his court
and knights, swears to maintain their religious li
berties, and to leave for their worship the largest
mosque in the city. During his absence, Constance
his queen violates the treaty, and places the mira
culous image of the Virgin in the mosque. , Alfon
so is highly indignant at this breach of faith, but
the Virgin surrounds Constance with a crown of
glory, and convinces the king, to the great delight
of the spectators, that it is an unpardonable sin to
keep faith with heretics. To give one instance
more ; in another piece,^ the hero, while leading the
* The Animal profeta,hy Lope de Vega.
f The Devocion de la Cruz, by Calderon.
X The Virgen del Sagrario, by the same author.
§ The Purgatorio de San Patricio, by the same author.

392 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN,
most abandoned life, is represented as adhering to
the true faith, and thus meriting the protection of
St. Patrick, who follows him as his good genius to
inspire him with repentance. When about to
comrait a raurder, in addition to nurabers which
he had already perpetrated, he is converted by an
apparition of himself, and exclaims, " What atone
ment can be made for a life spent in crime ?" to
which a voice of celestial music replies, " Purgato
ry." He is then directed into St. Patrick's Purga
tory, and at the end of a few days coraes out par
doned and purified. Still more precious specimens
of religious absurdity and fanaticism raight have
been given from the autos sacramentales, a species
of coraposition which continued to be popular till a
late period, and has eraployed the pens of the most
celebrated writers in Spain.
The Italians are bound to religion chiefly by the
ties of interest and pleasure. The Spaniards are na
turally a grave people ; their devotional feelings are
strong ; and had they lived under a free government,
they would have welcomed a purer worship, when,
after a long period of ignorance, it was unveiled to
their eyes, and raight have proved its raost enthu
siastic and constant admirers. * But their minds
have been subjugated and their feelings perverted
by a long course of debasing slavery. As to reli
gion, the inhabitants of Spain are now divided into
* " Si I'Espagnol estoit libre, il embiusseroit fort la ReUgion, au
prix de I'ltalien," (ScaUgerana Secunda, voc. ItaUens.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 393
two classes, bigots and disserablers. There is no
interraediate class. Under such an encroaching
system of faith as that of the church of Rome,
which claims a right of interference with almost
every operation of the huraan raind, the prohibition
of all dissent from the established religion is a re
straint sufficiently painful. But this is the least
evil. Every Spaniard who disbelieves the public
<:reed is constrained to profess himself to be what
he is not, under the pain of losing all that he
holds dear on earth. What with raasses, and con
fessions, and festivals, and processions, and bowing
to crosses and iraages, and purchasing pardons, and
contributing to deliver souls frora purgatory, he is
every day, and every hour of the day, under the ne
cessity of giving his countenance to what he detests
as a Christian, or loathes as the cause of his coun
try's degradation. It is not enough that he con
trives to avoid going to church or chapel : the idol
presents itself to hira abroad and at horae, in the
tavern and in the theatre. He cannot turn a cor
ner without being in danger of hearing the sound
of the hand-bell which suraraons hira to kneel in
the raud, till a priest, who is carrying the consecrat
ed host to sorae dying person, has moved slowly in
his sedan chair from one end of the street to the
other. If he dine with a friend, the passing bell is
no sooner heard than the whole party rise frora table
and worship. If he go to the theatre, the mili
tary guard at the door, by a well-known sound of
his drum, announces the approach of a procession.

394 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
upon which " Su Magestad ! Dios, Dios !" resounds
through the house ; the play is instantly suspended,
and the whole assembly, actors and spectators, fall
on their knees, in which attitude they remain until
the sound of the bell has died away, when the
arauseraent is resumed with fresh spirit. He has
scarcely returned to his inn, when a friar enters,
bearing a large lanthorn with painted glass, repre
senting two persons enveloped with flames, and ad
dresses hira, " The holy souls, brother ! Remember
the holy souls."*
Religion in its purity is calculated to soothe and
support the raind under the unavoidable calaraities
of life ; but when perverted by superstition, it ag
gravates every evil to which men are exposed, by
fostering delusive confidence, and leading to the ne
glect of those natural means which tend to avert
danger, or alleviate distress. In Spain every city,
every profession, and every company of artisans,
has its tutelary saint, on whose rairaculous interpo
sition the utraost reliance is placed. The raerchant,
when he erabarks his goods for a foreign country,
instead of insuring them against the dangers of the
sea in the ordinary way, seeks for security by paying
his devotions at the shrine of the saint under whose
protection the vessel sails. There is scarcely a dis
ease affecting the human body which is not subrait^
ted to the healing power of sorae raeraber of the ca
lendar. So late as 1801, when the yellow fever
* Doblado's Letters, p. 8-14, J 69. Townsend's Travels, i, 336.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 395
prevailed in Seville, the civil authorities, instead of
adopting precautionary raeasures for abating the vio
lence of that pestilential malady, applied to the arch
bishop for the solemn prayers called Mogativas ;
and not trusting to these, they resolved to carry in
procession a fragraent of the true cross, preserv
ed in the cathedral of Seville, which had forraerly
chased away an array of locusts, together with a
large wooden crucifix, which, in 1649, had arrested
the progress of the plague. The inhabitants flock
ed to the church ; and the consequence was, that the
heat, fatigue, and anxiety of ,a whole day spent in
this ridiculous cereraony, increased the disease in a
tenfold proportion.*
Popery, by the false light and repulsive forra in
which it represents Christianity, tends naturally to
produce deisra and irreligion. In France, where a
certain degree of liberty was enjoyed, it led at first
to the covert dissemination and afterwards to the
bold avowal of infidel opinions, by those who had
the greatest influence over the public mind. In
countries where a rigid system of police, civil and
ecclesiastical, has been kept up, its operation has
been different, but not less destructive to national
character and the real interests of religion. The
great body of the unbelievers, anxious only for pre
sent enjoyraent, and regarding religion in no other
light than as an engine of state, have raade no scruple
of fostering the popular credulity, that they raight
# Townsend, i. 152-154. Doblado, p. 195-199, 316-318.

396 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
share its fruits ; while those of raore generous and
independent spirit, writhing under the degrading
yoke, have given way to irritation of feeling, and,
confounding Christianity with an intolerant super
stition, cherish the desperate hope that . religion,
in all its forras, will one day be swept frora the
earth, as the support of tyranny and the bane of
huraan happiness. It is well known that the Ita
lian clergy have for a long tirae given the raost
unequivocal proofs that they disbelieve those doc
trines, and feel indifferent to those rites, frora which
they derive their raaintenance and wealth.* We
were forraerly aware that the principles of irreligion
were widely diffused araong the reading classes in
Spain; but raore ample inforraation, furnished by re
cent events, has disclosed the fact, that this evil is
not confined to the laity, and that infidelity is
as coraraon araong the educated Spanish clergy as
vice is araong the vulgar crowd of priests. There
is a lightness attached to the character of the Ita
lians, which, together with the recollection that
they have been the chief instruments of enslaving
* An English gentleman who had resided long in Italy, and ob
tained lodgings in a convert, was frequently engaged in friendly dis
cussions with the most inteUigent individuals of the house on -the
points of difference between the churches of Rome and England. On
the termination of one of these disputes, after the greater part of the
company had retired, a young monk, who had supported the tenets of
his church with great abiUty, turning to his EngUsh guest, asked him,
if he really beUeved what he had been defending. On his answering
seriously in the affirmative, the monk exclaimed, Allor lei crede piu
che tutto il convento. Then, Sir, you believe more than all the
convent. (Doblado's Letters, p. 476.)

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 397
the Christian world, disposes us to turn away from
the manifestations of their irreligion with feelings
of contempt. But such is the native dignity of the
Spanish character, and its depth of feeling, that we
dwell with a mixed emotion of pity and awe on the
ravages which infidelity is making on so noble a
structure. Who can read the following description
by a Spaniard without the strongest syrapathy for
such of his countrymen as are still in that " gall of
bitterness and bond of iniquity" frora which he was
so happily rescued ! " Where there is no liberty,
there can be no discrimination. The ravenous ap
petite, raised by a forced abstinence, makes the raind
gorge itself with all sorts of food. I suspect I have
thus imbibed sorae false and raany crude notions
from my French masters. But my circumstances
preclude the calra and dispassionate exaraination
which the subject deserves. Exasperated by the
daily necesssity of external submission to doctrines
and persons I detest and despise, my soul overflows
with bitterness. Though I acknowledge the advan
tages of moderation, none being used towards me, I
practise none, and in spite of my better judgraent
learn to be a fanatic on ray own side. Pretending
studious retireraent, I have fitted up. a sraall roora
to which none but confidential friends find adrais-
sion. There lie ray prohibited books in perfect con-
cealraent, in a well-contrived nook under a stair
case. The Breviary alone, in its black binding,
clasps, and gilt leaves, is kept upon the table.

398 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
to check the doubts of any chance intruder."*
The sarae person writes at a subsequent period :
" The confession is painful indeed, yet due to reli^
gion itself — I was bordering on atheisra. If ray case
were singular, if ray knowledge of the raost enlight
ened classes of Spain did not furnish me with a mul
titude of sudden transitions frora sincere faith and
piety to the raost outrageous infidelity, I would sub
mit to the humbling conviction that either weak
ness of judgraent or fickleness of character had been
the only source of ray errors. But though I am not
at liberty to mention individual cases, I do attest,
from the most certain knowledge, that the history
of my own raind is, with little variation, that of a
great portion of the Spanish clergy. The fact is
certain ; I make no individual charge ; every one
who comes within the description may still wear the
mask, which no Spaniard can throw off without bid
ding an eternal farewell to his country."!
, It is evident from this slight sketch that there are
many and powerful obstacles to the regeneration of
Spain. Superstition is interwoven with her natiour
al habits and feelings ; and civil and spiritual despo
tism are bound together by an indissoluble league,
while they find a powerful auxiliary in the deprav
ed morals of the people ; for liberty has not a great
er eneray than licentfousness, and an iraraoral peo
ple can neither preserve their freedora when they
* Doblado's Letters, p. 134; comp. p. 112-3.
f Blanco White's Practical and Internal Evidence against Cath
olicism, p. 7-12; comp. p. 129-1.34.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 399
have it, nor regain it after it has been lost. But
what augurs worse than perhaps any thing else for
Spain is, that it does not possess a class of per
sons a;nimated by the spirit of that reforraation to
which the free states of Europe chiefly owe their po
litical privileges. Infidelity and scepticisra, besides
weakening the raoral energies of the human mind,
have a tendency to break up the natural alliance
which subsists between civil and religious liberty.
Those who are inimical or indifferent to reUgion
cannot be expected to prove the firra and uncompro
mising friends of that liberty which has religion for
its object. They love it not for itself, arid cannot
be prepared to make all sacrifices for its sake. Thus,
when tyranny takes the field, brandishing its two
swords, the right arm of liberty is found to be paU
sied. The irreligious or sceptical principles of those
who have been called liberals must always excite a
strong and well-grounded prejudice against their
scheraes. If they deraand a reform in the state, the
defenders of abuse have only to raise against thera
the cry of irapiety. ; Bigots and hypocrites are fur
nished with a plausible pretext for putting thera
down. And good men, who maybe convinced of
the corruptions which adhere to both church and
state, and might be willing, to co-operate in remov
ing them, are deterred from joining in the attempt,
by the apprehension that it raay lead to the over
throw of all religion. It is not difficult to trace the
operation of all these causes in defeating the strugr

400 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN.
gles for liberty which have been raade within these
few years in Italy and the Peninsula.
But raay we not cherish better hopes, as the result
of those events which have recently induced the raore
enlightened portion of the Spanish nation to turn
their eyes to Britain instead of France, frora which
they forraerly looked for instruction and relief?
Let us hope that those individuals who have taken
refuge in this country, and whose conduct has
shown that they are not unworthy of the reception
they have raet with, will profit by their residence
araong us ; that any of thera who, frora the unpro-
pitious circurastances in which they were placed,
raay have forraed an unfavourable opinion of Chris
tianity, will find their prejudices dissipated in the
free air which they now breathe ; that what is ex
cellent in our religion, as well as our policy, will
recoraraend itself to their esteera ; and that, when
providence shall open an honourable way for their
returning to their native country, they will as
sist in securing to it a constitution, founded on
the basis of rational liberty, in connexion with a
religion purified frora those errors and corruptions
which have wrought so rauch woe to Spain — which
have dried up its resources, craraped and debased
its genius, lowered its native dignity of character,
and poisoned the fountains of its domestic and social
happiness.

APPENDIX.

No. L
Dedication by Francisco de Enzinas of his Spanish Translation bf
the New Testament.*
To the Puissant Monarch Charles V. ever August Emperor, King of
Spain, &c. Francisco de Enzinas wishes Grace, Health and Peace.
Sacred Majesty, — niany a:nd various opinioiis have been broached
in our day, as to the expedieiiqr of translating the' Scriptures into the
vulgar tongues: and how opposite soever they are to each other,
they argue equal zeal for Christianity, and proceed upon reasonings
sufficiently probable. For my own part, without meaning to condemn
those of different sentiinents, I have espoused the side of them who
conceive that snch translations, were they executed by learned men
of mature judgment and great skUl in the several languages, would
mightily advance the interest of the Christian RepubUc, by affording
both instruction to the ilUterate, and comfort to the weU-informed,
who deUght to hear in their own language the discourses of Jesus
and his Apostles concerning' those mysteries of our redemption from
wliich our souls derive salvation and comfort. But, with the view of
at once satisfying those who think differently, and of showing that
this undertaking is neither new nor dangerous, I am anxious to
state to your Majesty, in a few words, the reasons which have induced
me to commence this work. And this I do under a sense of the duty
which I owe to your Majesty, who is not only the highest minister of
* Translated from the original, printed at Antwerp in 1543.
y D

402f APPENDIX.
God in temporal things, and the greatest monai'ch in Christendom,
but also my king and lord, to whom I am bound, as a vassal, to give ac
count of my leisure and my busy hours ; and who is, to speak the
truth, in what regards reUgion, a diUgent overseer, and zealous for the
honour of Jesus Christ and the spiritual interests of his kingdom.
There are three reasons, sacred Majesty, which have induced me to
undertake this work.
First, in reading the Acts ofthe Apostles, I find, that, when the Jews
and Gentiles were exertin g aU their powers against the kingdom of
Christ, which then began to prosper, and when they were unable to
impede it on account of the great miracles which Peter and the other
Apostles performed, and the heavenly doctrines which they taught,
they laid hold of St. Peter and St, John, and consulted what measures
they should pursue towards them and this new reUgion. After various
opinions had been given, Gamaliel, the teacher of St. Paul, and the
most honoured of the assembly, arose. He told them, that they ought
to be cautious in this affair, as it was one of great importance ; and
produced several examples of persons who had lately formed sects and
taught new doctrines, but had in a short time perished along with the
tenets they inculcated. After soine discourse, he concluded in this
manner : In fine, my opinion is, that you should let these men alone
and permit them to do as they please ; for if this doctrine of theirs be
new, or ofthe world, or the invention of men pleased with novelty, then
it and they wiU soon perish. But if it be from God, be assured that
neither you nor any mortal wiU be able to stop its progress : the very
attempt to do this would be a fighting against God and the determina
tion he has taken. I have often, sacred Majesty, reflected on these
words, when reviewing the dispute which has now lasted for twenty
years. Certain persons, influenced by good motives, have frequently
opposed with great perseverance the printing of such translations ; biit
far from being able to prevaU, they have lost ground every day, and new
versions are issuing, successively from the press in all the kingdoms of
Christendom ; while those who opposed them at first, have now begun
to keep silence on the subject, and even to read and approve of them
not a little. In all this, methinks, I seethe saying of GamaUel fulfiUed,
and that this is an undertaking, which, if weU executed, will serve
greatly to advance the glory of God. After having waited many years
for the end of this dispute, I see that it has at length arrived at a hap
py termination, and that God has most certainly made use of it for his
own purposes. This consideration induces me to try what I can do
in the matter, -M'ith the view of benefiting my countrymen to the ut-

APPENDIX. 403
most of my power, though I should succeed but in part j for it is a
true saying, that in great and difficult achievements, the very wish
and attempt are worthy of high commendation.
The second reason, sacred Majesty, which has had weight with me,
is the" honour of our Spanish nation, which has been calumniated and
ridiculed by other nations on this head. Although their opinions differ
in many points, yet aU of them agree in this, that we are either indo
lent, or scrupulous, or superstitious ; and from this charge none of the
strangers with whom I have conversed wiU exculpate us. Although
the spiritual advantage of our neighbour and the service of God are
no doubt the considerations which ought to influence the Christian, yei,
as long as we live in the flesh, and walk by the light of reasonj we
shaU find that honour will often lead us to do at once what no argu
ments could induce us to perform. Now, not to speak of the Greeks and
the other nations who were made acquainted with the salvation of
Jesus Christ by reading the Sacred Scriptures in their own language,
there is no people, as far as I knows except the Spaniards, vvho are not
permitted to read the Bible in their native tongue. In Italy there are
many versions, the greater part of which has issued from Naples, the
patrimony of your Majesty. In France they are innumerable. In
Flanders, and throughout the whole of your Majesty's territories in
that quarter, I have myself seen many, while new ones are publish
ing daily in its principal towns. In Germany, they are as plentiful as
water, not only in Protestant, but also in Catholic states. The same
may be said of all the realms of the illustrious king Don Fernando,
your Majesty's brother; as also of England, Scotland, and Ireland.
Spain stands alone, as if she were the obscure extremity of Europe.
For what reason that privilege has been denied to her which has been
conceded to every other country, I know not. Since in every thing
we boast, and that not unjustly, that we are the foremost, I cannot
see why in this business, which is of the highest moment, we should
be the last. We labour under no deficiency in genius,- or judgraent,
or learning; and our language is, in my opinion, the best of the vulgar
ones ; at least it is inferior to jione of them;
The third reason which has induced me to undertake this work is,
that were it injurious in itselft or did it lead to bad consequences, I am
convinced, that among aU the laws which have been enacted since the
appearance of these sects, one would have issued from your Majesty or
the Pope, forbidding, under great penalties, the composition and print
ing of such books. As this has not been done to my knowledge, not
withstanding the many laws passed, and the great diligence (thank God)

404 APPENDIX.
used since that time, I am persuaded that no evil can attach to the
undertaldng, and that it is in perfect consistency with the laws of your
Majesty, and of the supreme pontiff. Nor do I want examples to
eountenance me, seeing that similar works have been jiubUshed in aU
languages and nations. It is a mark of little prudence, says the comic
poet, when I reckon nothing weU done, except that which I myself
do, and suppose I alone hit the mark, and every other person errs.
So it happens in the present case. For, not to speak of the European
nations, whose sentiments on this subject I have already shown, if we
consult the history of the ancients we shaU find that aU of them held
the same opinion. The Jews, though they were an illiterate and hard
ened race, as Christ remarks, had- their law deUvered to them in their
own language, difficult as it Was to be understood on account of the
types of the Messiah which it contained. After their return from Ba
bylon, as they were better acquainted with the Syriac than the He
brew, they made use of the Chaldee paraphrases, which they caUedthe
Targnms. The Christiams, succeeding them, possessed the Scriptures
in Greek, which, at that period, was the common language ofthe East.
The other nations translated them into their own tongues, viz. Egyp
tian, Arabian, Persian, Ethiopian, and Latin ; and in these languages
also they had their Psalmody, as St. Jerome affirms in his epitaph
upon Paula. This father likewise translated the Bible into Hungarian,
for the benefit of his own countrymen. The Latins henceforth em
ployed the Latin version, — a custom which remained in their chureh
for more tiian 600 years, tUl the time of the- Emperors Phocas and
HeracUus, and Pope Grregory the Great. The practice of reading the
Holy Scriptures in a language'which aU could understand, was aban
doned, not from a conviction of its being wrong, but because at the
irruption of foreign nations into Europe the Latin tongue ceased to
be spoken among the common people, while the church continued to
employ it as formerly, and has continued to do so to the present day.
This, however, is the case only in these parts of Europe. ¦ In Greece,
the modern Christians preserve the old practice ; as also in Africa,
Eg3rpt, Ethiopia, Syria, Palestine, Persia, the East Indies, and through
out aUthe world. It would appear, then, that I am not singular in my
sentiments on this subject ; that this undertaking is not novel ; and that
that cannot be an evil which has existed for such a length of time in
the Church of God, which so many nations have approved of, and
which the CathoUc Church esteems to be good. If any one should be
inclined to think it injurious on account of the danger there is at pre
sent of heresy, let such a one know that heresies do not arise from the

APPENDIX. - 405
reading ofthe Scriptures in the vulgar tongues, but from their being' Ul
understood, and explained contrary to thejnterpretation and doctrine of
the Church, which is the pillar and foundation of truth, and from their
being treated of by evil-disposed men, who pervert them to suit their
.own wicked opinions. The same thing was remarked by St, Peter
concerning the Epistles of St. Paul, which heretics in that age, as
weU as this, were in the practice of abusing in order to confirm their
false tenets.
These reasons, sacred Majesty, have induced me to under^e this
work. Not to say that it is a most just and holy cause, it is certainly
worthy of your Majesty's royal dignity, worthy of your knowledge,
jworthy of your judgment, worthy of your approbation, and worthy of
your protection. And since I am weU assured, with Solomon, that the
hearts of good princes are governed by God, I trust in Heaven that'your
Majesty wiU take this my work in good part ; that you wiU encourage
and defend it by your authority; and that you wiU employ aU means
to procure it a favourable receptiQnby others. This ought to be done
the more on this account, that the good which may be expected to re
sult from it throughout the kingdom, is neither vyealth, nor honour, nor
worldly advantages, but spiritual blessings, and the glory of Christ
Jesus. IVJay he prosper your Majesty in the journey and enterprise you
have undertaken, and in aU others of a Uke nature ; and after you
have reigned long upon the earth, may he receive you to reign with
himself in heaven. Amen.
From Antwerp, 1 October, 1343.

No. IL
Extracts from a Preface by Juan Perez to his Spanish Translation
of the New Testament*
Two reasons have induced me to undertake the important -task of
translating the New Testament, from the language in which it was
originaUy composed, into our common and native Romance language.
* Translated from the original Spanish, as given by Riederer, Nach
richten zur Kirchen-Gelehrlen und BUcher-Geschichte, vol. ii . p. 147-
149. Altdorf, 1765.

406 APPENDIX.
The one is, that when I found myself lying under great obUgations to
my countrymen on account of the vocation which the Lord had given
me to preach the gospel, I could discover no method by which I
could better fulfil, if not wholly, at least in part, ray desire and obUgar
tion, than by bestowing on them a faithful version of the New Testa^
ment in their own language. In this respect I have obeyed the wiU
of the Lord, and foUowed the example of his holy Apostles. * * *
The holy Apostles, instructed in the will and intention of their master,
with the view of discharging their ministry, and pubUshing more
extensively that which was comraitted to their care, did not write iu
Hebrew, which was then understood only by a few persons al
ready skilled in the Holy Scriptures, nor yet in the Syriac and Latin
tongues. Nearly all of them wrote the gospel in Greek, as it was
then employed and understood not only in Greece, but also among the
Jews and Romans, and generaUy by aU those who inhabited Asia and
such parts of Europe as were subject to the Roman empire ; for neither
the Latin nor any other language was at that time so generaUy known
or so common as the Greek. » * * The other reason to which I re
ferred as urging me to the present undertaking, is the advancement of
my nation's glory, famed as it has always been in every quarter for
its bravery and victories, and inclined to boast that it is freer than
fill other nations from those errors which h^ve arisen in the world
against the Christian religion. To overcome others is a thing which
is esteemed glorious and desirable among men ; but to overcome one's
self is much more glorious and honourable in the sight of God;
for to subdue our domestic enemies is the way to subject ourselves
entirely to his government, and the victory obtained over them is the
more iUustrious and the more to be desired, as an intestine war is of aU
others the most dangerous, and as the reward here held out to the con
querors is the most precious and the most lasting. That which ac-
compUshes this greatest of aU victories is the reading and understand
ing of the contents of this sacred volume. In order that it may be
understood and improved, I have translated it into the Roraance. It is
certainly honourable and glorious that we should be exempt from er
rors and aU their consequences. Every one in the nation ought to la^
hour as much as in him Ues that this glory may accrue to us. For my
part I have endeavoured to provide a defence by which our country
may always be protected from evU and from the entrance of error, by
providing it with the New Testament, wherein is a summary of all
the laws and advices we have received frora heaven ; so that we may
not only be enabled to detect infaUibly every eiTor, but also to avoid

APPENDIX. 407
it with certainty. It is impossible that our glory can be lastin^p
and permanent, unless we call in the aid of this volume, by habituaUy
reading its statutes and meditating on its counsels.

No. IIL
Extracts from the Confession of a Sinner, by Constantine Ponce de
la Fuente, Chaplain to the Emperor Charles F.*
O thou Son of God, whom the eternal Father hath sent to be the
jSaviour of men, that thou Slightest o^er thyself a sacrifice as a sa.tisr
faction for sin, I would present myself before the throne of thy mercy,
beseeching thee to listen whUe I speak, not of my own righteousness
«nd merits, but ofthe transgressions and grievous errors which I hav«
committed against men, and more especiaUy against the majesty, the
goodness, and the compassion of thy Father, Draw me forcibly by a
discovery of that everlasting pimishment with which my sins inwardly
menace me. But O thy compassion draws me by a very different cord;
making me to know, though not so quickly as I ought, aU that thou
hast been to me, and aU that I have been to thee, I present myself
iefore thy sacred majesty, accused and condemned by my own con
science, and constrained by its torture to speak out and confess, in the
presence of earth and heaven, before men and angels, and in the audi
ence of thy sovereign and divine jijstice, that I deserve to be banished
.for ever from the kingdom of heaven, and to Uve in perpetual misery
under the chains and tyrani^ of Satan, O my Lord and Saviour, my
cause would be lost, I would be utterly undone, wert not thou a judge
to deUver from condemnation those whom their sins have handed
over to eternal death. * * # * Blessed and praised for ever be tty
name by aU those who know thee, because thou camest into this world
not to condemn but tp save sinners ; because being thyself just, thou
hast become the advocate ofthe guUty, even of thine enemies and ac
cusers, and hast been afflicted and tempted in all things, in order to give
4is a, surer proof of thy compassion. Thou art hoUness for the poUut-
ed, satisfaction for the guilty, payment for the insolvent, knowledge for
the erring, and a surety for him that has no help. What I know of
Ihee, O my Saviour, dr^,ws me unto thee, and I have begun to know
• Translated from a French version in Histoire des Martyrs, p. 503-505,
Anno 1597.

408 APPENDIX.
tliee in a manner which makes me see that I am a wretch unworUiy
to approach thy presence.
How shaU I begin, O Lord, to render an account of my transgres
sions ? What direction shaU I take, the better to discover the error
of my ways ? Lord, give me eyes to look upon myself, and streng^then
me to bear that look ; for ray sins are so great that I am ashamed to
re.cognise them as mine, and try to remedy them by other sins — ^bely
ing and disowning myself, if by any means I may find in me some
thing not so exceedingly culpable. In aU this. Lord, I raark the
greatness of thy corapassion; for when I shut my own eyes lest I be
confounded at the sight of my sins, thou openest thine, that thou
mayst observe and watch over me. Thou hast put it beyond doubt,
O Redeemer of the world, that thou examinest wounds with the in
tention of healing them, and that how disgusting soever they may be,
they are not an eyesore to thee, nor art thou ashamed to cleanse them
with thine own hand. Guide me. Lord, and lead me along with thee ;
for if I walk alone, I shaU wander from the right path. Thy compa
ny shaU strengthen me to bear the presence of myself. Sustain me,
that I may not lose courage. Hold me firmly, that I may not fly
f^om myself. Command the devil to be sUent when thou speakest
with me.
There was a time. Lord, when I was nothing ; thou gavest me ex
istence and formedst me in ray mother's womb. There thou didst im
press on me thy image and resemblance, and gave me the capacity of
enjoying thy blessing's. There is nothing in me so minute or so deU-
cate but what was conducted by thy wisdom and singular design to its
full perfection. I entered the world by a great miracle and under the
power of thy hand. I was nursed and invigorated by thy providence.
I was naked and thou clothedst me, weak and thou strengthenedst
nje; in short thou hast made me to feel that I Uve by leaning on thy
mercy which wiU never faU me. Before that I knew myself to be
miserable, I was undone ; I contracted sin even in coming out of my
mother's womb ; this was my inheritance in being of the Une of Adam.
Behold the fortune which I heir from my father; it is to know myself
miserable and sinful. Notwithstanding this, thy compassion has em
braced me, thou hast helped me in my poverty, and delivered me from
my evUs. Thou hast enriched and adorned rae, thou hast divorced
me from my own heart on which I leaned for support, and bast wash
ed me as with pure water in thy precious blood. Thou hast intrusted
me with those favours which I most needed, which made me thine,
which delivered me from mine enemy, and gave me an assured
pledge of eternal happiness. If thy wisdom had not imposed silence.

APPENDIX. 409
if I had not confided in thee, seeing my true nature and condi
tion, what could I have said but, in the words of Job, " Would that
they had canied rae from the womb to the grave, for surely that Ufe
which ought to prove a blessing is only for ray evU and for my trans
gression, and it were better that I had never been !" Yet would I not
be the judge, of thy glory, seeing I have so Uttle advanced it, nor of
thy wiU, seeing it is the right rule of aU justice. I am thy servant.
Lord, and thine have I been as often as I have ceased from sinning.
Thou hast preserved my privUeges, though I myself took no charge
of them. My innocence endured only so long as I had not eyes to look
with deUght on vanity and maUce. I may say that when asleep I was
thine, but no sooner did I awaken to the knowledge of thee than I dis
covered my aversion to look upon thee; and the greater my obligations
were to foUow thee, the faster did I fly from thy presence. I was in love
with my own ruin and gave it fuU rein ; and in this manner did I aUow
it to dissipate thy benefits. I joined myself to thine enemies, as if my
happiness consisted in being traitor to thee. I closed my eyes, I shut
up aU my senses that I might not perceive that I was in thy house,
that thou wast the Lord ofthe heavens whose rain descends upon me,
a,nd of the earth which sustains me in Ufe. I was a sacrilegious per
spn, a despiser of thy bounty, ui^^teful, a contemner of thy mercy,
an audacious man, fearing not thy justice. Nevertheless I slept as
soundly as if I were one of thy servants, and appropriated every thing
to myself without considering that it came from thee, # * « #
Such has been the pride of man, that he aimed at being God ; but so
great was thy compassion towards him in his faUen state, that thou
afcasedst thyself to become not only of the rank of men, but a true man,
and the least of men, taking upon thee the form of a servant, that thou
mightest set me at liberty, and that by means of thy grace, wisdom,
and righteousness, man might obtain more than he had lost by his ig
norance and pride. He had thrown himself into the power of the de
vil to be formed into his image and remain his prisoner, banished from
thy presence, condemned in thy indignation, the slave of him who had
seduced him, and whose cpunsel he chose to follow in contempt of
the justice and majesty of the Father. But so completely hast thou
retrieved what man "had lost, that I may justly say, " Man is true
God " since God is true man, since beUevei-s have the privUege of
being made partakers of the divine nature, since they are aU thy breth
ren, and since the Father joins with thee in caUing them to imitate
thee, that they may grow daily in thy Ukeness, and execute thy wiU,
and that thus each of them may be in truth denominated a son of God,

410 APPENDIX.
and born of God. O the misery of those who would seek for happi
ness in any other than thee, seeing that thy compassion can give them
more than even their own presumption could demand ! Thou know
est. Lord, the return I have made for thy benefits, and whether or not
I have merited them. Would that I knew this as weU ! that flying far
from myself, I might come nearer unto thee ; for, to complete ray mi
sery, aU that I know and feel of my heinous sins, forms the least part
of them. It is many years. Lord, since thou becamest. man for me,
and didst abase thyself to such a depth that I might be raised thus
high. Having once presumed to equal myself with God, I forsook
the path in which thou wouldst have me to walk, and took that which
led to my destruction, Ustening to the voice of thine enemy, and avow
edly taking up arms against thee. What was this but my arrogant
heart seeking to govern me by its own wisdomj to set me at large in
my own ways, and to settle down in the pleasure and satisfaction of its
own obstinate disobedience ? I was a worm in coraparison with others,
and all plainly perceived my Uttleness and insignificance ; but as for
me, ray discourses were my gods; so far iad I forgotten what thou wast,
and how low thou didst condescend for my sake. Thou hast abased
thyself in order to become man — a new man, of the same Une with
Adam, and yet without the sin of Adam; for such a nature was suited at
once to thy greatness and to the work of our justification. Thou didst
take upon thee human flesh, and wast born of a virgin-mother, that thou
mightest be every way fitted to our condition, and that thou mightes.t
be entirely such a one as it behoved him to be who is at once God and
raan. Thou hast called us to be new creatures, that by the privUege
of our union with thee we might throw off the depravity which we
had inherited from our father, and in thee receive new Ufe and strength,
that as we have borne the image of the old and sinful raan, so we may
recoVer the resemblance of the new and innocent man. As for me,
enamoured of my old nature, and satisfied with my former lusts, as if
I did weU in pursuing them, I deeraed it sufficient to believe that thou
wast innocent ; I was desirous of remaining guUty, not considering
that by this conduct I both ruined ray own soul, and egregiously 6u1>
raged thy goodness by rejecting and forsaking thee, even when thou
wast come to seek and to save me. * * # *
But notwithstajiding all this, thy raercy i^ so powerful that it draws
me unto thee; for if thy hatred against sin has been manifested
in divers ways, much more have the workings of thy mercy ap
peared in the salvation of men. To punish sinners thou hadst only to
issue a command; but. Lord, to save them frora destmction, thou hadst
to lay down thy Ufe ; this cost thee thine own blood shed upon the

APPENDIX. 411
cross, even by the hands of those for whom thou didst offer it. In exe
cuting justice, thou hast acted as God ; but to display thy marveUous
mercy thou hast become raan, assuraing our infirmities, enduring dis
grace and death, that we may be assured of the pardon of our sins.
Lord, sinee it pleases thee that I should not perish, I come unto thee
Uke the prodigal son, desiring to share that kind treatment which aU
who dweU in thy house receive, having found to my bitter experience
that all those for whom I forsook thee are mine enemies. Although
the recoUection of my sins accuses me bitterly, and I ara sorely amaz
ed at the sight of thy throne, yet I cannot but assure myself that thou
wilt pardon and bless me, and that thou wilt not banish me for ever
from thy presence. Lord, hast not thou said and sworn, that thou hast
no pleasure in the death ofthe sinner, and that thou delightest not in
the destruction of raen ? Hast not thou said, that thou art not come
to call the righteous but sinners to repentance, not to cure the whole
but them that are sick ? Wast not thou chastised for the iniquity of
others ? Has not thy blood sufficient virtue to wash out the sins of aU
the human race ? Are not thy treasures more able to enrich, me,
than aU the debt of Adam to impoverish me ? Lord, although I had
been the only person aUve, or the only sinner in the world, thou
wouldst not have faUed to die for me. O my Saviour, I would say, and
say it with truth, that I, individuaUy, stand in need of those blessings
which thou hast given to aU. What though the guilt of aU had been
mine, thy death is aU mine. Even though I had committed aU the sins
of aU, yet would I continue to trust in thee, and to assure myself that
thy sacrifice and pardon is all mine, though it belong to all. Lord,
thou wilt show this day who thou art. Here is a work by which
thou mayst glorify thyself before the Father and before the host
of heaven, even more than by the work of creation. Since thou art a
physician, and such a physician, here are wounds which none but thy
self is able to heal, infficted on me by thy enemies and mine. Since
thou art the health, and the Ufe, and the salvation, sent from our Far
ther in heaven, look upon my desperate maladies which no earthly phy
sician can cure. Since thou art a Saviour, here is a ruin, by the re
pairing of which, thou wUt cause both enemies and friends to acknow
ledge thy hand and power. *****
Formerly I was amaaed at the wickedness of those that crucified
thee. So bUnd was I, that I did not perceive myself among the fore
most of that band. Had I attended to the treacheries of my heart
and the scandals of my wicked works, in contempt of thy judg-

412 APPENDIX.
ment, commandments, and mercy, I must have recognisedjmyself.
Yes ; I held in my hands the crown of thorns for thy head, the nails to
affix thee to the crosss, the gall and vinegar to give thee to drink.
The indifference with which I treated thy sufferings for me was all
these. To have gone farther would have been to put myself beyond
the reach of the remedy. But the horror of thy punishment, and the
anger of the Father against those who .despise thee, impose sUence
on rae, and force me to confess, that truly thou art the Son of God.
It is enough that I am the robber and malefactor sought out by thee.
It is time to cry for a cure. Lord, remember me now that thou art come
to thy kingdom. Having nothing to aUege for my justification but
an acknowledgment that I am unrighteous, destitute of every thing to
move thy compassiou but the greatness of my misery, unable to urge
, any other reason why thou shouldst cure me, but that my case is
hopeless frora every other hand, fpr my part I have no other sacrifice
than my afflicted spirit and broken heart; and this I would not yet have
had, if thou hadst not awakened rae to the knowledge of my danger.
The sacrifice which I need is that of thy blood and righteousness.
* * * Abide with me for my preservation ; for the flesh grumbles
and resists, the devil will redouble his assaults the nearer I approach
thee, and the world is full of gins and snares to entrap me. But such
art thou. Lord, and so carefuUy dost thou watch over my salvation,
that I ara assured thou wilt never forsake me, and that thou wUt so
guard and secure me, that I shaU not be permitted to riiin myself.

No. IV.
Letter from Francisco Farias and Nicolas Molino ta Grindal,
Bishop of London.*
Most humane and iUustrious Bishop, — the request which we have
now humbly to present to you is, that you would give us your ad
vice upon an affair of importance, as our father and faithful pastor. We

* Translated from the Latin, in Strype's Life of Grindal. Appendix, B. i.
No. xiii.

APPENDIX. 413
understand, and have ascertained upon the best grounds,- that a person
inimical to the gospel, who for certain reasons had fled from Spain,
has, with the view of regaining the favour of the Spanish monarch,
fabricated a calumnious story, and has been communicating with the
ambassador from Spain, and the governess of Flanders. The object of
this calumny is, that we two, Spaniards, who have been these eigb*
years exUes in this country for the word of God, should be deUvered up
and carried back to Spain. Their plan is as follows ; that the king of
Spain shallbe advertised to require the Spanish Inquisitors to draw in
formations against us of heinous crimes, to which they should add ano
ther information against a Spaniard of infamous character, who has fled
from Flanders for robbery and other crimes, and is now Uving her^ ;
that along with these advices. King PhiUp shaU TiTite to the queen,
requesting these criminals to be deUvered up to his ambassador, with
the view of their being sent to Spain ; and that the name of the noto- :
rious malefactor from Flanders shaU be placed first in the list, that
so no one may doubt that we are chargeable with as great or even'
greater crimes.
As to the informations which may be brought hither, we call God to
witness, for whose name we suffer exile, that nothing can be laid to
our charge which, if true, does not entitle us to praise rather than
blame. But knowing that, on account of our religion, we have incur
red the great odium of the Spanish Inquisition, and that, from the time
we left Spain tiU the present time, it had expended above six thousand
crowns in attempts to discover us and our feUow-exiles, we have no
doubt that the Inquisitors will, find as many false witnesses as they
please, and thus be able to fix upon us whatever crimes they wish.
Now, supposing that such informations should be presented to her Ma-
jesty the queen, along with letters from King Philip, desiring that we
should be deUvered up, we desire to know whether or not we shall
be exposed to danger. If we should, it is our intention to remove to
some other country where such a calumny wiU not be Ustened to. On
th|s account, most pious Bishop, we request your advice as speedily as
possible, in order that we may provide for our safety in time ; for Judas
wiU not'sleep tiU he has betrayed us, and perhaps the informations are
already upon the road. Besides, one of our wives is pregnant, and will
not be able to bear the fatigues of the journey, if it be delayed much
longer. You wiU see then that delay may be the means of our being
deUvered up, and taken to a place where we shall suffer the most
inhuman tortures. If Providence has assigned this lot to us, we will
adore him, and pray that he would confirm us in his faith, and so
6

414

APPENDIX.

strengthen us as that we may be enabled, for the glory of his name, to
remain firm to the end.

No. V,
Specimens of early Spanish Translations ofthe Scriptures.
The fragment of the Translation of the Bible by Bonifacio Ferrer,
printed in 1478, but composed about the beginning of the 15th century,
is extremely curious, as indicating the state of the Spanish language at
that early period. As a specimen of it I shaU give the last chapter of
the book of Revelation, as reprinted in the BibUoteca Espanola of
Rodriguez de Castro. To this I add, for the purpose of comparison,
the same chapter in the version of the New Testament by Francisco
de Enzinas, taken from the original work, printed in 1543, .

Ferrer's Version.
Mostra a mi vn riu de aygua
viua resplandentaxi com crestaU
proceint de la seilla de deu [e] del
anyeU. En lo mig de la plaza de
eUa : e de la una parte e altra del
riu lo fust de vida por tant dotze
firuyts : per cascuns mesos reten
so fruytr'e les fulles del fust a
sanitat de les gets. E res maleyt
no sera pus : e la seilla de deu e
del anyel seran en aquella : e los
seruents de eU suiran a aquell : e
veuran la faf de eU : e lo nora de
eU scrit en los fronts de ells. E
nit pus no sera : e no hauran fre-
tura de lura de candela ne d'lum
de sol : car lo senyor deu illumina-
raaqU^: e regnaran en los setgles
dels setgles, E dix a mi : aquestes

Enzinas' s Version.
Y el me amostro vn rio Umpio
de agua viua, resplandespiente co
mo Christal, que saUa de la silla de
Dios y del Cordero, En el medio
de la plapa della. Y de la vna
parte y de la otra del rio el arbor
de la vida, que trai doze frutos,
dando cada mes su fruto : y las ho-
jas del arbor son para la sanidad
de los gentiles. Y toda cosa mal-
dita, no sera mas. Pero el throno
deDios y el Cordero estara en elia,
y sus sienios le seruiran, y veran
su rostro, y su nombre estara en
sus frentes. Y la noche no esta
mas alU, y no tienen nep essidad de
lumbre de candela, ni de la lumbre
del Sol. Por que el Senor dios los
alumbra, y reinaran para siempre

APPENDIX.

41.5

Ferrer's Version.
paules fideUssimes son e verdade-
res. E lo senyor deu dels spirits
dels prophetes ha trames lo angel
seu mostrar ais seruets seus les
coses : que c5ue tost esser fetes. E
veus que vinch iuaposament. Ben-
auenturat es lo qui guarda les paules
de lu {sic\ pphecia d'aquest libre.
E yo loan qui oi e viu aquestes
coses. E puix que les hagui oides
e vistes: caygui perqueado res
dauant los pens del angel: qui
mostraua a mi aquestes coses. E
dix a mi : guarda nou faces. Se-
ruent so ensemps ab tu e ab los
frares tens prophetes : e ab aqueUs
qui semen les paraules de lapro-
phecia de aquest Ubre. A deu ado-
ra. E dix a mi : no sagelles les
pai-aules de la prophecia de aquest
Ubre. Car lo temps es prop. Qui
nou noga en cara : e qui en les
sutzures es en sutzeeixca en cara :
e qui iustes sia iustificat en cara e
lo sant sia santificat en cara. Ueus
que vinch tots : e lo guardo men
es ab mi : retrea cascu segons les
obres sues yo so alpha e o : primer
e darrer : principi e fi. Benauen-
turats son los que lauen les stoles
sues en la sanch del anyell. per que
sia la potestat de ells en lo fust de
vida : e per pprtes entrenen la ciu-
tat. De fora los cans a j'ents veri
e los luxuriosos los homicides e
los seruint a les idoles : e tot aquell
qui ama e fa mentira. yo iesus be
trames {sic\ lo angel men a testificar
aquestes coses a uosaltres eu les
esglesies. yo so rael e Unatge de

Enzinas's Version.
jamas. Y me dixo: Estas pala-
bras son fieles y verdaderas. Y
el Senor Dios delos sanctos pro-
phetas ha erabiado su angel, para.
mostrar a sus sieruos las cosas que
es nepessario que sean hechas bien
presto. Y veis aqui que yo vengo
presto. Bienauenturado es aquel
que guarda las palabras de la pro-
phepia de este Ubro. Y yo lohan
soi aquel que ha oydo,y visto estas
cosas. Y despues que yo vbe oydo
y visto : yo me eche para adorar
delante de los pies del Angel que
me mostraba estas cosas. Y el me
dixo : Mira que tu no lo hagas :
por que yo soi consieruo tuyo, y
detus hermanos los prophetas, y de
los que guardan las palabras de este
Ubro. Adora a Dios. Y me dixo :
No senaleslas palabras de laprophe-
piadeestelibro,porqueeltiepoesta
perca. El que es injusto, sea in-
justo mas : El que es supio, ensupi-
ese mas. Yel que es justo, sea jus-
tificado mas. Y el saneto sea sanc-
tiUcado mas. Y veis aqui, yo bengo
presto. Y mi galardon esta comi-
go, para dar a cada vno, como sera
su obra. Yo soi. Alpha y O, el
primero y el postrero, el prinpipio
y el fin.
Bien auentm-ados son los que
hazen sus mandamientos, para que
su potencia sea en el arbor de la
vida, y que entren por las puertas
en la pibdad. Pero los perros se
ran de fuera, y los hechizeros, las
ramerasylos homipidas,jdolatras,
y cada vno que ama, y haze men-

416

APPENDIX.

Ferrer's Version.
dauid: stela resplandent e matu-
tina. E lo spos e la sposa di en :
vine. E lo qui ou ; diga vine.
E qui ha set vinga, E qui vol
prenda de grat aygua de vida. Car
fap testimonia tot oiut les paraules
de la prophecia de aquest libre. Si
algu haura aiustat aquestes : aiu-
stara deu sobre aqU les plagues que
son scrites en aquest Ubre : e si
algu haura diminuit de les paraules
de la prophecia de aquest Ubre :
tolra deu la part de eU del Ubre de
vida e de la ciutat sancta : e de
aquestes coses que son scrites en
aquest libre. Diu ho lo qui testi
monia dona de aquestes coses. En-
cara Uinch tots : amen. Uine .
senyor iesus. La gracia del senyor
nostre iesiicrist sia ab tots vosal-
tres Amen.

Enzinas's Version.
tira. Yo Iesus he embiado mi
Angelj para daros testimonie de
estas cosas en las yglesias. Yo soi
la raiz y el genero de Dauid, la
estrella resplandespiente y de la
manana : Y el espirito y la esposa
dizen:Ben. Y elq lo oy, diga: Ben.
Y el que tiene sed : benga. , Y el
que quiere, tome del agua de la
vida debalde.
Pues yo protesto a cada vno
que oy las palabras de la prophepia
de este Ubro : si alguno anadiere a
estas cosas, pondra Dios sobre el
las plagas escritas en este libro.
Y si algimo disminuyere de las
palabras del Ubro de esta prophe
pia, Dios quitara su parte del Ubro
de la vida, y de la santa pibdad, y
de las cosas que esta escritas en es
te Ubro. El que da testimonio de
estas cosas, dize : Cierto, yo bengo
en breve. Ame. Tanbien. Ven se
nor Iesus. La grapia de nuestro
Senor lesu Christo sea con todos
vosotros. Amen.

INDEX.

A.
Alrego, Luys de, 311.
Acontiui, V. Contio.
Adrian, Pope, 118, 127, 151.
Albigenses, v. Waldenses.
Albomox, Archbishop of Talavera, 59.
Albret, Jeanne de. Queen of Na
varre, 201, 334.
Alcagnizes, Marquis de, 283.
Alcala, Pedro de, 70.
Alciati, an Antitrinitarian, 361.
Alexander IV. Pope, 34.
Alfonso II. of Aragon, 33, 54, 81.
Alfonso V. of Aragon, 60.
Alfonso VI. of Castile, 23, 391.
Alfonso X. of Castile, 54, 191.
Alfonso, Physician of Alcala, 67.
Algeri, Bishop of, 162.
Aha, Duke of, 127, 252, 253, 348.
Angelis,TTa,ncisco de, 125.
Antonio, Nicolas, 383.
Arabic Language, 53, 54, 67, 70-3.
Arbues, De, Inquisitor of Aragon,
108.
Arce, Inquisitor general, 341.
Arcliel, Doctor Sigismond, 330.
Arettanp, Christobal de, 304-5.
Arianism in Spain, 7, 13-15.
Arias, Garcia de, 219-21, 303-4.
Arnald, an Albigensian, 38.
At naldo of Villaneuva, 40.
Arras, Bishop of, v. Granvelle.

Auto-de-fe, General description of,
274-281.
Autos-de-fe at Valladolid, 281, 300.
Autos-de-fe at Seville, 300, 321.
Avila, Juan de, 137, 144.
Ayora, Gonzalez de, 108.
B.
Baca, Francisco, 282.
Baena, Juan Alfonso, 57.
Baena, Isabella de, 218, 308.
Baez, Gonzales, 287.
Baena, v. Zunega.
Balbani, Nicola, 361, 364.
Barbaris, Felippe de, 88.
Barbosa, Arius, 63.
Barcelona, Suppression of the Refor
mation in, 331.
Barrientos, Lope de, 56.
Baylen, Count of, 218.
Beam, Viscount of, 31.
Belmonte, Senor de, 117.
Benavides, Gaspar de, 317.
Benedict II. Pope, 17.
Benedict XIV. Pope, 388.
Bernard, Archbishop of Toledo, 24.
Bertran, Francisco, 264.
Beza, 372.'
Beziers, Viscount of, 31, 32.
Bible, Spanish, 74, 190-205, 349,
373-4, 380.
Blanco, Dr. v. Arias, Garcia de.
Blaneo, Francisco, v. Orense..
2l5

418

INDEX.

Blandrata, an Antitrinitarian, 361.
Bohorques, Dona Juana de, 319-321.
Bohorques, Maria de, 308-311, 319.
Bofwrques, Don Pedro Qarcia de, v.
Xeres.
Bononia, John, 203.
Borgia, St. Francis de, 144.
Borrell, James, 19J .
Broear, John, 68.
Bucer, Martin, 181, 183, 187.
Bndi, Matthew, 181.
Burgensis, Paulus, 74.
Burke, William, 316.
Burlamaqui, 363.
Burton, Nicholas, 315, 337.
Butini, 363. C.
Caballero, Prime Minister to Carlos
IV. 384.
Cadena, Luis de, 129.
Calandrini, 363.
Calderon, Mayor of Seville, 268.
Calderon, Pedro, 3,85, 391.
Caluin, 187, 360, 362,374^
Campegio, Papal Legate, 133,
Cano, Melchior, 28^, 321.
Caraccioli, Galeazzo, marquis of Vico,
3S2-6i.
Cardoini, Camillo, 366.
Carlos, Don, 247, 281-^, 3^9.
Carlos IV. of Spain, 384.
Carranza, Bartolome, archbishop of
Toledo, 141, 1*8, 166, 174, 22A,
227, Ul, 321-3.
Carrera, Antonio de, 285, 286.'
Cassander, George, 177.
Cassioddro, 218, 367, v. Reyna.
Castiglioni, Battista, 366.
Castilla, Dona Isabella de, i33, 292.
Castlebon and Cerdagne, Arnold,
viscouiltof, 3£.
Castro, Alfonso de, 202.
Castro, Bartolome de, 67.
Catalina de Reynoza, Dona, 292.

Cazalla, Augustin, 226-7, 229, 247,
285-288.
Cazalla, Dona Constanza, 284, 286.
Cazalla, Francisco de Vibero, 287.
Cazalla, Juan de Vibero, 284.
Cazalla, Pedro de, 226, 232, 295.
Cecil, Secretary, 367, 373.
Celestine HI. Pope, 33, 84.
Cerezo, Andres de, 62.
Charles V. Emperor, 116, 119, 121-2,
124, 126, 130-2, 136, 164, 167,
172, 194, 203, 208, 230, 246-251,
334, 352, 385.
Chrisostomo, Juan, 305;
Cisneros, Leanor de, 289-291.
Claude, Bishop Pf Turin, 8, 9.
Clement V. Pope, 66.
dlernent VII. Pope, 130, 140.
Coligni, Admiral, 359.
Cologne, Elector and Archbishop of,
166, 167.
Columbus, Christbpher, 119, 120.
Comenges, Count of, 31.
Constantine, Ponce de la Fuente, v.
Ponce.
Contio, Jacomo, 366.
Cordova, Alvaro de, 53.
Cornel, Maria de, 308.
Corohel, Pablo, 67.
Corran, or Corranus, Antonio de,
348, 372.
Cousin, 372.
Cranmer, ArchbiSliOp, IS?.
Crescentio, Cardinal, 166.
Crespin, John, 181.
Cruz, Luis de la, 333, 324.
D.
Deza, Inquisitor general, 105.
Diaz, Alfonso, 183.
Diaz, Esteban, 182.
Diaz, Juan, 181-188.
Diaz, Pedro, 159.
Diodati, 363, 374.

INDEX.

419

Dominis, Antonio de, 366.
Donatists, 77, 76.
Dryander, v. Enzinas, Francisco,
Jayme, and Juan.
Ducas, Demetrius, 64, 67-
E.
Edward VI. of England, 197, S67.
Egidius, Doctor, 152-61, 169, 199,
206, 208, 211, 212, 217, 222, 308,
312.
Eimeric, 51.
Elias, Vicar general of the Francis
cans, 46.
Elipand, Archbishop of Toledo, 8.
Elizabeth, Queen of England, 337,
366, 370, 372.
Elna, Bishop of, 163-3.
Emanuel of Portugal, 139.
Enriquez, Senor, 273.
Enzina, Sebastian de la, 201.
Enzinas, 'Eiaaidsco, 171, 176,177,
188-90, 193-8, 203, 401, 414.
Enzinas, Jayme, 176-8.
Enzinas, Juan, 176-8.
Erasmus, 61, 75, 124, 136, 128, 129,
134, 199, 207.
Espinosa, Inquisitor general, 334.
Espinosa, Medel de, 311.
F.
Fabianne,. 316.
Farias, Francisco, 371, 413.
Felix, Bishop of Urgel, 8, 35.
Ferdinand of Sicily, 41.
Ferdinand III. of Castile, 84.
Ferdinand, King of the Romans, 186.
Ferdinand the Catholic, King of
Spain, 47, 89, 116, 192.
Fernandez, Alfonso, 191.
Fernandez, Lorenzo, 351.
Fernando, Monk of San Isidro, 26S.
Ferrer, Bonifacio, 191, 193, 414.
Ferrer, St. Vincent, 87.
Ferus, Jean, 380.
Figueroa, Dona Mercia de, 283.

Flaminio, Maico Antonio, 822, 353.
Flores, Fernando M,anzanai-es, 62.
Florio, Michael Angelo, 365.
Foix, Count of, 31, 35.
Forcalquier and Urgel, Raymond,
Count of, 3.5.
Fracastoro, 355.
Frampton, John, 316.
Franco, Nicolas, bishqp of Treviso,
89.
Froben, John, 123.
Fuente, de la, v. Ponce, Constantine.
Fuentes, Bartolome, 317.
Fulco, Bishop, 30.
Furio, Frederico, 203.
G.
Galatinus, Petrus, 66.
Gales, Pedro, 364.
Gallasius, or, De Gallars, Nicolaus,
181, 365.
Gareii?, Juan, 343.
Gasca, Pedro de la, 257, 282.
Gelasius, Pope, 20-1,
Gentilis, Albericus, 366.
Gentilis, Valentinus, 361-2.
Gil, Don, V. Albornoz.
Gil, Juan, v. Egidius.
Giron de Montalban, Don Tellez,
299.
Gamez, Maria, 315-7, 314.
Gonzalez, Juan, 302.3.
Gonzalez, Maria, 318.
GoteschtUcus, 9.
Gramiula, Luis de, 144.
Granada, v. Ta.lavera, Archbishop
of.
Granvelle, Cardinal, 161, 167.
Gregory the Great, 12, IS, 20, 27, 53.
Gregory VII. Pope, 36.
Gregory IX. Pope, 34, 82.
Gregory XIIL Pope, 333.
Gribaldo, 361,362.
Grindal, Bishop, 367, 372.
Guevaro, Dona Marina, 298-300.
Gutierez, v. Cerezo.

420

INDEX.

Guzman, Domingo de, 218, 262, 326.
Guzman, Don Diego de, 331.
H.
Hardenberg, Albert, 189.
Harph, Henry, 143.
Hehrew Language, 63-5, 73..
Henry, Count Otho, 185, 187.
Henry II. of France, 329.
Henry IV. of Castile, 61.
Henry I V. of France, 334.
Henry VIII. of England, 235, 367.
Herezuelo, Antonio, 231, 287-90.
Hernandez, Julian, 305, 340-2, 312,
313.
Herrera, Pedro, 318.
/fmcmar. Archbishop of Rheims, 9.
Honorius I. 1 7.
Hortega, Dona Catalina, 297.
Hoyeda, Alfonso de, 88.
Huesca, Durando de, 36, 37.
Hyperius, Joan Gerhardus, 382.

Jarai'ffl, Ferdinand, 198.
Jerlito, Jeronimo, 366, 372.
Jeaie/, Bishop, 369.
Ildefonso, Archbishop of Seville, 21.
Innocent III. Pope, 27, 37.
Isabella of Spain, 47, 61, 63, 89,
114, 192.
Isidore, St. Archbishop of Seville, 21,
. 52.
Italian Exiles in Geneva, 351-363.
Italian Exiles in England, 365-367.
Italy, Effects of the suppression of
the Reformation in, 386-7,390,396.
Juan, I. of Aragon, 65, 190.
Juan II. bf Castile, 43, 55.
Juana, Queen dowager of Portugal,
247, 281, 286.
Julian, Archbishop of Toledo, 16-19.
Julius III. Pope, 203, 230.
Izam, a Dominican Missionary, 32.

Kempis, jThomas a, 143.
L.
Lamport, William, 335-6.
Lasco, John a, 189, 365.
Leander, Bishop of Seville, IS,
Lebrixa, Antonio de, 61-63, 67, 75,
105.
Leo IL Pope, IS, 17.
Leo X. Pope, 114-8, 127.
Leon, Juan de, 305-7.
Leon, Luis de, 381.
Leon, Roderic, Bishop of, 38,
Lerma, Pedro de, 129.
Lira, Nicolas de, 74.
Literature, State of, in Spain, 52-76,
380.5.
Lithgow, William, 338.
Liturgy, Ambrosian, 20.
Liturgy, Gothic, Isidorian, or Moz
arabic, 21, 23, 34, 48, 49.
Liturgy, Gregorian, or Roman, 20,
21, 24.
Lizzarago, Juan, 201.
Logrono, Progress of the Reforma
tion in, 233.
Logrono, Suppression of the Refor
mation in, 331.
Lopez, Diego, de Zuniga, 67.
Lopez, Francisca, 311.
Losada, Dr. Christobal, 217, 307.
Louis VIII. of France, 31.
XoumXIV. 377.
Luna, Juan de, 351.'
Lucio, V. Tuy, Bishop of.
Luis, a mulatto, 318;
Luther, 104, 123-37, 139, 142, 190,
19S.
Luzero, Inquisitor, 111.
Lyons, Poor men of, v. Waldenses.
M.
Macanaz, Prime Minister to Philip
V.378.

INDEX.

421

Maccabeus, Doctor, 170.
Maloenda, Pedro, 181-4.
Mancio de Corpus Christi, 323.
Manicheism, 7, 77-81.
Mann, John, 337.
Manriquez, Inquisitor general, 128,
256.
Manuel, Don Juan de, Ambassador,
126.
Manuel, Don Juan, Bishop of Za
mora, 291.
Manzanares, v. Flores.
Marineo, Lucio, 63.
Marquina, 182.
Marseilles, Richard, Abbot of, 24.
Martin, Isaac, 338.
Martinengo, n, Massimiliano, Celso.
Martinez, Martini, 382.
Martini, Manuel, 384.
Martini, Raymond, 66.
Martinia, Dona Isabella, 263, 264.
Martyr, Peter, 63, 64, 108, 124-5.
Martyr, the Reformer, 353, 360-1.
Mary of England, 367, 370.
Massimiliano, Celso, count of Mar
tinengo, 360, 362.
Mauleon, Savary de, 31.
Medici, Cosmo de, 60.
Medina Sidonia, Duke of, 218, 326.
Medina, Miguel de, 381.
Melanchthon, 132-4, 190, 195-7.
Mella, Alfonso de, 42.
Mena, Juan de, 56.
Mendoza, Inigo Lopez de, 56.
Mexia, Don Juan Alonso de Fon
seca, 383.
Micheli, 363.
Minerve, Guiraud de, 31.
Minutoli, 363.
Molino, Nicolas, 371^ 412.
Monothelite heresy, 15-19.
Montanus, Arias, 381.

Montfbrd, Simon de, 31.
Moriz, Inquisitor, 236.
Morocco, Son of the emperor of, 388.
Mota, Marquis de la, 384.
Munebrega, Gonzalez, 257-9.
N.
Navarre, Queen of, v. Albret.
Nebrissensis, v. Lebrixa.
Nugnez, Fernando, Widow of, 270.
Nunez, Fernando, 64, 65, 67, 73.
O.
Ocampo, Don Christobal de, 286.
Ochino, 183, 352.
Qfredi, 363.
Olaxa, Gaspar, 351.
Oleaster, 380,
Olmedo, 269.
Orense, Bishop of, 166.
Ortega, Dona Catalina de, 387, 397.
Ortiz, Alfonso, 48.
Ortiz, Constanza, 226.
Osma, Pedro de, 75.
Ozma, Bishop of, 35.

Paci, Julio, 364.
Padilla, Don Christobal de, 231, 287.
Palencia, Alfonso de, 61.
Palermo, Anthony of, 60.
Paul IV, Pope, 247, 250, 253-6,355.
Pedro II. of Aragon, 27, 33.
Pedro the Great of Aragon, 28.
Pegna, Juan de, 324.
Pellican, Conrad, 126.
Pennaforte, Raymond de, 65.
Pereira, Don Juan de UUoa, 284.
Perez, Dr. Alfonso, 232, 286.
Perez, Juan, 199-201, 203-5, 312,
363, 405.
Phaustus, Nicetas, 64.

422

INDEX.

Philip II. 112, 203, 204, 209, 228, Roxas, Dona Elvira de, 282.
230, 239, 357, 261, 269, 292, 296, Roxas, Don Juan, -o. Poza.
321,329,334, 367, 381,, 384. Boxo*, - Don Juan Sarmiento de.

282.
Roxas, Don Luis de, 283, 3S4.
Roxas, Dpna Maria de, 283.
Ro.vas, Don Pedro Sarmiento de,
332, 282.
Ruiz, Gregorio, 220.

Philip V. 378.
Philomar, Larabert, 191.
Pinel, Duarte, 198.
Pius IV. Pope, 334.
Pius V. Pope, 369.
Polyglot Bibles, 67-70, 381.
Police, Constantine, de la Fuente, Rviz, Juan, .58,
154.6, 207-15, 229, 247, 262r9, Ruysbrok, John, 143,
312, 407.
Ponce de Leon, Don Juan, 218,
301,302,310. S.
Porchet, a converted Jew, 66.
Poza, Marquis de, 225, 283.
Prado, Francisco Perez del, 202.
Priscillian, 7, 78.

Prudentio, Galindo, 9, 10.
Q.
Quevedo,, Geronimo, 351,
Quixada, Luis, 348.

Ragnoni, Lattantio, 360-362.
Rami, Louis, 335.
Ramiro I, of Spain, 26.
Raymond, Count of Toulouse, 31, Sarmiento, v. Roxas.

Saavedra, Marina de, 284
Salto, Melchior del, 318.
Sm Isidro del Campo, Reformation in
Convent of, 219,23, 344-6.
San-Juan, Fernando de, 309, 307.
San-Roman, Francisco, 170-5.
Sanchez, Juan, 397, 298, 306.
Sanchez, Juana, 270.
Santangel, v. Vera, Don Aliguel de.
Santillana, Marquis of, v. Mendoza,
Santiquatro, Cardinal, 117.
Santo, Rabbi Don, 57.
Saragossa, Suppression of the Refor
mation in, 331.

34,
Regla, Juan de, 223, 247.
Renge, Duchess of Ferrara, 200,

Saxony, Elector of, 139.
Scepper, Cornelius, 132.
Scho^er, James, 209.

iie^na, Cassiodoro de, 199, 201, 333, Scotus, Joannes, 10.

332, 348-9, 363,
Reynoza, v. Catalina.
Ribera, Dona Silva de, 284.
Rodelia, Pons Ademar de, 30.
Rodriguez, Doctor Fernando, 313.
Rotan, Jean Baptiste, 361.

Sebonde, Raimond de, 41.
Segura, Marcos de, 338.
Senarcle, Claude, 187-8.
Sepulveda, Juan Ginez de, 188,
Sao, Don Carlos de, 232, 233, 292-5,
324.

Roxas, Dona Ana Henriquez de, Sesvaz, Bernardino de, 352.
283. Seville, Archbishop of, v. Valdes,
Roxas, Domingo de, 225, 229, 296-7. Fernando, and Leander.

1

INDEX.

423

¦S'eDitfe,ProgressoftheReformationin, 146-156, 206-25. v. Autos-de.fe.
Sigea, Diego, Luiia, and Angela,
139.
Silva, Diego de, 140.
Simplician, Bishop of Milan, 13.
Siricius, Bishop of Rome, 12.
Sixtus IV. Pope, 89, 114, 277.
Solano, Don Miguel Juan Antonio,
339-342.
Solera, Vincente, 351.
Sotelo, Luis, 364.
Soto, Domingo de, 158-161.
Soto, Pedro de, 195.
Spreng, James,, 170-1.
Stunica, v. Ijopez, Diego.

Talavera, Ferdinand de, bishop of
Granadai 49, 70.
Tauler, John, 142-5.
Tendilla, Conde de, 63.
Termes, Olivier de, 31.
Terranova, Marquis de, 251.
Thomasi, Cardinal, 22.
Tobar, Bernardin, 129.
Toledo, Autos-de-fe at, 329-331.
Torquemada, Thomas, Inquisitor ge-
neral, 89, 90, 105, 256.
Tostado, Alfonso, 74.
Toulouse, Count of, v. Raymond.
Tudensis, Lucas, u. Tuy.
Turin, v. Claude, Bishop of.
Turretini, 363.
Tuy, Lucio, Bishop of, 38, 40.
U.

UUoa, -u. Pereira.
Usque, Abraham, 198.

Vacca, Lorenzo, 47.

Valdes, Alfonso, 124, 132-4.
Valdes, Fernando, Inquisitor gene
ral, 90, 211, 250," 253.7, 292, 299,
321, 329.
ValdU, Juan, 140-46, 200.
Valer, Rodrigo de, 146-54, 1S7, 158.
Vaelra, Cypriano de, 199-203,373-4.
Valla, Laurentius, 60, 61.
Valladolid, Progress of the Reforma
tion in, 169-175, 325-31. v. Autos-
de-fe.
Valois, Elizabeth de, 329-'
Vargas, Doctor, IS*, 156.
Vargas, Don Francisco de, 319.
Vargas, Francisco, counsellor to
Charles V. 167, 168.
Vaudois, v- Waldenses.
Vega, Lope de, 385, 391.
Vera y Santangel, Don Miguel de,
331.
Verdun, Bishop of, 165.
Vergara, Juan de, 67-8, 129, 130.
Vibar, v. Sanchez, Juan.
Vibero, Dona Beatriz de, 286.
Vibero, Leanor de, 226, 291, 308.
Vich, Geronimo, Spanish Ambassa
dor, 115.
Vico, Marquis of, 352.
Villalba, Francisco de, 224, 247.
Villavicencio, Lorenzo de, 382.
Villena, Marquis of, 55, 56.
Virves, Alfonso de, 134-6.
Virves, Diego de, 317.
Virves, Maria de, 308-
Vives, LudoTieus, 75, 130,
Vizlant, Philip, 191,
W.
Waldenses, 28-43, 79, 81, 84, 86,
Wasor, Anthony, 284.
Wessel, John, 189.

' In thie page he is called Francisco, by mistake.

424 INDEX.
X. z.
JTerei y Bohorques, Don Padro Gar,. Zafra, Francisco, 215-7, 241,311.
cia de, 308, 319. Zamora, Alfonso de, 68.
Ximenes de Cisneros, Cardinal, 25, ZancAJ; Jeronimo, 361.
47.50, 64, 67-9, 7l.,3, 109-14, Zunega de Baeza, Dona Francisca,
119, 284.

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