YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

WORKS ISSUED BY

Cije ^afttugt &ocitt&

THE HAWKINS' VOYAGES.

FIRST SERIES NO. LVII-MDCCCLXXVIIL

"V

\

Sir John Hawkins KT

FROM A BASSO RELIEVO IVORY BUST IN POSSESSION
OFTHE REV? BRADFORD DEAN HAWKINS.

(AUTOGRAPH FROM A FACSIMIL

THE

HAWKINS' VOYAGES

THE REIGNS
OF
HENRY VIII, QUEEN ELIZABETH,
AND JAMES I.

Unites, fottfj an Jlrttrolmction,

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S.

BURT FRANKLIN, PUBLISHER
NEW YORK, NEW YORK

ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED BY THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY

REPRINTED BY PERMISSION

Published by BURT FRANKLIN
235 East 44th St., New York, N.Y. 10017
Reprinted: 1970
Printed in the U.S.A.
S.B.N. 22298
Library of Congress Card Catalog No.: 73-126271
Burt Franklin: The Hakluyt Society First Series 57

COUNCIL

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

Colohei H. YULE, C.B., Pebsideht.
Admibal 0. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B. ) > Vice-Peesidents.
Majoe-Geneeal Sie HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B. )
W. A. TYSSEN AMHERST, Esq.
Ret. De. G. P. BADGER, D.O.L., F.R.G.S.
J. BARROW, Esq., F.R.S.
WALTER DE GREY BIRCH, Esq.
E. A. BOND, Esq.
Admibal Sib RICHARD COLLINSON, K.C.B.
AUGUSTUS W. FRANKS, Esq., F.R.S.
W. E. FRERE, Esq., O.M.G.
JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq., F.S.a.
LiEUT.-GBmsEAi Sib J. HENRY LEFROY, C.B., K.O.M.G.
R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A.
Cor-OSEl Sie WM. L. MEREWETHER, C.B., K.C.S.I.
SiB CHARLES NICHOLSON, Baet., D.C.L.
Admibal Sie ERASMUS OMMANNEY, C.B., F.R.S.
Loed ARTHUR RUSSELL, M.P.
The Loed STANLEY on Aldeelet.
EDWARD THOMAS, Esq., F.R.S,
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, Esq., C.B., F.R.S., Seo.R.G.S., Hohoeaet Sbcbetaby.

CONTENTS.

PAGE
Introduction . i

1. — The Voyage of William Hawkins in 1530 3
2. — The First Voyage of Sir John Hawkins 5
3. — The Second Voyage of Sir John Hawkins - 8
4. — The arrival, and courtesy of Sir John Hawkins to the
distressed Frenchmen in Florida 65
5. — The Third Voyage of Sir John Hawkins - 70

6. — The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Kt., in his
Voyage into the South Sea, a.d. 15f>3 - 83

7. — -A Spanish Account of the Naval Action between Sir Richard
Hawkins and Don Beltran de Castro : translated from the
Life of the Marquis of Cailete by Christobal Suarez do
Figueroa - 333

8. — Journal of the Voyage under Captain Fenton (1582) kept by
William Hawkins 353
0. — Journal of the Voyage of the Hector, kept by Captain
William Hawkins (1607) • - 364

CONTENTS.
10.— Captain William Hawkins ; his Relations of the Occurrents
which happened in the time of his Residence in India, in
the country of the Great Mogol 389
11. — A Briefe Discourse of the Strength, Wealth, and Govern
ment, with some Customs, of the Great Mogol ; by
Captain William Hawkins - 419

ERRATUM.
At page 13 (note), for "11,430", read "12,370".

INTRODUCTION.

The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins in his
Voyage into the South Sea was the first volume issued
by the Hakluyt Society, in 1847. It was edited by
Admiral C. R. Drinkwater Bethune, C.B.; and most of
his valuable foot-notes in the first edition have been
retained, especially those explaining old sea terms and
Spanish phrases. Some of the Admiral's notes have
been omitted as having become obsolete, or from other
considerations. As the first edition is now out of
print, it has become necessary to reproduce it. The
Council decided that the present volume should be
made more complete, by including the narratives of
the voyages of Sir Eichard's grandfather William, of
his father Sir John, and of his cousin William Haw
kins. It is, therefore, intended to be a monograph
of the naval enterprises of the great Elizabethan navi
gators of the name of Hawkins.
The first of that name made three voyages to Brazil
in the time of Henry VIII, and was one of our earliest
naval pioneers. The second was closely connected with
the history of our navy, both as a gallant commander
at sea and as an able administrator on shore, during
upwards of thirty eventful years. The third was a
worthy emulator of his father's fame ; while the fourth

ii INTRODUCTION.
is among the first founders of the success of the East
India Company.
The cradle of the naval Hawkinses was certainly in
Devonshire,1 the county of Drake and Oxenham, of
Grenville and Davis, of Raleigh and Gilbert, and of so
many other Elizabethan naval worthies. In the reign
of Henry VII, John Hawkins and his wife Joan,
daughter of William Amydas of Launceston, were
living at Tavistock, and their son William Hawkins
is the first of the three generations of famous seamen.2
We owe our slight knowledge of the first William
Hawkins to the research of Hakluyt. He tells us that
old Mr. William Hawkins of Plymouth was a man of
wisdom, valour, experience, and skill in sea causes,
and that he was much esteemed and beloved by King
Henry VIII. He was one of the principal sea captains
in the west of England in his time, and made three
adventurous voyages to the coast of Brazil, an account
1 The name of Hawkins, it has been suggested, may be derived
from Hawking, in the hundred of Folkestone. There was an
Osbert de Hawking in the reign of Henry II, from whom de
scended Andrew Hawkins of Nash Court, near Faversham, in the
time of Edward III, according to one statement. Another
account derives Andrew Hawkins from Holdemess, and marries
him to Joan de Nash, an heiress. A family of Hawkins of Nash
Court, flourished there until tbe end of the last century. (See
Halsted's Kent, iii, p. 4.)
But Hawkins is a common name, and it is more probably de
rived from the Dutch Huygen ; in common with Hodge, Hodgson,
Hodgkinson, Hoskins, Huggins, Hoggins, Hewson, and the like.
2 The Hawkins ancestry is given by Prince in his Worthies of
Devon, p. 472, who had it from William Harvey, Clarencieux ;
entry of 1565, when the arms were granted to John Hawkins.

INTRODUCTION. Ill
of two of which, taken from Hakluyt, will be found at
pages 3 and 4 of the present volume. William Haw
kins married Joan, daughter of William Trelawney,
and had two sons, John and William, who entered
upon the sea service with great advantages, owing to
the wealth and experience of their father.
The date of the birth of John Hawkins is not
certain, but the inscription on his monument, formerly
in the church of St. Dunstan's-in-the-East, gives his
age at the time of his death in 1595, as " six times
ten and three". If this is correct, he was born in 1532.1
Hakluyt tells us that he made divers voyages to the
Canary Islands in his youth, where he obtained much
information respecting the trade with the West Indies.
He heard, among other things, that there was a great
demand for negroes at St. Domingo, and that they
could easily be obtained from the coast of Guinea. He
resolved to make trial of this trade, and, having com
municated his plan to several influential friends in
London, he received liberal support. Among those
who were adventurers for this voyage, was Mr. Benja
min Gonson, of Sebright Hall, near Chelmsford, and
Treasurer of the Navy, who, probably before the ship
sailed, became the father-in-law of the gallant young
commander of the expedition.
John Hawkins, when he undertook the voyage
in 1562, was in about his thirtieth year ; and he
was then married to Katharine Gonson,2 daughter of
1 1520 is the date usually given, but on no authority.
2 William Gonson was Treasurer of the Navy in the reigns of
Henry VIII, Edward VI, and Mary. He bought Sebright Hall,

IV INTRODUCTION.
the Treasurer of the Navy, by whom he had a son
Richard. The first expedition of John Hawkins, consisting of
three good ships, was very successful, though a cargo
which he sent to Cadiz in charge of his second in
command, Captain Hampton, was confiscated. An
order was also sent to the Indies, by the Spanish
Government, that no English vessel was to be allowed
to trade there in future. The account of this voyage,
taken from Hakluyt, will be found from pages 5 to 7
of the present volume. Hawkins returned in Sep
tember 1563.
No blame attaches to the conduct of John Hawkins
in undertaking a venture which all the world, in those
days, looked upon as legitimate and even as beneficial.
It was in 1517 that Charles V issued royal licences for
the importation of negroes into the West Indies, and
in 1551 a licence for importing 17,000 negroes was
offered for sale. The measure was adopted from
in the parish of Great Badow, near Chelmsford. His son Ben
jamin Gonson, of Sebright Hall, was also Treasurer of the Navy
from 1553 to 1573, when he was succeeded by his son-in-law,
John Hawkins. He died on November 21st, 1577, leaving a son,
Benjamin, born in 1551, and a daughter, Katharine, the first
wife of Sir John Hawkins. This second Benjamin Gonson left
only four daughters, co-heiresses. One of them, Anne, married
Giles Fleming. Another, Thomasine, was the wife of Christopher
Browne of Sayes Court (son of Sir Richard Browne, Clerk of the
Green Cloth to Queen Elizabeth), who died, aged 70, in 1645.
Their son, Sir Richard- Browne of Sayes Court (Deptford), died
in 1683, aged 78, leaving an only daughter, Mary, the wife of
John Evelyn, F.R.S., the author of Sylva. Evelyn lived at
Sayes Court from 1652 till 1686.

INTRODUCTION. V
philanthropic motives, and was intended to preserve
the Indians. It was looked upon as prudent and
humane, even if it involved some suffering on the part
of a far inferior race. The English were particularly
eager to enter upon the slave trade, and by the treaty
of Utrecht in 1713 England at length obtained the
asiento, giving her the exclusive right to carry on the
slave trade between Africa and the Spanish Indies for
thirty years. So strong was the party in favour of
this trade in England, . that the contest for its
abolition was continued for forty-eight years, from
1759 to 1807. It is not, therefore, John Hawkins
alone who can justly be blamed for the slave trade, but
the whole English people during 250 years, who must
all divide the blame with him.
John Hawkins sailed on his second voyage in 1564,
in the good ship Jesus of Lubeck, of 700 tons, return
ing in the autumn of the following year. He was
accompanied by several gentlemen adventurers, and
one of them, named John Sparke, wrote the narrative
published by Hakluyt. It will be found from pages 8
to 64 of the present volume, and is followed by an
account of the succour given by Hawkins to a dis
tressed French colony in Florida, which Hakluyt trans
lated from the French work of M. Laudonniere, printed
in Paris in 1586.1 Mr. Sparke is somewhat diffuse,
1 See pages 65 to 69. When Hakluyt was Chaplain to the
English Embassy in Paris, he discovered a manuscript account of
Florida, and published it at his own expense in 1586. It is dedi
cated to Sir Walter Raleigh. The attention this book excited in
France encouraged Hakluyt to translate it, and the English ver-

vi INTRODUCTION.
but he gives many interesting details respecting the
various places, in Africa and the West Indies, that
were touched at, including a full account of Florida.
The third voyage was undertaken in 1567, and had
a most disastrous termination. It was on this occasion
that Hawkins and Francis Drake first served together.
Drake is called the kinsman of Hawkins by his bio
graphers, and he certainly appears to have been born
in a cottage on the banks of the Tavy, while the
Hawkinses came originally from Tavistock, so that the
two families were near neighbours. Francis was about
ten years younger than Hawkins. His father was
persecuted under the Six Articles Act, and fled into
Kent, where he became the vicar of Upnor, and the son
served his apprenticeship in the Medway, and in short
voyages to Zeeland. But young Francis, as soon as
he had the means, returned to his native county, and
had made at least one voyage (with Captain Lovell in
1565-66) to the West Indies before he joined the ex
pedition of Hawkins. The latter commanded his old
ship, the Jesus of Lubech, while Drake was in a little
sion was published in London in 1587. The title is : "A notable
historie containing foure voyages made by certayne French cap-
taines into Florida, wherein the great riches and fruitefulnes of
the countrey, with the manners of the people, hitherto concealed,
are brought to light ; written, all saving the last, by Monsieur
Laudonniere, who remained there himself, as the French King's
Lieutenant, a yere and a quarter ; newly translated out of the
French into English by R. H." (London, 1587, 4to.)
The portion relating to Hawkins was inserted by Hakluyt in
his Principal Navigations, following Hawkins's second voyage. It
is this portion which is reprinted in the present volume.

INTRODUCTION. Vll
vessel called the Judith (of 50 tons). The sad story
of this voyage, as given in Hakluyt, was written by
John Hawkins himself, and will be found from pages
70 to 81 of the present volume. After the treacherous
attack of the Spaniards at San Juan de Ulloa, two
vessels only escaped, the Minion, with Hawkins on
board, and the Judith -,1 but there was not sufficient
food for so large a number of men crowded into two
small vessels, and their case seemed almost hopeless.
At length half the number, a hundred out of two
hundred, volunteered to land on the coast of Mexico, so
as to save the rest. They were put on shore, and their
more fortunate comrades, after suffering great hard
ships,, arrived in England on January 25th, 1568. 2
It is remarkable that Hawkins never mentions
Drake's name throughout his narrative. His letter to
Mr. Secretary Cecil,3 describing his misfortunes, is
dated on the day of his landing in Mounts Bay.
The fate of the unfortunate men who were put on
shore in Mexico was most cruel. They were sent to
the capital, and were at first treated with humanity.
But in 1571 a tribunal of the Inquisition was estab
lished in Mexico, the English castaways were seized
and shockingly maltreated, and several tortured and
most inhumanly mutilated. Some were burnt, and
a few were sent to Spain, and left to die of hunger in
1 See page 78.
2 The introduction of tobacco into England after this voyage is
attributed to Hawkins by Stow, and also by John Taylor, the
Water Poet, in his Prosaical Postscript to the Old old, very old
man, etc. (4to., 1635).
3 Given by Barrow, in his Life of Sir Francis Brake, p. 10.

VU1 INTRODUCTION.
the Archbishop of Seville's dungeons. Three escaped,
and the tale of their wrongs excited the utmost indig
nation throughout England. The narratives of these
survivors, David Ingram, Job Hartop, and Miles
Philips, are given by Hakluyt j1 and no one who
peruses them can be surprised at the hatred of the
English against the Spaniards in those days. John
Hawkins was extremely anxious about the fate of
his unhappy men, and when tidings of their treat
ment began to reach England he sought every means
to be revenged upon the Spanish nation. He intended
to go out in search of his men, but wa,s prevented. He
then determined to try what cunning would do, appa
rently deeming intrigue and deceit to be justifiable
against such a foe.
But there never was a more absurd calumny than
that promulgated by Dr. Lingard and others, to the
effect that Hawkins consented to betray his country for
a bribe from Spain. Lingard2 refers us to an agree
ment made at Madrid on August 10th, 1571, between
the Duke of Feria,3 on the part of Philip II, and
George Fitzwilliam on the part of John Hawkins, by
1 Principal Navigations, pp. 557 to 560. Philips reached Eng
land in 1582, and Hartop not until 1590.
2 History of England, v, p. 481 (n).
3 Gomez Suarez de Figueroa y Cordova, fifteenth Conde de
Feria, was created Duke of Feria in 1567. He was envoy in
England when Queen Mary died, and married her maid of honour,
Jane, daughter of Sir William Dormer, by Mary, sister of Sir Henry,
and aunt of Sir Philip Sydney. He died at the Escurial, on Friday,
September 7, 1571, less than a month after the signature of the
above imaginary document. His son, born in 1559, succeeded as
second Duke.

INTRODUCTION. ix
which the latter was to transfer his services to Spain,
bringing with him sixteen of the Queen's ships fully
equipped with 420 guns, in consideration of an am
nesty for past offences, and monthly pay of 16,987
ducats. This pretended agreement may be found in
the Spanish Archives. The calumny lies in Dr. Lin-
gard's conclusion from it, and in his additional state
ments which are as follows. " The secret was care
fully kept, but did not elude suspicion. Hawkins was
summoned, and examined by order of the Council.
Their lordships were, or pretended to be, satisfied, and
he was engaged in the Queen's service."' Lingard adds
that Hawkins tendered hostages to Spain for his fidelity.
All these supplementary statements are untrue. The
simple fact was that Hawkins was trying to deceive
and entrap the Spaniards, with the full knowledge and
approval of the English Government from the first.
This is proved beyond doubt by Cecil's correspon
dence. It was not very clean work and it ended in
failure, but it is false that Hawkins was ever untrue to
his country. A more loyal and devoted subject never
lived. His whole life was one of zealous devotion to
the service of his Queen.1 His Spanish intrigue was
J Lingard quotes, as his authority for the above calumny,
Gonzalez, 116, Memorias, vii, 351, 360, 364, 367, 368, a for
midable array !
These references are calculated to confuse the reader, sometimes
being given as "Memorias" , then as "Gonzalez", in another place
" From the documents at Simancas". On the return of Ferdinand
VII, in 1815, the archives were entrusted to Don Tomas Gonzalez,
who restored them to order at Simancas. In the seventh volume
of the Memorias de la Beal Academia de la Historia (4to., Madrid,

X INTRODUCTION.
undertaken with the object of rescuing his unfortunate
men by a resort to guile, as he could not do so by force.
Their miserable condition must have haunted him, and
1832) was published a contribution entitled, "Apuntamientos para
la historia del Rey Don Felipe Segundo de Espafia por lo tocante
a sus relaciones con la Reina Isabel de Inglaterra desde el ano
1558 hasta el de 1576, por Tomas Gonzalez, Canonigo de Placen-
cia." There is an Euglish version : " Documents from Simancas
relating to the reign of Elizabeth (1558-1568), translated from
the Spanish of Don Tomas Gonzalez, and edited by G. Spencer
Hall, F.S.A., Librarian to the Athenseum (1865)."
It is to the Apuntamientos of Gonzalez that Lingard alone
refers. As for his reference at p. 351 there is no mention of Haw
kins there. At p. 357 there is a statement that " Achins" had
solicited to be allowed to enter Philip's service, offering to make
great discoveries ; that he sent Fitzwilliam to the King to offer to
re-establish the Catholic religion in England, and that Philip re
ceived the proposals well, but required details as to the mode and
form of executing them. At p: 360 it is stated that Fitzwilliam,
having reported this reply, returned to Spain with assurances of
promptitude from "Achins" and other disaffected persons. At
p. 364 is the detailed agreement between the Duke of Feria and
Fitzwilliam on the part of "Achins". At p. 367 there is nothing
about Hawkins. At p. 368 an interview is reported between Don
Gueran de Espes, the Spanish Ambassador in England, and John
Hawkins. The whole of Lingard's portentous mare's nest, built out of
these Spanish references, is exploded by Cecil's correspondence,
which proves that Hawkins was fooling the Spaniards, with the
full knowledge and approval of the English Government. The
aim of Hawkins was to obtain the release of the prisoners. Cecil's
object was to unravel Spanish plots.
It was with Cecil's secret permission that Hawkins sent Fitz
william to Spain, and that he himself had an interview with Don
Gueran de Espes, the Spanish Ambassador. See Froude's History
of England, x, cap. xxi, pp. 259-270. The letters of Hawkins to
Lord Burleigh at p. 264 (n.) and p. 269, finally dispose of Lingard's
accusation.

INTRODUCTION.

XI

he felt that any means that offered a chance ot liberat
ing them was justifiable.
After his three voyages, John Hawkins justly stood
high with the Government, as a resolute and expe
rienced sea captain. In 1565 a coat of arms was
granted to him, with an augmentation in August
1571.1

Arms. — Sable, on a point wavy a lion passant or. In chief 8 bezants. Aug
mentation : on a canton or an escallop between two palmer's stoves sa hie.
Crest.— Upon a wreath argent and azure a demi-Moor proper bound and
captive, with amulets on his arms and ears or.
In 1573 Hawkins succeeded his father-in-law as
Treasurer of the Navy, and commenced a useful, but
very anxious and laborious administrative career on
shore. But he still occasionally served afloat. In 1570
1 The grant in 1565 was by William Harvey, Clarencieux. The
augmentation was granted by Robert Cook, Clarencieux, in 1571.

xii INTRODUCTION.
his son tells us that he was Admiral of the fleet of
Queen's ships then riding in Catwater, and that he fired
upon a Spanish ship for not lowering her topsails.1 In
a letter dated February 23rd, 1573, from Charles IX
to La Motte Fenelon, a complaint is made against
"Haquin" (Hawkins) for being joined with certain
French rebels in the neighbourhood of the Isle of Wight,
to the number of twelve or thirteen ships, with which
they carried munitions and provisions from England
to Eochelle.2
The civil employments of John Hawkins must, how
ever, have absorbed most of his time. Besides the
Treasurership of the Navy, he was also Treasurer of the
Queen's Majesty's Marine Causes, and in 'the same
year he succeeded Mr. Holstock as Comptroller of the
Navy. He was a keen reformer of dockyard abuses,
and Sir William Monson says that he introduced more
useful inventions and better regulations into the navy
than any of his predecessors. Stow tells us that
Hawkins was the first that invented the cunning
stratagem of sail nettings for ships in fighting, and he
also devised chain pumps for ships.
In 1581 he had a severe illness,3 but he had recovered
1 Seep. 118.
3 But this may refer to his brother, William Hawkins.
3 On October 30, 1581, he wrote to T. Smythe that he would
be glad to join in Sir Francis Drake's enterprise, but was hardly
able to overcome the debt he owes Her Majesty, and keep his
credit. His sickness, too, continually abides with him, and every
second day he has a fit. More like to provide for his grave than
to encumber himself with worldly matters. E. I. Colonial, 1513-
1616, p. 68.

INTRODUCTION. Xlll
in 1583, when we find him busily engaged making
investigations for the reduction of the expenses of the
navy, and encountering much opposition. For fifteen
months the officers at Chatham took " hardness and
courage to oppose themselves against him", yet he there
made a saving of over £3,200, while adding to the
efficiency of the fleet. His correspondence with Sir
Julius Caesar, the Judge of the Admiralty, shows that
he paid close attention to all branches of naval expendi
ture, detecting and putting a stop to many abuses.
This good service naturally made him enemies. Mr.
Borowe, who was ousted, " made a book against him",
and in 1583 there were articles drawn up " against the
injuste mind and deceitful dealings of John Hawkins".1
Among those whom he found out conniving at abuses
were Sir William Winter and the Master Shipwright
Baker, who of course became his bitter enemies, and
he had a controversy with Mr. Peter Pett, the ship
wright, touching his accounts. Winter wrote — " When.
he was hurte in the Strande and made his will he was
not able to give £500. All that he is now worth hath
byn drawn e by deceipte from her Majesty." These
calumnies received no credit, and Hawkins never lost
the confidence of his Government.
In 1584 we find him consulting with Peter Pett as
to a project for improving Dover harbour. In Decem
ber 1585 he submitted books to Lord Burleigh with
lists of her Majesty's ships, their tonnage, and estimates
for outfit ; and he represented the expediency of in
creasing the seamen's pay. He also sent in a state-
1 Lansdowne MSS., vol. Hi, cap. 43, fol. 109.

XIV INTRODUCTION.
ment of the management of the navy from 1568 to
1579, with his scheme for its future government by
commissioners. During all these years of active civil employment
John Hawkins lived in a house in the parish of St.
Dunstan's-in-the-East, with his office at Deptford. He
lost his first wife, the mother of his son, when she was
only thirty-two years of age, and married secondly
Margaret, daughter of Charles Vaughan, Esq., of
Hergest House, Herefordshire, by Elizabeth, daughter
of Sir F. Baskerville. This lady was bed-chamber
woman to the Queen.
In 1587 the intention of Spain to invade England
was manifest, and a Council consisting of Lord Charles
Howard, Hawkins, Drake, and Frobisher, got the
English fleet in readiness to meet its formidable adver
sary. Hawkins was appointed Vice-Admiral, hoisting
his flag on board the Victory ; and after the dispersion
of the Spanish Armada he received the honour of
knighthood. Then came the anxious and troublesome
business of paying off the fleet. " I pray God", he
wrote to Burleigh, " I may end this account to her
Majesty's and your Lordship's liking, and avoyd myne
owne undoing, and I trust God will so provyde for me
as I shall never meddell with soche intrycatte matters
more." In 1590 he got away to sea again, in a fleet
commanded by himself and Sir Martin Frobisher, with
orders to do all possible mischief on the coast of Spain.
But the Plate fleet was warned in time, and remained
in the Indies. None of the enemy's ships appeared,
and the expedition came back without any results.

INTRODUCTION. XV
Sir John Hawkins, on his return, reminded Elizabeth
that " Paul planteth and Apollos watereth, but God
giveth the increase." " God's death !" exclaimed the
Queen, " this fool went out a soldier, and is come home
a divine !"
In the year 1588 Sir John, aided by Drake, insti
tuted a fund for maimed and worn out mariners, which
was long known as the " chest at Chatham". This fund
was the forerunner of Greenwich Hospital. Thus
actively and laboriously employed, on shore and afloat,
Sir John Hawkins became grey in the service of his
country. Edmund Spenser, when he drew likenesses
of the chief sea captains of England, in his "Colin
Clout's come home again", speaks of old Hawkins as
Proteus, " with hoary head and dewy dropping beard".
His end was heroic. In 1593 he had, with some diffi
culty, obtained a commission for his dearly loved son
Bichard,1 when he set out on his adventurous voyage
to the South Sea in the good ship Dainty. Then came
the sad news that his boy was a prisoner in the hands
of the Spaniards.
There can be no doubt that old Sir John undertook
his last fatal voyage with a broken heart, in the faint
hope of rescuing his son.
An expedition was decided upon to sail for the West
Indies under the command of Sir John Hawkins and
1 Oct. 1593. "Commission to Richard Hawkins to attempt
some enterprise with a ship, bark, and pinnace, against, the King
of Spain, upon the coasts of the West Indies, Brazil, Africa,
America, or the South Seas, reserving to the Crown one-fifth of
treasure, jewels, or pearls." Calendar of State Papers. Domestic.
1591-94, p. 276.

XVI INTRODUCTION.
Sir Francis Drake, in 1595. The Queen furnished five
ships, but she drove a hard bargain with her old
Treasurer of the Navy. She was to have a third of
the booty, and Sir John was to victual the fleet at his
own charge. He did his part well, being, as Sir T.
Gorges reported from Plymouth to Robert Cecil, " an
excellent man in those things, and sees all things done
orderly." Nombre de Dios was the destination of the
fleet, but Hawkins died at sea, off Puerto Eico, on the
21st of November 1595.1
So ended the life of Sir John Hawkins, one of the
best of Elizabeth's great sea captains, and the terror
of the Spaniards.2 He was a thorough seaman, and an
able and upright administrator ; endowed with great
courage and unfailing presence of mind ; " merciful,"
says Maynarde, "and apt to forgive, and faithful to
his word". Stow, in his Chronicle, speaks of him as
a very wise, vigilant, and true-hearted man.
On July 9th, 1596, the disbursements of Sir John
Hawkins in his last voyage, were delivered by Robert
Langford, Deputy Treasurer, in the name of his widow
Margeret Hawkins, at £18,661, which was declared to
be not more than his third part. His watery grave was
far away within the tropics, but a handsome tomb to his
memory was erected on the north side of the chancel
of St. Dunstan's-in-the-East,3 which was his place of
1 Drake also died during this disastrous voyage, on the 28th of
January 1596.
2 They called him " Juan Achines".
3 Destroyed in the great fire. The present church was built
by Sir Christopher Wren ; and the tomb has disappeared.

INTRODUCTION. XVI1
worship during many years. It bore the following
inscription —
" Johaiines Hawkins, Eques Auratus, clariss. Reginee
Marinarum causarum Thesaurarius. Qui cum xliii
aimos muniis belliois et longis periculosisque naviga-
tionibus, detegendis novis regionibus, ad Patriae utili-
tatem, et suam ipsius gloriam, strenuam et egregiam
operam navasset, in expeditione, cui Generalis praafuit
ad Indiam occidentalem dum in anchoris ad portum
S. Joannis in insula Beriquena staret, placide in Domino
ad coelestem patriam emigravit, 12 die Novembris anno
salutis 1595. In cujus memoriam ob virtutem et res
gestas Domina Margareta Hawkins, Uxor moestissima,
boc monumentum cum lachrymis posuit."
His widow survived until 1621. Stow tells us1 that
she hung a " fair table" by the tomb, fastened in the
wall, with these verses in English : —
" Dame Margaret,
A widow well affected,
This monument
Of memory erected,
Deciphering Unto tbe viewer's sight
Tbe life and death
Of Sir Jobn Hawkins, Knight,
One fearing God
And loyal to bis Queen,
True to the State
By trial ever seen,
Kind to his wives,
Both gentlewomen born,
Whose counterfeits
With grace this work adorn.
1 Survey of London, vol. i, lib. ii, p. 45 (ed. 1720).

XV111 INTRODUCTION.
Dame Katharine,
The first, of rare report,
Dame Margaret
The last, of Court consort,
Attendant on
Tbe chamber and tbe bed
Of England's Queen
Elizabeth, our bead
Next unto Christ,
Of whom all princes hold
Tbeir scepters. States,
And diadems of gold.
Free to their friends
On either side bis kin
Careful to keep
Tbe credit he was in.
Unto tbe seamen
Beneficial,
As testifietb
Chatham Hospital.
The poor of Plymouth
And of Deptford town
Have had, now have,
And shall have, many a crown.
Proceeding from
His liberality
By way of great
And gracious legacy,
This parish of
St. Dunstan standing east
(Wherein he dwelt
Full thirty years at least)
Hath of the springs
Of his good will a part
Derived from
The fountain of his heart,
All which bequests,

INTRODUCTION. XIX
With many moe unsaid,
Dame Margaret
Hath bountifully paid.
Deep of conceit,
In speaking grave and wise,
Endighting swift
And pregnant to devise,
In conference
Revealing haughty skill
In all affairs j
Having a worthie's will
On sea and land,
Spending his course and time
By steps of years
As he to age did climb.
God hath bis soul,
The sea his body keeps,
Where (for a while)
As Jonas now he sleeps ;
Till He which said
To Lazarus, Come forth,
Awakes this knight,
And gives to him his worth.
In Christian faith
And faithful penitence,
In quickening hope
And constant patience,
He running ran
A faithful pilgrim's race,
God giving him
The guiding of His grace,
Ending his life
With his experience
By deep decree
Of God's high providence.
His years to six times
Ten and three amounting,

XX INTRODUCTION.
The ninth the seventh
Climacterick by counting.
Dame Katharine,
His first religious wife,
Saw years tbrice ten
And two of mortal life.
Leaving tbe world tbe sixth,
Tbe seventh ascending.
Thus he and she
Alike their compass ending,
Asunder both
By death and flesh alone,
Together both in soul,
Two making one,
Among the saints above.
From troubles free,
Wbere two in one shall meet
And make up three.
Tbe Christian knight
And his good ladies twain,
Flesb, soul, and spirit
United once again ;
Beholding Christ,
Who comfortably saith,
Come, mine elect,
Receive the crown of faith."
There is a basso-relievo ivory bust of Sir John
Hawkins1 in the possession of the Reverend Bradford
Denne Hawkins, Rector of Rivenhall, near Witham, in
Essex, who informs me that it came to his father by
inheritance, from Dr. Denne, Archdeacon of Rochester
and Rector of Lambeth in the last century.
I can only hear of one portrait of Sir John Hawkins.
It was at Kirtling in Cambridgeshire, the seat of the
1 See the frontispiece to the present volume.

INTRODUCTION. XXI
Lords North, and on the dismantling of the house in
1802 it was sold. In 1824 it came into the hands of
a Mr. Bryant, whose brother sold it to Mr. R. S.
Hawkins of Oxford in 1866. It is a portrait on
panel, kit-cat size, of a man in armour, with small
head, dark brown hair and yellowish beard, and the
hand resting on a helmet. The face has a strong
family resemblance to that of the ivory basso-relievo
bust. Above the shoulder of the figure are reeds, a
rock, and waves, and the following motto : — " Undis
arundo vires reparat ccedensque fovetur funditus at
rapes en scopulosa ruit." The present owner inclines
to the belief that it is a portrait of the son Sir Richard,
and not of Sir John Hawkins.
The will of Sir John Hawkins was proved in
December 1596.
Richard Hawkins, the only son of Sir John, was
brought up to a sea life from a boy, and his father's
position and circumstances must have given him
special advantages. For his father and uncle, the two
brothers John and William, were men of considerable
means, at one time owning thirty sail of good ships.2
Richard was born at about the time of his father's first
Guinea voyage in 1562. His mother died when she
was only thirty-two, so that the boy became his father's
constant companion at an early age, and his reminis
cences went back to a childhood spent at Plymouth
and Deptford, amongst ships and dockyards. Thus, in
his Observations,3 he calls to mind how, he being of
1 Reference 26 and 50, Drake.
2 Stow's Chronicle, p. 806 (1631). 3 P. 118.

xxii INTRODUCTION.
tender years, there came a large fleet of Spaniards into
Plymouth Sound, bound for Flanders to fetch Queen
Anne of Austria, last wife of Phillip II.1 " They
entred without vayling their top-sayles or taking in of
their flags ; which my father Sir John Hawkins
(Admiral of a fleet of her Majesties ships then ryding
in Cattwater) perceiving, commanded his gunner to
shoote at the flagge of the Admirall, that they might
thereby see their error ; which, notwithstanding, they
persevered arrogantly to keepe displayed, whereupon
the gunner at the next shot, lact the admiral through
and through, whereby the Spaniards tooke in the flags
and top-sayles, and so ranne to anchor." In this
masterful school was young Richard Hawkins
brought up. At the age of twenty, " being but young
and more bold than experimented ",2 he made his first
long voyage to the West Indies in 1582, with his
uncle William Hawkins of Plymouth. During the
voyage he displayed boldness and sagacity which
showed that he had the makings of a good officer
and seaman. On one occasion the captain of one of
the vessels named the Bonner reported her to be leaky
and unseaworthy, and it was arranged that the stores
and provisions should be taken out of her, the men
divided among the other ships, and the hull sunk or
burnt. Richard suspected that the captain of the
Bonner made the matter worse than it really was. So
he volunteered, with as many men as would stand by
1 This fixes the date 1570. But here is some confusion, for he
mentions that Sir John's ship was the Jesus of Luheck, and she was
lost in 1567. 2 P. 212.

INTRODUCTION. Xxiii
him, to take her home, and his uncle consented ; but
this shamed the captain, who resolved to stand by her.
Thus he saved the vessel to the owners, and was com
mended for his resolution. During the voyage he
visited the Margarita pearl fishery.1
From his return in ] 583 to the equipment of the fleet
to withstand the Spanish Armada in 1588, Richard
Hawkins was constantly employed on sea service. His
father had married again, as already mentioned, to a
lady of whom her step-son speaks as "religious and
most virtuous and of very good understanding";2 so
that his home relations were probably undisturbed. In
1588 he commanded the Swallow in the fleet which
opposed the Spanish Armada ; and in the end of the
same year, with the consent and help of his father, he
prepared for a voyage to China and India by way of
the straits of Magellan 'and the South Sea, with the
object of discovering and surveying unknown lands,
and reporting upon their inhabitants, governments, and
on the commodities they yield, and of which they are
in want. With this object he caused a ship to be
built in the "Thames, between 300 and 400 tons,
" pleasing to the eye, profitable for stowage, good of
sayle, and well-conditioned." His step-mother craved
the naming of the ship and called her the Repentance.
Richard often asked her reason for bestowing upon his
ship so uncouth a name, but he could never get any
other satisfaction than that "Repentance was the safest
ship we could sayle in, to purchase the haven of heaven".
Queen Elizabeth afterwards passed by, on her way to
1 See page 314. 2 See page 90.

XX1V INTRODUCTION.
Greenwich Palace, and, causing her bargemen to row
round the ship, disliked nothing but her name. She
christened her anew, and ordered that henceforth she
should be called the Daintie. Other duties delayed
the voyage, and in the meanwhile the Daintie was
usefully employed in the Queen's service, but in
April 1793 all things were in readiness, and the young
adventurer prepared to sail on his great enterprise.
Richard Hawkins was now in about his thirtieth
year ; and he already had a wife and children. He
had married a short time previously a lady whose
Christian name was Judith, but I have not yet suc
ceeded in ascertaining to what family she belonged.1
He was already an experienced sea captain, and had
seen much service. He was a man of resource,
observant and eager to adopt every new improvement
or good suggestion. Devoted to his profession, his
whole mind was wrapped up in its interests, he paid
close attention to every detail, and nothing seemed to
escape him. Thus his Observations are a perfect store
house of valuable information of all kinds, and every
incident of the voyage leads him off into reminiscences
of former experiences, or into statements of facts and
observations gathered from others. The Observations
of Sir Richard Hawkins will be found from pages 89
to 329 of the present volume.
On the 13th of June 1593, Richard Hawkins,
having taken his unhappy last leave of his father,
1 He mentions his wife's father as having assisted him with
money, at p. 107.

INTRODUCTION. XXV
sailed from Plymouth on board the Daintie? accom
panied by the Fancy pinnace of 60 tons,2 and a victu
aller named the Hawk. The most noteworthy event
during the voyage across the Atlantic was the sighting
of land of which Hawkins believed himself to be the
first discoverer, and which he named " Hawkins's
maiden-land". This was on the 2nd of February 1594,
in latitude, according to Hawkins, about 49o-30' S.3
Hawkins wrote from memory, and fortunately he is
corrected, as regards his latitude, by one of his officers
named Ellis,4 who tells us that the land was in 50° S.
and about fifty leagues off the Straits of Magellan.
Without doubt they sighted the Falkland Islands, but
the group had already been discovered by John Davis,
the great Arctic Navigator, in August 1592. Davis
reached Berehaven on June 11th, 1593, and Hawkins
sailed from Plymouth on June 13th, so that Hawkins
was not aware of the previous discovery. Passing
through the Strait of Magellan, the Daintie ranged up
the west coast of South America, encountered a
Spanish fleet off Chilca, from which she was separated
1 His officers were —
Richard Hawkins {General).
John Ellis  (Captain ) .

Hugh Cornish ... (Master). -See pp. 106, 235, 294.
Henry Couston.. (Volunteer). „ 106,218,294.
William Blanch... (Master's Mate). „ 200, 299.
Hugh Mairs  ( „ „ ). „ 310.
Thomas Saunders (Servant). „ xxix, 308.
2 Her captain, Tharlton, basely deserted Hawkins off the River
Plate, and went home. See page 184.
3 See p. 188. 4 Purchas, iv, p. 1415.

XXVI

INTRODUCTION.

by a gale of wind, and anchored in the bay of
Atacames on June 10th, 1594.
Hawkins was now on the coast of the province of
Quito, a little to the north of the equator. Atacames
Bay is in 0°-57'-30" N. To the left is Cape San Fran
cisco, off which Sir Francis Drake captured his rich
prize the Cacafuego on March 1st, 1579. To the right
is the mouth of the great river of Santiago, and the
bay of San Mateo.

SajvMateoBaaf k
SarMtteoitiF a\C^'

QUITO

1.— Woodes Rogers, 24th August 1709.
2.— Naval Action, Hawkins and Castro, 22nd Jims 1694.
8. — Hawkins, 16th June 1594.
4.— Cook and Dampier, 26th December 1686.
6.— Drake and the Cacafuego, 1st March 1679.
6.— Dampier, etc., in Canoes, 19th April 1681.
It is a coast which was much frequented by Dampier
and the buccaneers in the end of the following century.
On the 14th of June1 Hawkins was in the Bay of San
1 He says May ; but this is an obvious error. See pages 266
and 267, and compare page 308.

INTRODUCTION. XXvii
Mateo. On the 1 7th he was about to make sail and
leave the coast of South America, when the Spanish
fleet, under the command of Don Beltran de Castro,
came round the point.1 Hawkins fought a most gallant
action, and did not surrender until he had received
several wounds, was quite over-matched, and the
ship was sinking. He also gives a most spirited and
interesting account of it, interspersed with remarks
on naval discipline, gunnery, and seamanship.2 After
three days' hard fighting the gallant young Englishman
surrendered to superior force on the 22nd of June,
1594. The Spanish commander, Don Beltran de Castro,
a humane and honorable man, granted quarter, and
promised that Hawkins and his people should be
allowed to return to their own country.3 Don Beltran
received young Hawkins with great courtesy and kind
ness, and accommodated him in his own cabin. The
prize was taken to Panama, where she arrived on
the 9th of July, the distance from San Mateo being
500 miles, a very slow passage. She was re-christened
the Visitacion.
I have inserted, after the Observations of Sir Richard
Hawkins, a Spanish account of the naval action between
our hero and Don Beltran de Castro,4 which I have
translated from the life of the Marquis of Canete,
1 See page 269. 2 See pages 271 to 312.
3 Saunders says that Don Beltran swore by God Almighty, and
by the order of Alcantara, whereof he had received knighthood,
and in token whereof he wore on his breast a green cross, that he
would give them their lives with good entreaty. — Purchas, iv, p.
1410. 4 See pages 333 to 349.

XXviii INTRODUCTION.
Viceroy of Peru, by Dr. Don Christobal Suarez de
Figueroa.1 Readers will thus be able to form a judg-
1 Dr. Don Christobal Suarez de Figueroa was a man of some
literary fame in his day. Cervantes celebrated him in the Viaje
al Parnaso, and in Don Quijote (iv, p. 272). His poems are
published with eulogy in the Parnaso EspaUol, of Sedano. He
was born at Valladolid in 1578, his father having been a Gallician
advocate of small means. At seventeen, after studying in his
native town, he went, to Italy, and obtained the degree of Doctor
in one of the universities of Lombardy. The Governor of Milan
then gave him the post of auditor of a body of troops sent on an
expedition to Piedmont. During the next twenty-seven years he
was a judge, a governor, and accountant of troops in Lombardy,
Naples, and Spain. He devoted his spare time to literature,
especially to studying Italian works. In 1602 he published his
first book, a translation in Castilian verse of the pastoral poem of
Guarini, entitled El Pastor Fido. Cervantes praised this transla
tion. When Don Quixote comes to Barcelona (part 2, cap. Ixii)
he visits a printing press, and makes a long dissertation on the
bad translations that were then appearing in Spain. But he ex
cepts the Pastor Fido from his censures. In 1609 Suarez de
Figueroa published the most famous of his works, La Constante
Amarilis, a pastoral novel. In 1612 appeared his heroic poem,
entitled Espana defendida. These works gained a high reputation
for their author. In 1599 the Marquis of Cafiete had died, after
having been treated with shameful ingratitude for all his services.
Moreover, he had not received justice from Ercilla in his Araucana,
so that his heirs considered that a narrative of his life ought
to be published. They applied to Suarez de Figueroa to under
take the work, and the family papers were entrusted to him, in
cluding the correspondence of the Marquis. The result was the
work entitled Hechos de Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, cuarto
Marques de Caiiete, which was printed in 1613. It, however,
never reached a second edition until it appeared in the fifth
volume (pages 1 to 206) of the Colleccion de Historiadores de
Chile y documentos relalivos a la Historia Nacional, a work pub
lished in seven volumes at Santiago in 1864. After completing
this biography, Suarez de Figueroa published other books, in-

INTRODUCTION. Xxix
ment from the accounts of both sides. They agree on
all material points. Hawkins wrote from memory, and
many years after the event ; while Suarez de Figueroa,
although he was not an actor in the scenes he describes,
had the great advantage of having at his disposal all
the official and other documents formerly in the pos
session of the Viceroy of Peru at the time.
Hawkins and his fellow prisoners were taken to
Payta, and thence to Lima. Hawkins was at first
treated with kindness and consideration by the Marquis
of Cafiete, then Viceroy of Peru ; and his servant Saun
ders says that he was beloved for his valour, by all
brave men in those parts. He was received, says
Saunders, by all the best of the country, and carried
by them to a princely house all richly hanged, the
which he had to himself. But afterwards he was
claimed by the Inquisition, and suffered much anxiety
and annoyance. The Viceroy delayed entire compliance
with the requisition of the Holy Office on the ground
that he had no instructions. Nevertheless, within six
or seven days of his arrival at Lima, Hawkins was
eluding El Pasajero, advertencias utilisimas a la vida humana,
written in the form of dialogues, and giving the biography of the
author. In this work he confesses that his character is frivolous,
that he is imprudent and a murmurer, and he attacks Cervantes,
who had praised him, and who died in 1617, the year El Pasajero
was published. Suarez de Figueroa was never in America. He
was living in 1624. The best account of his Hfe is by Don Diego
Barros Arana, the editor of the Chilian volume. The Constante
Amarilis went through three editions, the last at Madrid (8vo.)
1781. Ticknor gives some account of the works of Christobal
Suarez de Figueroa in his History of Spanish Literature, ii, -305,
432, 463, 464, 141 fn.J, iii, 46, 169 (n.), 92.

XXX INTRODUCTION.
carried by a Father to the "Holy House", to rest there
till they heard what should be done with him. The
honour of Don Beltran de Castro, who had promised that
Hawkins and his people should be allowed to return to
England, was also compromised. The Marquis wrote
to Philip II for orders, and received a very ambiguous
reply, dated December 1595. The King wrote: —
"You understand that he (Hawkins) is a person of
quality. In this matter I desire that Justice may be
done conformably to the quality of the persons."1 This
loop-hole probably enabled the Viceroy to defy the
Inquisition, and Hawkins was sent to Spain, by way
of Panama in 1597, after a detention of three years at
Lima. Purchas gives two interesting extracts from
letters written by fellow captives of Hawkins. The
first is A brief note written by Master John Ellis, one
ofthe captains with Sir Richard Hawkins in his voyage
through the Strait of Magellan, begunne the ninth of
April 1593, concerning the said strait and certaine
places on the coast and inland of Peru.2 Ellis made a
journey from Lima across the Andes to Guamanga
and Cuzco. He was the first Englishman who ever
visited the ancient capital of the Yncas, which he de
scribes as being as " big as Bristol, having a castle on
a hill with stones of 20 tons weight strangely joined
together without mortar". Purchas next gives two
letters from T. Saunders,3 servant to Sir Richard Haw
kins, addressed to his father, Sir John, from the prison
1 See page 348.
2 Purchas, iv, lib. vn, cap. 6, page 1415.
3 Ibid., page 1016.

INTRODUCTION. XXXI
at San Lucar. Saunders speaks of one Master Lucas,
who was condemned to the galleys by the Holy Office
and sent to Nombre de Dios, where he died.
Sir Richard was sent to Spain in a galleon which
touched at Terceira, in the Azores. A fleet under the
Earl of Essex1 chased her into the roads, and she did not
escape without loss, for the splinters from the English
shot killed and wounded a dozen Spaniards.2 The
galleon, with Hawkins on board, then continued its
voyage to Seville, and in the Observations there is an
account of a curious accident which befell two ships at
anchor in the river, owing to a Spanish punctilio.
Sir Richard was thrown into prison at Seville, in
defiance of the terms of his surrender, and was dis
honourably detained for several years. Don Beltran
de Castro was indignant at a breach of faith which com
promised his honour, and persistently protested against
1 This expedition of 1597, under Essex, is known as the "Island
Voyage"; and an interesting account of it is given by Sir Francis
Vere, in his Commentaries (p. 45). The Cadiz Expedition was in
1596. The object ofthe "Island Voyage" was to destroy the Spanish
ships at Ferroll and Coruna, and to intercept the galleons coming
from the Indies, on board of one of which was the captive Sir
Richard Hawkins. The commanders of the English fleet were the
Earl of Essex, the Earl of Southampton, Lord Mountjoy, Lord
Thomas Howard, Sir Francis Vere, Sir William Monson, and Sir
Walter Raleigh. They plied between the Islands of Graciosa and
Terceira, in the Azores, until a great ship was sighted, and then a
fleet of twenty sail. The Spaniards got safely into the Terceira
anchorage, where they were so well defended by land batteries
that the English could not attack them without extreme hazard.
Essex landed on the Island of St. Michael's, had a skirmish with
some Spanish troops, and then returned to England.
2 See page 304.

XXX11 INTRODUCTION.
it, but for a long time without avail.. In May 15981
a letter to Cecil reported that Hawkins was still kept
in the castle at San Lucar, as a hostage for Spaniards in
England. Another letter from Lisbon reported that
Captain Hawkins escaped out of the castle of Seville
in September 1598, but was taken, thrust into a dun
geon, and great store of irons put upon him.2 In the
following year the unhappy captive managed to send
a message to England. One Deacon, Sir Richard's
servant, was passed over by Martin de Marseval from
St. Jean de Luz, and enabled to get on board a British
vessel of St. Ives in the Breton port of Conquet, in
August 1599.3 In April 1600 Richard Cooke, another
messenger, brought news of the captive, taking a pas
sage in the Diana of Portsmouth.
By one of these channels Hawkins made a touching
appeal to Queen Elizabeth, his letter being dated April
1st, 1598. He wrote from his prison in Seville, asking
for compassion in the name of his father's services, who
sacrificed his life for his Queen. He added that he
himself had spent fifteen years in her service without
pay or recompense, knowing that she had infinite
charges while he had a good estate ; and he urged that
he was in danger of perpetual imprisonment unless her
powerful hand was reached out. The letter concludes
with a pitious appeal in the name of his wife and chil
dren. In 1599 he was removed to Madrid.4
1 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1598-1601, p. 43.
2 Ibid., p. 97. s Ibid., p. 303.
4 Lysons (Magna Britannia, vi, Devonshire, part ii, 1822) says
that there was a tradition in the Hawkins family that Sir Richard,

INTRODUCTION. XXxiii
His next letter is dated from the Court Prison at
Madrid, on October 23rd, 1599, and addressed to Sir
Henry Nevill, the English Ambassador at Paris. He
tells him that he is the unfortunate son of Sir John
Hawkins ; that he fought for three days and nights
and was wounded in six places ; that most of his men
were killed and wounded, and that he surrendered when
the ship was ready to sink. The Spanish general sent
his glove as a pledge to give life and liberty ; but he
had been detained lest he should return and molest the
Spaniards. Most of his people had been freed long
ago. He entreated the Ambassador to intercede with
the Queen for him. " I and my father", he concluded,
" ever since we could bear arms, spent time and sub
stance in her service."1
The dishonorable detention of Richard Hawkins at
last excited the indignation of a more powerful man
when a prisoner in Seville, captivated the heart of a Spanish lady,
and that the circumstance of the lady's attachment and his fidelity
to his wife gave occasion to the well known ballad of " The Spanish
Lady's Love" in Percy's Reliques (ii, p. 256). The ballad is said
to have been written by Hawkins, and it is also stated that the gold
chain presented to him by the lady was carefully handed down as
an heirloom in the family, and was lately in possession of Mrs. II-
bert Prideaux, a female descendant. The claim is absurd, as the
Englishman in the ballad was an officer in the expedition of Essex.
The Pophams of Littlecote also claimed the lover, but the Bowles
family have proved that he was one of the Bolles of Scampton (see
Illingworth's History of Scampton, p. 397 (n.) and Mr. Charles
Long, a high authority on such matters, concurred. Sundry jewels
belonging to the Spanish lady came into the possession of the Lees
of Coldrey, where Mr. Charles Long saw them.
1 Ibid. p. 333.

XXXIV INTRODUCTION.
than Don Beltran de Castro. The credit of his release
is due to the Count of Miranda,1 who declared, if a pri
soner was detained whose liberty had been promised,
no future agreement could ever be made, because faith
in Spanish honour would be destroyed. His views pre
vailed, and Richard Hawkins at length returned to
England, after a dreary captivity of nearly eight
years.2 It was a sad home-coming. The brave old father
gone, the estates of both ruined, and long years
of the prime of life utterly wasted. Richard Haw
kins settled down, with his wife and children, in
1 The first Count of Miranda was Don Diego Lopez de Zufiiga,
second son of the Count of Placencia and Ledesma. He was a
great military leader in the days of Juan II and Enrique IV, and
received his creation from the latter. Don Pedro, the second
Count" of Miranda, served in the Granada war, and Don Francisco,
the third, was Viceroy of Navarre, under Charles V, and a Knight
of the Golden Fleece. He married Maria Henriquez de Cardenas,
and was succeeded by Francisco, fourth Count of Miranda, a
nobleman of rare virtue and great authority. His son, Don Pedro,
died at Madrid, in 1572, of a kick from a horse, leaving three
daughters. Maria, the eldest, was Countess of Miranda in her
own right, and married her uncle Juan, who was Captain General
of Cataluiia, Viceroy of Naples, President of the Royal Council of
Castille, and of the Councils of State and of War. It was this
nobleman who insisted upon the liberation of Richard Hawkins.
Philip III created him Duke of Peiiaranda.
2 Gulielmi Camdeni annalium rerum Anglicarum et Hibemica-
rum regnante Elizabetha, iii, p. 683. "Verum visum Hispanis,
ad deterrendum ne alii in Australe mare penetrarent, hanc servi-
tatem adbibere, donee Comes Mirandas Concilii Presses pronun-
ciaret, ilium dimittendum, eo quod in rebus bellicis promissa a
regiis ducibus deliberate sub conditione facta sint servanda, alias
neminem deditionem unquam facturum."

INTRODUCTION. XXXV
one of the most secluded combes between Dart
mouth and the Start Point. The road from Dart
mouth to Slapton leads southwards along the coast,
with the sea generally in sight, first up a very
steep hill to Stoke Fleming, then down to the little
hamlet of Blackpool in a shingly bay, up again to Street,
and down to the long reach of Slapton Sands, which
extends for several miles, almost to the Start. The
" sands" are in reality a steep bank of fine shingle,
within which there is a fresh water lake called the Ley,
about three miles long, full of roach and pike, and fre
quented by water fowl of all kinds. A causeway leads
across the Ley and over the hill, down into the pretty
little village of Slapton. The church has a low tower
and spire, a nave separated from the two aisles by four
arches, and good perpendicular windows. There is a
very richly carved wooden rood screen across the chan
cel and others across each aisle, with grapes and vine
leaves carved along the upper borders. Old glass from
other windows has been collected in a south chancel
window, consisting of coats of arms of the Brj^an family
(or three piles azure). Near the church, and in the
hollow where the village is built, there is a tall ivy-
covered tower of the fourteenth century, part of a
chantry founded by Jane, the wife of Sir Guy de
Bryan, K.G.1 Slapton was originally the property
of the Bryan family. In the time of Henry VIII
it was sold to Edward Ameredith, and his son
1 Sir Guy de Bryan was the last Knight of the Garter created in
the reign of Edward III.

XXXVI

INTRODUCTION.

John sold Slapton and Pole to Sir Richard Haw
kins.1

CHANTRY TOWEH AT SLAPTON.

From Slapton church a pretty Devonshire lane leads
up for a quarter-of-a-mile to Pole, where is the site of
the old residence of the Bryans, Amerediths, and Haw
kinses, in a secluded hollow, with many fine trees. No
ruins remain now, and the site is occupied by a modern
house and farm buildings. From the lane leading
clown from Pole to Slapton there is a view of the sea,
1 From the sou of Sir Richard Hawkins Pole and Slapton passed
into the possession of the Luttrell family, who sold the estates to
Mr. Nicholas Paige. The ruins of the old mansion at Pole were
taken down in 1800. William Paige, son of Nicholas, had a
daughter, who married Mr. Bastard. The property now belongs
to Mr. Richard Bastard.

INTRODUCTION.

XXXVU

with Start Point in the distance. It was here that Sir
Richard Hawkins lived during the last twenty years of
his life, with his wife and family ; passing down the
lane to Slapton church every Sunday, and doubtless
recounting his adventures and sufferings to friends and
relations during many a summer stroll and winter
evening in the old house at Pole.

SLAPTON CHUHCH.

But Sir Richard Hawkins was very far from being
an idle man in his Devonshire home. He was knighted

XXX Vlll INTRODUCTION.
by James I, was appointed Vice- Admiral of Devon,
and was often at Plymouth on business connected with
his office. In March 1605 we find him sequestering a
Spanish prize laden with Brazil wood and sugar, which
was driven into Salcombe bay.1 In June 1608 he is
corresponding with the Earl of Nottingham respecting
some pirates, and discussing a question of Admiralty
jurisdiction;2 and in September of the same year men
tion is made of his active prosecution of pirates, in his
office of Vice-Admiral of Devon.3
He was also engaged in projects for a new voyage
of discovery. In March 1614 there was a proposal
before the Governors of the East India Company for
carrying out a favourite scheme of Sir James Lancaster
to send a ship through Magellan's Straits to the Solo
mon Islands, and it was suggested that Sir Richard
Hawkins should have the command.4 He was generally
held to be of "courage, art, and knowledge" to attempt
such enterprise.6 There is a letter from Sir Richard
himself to the Company on this subject, dated July
1 6 th, 1 6 1 4.6 He referred to a discovery formerly made
by him, and to his desire to undertake another voyage
to the Straits in person. A Committee was appointed
to confer with Sir James Lancaster on the subject, and
then to treat with Sir Richard, but with orders not to
meddle with his ship, which was very old. He offered,
1 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1603-1610, p. 207.
2 Ibid., p. 437.
3 Ibid., p. 457.
4 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial (East India), 1513-1516,
P- 706. » Ibid., p. 711. e Ibid., p. 306!

INTRODUCTION. XXxix
with others, to join the Company in adventuring
£20,000 for a voyage to the South Sea.
Nothing appears to have come of this negotiation,
which shows, however, that Hawkins was as eager and
zealous as ever in the cause of geographical discovery.
In July 1620 we find Sir Richard Hawkins going, in
command of the Vanguard, as Vice-Admiral of a
fleet of twenty ships, under Sir Robert Mansell as
Admiral, for suppressing- Algerine pirates -,1 and in
October a special commission was issued to Haw
kins, to be Admiral in case of Mansell's death.2 Then
comes a letter announcing the end. " Sir Robert
Mansell and his crew are ill-paid and Sir Richard
Hawkins, the Vice-Admiral, has died of vexation."3
This is in a letter from the Lord Chamberlain to Sir
Dudley Carlton dated April 17th, 1622. He was
seized with a fit, it is said, when actually in the cham
ber of the Privy Council on business connected with
his command. His will, dated on April 16th, 1622,
was proved by his widow on June 13th of the same
year. He is described as of Slapton in Devonshire,
and owner of the manor of Pole, as well as of a house
called Pryvitt, at Alverstoke in Hampshire.4 His
widow followed him to the grave in 1629, and lies
buried in the north aisle of Slapton Church.6 A
1 Letter from Rowland Woodward to Francis Windebank. Cal.
of State Papers, Domestic, 1619-1623, p. 159.
2 Ibid., p. 182.
s Ibid., p. 280.
4 For copy of Sir Richard's will, see page xlvii.
6 For descendants of Sir Richard Hawkins, see page 1.

xl

INTRODUCTION.

slate slab, with an inscription round it, marks the
spot, but one side and part of both ends are obliterated.
There remains : —

-2V

8\

&

Sir Richard Hawkins was actually passing his work
through the press, at the time of his very sudden death ;
and it was published immediately afterwards with a
dedication to Charles, Prince of Wales, by the author,
and a short notice by another hand. The following is
the entry in the Register of Stationers' Hall : — 1
" 1622,
"24 Julii.
" Master John entred for bis copie under tbe handes of
Jaggard3 Wilson and Master Gilwyn a book called
The discipline of the sea historic, in the
observations which Sir Richard Hawkins
made in his South Sea voyage, anno
domini, 1593, vj."
The actual title page of the work, published by

1 Arber's Transcript of the Stationers' Register, iv, p. 38.
2 Master Jaggard had been Warden of the Stationers in
1619.

INTRODUCTION. xli
Jaggard in 1622, will be found at page 83 of the
present volume. Purchas, in his Pilgrims, reprinted
the Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins in a muti
lated form — " once before published, now reviewed and
corrected by a written copie, illustrated with notes, and
in divers places abbreviated".1 The reprint of the Hak
luyt Society is from the original edition of 1622.
Admiral Burney devotes an interesting chapter to the
voyage of Sir Richard Hawkins.2 A poetical relation
of the voyage is preserved in the British Museum,
composed by William Ridley in his nineteenth year.
Sir Richard intended to have given an account of
his long imprisonment, and of Peru and Tierra Firme,
Terceira, and Spain, in a second part, as he informs us
at the end of his Observations (see p. 329). Death pre
vented the accomplishment of this intention, and the
loss of the promised second part is a serious and irre
parable loss to history. For we possess no account of
Peru during that period, written by an observant
foreigner. Another distinguished seaman of this family was
William, brother of Sir John and uncle of Sir Richard
Hawkins. He was not only an adventurous sea captain
but also a large owner of ships, and in 1568 his Ply
mouth cruisers were the terror of the Spaniards.3 In
1 IV, lib. vii, cap. v, pages 1367 to 1415.
2 A Chronological History of the Voyages and Discoveries in tlie
South Sea or Pacific Ocean, by James Burney (London, 1806)
part II, chap, ix, pages 118 to 133.
3 Froude's History of England, ix, p. 363.

xlii INTRODUCTION.
1582 he made the voyage to the West Indies, with his
nephew Richard, which has already been referred to.
He died on the 7th of October 1589, having had eleven
children by two wives, and his brother Sir John put up
a monument to his memory (now removed) in the
church of St. Nicholas at Deptford, with the following
inscription : — 1
" Same perpetu£eque memoriffi G-ulielmi Haukyns
de Plimouth armigeri ; qui vera religionis verus cultor,
pauperibus prascipue naviculariis muuificus, rerum nau-
ticaruni studiosissimus, longinquas instituit seepe navi
gations; arbiter in causis difficilissimis sequissimus,
fide, probitate, et prudentia singulari. Duas duxit
uxores, e quarum una 4, ex altera 7 suscepit liberos.
Johannes Haukyns, eques auratus, classis regise
quaestor, frater moestissimus posuit. Obiit spe certa
resurgendi 7 die mensis Octobris anno domini 1589."
Several ofthe sons of William Hawkins of Plymouth
were sailors or merchants.2 But the most famous was
he who bore the same name as his father. We first
hear of William Hawkins (junior) as Lieutenant-
General of Fenton's fleet in 1582. He had previously
been in some voyage to Magellan's Straits, and also in
the West Indies.3 Edward Fenton, a Nottinghamshire
man, was appointed by Martin Frobisher as captain of
the Gabriel in the second Arctic voyage of 1577, and
he also accompanied Frobisher in the third voyage as
1 Thorpe's Registrum Roffense, p. 946.
2 Charles Hawkins was certainly a son. He was an adventurer
of £600 in the sixth East India Company's voyage. Giles,
Nicholas, and Roger were also probably sons. Giles was a factor,
who died at Bantam in 1615. 3 See p. 401.

INTRODUCTION. xlhi
Rear-Admiral in the Judith. Four years afterwards
Fenton was selected, by the Earl of Leicester, to com
mand an expedition nominally to discover the north
west passage. The Queen contributed two of her ships.
One was the galleon Leicester of 400 tons with Fenton,
on board as general. The other was the Bonaventure
of 300 tons, commanded by Luke Ward, as Vice-Ad
miral. There were also the Francis of 40 tons, under
Captain John Drake, with William Markham as master ;
and the Elizabeth pinnace. The instructions were am
biguous and absurd. Fenton was to discover the north
west passage if it was to be found south of 40° N., but
he was not to go north of that parallel, and he was to
visit the Moluccas. But he was not to pass the Straits
of Magellan. In short, he was to discover the north
west passage by going round the Cape of Good Hope
to the East Indies, and enriching himself and his em
ployers by trade and plunder.
The journal of the voyage was kept by Mr. Maddox,
the chaplain of the Leicester; and William Hawkins
also kept a journal which is now in the British Museum
(MSS. Otho, E viiij, but much mutilated by fire.
What can be deciphered will be found at pages 353 to
363 of the present volume. The expedition sailed in
May 1582, and on July 20th the coast of Guinea was
sighted. It appears to have been a most unhappy
cruise, and the journal of Hawkins is full of com
plaints of the ill treatment he received from Captain
Fenton. It is clear that Fenton wanted to abandon
the voyage at a very early period, and that most of the
officers protested against it. The Francis reached the

xliv INTRODUCTION.
river Plate, where she was wrecked, but the crew were
saved and kept among the savages for fifteen months.
The other ships entered the port of St. Vincent in
Brazil, where an action was fought with a Spanish fleet
by moonlight, and next morning, until both sides were
weary. The English then made the best of their way
home ; and the Leicester arrived at Kinsale on June
14th, 1513. On reaching the Downs Fenton broke out
in violent abuse of Hawkins, calling him a knave, a
villain, and a boy ; and the voyage ended in mutual
reproaches. It was an utter failure. Fenton, how
ever, does not appear to have lost any credit.1
We do not hear of William Hawkins again until
1607 ; but he appears to have been in the Levant,
and to have learnt Turkish ; for he could converse in
that language. In 1607 he was captain of the
Hector in the third voyage set forth by the East
India Company. Captain Keelinge, in the Dragon,
was general of the voyage. Purchas gives an ab
stract of Keelinge's Journal occupying eighteen
pages,2 and another abstract of the Journal of Cap
tain Hawkins of the same length.3 In my Intro
duction to the Voyages of Sir James Lancaster,
1 have stated that the manuscript of the Journal of

1 Fenton commanded the May Rose, of 600 tons, in 1588, in
the fleet for opposing the Spanish Armada, and he had a distin
guished share in the subsequent operations. He afterwards lived
at Deptford, and died there in 1603. Roger, Earl of Cork, who
married his niece, erected a monument to his memory in the
church of St. Nicholas.
2 IV, cap. vi, p. 188. « III, cap. vii, p. 206.

INTRODUCTION. xlv
Hawkins was lost.1 It should be in the collection of
East India Company's logs in the India Office. It has
since been found among the manuscripts in the British
Museum (Egerton MS. 2100); but much injured by
damp. All that can be deciphered will be found at
pages 364 to 388 of the present volume. This is fol
lowed by the interesting account of the "occurrents
which happened in the time of his residence in India",
and the " briefe discourse of the strength, wealth, and
government, with some of the customs of the Great
Mogol", reprinted from Purchas.2
The journey of William Hawkins to Agra, and his
residence at the court of Jehanghir, may be looked
upon as the opening scene in the history of British
India. The Emperor induced the English captain to
marry the daughter of Mubarik Khan, a Christian
Armenian ; and when Hawkins was dismissed from
Agra in November 1611, he took his native wife with
him. They got safely on board Sir Henry Middle-
ton's ship in the following January, and proceeded
to Bantam, whence they sailed for England in the
Thomas, arriving at Saldanha Bay on April 21st,
1613. The Thomas sailed from Saldanha Bay on
May 21st, 1613, and here the letter (or report) of
Hawkins to the company terminates abruptly.3 He
died on the passage from the Cape, and was buried in
Ireland.* Mrs. Hawkins, alone amongst strangers, was left in a
1 Page viii. 2 HI, cap. vii, p. 206.
* See page 418.
* Calendar of State Papers, Colonial (East India), 1608-1616.

xlvi INTRODUCTION.
very forlorn condition. But she had one diamond worth
£2000, and smaller ones worth £4000, so that she had
no difficulty in finding another husband. In 1614 she
married Gabriel Towerson,1 who had been in the voyage
of Captain Saris and brought home the Hector. In
1617 Captain and Mrs. Towerson went out to India
again, and visited Agra ; where the lady remained with
her relations. Towerson went home, and in 1620 he
was appointed Principal Factor at the Moluccas, where
he was judicially murdered, after suffering inhuman
treatment from the Dutch, on February 27th, 1623.
He was the chief victim in the Massacre of Am-
boyna. I have to thank Mr. Coote of the British Museum
for the careful and intelligent way in which he tran
scribed two very illegible manuscripts ; the Reverend
Bradford Denne Hawkins for a photograph of his bust
of Sir John Hawkins ; the Reverend R. Antrim for
information respecting Slapton ; and Mr. Fortescue
Moresby, R.N., for sketches of the church and priory
at Slapton, and for the copy of the inscription on the
Lady Hawkins's tombstone in Slapton church.
1 The Company presented her with a purse of 200 Jacobuses,
as a token of their love, upon a general release being given by
her.

WILL OF SIR RICHARD HAWKINS.

In the name of God Amen the sixteenth day of Aprill 1622
in the twentieth yeare of the raigne of our Sovraigne Lord
James by the Grace of God Kinge of England Fraunce and
Ireland Defender of tbe Faith and of Scotland tbe fyve and
fyftitb I Sir Richard Hawkins of Slapton in tbe Countye of
Devon Knight beinge sicke and weake in bodye but of pfect
niynde and memory blessed be God therefore doe hereby
make ordayne and declare this to be my last Will and Tes
tament in manner and forme followinge. First and princi
pals I commend my soule unto Almightie God my Maker
Redeemer and Sanctifier hoping and beleeving assuredly
thatthrougb the onlymerritts death and resurrection of Jesus
Christ I shall obtayne full and free remission and pardon of
all my sinnes and be made ptaker of eternall life and happi
ness in the kingdome of heaven with God's elect for ever
And I comitt my body to tbe earthe from whence it came
and after my bodye buried my will and minde is tbat all
suche debts as I shall owe to any p'son or p'sons at the
tyme of my decease be first well and trulie satisfied And
touching the orderinge and disposinge of all such lands
grounds tenements goods and chattells as it bathe pleased
Almightie God to blesse mee with in this life I give and
bequeathe the same in manner and forme following Item
I give unto Judith my well beloved wife (for and duringe
the terme of her naturall life) all that my Mannor or Lord-
shipp of Poole in the Parishe of Slapton in the County of
Devon with all mills lands grounds messuages cottages tene
ments and hereditaments with their and every of their appur-

xlviii WILL OF SIR RICHARD HAWKINS.
tenfles to the said Mannor or Lordshipp of Poole now be
longing or in any wise app'teyninge And likewise I give
and bequeath unto the said Judith my wife (for and duringe
the tearme of her naturall life) all other my lands and tene
ments cottages and hereditaments with the appertenfies
situate lyeinge and being in or about Plymouth in the Countye
of Devon Neverthelesse and uppon this condition followeinge
that she shall yearelye duringe soe longe tyme as my sonne
John Hawkins shall remaine and dwell with his said mother
allowe and paie unto my said sonne twentie pounds per
annum of lawfull money of England And if it shall happen
that he shall hereafter be minded to lyve from her and be
take himself to some other place of aboade or otherwise to
travaile or to betake himself to lyve either at the Innes of
Courte or at the universities of Oxford or Cambridge then
to paie unto my said sonne John and his assignes during
all such time as hee shall live from her as aforesaid tbe yearlie
some of fortie pounds of lawfull money of England at fower
of tbe most usual feests or termes in tbe yeare by even and
equall por'cons Item I give and bequeath ymediatlie from
and after the decease of my said wife Judith all the said
Mannor howse or Lordship called Poole with all mills lands
grounds messuages cottages tenements and hereditaments
with theire and every of theire appurten'ces in the Parish of
Slapton and all other my said lands tenements cottages and
hereditaments with th' app'tences lyeinge and being in or
about Plymouth in the County of Devon aforesaid with the
reverc'on and rever'cons thereof unto my said sonne John
Hawkins with all and singular my goods chattells utensils and
household stuffe whatsoever Provided always that my said
wife may have and enjoy use occupie and possesse the same
goods and chattells during her life without any interup'con or
lett of my said sonne John or of any others by his pcure-
ment Item I give and bequeathe to my sonne Richard Haw
kins and to his heires for ever all that messuage or tene-

WILL OF SIR EICHARD HAWKINS. xlix
ment with th' app'tences called Pryvitt scituate lyeinge and
beinge in Alverstoke in the Countye of Southt with all lands
and grounds thereunto belonginge or in any wise apper-
teyninge Item T give and bequeathe to Margaret Hawkins
my daughter (over and above a hundred pounds legacie
given her by her grandmother and a Jewell of twentye pound
value) the some of one hundred pounds of lawfull mony of
England Item I give and bequeathe to my daughter Joane
Hawkins one hundred and twenty pounds and to my
youngest daughter Mary the like some of one hundred and
twentye pounds All which said three severall legacies of
somes of money by me given unto my said three daughters
as afforesaide I will shal be paid them at sixteene yeares of
age or daye of marriage which shall first happen and to be
receaved and had out of my owne entertaynmt due to me
from the King's Ma'tie for my last service and imployment
don by me at Argeire And if any of my said daughters shall
happen to decease or depute this transitorie lyfe before they
shall happen to come or attayne to their severall ages of six
teene yeares or daye of marriage as aforesaid then I will that
the parte and porc'on of any of them so dyeinge or deceasinge
as aforesaide shall remayne and come unto the others survi
ving and overlyving p'te and p'te alike by even and equall
por' cons also for tbe further advancement and encrease of
my said daughters porcons as aforesaide I doe equallie giue
to amongst my said daughters the some of one hundred and
fiftie pounds due to me by Sir Henry Tbynn Knight to be
paid them when and so soone as my Executrix hereafter
named shall happen to recover and receave the same And
I make and ordayne the said Judith my lovinge wife sole
and only Executrix of this my last Will and Testament and
I renounce and revoke all former Wills by me formerly made
In witness whereof I the said Sir Richard Hawkins have
hereunto sett my hand and seale the said sixteenth day of
Aprill 1622 in the tweutith yeare of tbe raigne of our said

1 DESCENDANTS OF SIR RICHARD HAWKINS.
Soveraigne Lord King James over England France and
Ireland Richard Hawkins Sealed and delyvered in the
presence of us Thos Button Jo Gifford Josias Shute and
Robert Holyland Sr
Proved June 13th, 1622, by Dame Judith Hawlcins.

DESCENDANTS OF SIR RICHARD HAWKINS.

Sib Richard Hawkins, by bis wife Judith, had five children,
John, Richard, Margaret, Joan, and Mary.
The eldest son, John, succeeded to Slapton on the death of
his mother in 1629. He married Hester .... and had
three sons, Robert who died in 1644, John born in 1639
and died in 1642, and John born in 1643.
There is reason to believe that John, born in 1643, was
tbe same John Hawkins who settled at Great Milton in
Oxfordshire in 1682, having previously married Mary,
daughter of Edward Dewe, of Islip, who was tbe son of
Richard Dewe of Abingdon, by Elizabeth daughter of Tesdale,
the Founder of Pembroke College at Oxford. For this John
of Great Milton bore the same arms and crest as Sir
Richard Hawkins.
John Hawkins of Great Milton, by Mary Dewe, had 14
children, born between 1681 and 1698. The eldest, William
Hawkins, was a Serjeant at Law, and author of Pleas of the
Grown. He had two sons, William and Philip, Fellows of
Pembroke College, who left issue, and a daughter Mary,
married to William Ram. The second son of John Hawkins
of Great Milton was also named John.
This second son had a son William, who married Susannah,
daughter of Thomas Grant by Susannah his wife, who was

DESCENDANTS OF SIR RICHARD HAWKINS. ll
niece of Bishop Bradford. Their son, Samuel Hawkins, was
born in 1757, and died in 1839. By bis wife Sarah, daughter
of Charles Calland, Esq., he left two sons, John Croft and
Bradford Denne.
John Croft Hawkins was born in 1798 and, after being in
the navy, entered the Bombay Marine in 1816. He served
in the Persian Gulf at the reduction of Ras-el-Khaimah,
and in 1821 against the Benu-Bu-Ali tribe. He became a
Lieutenant in 1824, and Commander in 1831. He made
a remarkably rapid overland journey through Persia to India
in 1832, for which he received the special thanks of the
Board of Control. In 1838 he surveyed the Euphrates as far
asHit; and was promoted to the rank of Captain in 1839. He
was Commodore in the Persian Gulf, and performed acts of
great personal daring : first in bringing a noted piratical chief
to terms; and secondly in diving to run a line through the ring
of an anchor, which greatly contributed to save H.M.S. Fox.
Sir Henry Blackwood spoke of tbe skill and energy of Com
modore Hawkins as never surpassed by any seaman. He
thrice received the thanks of the Home, and seven times of
the local Government. He died at Bombay in 1851. Com
modore Hawkins was one of the most distinguished naval
officers in the Indian Service.
Bradford Denne Hawkins, born in 1799, entered holy
orders, and is Rector of Rivenhall near Witham, in Essex.
He married Sarah, daughter of Robert Hopkins, Esq., of Tid
marsh House in Berkshire ; and has a son, Robert Samuel
Hawkins, of 18, Norham Gardens, Oxford, who was born on
July 11th, 1832, and married Lucy Sybil, daughter of Sii
Thomas Tancred, Bart. They have issue.
Burke, in his Landed Gentry, gives a genealogy by which
Sir John Hawkins, the author of The History of Music (born
1719, died 1789) is made to be a descendant of John, the
eldest son of Sir Richard Hawkins. But there is internal
evidence of this genealogy being apocryphal. This Sir John's

lii DESCENDANTS OF SIR RICHARD HAWKINS.
father was a house carpenter, respecting whose ancestry
there is no evidence whatever.
Richard Hawkins, the second son of Sir Richard Haw
kins, settled at Slapton and had a son Nicholas, who was
born in 1639. John Hawkins, the son of Nicholas, was
settled at Kingsbridge in Devonshire, and was a Captain of
Militia in 1703. His son Richard Hawkins of Kingsbridge
died in 1742, leaving two sons, John and Richard.
Richard Hawkins, the second son, was also of Kingsbridge,
and died there in 1778, leaving a son, Richard Hawkins of
Kingsbridge, who died in 1836. This last Richard had two
sons, namely Major John Hawkins, of the E.I.C. Engineers,
who died in 1831 leaving four children ; and Captain Abra
ham Mills Hawkins, R.N., who had two sons — John Mills
Hawkins in the 52nd Light Infantry, and Christopher Stuart
Hawkins, Esq., of Alston near Plympton in Devonshire.

THE VOYAGE or
WILLIAM HAWKINS
(1530),
AND THE
THREE VOYAGES
Off HIS SON
SIR JOHN HAWKINS
(1562-1568).

A Voyage to Brasill, made by the worshipfull
M. William Haukins of Plimmouth, father to
sir Iohn Haukins, Knight, now liuing, in the yeere
1530.

Olde M. William Haukins of Plimmouth, a man for his
wisdome, valure, experience, and skill in sea causes much
esteemed, and beloued of King Henry the eight, and being
one of the principall Sea Captaines in the West partes of
England in his time, not contented with the short voyages
commonly then made onely to the knowen coastes of Europe,
armed out a tall and goodlie ship of his owne, of the burthen
of 250. tunnes, called the Pole of Plimmouth wherewith he
made three long and famous voyages vnto the coast of
Brasill, a thing in those days very rare, especially to our
Nation. In the course of which voyages he touched at the
Rieur of Sestos,1 vpon the coast of Guinea, where he tra-
fiqued with the Negroes, and tooke of them Oliphants*
teeth, and other commodities which that place yeeldeth :
and so arriuing on the coast of Brasil, used there such dis
cretion, and behaued himselfe so wisely with those sauage
people, that he grew into great familiarite and friendship
with them. Insomuch that in his 2. voyage, one of the
sauage kings of the Countrey of Brasill was contented to
take ship with him, and to be transported hither into Eng
land : whereunto M. Haukins agreed, leauing behinde in
the countrey as a pledge for his safetie and returne againe,
one Martin Cockeram of Plimmouth. This Brasilian king
1 Rio Cestos, in 5° 30' N., on the Grain Coast of Guinea.

4 VOYAGE TO BRAZIL MADE BY WILLIAM HAWKINS.
being arriued, was brought up to London, and presented to
King Henry 8. lying as then at Whitehall : at the sight of
whome, the king and all the Nobilitie did not a little mar-
ueile, and not without cause : for in his cheekes were holes
made accordinge to their sauage manner, and therein small
bones were planted, standing an inche out from the said
holes, which in his own Countrey was reputed for a great
brauerie. He had also another hole in his nether lippe,
wherein was set a precious stone about the bignesse of a
pease : all his apparell, behauiour, and gesture, were very
strange to the beholders.
Hauing remained here tbe space almost of a whole yere,
and the king with his sight fully satisfied, M. Haukins, ac
cording to his promise and appointment, purposed to con
vey him againe into his Countrey: but it fell out in the way,
that by change of ayre and alteration of diet, the saide
Sauage king died at sea, which was feared woulde turn to
the loss of the life of Martin Cockeram, his pledge. Neuer-
thelesse, tbe Sauages being fully perswaded of the honest
dealing of our men with their Prince, restored againe the
said pledge, without any harm to him, or any other man of
the companie : which pledge of theirs they brought home
againe into England, with their shippe fraighted, and fur
nished with the commodities of the Countrey. Which Mar-
tine Cockeram, by the witnesse of sir Iohn Haukins, being
an officer in the towne of Plimmouth, was liuing within
these fewe yeeres.
I have bene informed by M. Anthony Garrard, an ancient
and worshipful marchant of London, that this voyage to
Brasil was frequented by Robert Reniger, Thomas Borey,
and diuers other wealthie marchants of Southampton, about
50 yeeres past, to wit, in the yeere 1540.

The First Voyage of the right worshipfuU and valiant
knight, sir Iohn Haukins, now treasurer of
her Maiesties nauie Royall, made to the West
Indtes 1562.

Mastee Iohn Haukins hauing made diuers voyages to the
yles of the Canaries, and there by bis good and vpright
dealing being growne in loue and fauour with the people,
informed himself amongst them by diligent inquisition, of
tbe state of the West India, whereof he had receiued some
knowledge by the instructions of his father, but increased
tbe same by the aduertisements and reports of that people.
And being amongst other particulars assured that Negroes
were very good marchandise in Hispaniola, and that store
of Negroes might easily be had upon the coast of Guinea,
resolued with himselfe to make trial thereof, and communi
cated that deuise with his worshipfuU friends of London :
namely, with sir Lionel Ducket,1 sir Thomas Lodge,2 M.
Gunston,3 his father-in-law e, Sir William Winter, M. Bron-
field, and others. All which persons liked so well of his
intention, that they became liberall contributers and adven
turers in tbe action. For which purpose there were 3. good
shippes immediately prouided. The one called the Salomon
of the burthen of 120. tunne, wherein M. Haukins himselfe
went as Generall; the 2. the Swallow, of 100 tunnes,
1 Lord Mayor of London in 15?3. Sir Lionel was an Adventurer in
Frobisher's three Arctic voyages.
2 Sir Thomas Lodge, son of William Lodge of Cresset, in Shropshire,
was a Governor of the Russia Company in 15G1 ; Lord Mayor in 1563.
He was of the Grocers' Company.
3 Benjamin Gonson, Treasurer of the Admiralty, 1553-70.

6 FIRST VOYAGE OF
wherein went for Captaine M. Thomas Hampton : And the
3. the Ionas, a barke of 40. tunnes, wherein the Master sup
plied the Captaine's roome : in which small fleete, M. Hau
kins tooke with him not aboue 100. men, for feare of sicke-
nesse, and other inconueniences, whereunto men in long
voyages are commonly subiect.
With this company hee put off and departed from the
coast of England in the moneth of October 1562, and in bis
course touched first at Teneriffe, where he receiued friendly
intertainement. From thence hee passed to Sierra Leona,1
upon tbe coast of Guinea, which place by the people of the
countery is called Tagarin, where he stayed some good time,
and got into his possession, partly by tbe sword, and partly
by other meanes, to the nomber of 300. negroes at the least,
besides other marchandises, which that Country yeeldeth.
With this praye he sailed ouer the Ocean sea vnto tbe Island
of Hispaniola, and arriued first at tbe port of Isabella : and
there hee had reasonable utterance of his English commo
dities, as also of some part of his Negroes, trusting tbe
Spaniards no further, then that by his owne strength be
was able still to master them. From the port of Isabella
he went to Porte de Plata, where he made like sales,
standing always vpon his gard : from thence also hee sailed
to Monte Christi,2 another port on the north side of His
paniola, and the last place of his touching, where he had
peaceable trafique, and made vent of tbe whole nomber of
bis Negroes : for which he received in those 3. places by
way of exchange, such quantitie of marchandise, that he did
not onely lade his owne 3. shippes with hides, ginger, "sugers,
and some quantitie of pearles, but be fraigbted also two
1 Discovered by Pedro de Cintra in 1462, who named the mountain
" Sierra Leona" on account of the roaring of the thunder, which is con
stantly heard on its cloud-enveloped summit.
2 Isabella, Port Plata, and Monte Christi, were all ports on the north
shore of Hispaniola or St. Domingo.

SIR JOHN HAWKINS. 7
other hulkes with hides, and other like commodities, which
he sent into Spaine.1 And thus leauing the Island, hee re
turned and disimboked, passing out by the Islands of the
Caycos,2 without further entring into the bay of Mexico, in
this his first voyage to the Wesb India. And so with pros
perous successe and much gaine to himselfe, and the afore
saide adventurers, he came home, and arriued in the moneth
of September 1563.
1 He sent his second in command, Captain Hampton, to Cadiz to dis
pose of this merchandise ; but the cargo was confiscated, and Hawkins
thus lost half his profits. An order was also sent to the Indies that no
English vessel should be allowed to trade there.
2 The Caicos Bank, north of St. Domingo.

The voyage made by the worshipful M. Iohn Haukins,
Esquire, now Knight, Captaine of the lesus of Lubek,
one of her Maiesties shippes, and Generall of the Salomon, and
her two barkes going in his companie to the coast of
Guinea, and the Indies of Noua Spania, being in
Affrica, and America: begun in An. Dom. 1564.

October is. Mastee Iohn Haukins with the lesus of Lubek, a shippe of
700. and the Salomon, a ship of 7. score, tbe Tiger, a bark
of 50. and the Swallow of 30. tunnes, being all well furnished
with men to the nomber of one bundreth, threescore and
tenne, as also with ordinance, and victuall requisite for such
a voyage, departed out of Plimmouth the 18. day of October,
in the yere of our Lord 1564, with a prosperous winde ; at
which departing, in cutting the foresaile, a niarueilous mis
fortune happened to one of the officers in the shippe, who
by the pullie of the sbeat was slaine out of hande, being a
sorrowfull beginning to them all. And after their setting
out tenne leagues to the sea, he met the same day with the
Minion, a ship of the Queenes Maiesties, whereof was Cap
taine Dauid Carlet, and also her consort, tbe Iohn Baptist
of London, being bounde to Guinea also, who hailed one
the other after the custome of the Sea, with certaine pieces
of ordinance for ioy of their meeting ; which done, the
The Minion, Minion departed from him to seeke her other consort, the
the John *
Baptist, and Merline of London, which was a starne out of sitrht.
the Merline, o >
cXea'01 leauing in M. Haukins companie the Iohn Baptist, her
other consort.
Thus sayling forwards on their way with a prosperous
winde until the 21. of the same moneth, at that time a great
storme arose, the winde being at Northeast about 9. a clocke

SECOND VOYAGE OF M. JOHN HAWKINS. 9
in the night, and continued so 23. houres together, in which
storme M. Haukins lost the companie of the Iohn Baptist
aforesaid, and of his pinnesse called the Swallow, his other
2. shippes being sore beaten with the storme. The 23. day
the Swallow, to his no small reioicing, came to him againe
in the night, 10. leagues to the Northward of Cape Finister,
he having put roomer not being able to double the Cape,
in that there rose a contrary winde at Southwest. Tbe 25.
the wind continuing contrary, he put into a place in Gallicia,
called Ferroll, where hee remained fiue dayes, and appointed
all the Masters of his shippes an order for the keeping of
good companie in this manner : the small shippes to be
alwayes a head and a weather of the lesus, and to speake
twise a day with the lesus at least : if in the day the
Ensigne bee ouer tbe poope of the lesus, or in the night
two lightes, then shall all the shippes speake with her. If
there be three lights aboord the lesus, then doeth she cast
about : If the weather be extreme, that the small shippes
cannot keep companie with the lesus, then all to keep com
panie with the Salomon, and foorthwith to repaire to the
Island of Teneriffe, to the Northward of the road of Sirroes :
If any happen to any misfortune, then to shewe two bghts,
and to shoote off a piece of Ordinance. If any loose com
panie/ and come in sight againe, to make three yawes, and
strike the Myson1 three times : Serue God dayly, loue one
another, preserve your victuals, beware of fire, and keepe
good companie.
The 26. day the Minion came in also where he was for the
reioicing whereof hee gave them certaine pieces of Ordi
nance, after tbe courtesie of the Sea, for their welcome, but
the Minion's men had no mirthe, because of their consort,
the Merline, whome, at their departure from M. Haukins
vpon the coast of England, they went to seeke : and having
rnette with her, kept companie two dayes together, and at
1 Mizen.

10 SECOND VOYAGE OF
last by misfortune of fire (through the negligence of one of
their gunners) the powder in the gunners' roome was set on
fire, which with the first blast stooke out her poope, and tbere-
witball lost three men, besides many sore burned (which
escaped by the Brigandine being at her sterne), and imme
diately, to the great losse of the owners, and most horrible
sight to tbe beholders, she sanke before their eyes.
The 301 day of the Moneth M. Haukins with his consorts
and companie of the Minion, hauing nowe both the Brigan-
dines at her sterne, wayed ancre, and set saile on their
voyage, hauing a prosperous winde thereunto.
The fourth of Nouember they had sight of the Islande of
Madera, and the sixt day of Teneriffe, which they thought
to haue bene the Canaries, in that they supposed themselves
to haue bene to the Eastward of Teneriffe, and were not :
but the Mynion being a three or foure leagues ahead of vs,
kept on her course to Teneriffe, hauing better sight thereof
than the others had, and by that meanes they parted com
panie. For Master Haukins and his companie went more
to the West, vpon which course, having sailed awhile, he
espied another Island, which he thought to be Teneriffe,
and being not able, by the meanes of the fogge upon the
hils, to discerne the same, nor yet to fetch it by night, went
roomer, untill the morning, being the 7. of November,
which as yet he could not discerne, but sailed along tbe
coast, the space of two howres, to perceaue some certaine
marke of Teneriffe, and found no likelihood thereof at all,
accompting that to be, as it was in deede, the Isle of
The Me of Palmes:2 and so sailing forwards, espied another Island,
Palmes.Gomeraand called Gomera,3 and also Teneriffe, with the which he made
Teneriffe. t '
and sailing all night, came in the morning the next day to
1 20th iu edition of 1810.
2 Palma, the north-westernmost of the Canaries.
3 Gomera, south-east from Palma, the island from which Columbus
sailed.

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 11
the port of Adecia,1 where he found his pinnesse which had
departed from him the sixt of the moneth, being in tbe
weather of him, and espying the pike of Teneriffe all a high,
bare thither. At his arriual, somewhat before he came to
anker, he hoysed out his shippers pinnesse rowing a shoare,
intending to haue sent one with a letter to Peter de ponte,
one of the Gouernours of the Island, who dwelled a league
from the shoare : but as he pretended to haue landed, sud
denly there appeared vpon the two pointes of the roade
men leuelling of basses and harquebusses to them, with
diuers others to the number of 80. with halberts, pykes,
swordes, and targets, which happened so contrairie to his
expectation that it did greatly amase him, and the more,
because he was nowe in their danger, not knowing well how
to auoide it without some mischiefe. Wherefore he deter
mined to call to them, for the better a/ppeasing of the mat
ter, declaring his name, and professing himself to be an
especiall friend to Peter de ponte, and that he had sundry
things for him, which he greatly desired. And in the meane
time, while he was thus talking with them, whereby he
made them to hold their hands, he willed the marriners to
rowe away, so that at last he gat out of their danger : and
then asking for Peter de Ponte, one of his sonnes being
Signior Nicholas Ponte, came foorth, whome he perceauing,
desired to put his men aside, and be himself would leape a
shoare, and common with him, which they did : so that
after communication had betweene them of sundry things,
and of the feare they both had, Master Hawkins desired to
haue certaine necessaries prouided for him. In the meane
space, while these things were prouidiiig, he trimmed the
maine mast of the lesus, which in the storme aforesaid was
sprong : here he soiourned 7. daies, refreshing himselfe and
his men. In the which time Peter de ponte, dwelling at S.
1 Adexe, on the west side of the island of Teneriffe.

ro.

12 SECOND VOYAGE OF
Cruz,1 a Citie 20. leagues off, came to him and gaue him as
gentle entertainment as if he had been his own brother.
To speak somewhat of these Islands, being called in olde
time Insulae fortunatse, by the meanes of the florishing
therof, tbe fruitfulness of them doeth surely exceede farre
all other that I haue hearde of: for they make wine better
than any in Spaine, they haue grapes of such bignes, that
they may be compared to damsons, and in taste inferiore
to none : for sugar, suckets, raisons of the Sunne, and
many other fruits, abundance : for rosine and raw silke,
there is great store, they want neither corne, pullets,
cattell, nor yet wilde fowle : they have many Camels also,
which being yong, are eaten of tbe people for victuals, and
being olde, they are used for carriage of necessaries : whose
propertie is as he is taught to kneele at the taking of his
loade, and unloading againe ; his nature is to ingender
backward, contrairie to other beastes : of understanding
very good, but of shape very deformed, with a littie bellie,
long mishapen legges, and feete very broade of flesh, with
out a hoofe, all whole, sauing the great toe, a back bearing
up like a molehill, a large and thinne neck, with a little bead,
with a bunch of hard flesh, which nature hath giuen him in
his breast to lean vpon. This beast liueth hardly, and is
contented with strawe, and stubble, but of force strong,
being well able to carry 500. weight. In one of these
De Fier- islands called " de Fierro"2 there is, by the reportes of the
inhabitants, a certaine tree3 that raineth continually, by the
dropping whereof the inhabitants and cattel are satisfied
with water, for other water haue they none in all the Island.
And it raineth in such abundance that it were incredible
vnto man to beleeue such a vertue to be in a tree, but it is
1 Santa Cruz is on the north-east side of Teneriffe.
'< Ferro is the south-westernmost of the Canaries.
3 See a very full account of this tree in the volume on the conquest of
the Canaries, by Bothencourt, edited by Mr. Major (1872), p. 125 (note .

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 13
knowen to be a diuine matter, and a thing ordained by
God, at whose power therein, we ought not to maruell,
seeing he did by his prouidence, as we read in the Scrip
tures, when the children of Israeli were going into the land
of promise, feed them with Manna from heauen, for the space
of 40. yeeres. Of the trees aforesaid, we saw in Guinea
many, being of great height, dropping continually, but not Trees ^"P-
j ' o o D-* srro j ' ping water
so abundantly as the other, because tbe leaues are narrower, inGumfjy-
and are like the leaues of a peare tree. About these Islands
are certaine flitting Islands, which haue bene oftentimes
seene, and when men approched neere them, they vanished ;
as the like hath bene of these Islands now knowen, by the
report of the Inhabitants, which were not founde of long
time one after the other. And therefore it shoulde seeme
he is not yet borne, to whome God hath appointed the
finding of them. In this Island of the Teneriffe there is a
hill called the Pike, because it is picked, which is in height Tene'riffe.0*
by their reports, 20. leagues,1 hauing both winter and summer
aboundance of snowe in the top of it : this pike may be
seene in a cleere day 50. leagues off but it showeth as though
it were a blacke clowde a great height in the element. I
have heard of none to be compared with this in height, but
in the Indias I have seen many, and in my iudgment not
inferiour to the pike, and so the Spaniards write.
The 15 of Nouember, at night, we departed from Teneriffe
and the 20. of the same wee had sight of 10. Caruels, that were
fishing at sea, with whome we would haue spoken, but they
fearing vs, fledinto aplace of Barbarie, called Cape de las Barbas. sKas!
The 20. tbe shippes pinnesse, with two men in her,
sailing by the shippe, was ouerthrown by the ouer-
sight of them that were in her, the wind being so great
that before they were espied, and the ship had cast
about for them, she was driuen halfe a league to leeward
of the pinnesse, and had lost sight of her, so that there was
1 The Peak of Teneriffe is 11,430 feet above the sea.

14 SECOND VOYAGE OF
small hope of recouerie, had not God's helpe, and the Cap
taines diligence bene, who hauing well marked which way
the pinnesse was by tbe Sunne, appointed 24. of the lustiest
rowers in the great boate to rowe to windewards, and so
recouered, contrary to all men's expectations, both the pin
nesse and the men sitting vpon the keele of her.
^pe The 25. be1 came to Cape Blanco,2 which is vpon the coast
of Affrica, and a place where the Portingals doe ride that
fishe there, in tbe moneth of Nonember especially, and is a
very good place of fishing for Pargoes, Mullet, and Dogge
fishe. In this place the Portingals haue no holde for their
defense, but haue rescue of the Barbarians, whome they
entertaine as their souldiers, for the time of their being
there, and for their fishing vpon that coast of Affrica, doe
pay a certaine tribute to the King of the Moores. Tbe
people of that part of Affrica are tawnie, hauing long haire,
without any apparell, sauing before their priuie members.
Their weapons in warres, are bowes, and arrowes.
The 26. we departed from S. Auis Baye, within Cape
Blanco, where we refreshed ourselues with fishe, and other
cape Verde necessaries : and the 29. we came to Cape Verde, which
grees. lieth in 14. degrees, and a halfe. These people are all blacke,
and are called Negroes, without any apparell, sauing before
their priuities : of stature goodly men, and well liking, by
leason of their foode, which passeth all other Guyneans for
kine, goates, pullin, rise, fruits, and fishe. Here we tooke
fishes with heades like Conies, and teeth nothing varying, of
a iollie thickness, but not past a foote long, and is not to be
eaten without flaying or cutting of his bead. To speak
somewhat of the sundry sortes of these Guyneans. The
people of Cape Verde, are called Leophares, and counted
tbe goodliest men of al other, sauing tbe Manicongoes,
which do inhabite on this side the cape de Buena Speranza.
These Leophares haue warres against the Ieloffes,3 which
' We in edition of 1810. 2 In 21° N.
3 Jaloffs, the people of Senegal.

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 15
are borderers by them : their weapons are bowes and
arrowes, targets, and short daggers, darts also, but varying
from other Negroes : for whereas the other use a long dart
to fight with in their hands, they carry fiue or sixe small
ones a piece, which they cast with. These men also are
more ciuil than any other, because of their dailie traffike
with the Frenchmen, and are of nature very gentle, and
louing : for while we were there, we tooke in a Frenchman,
who was one of the 19. that going to Brasill, in a Barke of
Diepe, of 60. tunnes, and being a seaboord of Cape De
Verde, 200. leagues, the plankes of their barke with a sea
brake out upon them so suddenly, that much a doe they had
to saue themselves in their boates : but by God's proui-
dance, the wind being westerly, which is rarely seene there,
they got to the shoare, to the Isles Braues, and in great
penurie got to Cape Verde, where they remained sixe
weekes, and had meate and drinke of the same people. The
said Frenchman hauing forsaken his fellowes, which were
three leagues off from the shoare, and wandring with the
Negroes too and fro, fortuned to come to the water-side,
and communing with certaine of his countreymen, which
were in our ship, by their perswasions came away with vs :
but his entertainement amongst them was such that he de-
siried it not, but through the importunate request of his
Countreymen, consented at the last. Here we staid but one
night, and part of the day : for the 7. of December wee
came away, in that pretending to haue taken Negroes there
perforce, the Mynions men gaue them there to vnderstand
of our comming, and our pretence, wherefore they did auoide
the snares we had laid for them.
The 8. of December we ankered by a small Island, called
Alcatrarsa, wherein at our going a shoare, we found nothing
but sea-birds, as we call them Ganets, but by the Portingals
called Alcatrarses, who for that cause gaue the said Island
the same name. Herein halfe of our boates were laden

16 SECOND VOYAGE OF
with yonge and olde fowle, who not being vsed to the sight
of men, flew so about vs, that wee stroke them downe with
poles. In this place, the two ships riding, the two barkes,
with their boates, went into an Island of the Sapies, called
La Formio, to see if they could take any of them, and there
landed to the number of 80. in armour, and espying certaine,
made to them, but they fled in such order into the woods,
that it booted them not to followe, so going on their way
forward til they came to a riuer which they could not passe
ouer, they espied on the other side two men, who with their
bowes and arrowes shot terribly at them. Whereupon we
discharged certaine harquebusses to them againe, but the
ignorant people waied it not, because they knewe not the
danger thereof : but vsing a maruelous crying in their fight,
with leaping, and turning their tailes, that it was most
strange to see, and gaue vs great pleasure to behold them.
At the last, one being hurt with a harquebusse vpon the
thigh, looked vpon his wound, and wist not howe it came,
because he could not see the pellet. Here Master Hawkins
perceauing no good to be done amongst them, because we
could not finde their townes, and also not knowing bow to
goe into Rio Grande1 for want of a Pilot, which was the very
occasion of our comming thither : and finding so many
sholes, feared with our great ships to goe in, and therefore
departed on our pretended way to the Idols.2
The 10. of December, hauing a northeast wind, with
raine, and storme, which weather continued two daies toge
ther, was the occasion that the Salomon and Tyger lost our
companie : for whereas the lesus and pinnesse ankered at
Stodtom- one of the Islands; called Sambula, the 12. day, the
bula- Salomon and Tiger came not thither, till the 14. In this
Island we staied certaine daies, going every day a shoare,
1 The Rio Grande was discovered in 1460 by Cadamosto, and is now
called the Jeba, in 11° 50' N.
8 Ilhas dos Idolos, in 9° 35' N.

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 17
to take the Inhabitants with burning, and spoiling their
townes, who before were Sapies, and were conquered by
the Samboses, Inhabitants beyond Sierra Leona.
The Samboses had inhabited there 3 yeeres before our tose. am"
coming thither, and in so short space haue so planted the
ground, that they had great plentie of mill, rise, rootes,
pompions, pullin, goates, of small frye dried, euery house
full of the countrey fruite planted by God's prouidence, as
Palmito trees, fruites like dates, and sundry other in no
place in all that countrey so aboundantly, whereby they liued
more deliciously then other. These inhabitants haue diuers
of the Sapies, which they tooke in the warres, as their SaPies-
slaues, whome onely they keepe to till the ground, in that
they neither haue the knowledge thereof, nor yet will work
themselues, of whom wee tooke many in that place, but of
the Samboses none at all, for they fled into the maine. Al
the Samboses haue white teeth as wee haue, far vnlike to
the Sapies, which doe inbabite" about Rio grande, for their
teeth are all filed, which they doe for a brauerie, to set out
themselues, and doe iagge their flesh, both legges, armes,
and bodies, as workmanlike as a Jerkinmaker with vs
pinketh a ierkin. These Sapies be more ciuil then the
Samboses, for whereas the Samboses liue most by the spoile
of their enemies, both in taking their victuals and eating
them also, the Sapies doe not eat mans flesh, vnless in
the warres they be driuen by necessitie thereunto, which
they haue not vsed, but by the example of the Samboses,
but liue onely with fruitt, and cattel, whereof they haue
great store. This plentie is the occasion that the Sapies
desire not warre, except that they be therevnto prouoked
by the inuasions of the Samboses, whereas the Samboses
for want of foode, are inforced thereunto, and therefore are
not woont onely to take them that they kill, but also keepe
those that they take, vntill such time as they want meate
and then they kill them. There is also another occasion

18 SECOND VOYAGE OF
that prouoketh the Samboses to warre against the Sapies,
which is for couetousnes of their riches. For whereas the
Sapies haue an order to burie their dead in certaine places
appointed for that purpose, with their golde about them,
the Samboses diggeth vp the ground to haue the same
treasure, for the Samboses haue not the like store of golde,
that the Sapies haue. In this Island of Sambula,1 we found
about 50. boates, called Almadyes, or Canoas, which are
made of one peece of wood, digged out like a trough, but
yet of a good proportion, being about 8. yardes long,
and one in bredth, hauing a beake head, and a sterne
very proportionably made, and on the outside artificially
carued, and painted red, and blewe : they are able to
carry 20. or 30. men, but they are about the coast able to
carry three score and vpwards. In these Canoas they
rowe standing vpright, with an ower somewhat longer
then a man, the ende whereof is made about the breadth
and length of a man's hand, of the largest sort. They
rowe very swift, and in some of them foure rowers, and
one to steere, make as much way as a paire of oares in
the Thames of London. Their Townes are prettily divided,
with a maine streete at the entering in, that goetb thorough
their Towne, and another overthwart streete, which maketb
The forme their townes crosse waies : their houses are built in a rank
townes. very orderly in the face of the streete, and they are made
round, like a doue cote, with stakes set full of Palmito
leanes, insteede of a wall : they are not much more than a
fathome large, and two of heighth, and thatched with Pal
mito leaues very close, other some with reede, and ouer the
roofe thereof, for tbe better garnishing of the same, there
is a rounde bundle of reede pretily contriued like a louer :2
in the inner part, they make a loft of stickes, whereupon
they lay all their prouision of victuals : a place they reserue
at their entrance for the kitchin, and the place they lie in
is diuided with certaine mats artificially made with the rine
1 Probably the modern Sherboro Island, in 7° 30' N. « Bower ?

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 19
of Palmito trees : their bedsteedes are of small staues, laide
along, and raised a foote from the ground, vpon which is
laide a matte, and another vpon them when they list : for
other couering they haue none. In the middle of the
Towne there is a house, larger and higher then the other,
but in form alike, adioyning vnto the which, there is a place
made of four goode stancions of woode, and a rounde roofe
ouer it, the grounde raised round with claye, a foot high,
vpon the which floore were strawed many fine mats : this is
the consultation house, the like whereof is in all Townes, as
the Portingals affirme : in which place, when they sit in
Counselle, tbe King or Captaine sittetb in the middes, and
the Elders vpon the floore by him : (for they give reuerence
to their Elders,) and the common sorte sitte round about
them. There they sitte to examine matters of theft, which
if a man be taken with to steale but a Portingall clothe
from another, be is sold to the Portingals for a slaue. They
consult also, and take order what tyme they shall go to
warres : and as it is certainly reported by the Portingals,
they take order in gathering of fruites in the season of the
yeere, and also for receiuing of Palmito wine, which is
gathered by a bole cutte in tbe toppe of a tree, and a gorde
set for the receauing thereof, which falleth in by droppes,
and yieldeth freshe wine againe within a monethj and this
diuided, part and portion like to euery man, by the
iudgment of the Captaine and Elders, euery man holdeth
himself contented : and this surely I iudge to be a very good
order, for otherwise, where scarcitie of Palmito is, euery
man would haue the same, which might breede great strife :
but for such things, as euery man doth plant for himselfe,
the sower thereof reapeth it to his own vse, so that nothing
is common but that which is vnset by man's hands. In
their houses there is more common passage of Lizardes like
Euats, and other greater, of black and blewe colour, of
neere a foot long, besides their tailes, then there is with

20 SECOND VOYAGE OF
Mise in great houses. The Sapies and Samboses also, vse
in their wars bowes and arrowes, made of reedes, with
heads of yron poisoned with the iuce of a Cucumber, whereof
I haue had many in my handes. In their battels they haue
target men, with broade wicker targets, and dark with
heades at both endes, of yron, the one in forme of a two-
edged sworde, a foote and a halfe long, and at the other
ende, the yron long of the same length, made to counter-
pease it, that in casting, it might flee level, rather than for
any other purpose, as I can iudge. And when they espie
the enemie, the Captaine to cheer his men crieth, Hungry,
and they answere Heygre, and with that euery man placeth
himselfe in order, for about euery target man three bowe-
men will couer themselves, and sboote as they see aduan-
tage, and when they giue the onset they make such terrible
cryes that they may be heard two miles off. For their
beleefe, I can heare of none that they haue, but in such as
they themselues imagine to see in their dreames, and so
worshippe the pictures, whereof we saw some like vnto
Diuels. In this Island aforesaide, we soiourned vnto the
one and twentieth of December, where hauing taken certain
Negroes, and of their fruites, rise, and mill, as we could
well carry away (whereof there was such store that we
might have laden one of our Barkes therewith), we
departed, and at our departure diuers of our men being
desirous to goe a shoare, to fetch Pompions, which having
prooued, they found to be very good, certaine of the Tygers
men went also, amongst the which there was a Carpenter,
a yong man, who with his fellows hauing fet many, and
carried them downe to their boates, as they were ready to
depart, desired his fellowes to tarry, while he might goe vp
to fetch a few which he had layed by for himselfe, who
Theextreme being more licorous than circumspect, went up without
negligence n _ ^
of one of the weapon, and as he went vp alone, possibly being marked of
the Negroes that were vpon the trees, espying him what he

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 21
did, perceauing him to be alone, and without weapon,
dogged him, and finding him occupied in binding his Pom-
pions together, came behind him, overthrowing him, and
straight cut his throat, as he afterwards was found by his
fellowes, who came to the place for him, and there found
him naked.
The two and twentieth the Captaine went into the Riuer,
called Callowsa. with the two Barkes, and the Iohns pin- £h,<> mueT
' ' sr Callowsa.
nesse, and Salomons boate, leauing at anker in the Riuers
mouth the two shippes, the Riuers being twentie leagues in,
where the Portingals roade : he came the five and twentieth,
and dispatched his busines, and so returned with two Cara-
uels, loaden with Negroes.
The 27 the Captaine being aduertised by the Portingals,
of a Towne of the Negroes, called Bymba, being in the The towne
way as they returned, where was not onely great quantitie
of golde, but also that there were not aboue fortie men, and
a hundred women and children in the Towne, so that if he
would giue the aduenture vppon the same, he might gette
a hundreth slaues : with the which tydings hee beeing
gladde, because the Portingals should not thinke him to bee
of so base a courage, but that he durst to giue them that,
and greater attempts : and being thereunto also the more
prouoked with the prosperous successe he had in other
Islands adiacent, where he had put them all to flight, and
taken in one boate 20. together, determined to stay before
the Towne three or foure howres, to see what he could doe :
and therefore prepared his men in armour, and weapon
together, to the number of fortie men well appointed,
hauing to their guides certaine Portingals, in a boate, who portingai8
brought some of them to their death : we landing boate trusted.
after boate, and diuers of our men scattering themselues,
contrarie to the Captaines will, by one or two in a oom-
panie, for the hope they had to finde golde in their houses,
ransacking the same, in the meane time the Negroes came

22 SECOND VOYAGE OF
vppon them, and hurte many, beeing thus scattered,
want of cir- whereas if fiue or sixe had bene together, they had bene
cumspec- tion in our able, as their companies did, to giue the overthrowe to 40.
of them, and being driuen downe to take their boates, were
followed so hardly by a route of negroes, who by that tooke
courage to pursue them to their boates, that not onely
some of them, but others standing a shoare, not looking
for any such matter, by meanes that the Negroes did flie at
the first, and our companie remained in the towne, were
suddenly so set vpon, that some with great hurte recouered
their boates : other some not able to recouer the same,
tooke the water, and perished by meanes of the oaze.
While this was a doing, the Captaine, who with a dosen
men went thorough the Towne, returned, finding 200.
Negroes at the water side, shooting at them in the boates,
and cutting them in peeces, which were drowned in the
water, at whose coming they ranne all away : so be entered
his boates, and before be could put off from tbe shore, they
returned againe, and shot very fiercely, and hurt diuers of
them. Thus wee returned backe, somewhat discomforted,
although the Captaine in a singular wise manner, with
countenance very cheerful outwardly, as though he did
little weigh the death of his men, nor yet the great hurt of
the rest, although his heart inwardly was broken in peeces
for it, done to this ende, that the Portingals, being with
him, should not presume to resist against him, nor take
occasion to put him to further displeasure or hinderance, for
the death of our men : having gotten by our going ten
Negroes and lost seven of our best men, whereof Master
Field, Captaine of the Salomon, was one, and we had 27. of
our men hurt. In the same howse, while this was a doing
there happened at the same instant, a meruelous miracle to
them in the shippes, who roade ten leagues to seaward, by
many sharks or Tuberous, who came about the ships, among
which one was taken by tbe lesus, and foure by the

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 23
Salomon, and one very sore hurt, escaped : and so it fell
out of our men, whereof one of the lesus men, and foure of
the Salomons were killed, and the 5. hauing 20. wounds,
was rescued, and scaped with much adoe.
The 28. they came to their ships, the lesus and the
Salomon, and the 30. departed from thence to Taggarin. Taggami.
The first of Januarie, the two barkes, and both the boates January.
forsooke the ships, and went into a riuer, called the Cas- £he riuer o£
seroes, and the 6. hauing dispatched their busines, the two
barkes returned, and came to Taggarin, where the two ships
were at anker. Not two daies after the comming of the two
shippes thither, they put their water caske a shoare, and
filled it with water, to season the same, thinking to haue
filled it with fresh water afterward : and while their men
were some a shoare, and some at their boates, the Negroes
set vpon them in the boates, and hurt diuers of them, and
came to the caskes, and cut off the hoopes of twelue butts,
which lost us 4. or 5. dayes time, besides great want we bad
of the same : soiourning at Taggarin, the Swallowe went up
the riuer about her traffike, where they saw great townes of
the Negroes, and Canoas, that had three score men in aTeirgreat
peece : there they vnderstood of the Portingals, of a great
battell, betweene them of the Sierra Leona side, and them
of Taggarin : they of Sierra Leona had prepared 300 canoas
to inuade the other. The time was appointed not past 6.
daies after our departure from thence, which we would haue
seene, to the intent we might haue taken some of them,
had it not been for the death and sicknes of our men,
which came by the contagiousness of the place, which
made vs to make haste away.
The 18. of Januarie at night, we departed from Tagarrin, The Conta
ct ' X CD J gj0n Qf tJle
being bound to the West Indiaes, before which departure g°™£ey °f
certaine of the Salomons men went a shoare, to fil water in Leona-
the night, and as they came a shoare with their boate, being
ready to leape a land, one of them espied a Negroe in a

24 SECOND VOYAGE OF
white coate, standing upon a rocke, being ready to haue
receaued them, when- they came a shoare, hauing in sight
of bis fellowes also, eight or nine, some in one place leaping
out, and some in another, but they hid themselves straight
againe : whereupon our men doubting they had bene a
great companie, and sought to haue taken them at more
aduantage, as God would, departed to their shippes, not
thinking there had bene such a mischiefe pretended
toward them as then was in deede. Which the next
day we understood of a Portingall, that came downe to
vs, who had traffiked with the Negroes, by whome he
understoode, that the King of Sierra Leona bad made
all the power he could, to take some of vs, partly for
the desire he had to see what kind of people we were, that
had spoiled his people at the Idols, whereof he had news
before our comming, and as I iudge also, vpon other occa-
Tangoman- sions prouoked by the Tangomangoes, but sure we were
K°68 that the armie was come downe, by means that in the
euening we sawe such a monstrous fire, made by the watring
place, that before was not seen, which fire is the onely mark
for the Tangomangoes to know where their armie is alwaies.
If these men had come downe in tbe euening, they had
done vs great displeasure, for that we were a shoare filling
water : but God, who worketh all things for the best, would
not haue it so, and by him wee escaped without danger, his
name bee praysed for it.
Februarie. The 29. of the same moneth, we departed with all our
ships from the Sierra Leona, towards the West Indias,
where for the space of 21. daies, wee were becalmed, hauing
nowe and then contrarie windes, and some Ternados
amongest the same calme, which happened to vs very ill,
being but reasonably watered, for so great a companie of
Negroes, and our selues, which pinched us all, and that
which was worst, put vs in such feare, that many neuer
thought to haue reached to the Indias, without great death

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 25
of Negroes, and of themselves : but Almightie God, who
neuer suffereth his elect to perish, sent vs the sixteene of
Februarie, the ordinarie Briese, which is the Northwest
winde, which never left us, till we came to an Island of the
Cannybals, called Sancta Dominica, where we arriued the Dominica
ninth of March, vpon a Satturday : and because it was the March.
most desolate place in all the Island, we could see no
Cannybals, but some of their houses, where they dwelled,
and as it should seeme, forsooke the place, for want of freshe
water, for we coulde finde none there but raine water, and
such as fell from the hils, and remayned as a puddle in the
dale, whereof we filled for our Negroes. The Cannybals of cannybaiis
' o J exceeding
that Island, and also others adiacent, are the most desperate °o "be11, ""*
warriors that are in the Indias, by the Spaniards report, who auolde ¦
are neuer able to conquer them, and they are molested by
them not a little, when they are driuen to water there in
any of those Islands : of very late, not two moneths past,
in tho said Islande, a Carauell being driuen to water, was
in the night sette upon by the Inhabitants, who cutte their
cable in the halser, whereby they were driaen a shoare, and
so taken by them and eaten. The greene Dragon of New-
hauen whereof was Captaine one Bontemps, in Marche also,
came to one of those Islands, called Granado, and being
driuen to water, could not doe the same, for the Cannybals,
who fought with him very desperately two daies. For our
part also, if we had not lighted vpon the deserted place
in all the Island, we could not haue missed, but should haue
bene greatly troubled by them, by all the Spaniards
reportes, who make them Deuils in respect of men.
The tenth day, at night, we departed from thence, and
the fifteenth had sight of nine Islands, called the Testigos : ™e£^g#
And the sixteenth of an Island, called Margarita, where we MargaritaIsland.
were entertayned by the Alcalde, and had both beeues and
sheepe given us, for the refreshing of our men : but the
Gouernour of the Island would neither come to speake with

26 SECOND VOYAGE OF
our Captaine, neither yet give him any licence to traffike :
aud to displease vs the more, whereas wee had hired a Pilot,
to haue gone with vs, they would neither suffer him to goe
with vs, but also sent worde by a Carauell out of hand, to
Santo Domingo, to the Viceroy, who doth represent the
King's person, of our arriuall in those parts, which had
like to haue turned vs to great displeasure, by the means
that the same Viceroy did send word to Cape de la Vela,
and to other places along the coast, commanding them
by the vertue of his authoritie, and the obedience that they
owe to their Prince, no man should traffike with vs, but
should resiste vs with all the force they could.1 In this
Island, notwithstanding that we were not within foure
leagues of the Towne, yet were they so afraid, that not only
the Gouernour himselfe, but also all the Inhabitants forsooke
their Towne, assembling all the Indians to them, and fled
into the mountains, as we were partly certified, and also saw
the experience ourselves, by some of the Indians comming
to see vs, who by three Spaniards a horseback passing hard
by vs, went vnto tbe Indians, hauing euery one of them their
bowes, and arrowes, procuring them away, who before were
conuersant with vs. Here perceauing no traffike to be had
with them, nor yet water for the refreshing of our men, wee
were driuen to depart the twentieth day, and the two and
twentieth, we came to a place in the mayne, called Kenim-
nawo, whither the Captaine going in his pinnesse, spake
with certaine Spaniards, of whome he demanded traffike,
but they made him answere, they were but souldiers newly
come thither, and were not able to buy one Negroe : where
upon be asked for a watring place, and they pointed him a
place two leagues off, called Sancta Fee, where we found
maruellous goodly watring, and commodious for the taking
in thereof : for that the fresh water came into the Sea, and
so our shippes had aboord the shoare 20. fathome water.
1 Don Antonio de Osorio was President and Captain-General of San
Domingo in 1564.

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 27
Neere about this place, inhabited certaine Indians, who the
next day after we came thither, came downe to vs, present
ing mill and cakes of bread, which they had made of a
kinde of corne called Maise, in bignes of a pease, the eare
whereof is much like to a teasell, but a span in length,
hauing theron a number of graines. Also they brought
downe to vs which we bought for beades, pewter whistles,
glasses, kniues, and other trifles, Hennes, Potatoes and
pines. These potatoes be the most delicate rootes that
may be eaten, and doe far exceede their passeneps or
carets. Their pines be of the bignes of two fistes, the out
side whereof is of the making of a pineapple, but it is
soft like the rinde of a coucomber, and the inside eatetb
like an apple, but it is more delicious than any sweete apple
sugred. These Indians be of colour tawnie like an Oliue,
hauing every one of them both men and women, haire all
blacke, and no other colour, the women wearing the same
hanging down to their shoulders, and the men rounded, and
without beards, neither men nor women suffering any haire
to growe in any part of their body, but daily puis it off
as it groweth. They goe all naked, the men couering no
part of their body but their yard, vpon tbe which they
weare a gourd or piece of cane, made fast with a threede
about his loins., leauing the other parts of their members
vncouered, whereof they take no shame. The women also
vncouered, sauing with a cloth which they weare a band-
breadth, wherewith they couer their privities both before
and behind. These people be very small feeders, for
trauelling they carry but two small bottels of gourdes, The vse of
Sorrell.
wherein they put in one the iuice of Sorrell, whereof they
haue great store, and in the other flowre of their Maise,
which being moist, they eate, taking sometime of the other.
These men carie euery man his bowes and arrowes, whereof
some arrowes are poisoned for warres, which they keepe in
a cane together, which cane is of the bignesse of a mans

28 SECOND VOYAGE OF
arme, other some with broad heades of iron wherewith they
strike fishe in the water : tbe experience thereof we sawe
not once nor twise, but daily for the time we taried there,
for they are so good archers that the Spaniards for feare
thereof arme themselues and their horses with quilted
canuas of two inches thicke, and leaue no place of their
bodie open to their enemies, sauing their eyes, which they
may not hide, and yet oftentimes are they hit in that so
The making small a scantling : their poison is of such a force, that a
of their . " r
poison. man being stricken therewith, dieth within foure and
twentie howres, as the Spaniards doe affirme, and in my
iudgment it is like there can bee no stronger poyson as
they make it, vsing thereunto apples which are very fair,
and red of colour, but are a strong poison, with the which
together with venemous Bats, Vipers, Adders, and other
serpents, they make a medley, and therewith anoint the same.
1fthinaner8 ^e Indian women delight not when they are yong in
women. bearing of children, because it maketh them haue hanging
breasts, which they account to bee great deforming in them,
and vpon that occasion while they be yong, they destroy
their seede, saying that it is fitted for olde women. More-
ouer, when they are deliuered of childe, they goe straight
to washe themselues, without making any further cere-
monie for it, not lying in bed as our women doe. The beds
which they haue are made of Gossopine cotton, and
wrought artificially of diuers colours, which they carie
about with them when they trauell, and making the same
fast to two trees, lie therein they and their women. The
people bee surely gentle and tractable, and such as desire to
liue peaceablie, or else had it bene vnpossible for the
Spaniards to haue conquered them as they did, and the
more to liue now peacable, they being many in number
and the Spaniards so few.
From hence we departed the eight and twentie, and the
next day we passed betweene the maineland and the island

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 29
called Tortuga, a very low.e Island, in the yeere of our™^leof
Lord God one thousand fiue hundred sixtio fiue aforesaid,
and sailed along the coast vntil the first of A prill, at which
time the Captaine sayled along in the Jesus pinnace to dis
cerne the coast, and saw many Caribes a shore, and some
also in their Canowas, which made tokens vnto him of
friendship, and showed him golde, meaning thereby that
they would traffique for wares. Whereupon hee stayed to
see the maners of them, and so for two or three trifles gaue
such things as they had about them, and departed : but
the Caribes were very importunate to haue them come a
shore, which if it had not bene for want of wares to
traffique with them, he would not haue denied them,
because the Indians we sawe before were very gentle
people, and such as doe no man hurt. But as God would
haue it, hee wanted that thing, which if hee had had, would
haue bene his confusion : for there were no kinde of people
as wee tooke them to bee, but more deuelish a thousand
partes, and are eaters and deuourers of any man they
catche, as it was afterwards declared vnto vs at Burboroata
by a Carauell comming out of Spaine with certaine soul-
diours and a captain generall sent by the king for those
Eastuard parts of the Indians, who sailing along in his pin
nace as our Captaine did to descrie the Coast, was by tbe
Caribes called a shore with sundrie tokens made to him of
frien'dshippe, and golde shewed as though they desired
traffique, with the which the Spaniardes being moued, sus
pecting no deceite at all, went a Shore amongst them, who
was no sooner a shore, but with 4. or 5. more was taken,
tbe rest of bis company being inuaded by them, saued
themselues by flight, but they that were taken, paid their
ransome with their hues, and were presently eaten. And The cmei-
\ J tie of the
this is their practice to toll with their golde the ignorant caribes.
to their snares : they are bloudsuckers both of Spaniards,
Indians, and all that light in their laps, not sparing their

Eurboroata

30 SECOND VOYAGE OF
owne countrymen if they can conueniently come by them.
Their pollicie in fight with the Spaniards is maruellous :
for they choose for their refuge the mountaines and woods
where the Spaniards with their horses cannot follow them,
And if they fortune to be met in the plaine where one
horseman may ouerunne 100. of them, they haue a deuise
of late practised by them to pitch stakes of wood in the
ground, and also small iron pikes to mischiefe their horses,
wherein they show themselues politike warriours. They
haue more abondance of golde then all the Spaniards haue,
and liue vpon the mountains where the mines are in such
number, that tbe Spaniards haue much adoe to get any of
them from them, and yet. sometimes by assembling a great
number of them, which happeneth once in two yeeres, they
get a piece from them, which afterwards they keepe sure
inough. Thus hauing escaped the daunger of them, wee kept our
course along the coast, and came the third of Aprill to
a Towne called Burboroata,1 where his ships came to an
anker, and hee himselfe went a shore to speeke with the
Spaniardes, to whome he declared himselfe to be an Eng
lishman, and came thither to trade with them by the way of
merchandize, and therefore required licence for the same.
Unto whom they made answere, that they were forbidden
by the king to traffique with any forren nation, vpon
penaltie to forfeit their goods, therefore they desired him
not to molest them any further, but to depart as he came,
for other comfort he might not looke for at their hands,
because they were subiects, and might not goe beyond the
law. But he replied that his necessitie was such he might
not so doe : for being in one of the Queens Armados of
England, and hauing many souldiours in them, be had neede
both of some refreshing for them, and of victuals, and of
money also, without the which he could not depart, and
1 Burburata, on the coast of Venezuela.

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 31
with much other talke persuaded them not to feare any
dishonest part of his behalfe towards them, for neither
would he commit any such thing to the dishonour of
his prince, nor yet for his honest reputation and esti
mation, vnlesse hee were too rigorously delt withall, which
he hoped not to finde at their handes, in that it should
as well redounde to their profite, as his owne, and
also he thought they might do it without daunger,
because their princes were in amitie one with another, and
for our partes wee had free trafique in Spaine and Flaun-
ders, which are in his dominions, and therefore hee knew
no reason why he should not haue the like in all his domi
nions. To the which the Spaniardes made answere, that
it lay not in them to giue any licence, for that they had a
Gouernour to whom tbe gouernment of those partes was
committed, but if they would stay tenne dayes, they would
send to their Gouernour who was three score leagues off,
and would return answere within the space appointed, of
his mind.
In the meane time they were contented be should bring
his ships into harbour, and there they would deliuer him
any victuals be would require. Whereupon, the fourth
day we went in, where being one day and receiuing all
things according to promise, the Captaine advised him
selfe that to remain there tenne dayes idle, spending vic
tuals and men's wages, and perhaps in the ende receiue
no good answere from the Gouernour, it were meere follie,
and therefore determined to make request to haue licence
for the sale of certaine lean and sicke Negroes which he
had in his shippe like to die upon bis hands if he kept
them ten dayes, hauing litle or no refreshing for them,
whereas other men hauing them, they would bee recouered
well inougb. And this request hee was forced to make,
because he had not otherwise wherewith to pay for victuals
and for necessaries which he should take : which request

32 SECOND VOYAGE OF
being put in writing and presented, the officers and towne-
dwellers assembled together, and finding bis request so
reasonable, graunted him licence for thirtie Negroes, which
afterwards they caused the officers to view, to the intent
they should grant to nothing but that were very reason
able, for feare of answering thereunto afterwards. This
being past, our captaine according to their licence, thought
to haue made sale, but the day past and none came to buy,
who before made show that they had great neede of them,
and therefore wist not what to surmise of them, whether
they went about to prolong the time of the Governour his
answere because they would keepe themselues blamelesse,
or for any other pollicie he knew not, and for that purpose
sent them worde, maruelling what the matter was that
none came to buie them. They answered, because they
had graunted licence onely to the poore to buie those
Negroes of small price, and their money was not so readie
as other mens of more wealth.
More then that, as soone as euer they saw the shippes,
they conueyed away their money by their wiues that went
into the mountaines for feare, and were not yet returned,
and yet asked two dayes to seeke their wiues and fetch
their money. Notwithstanding, the next day divers of
them came to cheapen, but could not agree of price, be
cause they thought the price too high. Whereupon the
Captaine perceiuing they went about to bring downe the
price, and meant to bie, and would not confesse if he had
licence, that hee might sell at any reasonable rate, as they
were woorth in other places, did send for tbe Principals of
the Towne, and made a shew hee would depart, declaring
himselfe to be very sory that hee had so much troubled
them, and also that he had sent for the Gouernour to come
downe, seeing now his pretence was to depart, whereat
they maruelled much, and asked him what cause mooued
him thereunto, seeing by their working he was in possibi-

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 33
litie to haue his licence. To the which he replied that it
was not onely a licence that he sought, but profite, which
hee perceiued was not there to be had, and therefore
would seeke further, and withall shewed him his writings
what he paied for his Negroes, declaring also the great
charge he was at in his shipping, and men's wages, and
therefore to counteruaile his charge, hee must sell his
Negroes for a greater price then they offered. So they
doubting his departure, put him in comfort to sell better
there than in any other place. And if it fell out that he
had no licence, that he should not lose his labour in tary-
ing, for they would buie without licence. Whereupon, the
Captaine, being put in comfort, promised them to stay, so
that he might make sale of his leane Negroes, which they
graunted vnto. And the next day did sell some of them,
who hauing bought and paied for them, thinking to haue
had a discharge of the Customer for the custome of the
Negroes, being the King's dutie, they gaue it away to the
poore for God's sake, and did refuse to giue the discharge
in writing, and the poore not trusting their wordes, for
feare, leaste hereafter it might bee demaunded of them, did
refraine from buying any more, so that nothing els was
done ontill the Gouernours comming downe, which was
the fourteenth day, and then the Captaine made petition,
declaring that hee was come thither in a shippe of the
Queen's maiesties of England, beyng bound to Guinie, and
thither driuen by winde and weather, so that being come
thither, hee had neede of sundry necessaries for the repara
tion of the said Nauie, and also great neede of money for
the paiment of his Souldiours, vnto whom he had promised
paiment, and therefore although hee would, yet would not
they depart without it, and for that purpose requested
licence for the sale of certaine of his Negroes, declaring
that although they were forbidden to traffique with straun-
gers, yet for that there was a great ami tie betweene their

34 SECOND VOYAGE OF
princes, and that the thing pertained to our Queenes
highnesse, hee thought be might doe their prince great
seruice, and that it would be well taken at bis bandes to
doe it in this cause. The which allegations, with diuers
others put in request, were presented vnto the Gouernour
who sitting as counsell for that matter, granted vnto his
request for licence. But yet there fell out another thing
which was the abating of the kings custome, being vpon
euery slaue 30. duckets, which would not be granted vnto.
Whereupon the captain perceiuing that they would
neither come neere his price hee looked for by a great
deale, nor yet would abate the kings custome of that they
offered, so that either hee must bee a great looser by his
wares, or els compell the officers to abate the same kings
custome which was too vnreasonable, for to a higher price
hee could not bring tbe buiers. Therefore the sixteenth of
Eng^Shmln Aprill bee prepared one hundred men well armed with
bowes, arrowes, harquebusses and pikes, with the which
hee marched to the towne wardes, and beyng perceiued by
the Gouernour, hee straight with all expedition sent mes
sengers to know his request, desiring him to marche no
further forward vntill hee had answere againe, which incon
tinent he should haue. So our captaine declaring how
vnreasonable a thing the kings custome was, requesting
to haue the same abated, and to pay seuen and a halfe per
centum, which is the ordinarie custome for wares thorough
his dominions there, and vnto this if they would not graunt,
he would displease them. And this worde beyng caried
to the Gouernour, answere was returned that all things
should bee to his content, and thereupon hee determined
to depart, but the soldiours and mariners finding so little
credite in their promises, demaunded gages for the per
formance of the premisses, or els they would not depart.
And thus they being constrained to send gages, we de
parted, beginning our traffique, and ending the same without

in armour.

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 35
disturbance. Thus hauing made traffique in the barborough
vntill the 28. our Captaine with his ships intended to goe
out of the roade, and purposed to make shew of bis depar
ture, because now the common sort hauing imploied their
money, the rich men were come to towne, who made no
shew that they were come to buie, so that they went about
to bring downe the price, and by this pollicie the captaine
knew they would be ma'de the more eger, for feare lest
we departed, and they should goe without any at all.
The nine and twentie we being at anker without the
roade, a French shippe called the Greene Dragon of New-
hauen, whereof was captaine one Bon Temps came in, who
saluted vs after the manner of the Sea, with certaine pieces
of ordinaunce, and we resaluted him with the like againe :
with whom hauing communication, he declared that he had
bene at the Mine in Gninie, and was beaten off by the
Portingals Gal lies, and info reed to come thither to make
sale of such wares as he bad : and further that the like was
happened vnto the Minion, besides the Captaine Dauie The reports
Carlet and a merchaunt with a doozen mariners betrayed by Mmkmin6
the Negroes at their first arriual thither, and remaining mme'
prisoners with the Portingals, besides other misadventures
of the losse of their men, happened thorough the great
lacke of fresh water, with great doubts of bringing home
the ships, which was most sorowfull for vs to vnderstand.
Thus hauing ended our traffique here the 4. of May, wee Mar-
departed, leaning the French man behind us, the night
before the which, the Caribes whereof I haue made mention
before, being to the number of 200. came in their Canowas
to Burboroata, intending by night to haue burned the
towne, and taken tbe Spaniards, who being more vigilant
because of our being there, than their custome was, per-
ceiuing them comming, raised the towne, who in a moment
being a horsebacke, by means their custome is for all doubts Horsesk
to keepe their horses readie sadled, in the night set vpon l^x\£d.

36 SECOND VOYAGE OF
them, and tooke one, the rest making shift for themselues,
escaped away. But this one, because he was their guide,
and was the occasion that diuers times they had made inua-
sion upon them, had for his trauell a stake thrust through
his fundement, and so out at his necke.
The sixt of May aforesayd, wee came to an Island called
Curasoa,1 where wee had 'thought to haue ankred, but could
not find ground, and hauing let fall an anker with two
cables, were faine to weie it againe, and the 7. sayling along
the coast to seeke an harborow, and could finde none, came
to an anker where wee rode open in the sea. In this place
wee had traffique for Hides, and found great refreshing
both of beefe, mutton and lambes, whereof there was such
Exceeding plentie, that saving the skinnes, we had the flesh giuen vs
ourasoa3 for nothing, the plentie whereof was so abundaunt, that the
worst in the ship thought scorn not onely of mutton, but
also of sodden lambe, which they disdained to eate vn-
rosted. Tbe increase of Cattell in this Island is maruellous, which
from a doozen of each sort brought thither by the Gouer
nour, in 25. yeeres had 100. thousand at the least, and of
other Cattell was able to kill without spoile of the increase
15. .hundred yeerely, which he killeth for the skinnes, and
of the flesh saueth onely the tongues, the rest he leaueth to
the foule to deuour. And this I am able to affirme, not
vpon the Gouernours owne report, who was the first that
brought the increase thither, and so remainetb vnto this
day, but also by that I sawe myselfe in one field, where an
hundred oxen lay one by another all whole, sauing the skin
and tongue taken away, and it is not so maruelous a thing
why they doe thus cast away the flesh in all tbe Islands of
the West Indies, seeing the land is great, and more then
they are able to inhabite, the people fewe, hauing delicate
» Curacoa is thirty miles long by ten. It was first settled in 1527
by order of Charles V, and was captured by tbe Dutch in 1632.

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 37
truit and meates inough besides to feed vpon, which they
rather desire, and the increase which passeth mans reason
to beleeve, when they come to a great number : for in S.
Domingo an Island called by the finders thereof, Hispa
niola, is so great quantitie of Cattell, and such increase
thereof, that notwithstanding the daily killing of them for
their hides, it is not able to asswage the number of them,
but they are deuoured by wild dogs, whose number is such
by suffering them first to range the woods and mountains
that they eate and destroy 60000. a yeere, and yet small
lacke found of them. And no maruell, for the said Island
is almost as big as all England, and being the first place
that was found of all the Indies, and of long time inhabited
before the rest, and therefore it ought of reason to be most
populous, and to this hower the Viceroy and Counsell roiall,
abidetb there as in the chiefest place of all the Indies to
prescribe orders to the rest for the kings behalfe, yet have
they but one citie and 13. villages in all the same Island,
whereby the spoile of them in respect of the increase is
nothing. The 15. of the foresaid moneth we departed from Curasoa,
being not a little to the reioicing of our Captaine and vs,
that we had there ended our traffique, for notwithstanding
our sweetemeate we had sower sauce, for by reason of our
riding so open at sea, what with blastes whereby our ankers
being agrounde, then at once came home, and also with
contrary windes blowing, whereby for feare of the shore we
were faine to hale off to haue ankerhold, sometimes a whole
day and a night turning vp and downe, and this happened
not once, but halfe a doozen times in the space of our being
there. The 16. we passed by an Island called Aruba,1 and the 17
at night ankred 6. howers at the West end of Cabo de La
Vela, and in the morning being the 18. weied againe, keep-
1 A little island fourteen leagues west of Curacoa.

38 SECOND VOYAGE OF
ing our course, in the which time the captaine sailing by
the shore in the pinnace, came to the Rancheria, a place
where the Spaniards^vse to fish for pearles, and there spoke
with a Spaniard, who told him how farre off he was from
Rio de la Hacha,1 which because he would not overshoote,
ankered that night againe, and the 19. came thither, where
hauing talke with the kings treasurer of the Indies resident
there, declared his quiet traffique in Burboroata, and shewed
a certificate of the same, made by the gouernour thereof,
and therefore he desired to haue the like there also : but
the treasurer made answer that they were forbidden by the
Viceroy and counsell of S. Domingo, who hauing intelli
gence of our being on the coast, did send expresse com
mission to resist vs, with all the force they could, insomuch
that they durst not traffique with vs in no case, alleaging
that if they did, they should loose all that they did traffique
for, besides their bodies at the magistrates commaundement.
Our captaine replied, that he was in an Armado ofthe Queenes
maiesties of England, and sent about other her affaires, but
driuen besides his pretended voyage, was inforced by con
trary windes to come into those partes, where he hoped to
find such friendship as he should doe in Spaine, to the con
trary whereof he knew no reason in that there was amitie
betwixt their princes.
But seeing they would contrary to all reson goe about to
withstand his traffique, he would it should not be said by
him, that hauing the force be hath, to be driuen from his
traffique perforce, but he would rather put it in aduenture
to try whether he or they should have the better, and there
fore willed them to determine either to giue him licence to
trade, or else to stand to their owne harmes : so vpon this
it was determined hee should have licence to trade, but
1 So called from the first Spanish settlers having given the Indians a
hatchet to show them where water might be found. The mouth of the
Rio de la Hacha, in 11° 31' 30" N., is famous for its pearl fishery.

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 39
they would giue him such a price as was the one halfe lesse
then he had sold for before, and thus they sent word they
would do, and none otherwise, and if it liked him not he
might do what he would, for they were not determined
to deale otherwise with him. Wherevpon, the Captaine
waying their vnconscionable request, wrote to them a letter ^ wSw£f
that they delt too rigorously with him, to goe about to cut g^e'r of'mo
his throte in the price of his commodities, which were sodelaHaolla"
reasonablie rated, as they could not by a great deale have
the like at any other mans hands. But seeing they had
sent him this to his supper, hee would in the morning bring
them as good a breakfast. And therefore in the morning
being the 21. of May, he shot -of a whole culuer into
summon the towne, and preparing one hundred men in
armour went a shore, hauing in his great boate two faul-
cons of brasse, and in the other boates double bases in
their noses, which being perceiued by the townesmen, they
incontinent in battell araie with their drumme and ensigne
displayed, marched from tbe Towne to the sands, of foote-
men to tbe number of an hundred and fiftie, making great
bragges with their cries, and weauing vs a shore, whereby
they make a semblans to haue fought with vs in deede.
But our captaine perceauing them so bragge, commaunded
the two faulcons to bee discharged at them, which put
them in no small feare to see, as they afterwards declared,
such great pieces in a boate. At euery shotte they fell
flatte to the ground, and as we approched neere vnto them,
they broke their arraie, and dispersed themselues so much
for feare of the ordinaunce, that at last they went all away
with their ensigne. The horsemen also being about thirtie,
made as braue a shew as might be, coming vp and downe
with their horses, their braue white leather Targets in the
one hand, and their Jauelings in the other, as though they
would haue receiued vs at our landing. But when we
landed, they gaue ground,, and consulted what they should

40 SECOND VOYAGE OF
doe, for litle they thought we would haue landed so boldly :
and therefore as the Captaine was putting his men in aray,
and marched foruard to haue encountred with them, they
sent a messenger on horsebacke with a flagge of truce to
the Captaine, who declared that the treasurer maruelled
what he went to doe to come a shore in that order, in
consideration that they had graunted to euery reasonable
request that bee did demaund : but the Captaine not well
contented with this messenger, marched forwards. The
messenger praied him to stay his men, and said if he would
come apart from his men, the treasurer would come and
speake with him, whereunto he did agree to common to
gether. The Captaine onely with his armour without
weapon, and the treasurer on horseback with his Jaueling,
was afraid to come neere him for feare of his armour, which
he said was worse then his weapon, and so keeping aloofe
communing together, graunted in fine to all his requests.
Which being declared by the Captaine to the company, they
desired to haue pledges for the performance of all things,
doubting that otherwise, when they had made themselues
stronger, they would haue bene at defiance with vs : and
seeing that now they might haue what they would request,
they iudged it to be more wisdome to be in assurance then
to be forced to make any more labours about it. So vpon
this, gages were sent, and we made our traffique quietly
with them. In the meantime while we staid here, we
watred a good bredth off from the shore, whereby the
stregth of the fresh water running into the sea, the salt
water was made fresh. In this riuer we saw many crocodils
of sudry bignesses, but some as big as a boat with 4. feet, a
long broad mouth, and a long taile, whose skin is so hard,
that a sword will not pierce it. His nature is to liue out of
the water as a frog doth, but he is a great deuourer, and
spareth neither fish, which is his common food, nor beasts,
nor men, if he take them, as the proofe thereof was knowen

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 41
by a Negroe, who as he was filling water in the riuer was
by one of them caried cleane away, and neuer seene after.
His nature is euer when he would haue his praie, to crie,
and sobbe like a christian bodie, to prouoke them to come
to him, and then he snatcheth at them, and thereupon came
this prouerbe that is appleid vnto women when they weepe,
Lachryma Crocodili, the meaning whereof is, that as the
Crocodile when he crieth, goeth then about most to deceiue,
so doth a woman most commonly when she weepeth. Of
these the master of the Jesus watched one and by the
bankes side stroke him with a pike of a bill in the side, and
after 3. or 4. times turning in sight, he sunke downe, and
was not afterwards seene. In the time of our being in the
riuers of Guinie, we saw many of a monstrous bignes,
amongst the which the Captaine being in one of the barks
comming downe the same, shot a faulcon at one, which very
narowly he missed, and with a feare plunged into the water,
making a streame like the way of a boate.
Now while we were here, whether it were of a feare that
the Spaniards doubted wee would haue done thetrr some
harme before wee departed, or for any treason that they
pretended towards vs, I am not able to say, but there came
thither a captaine from some of the other townes, with a
doozen souldiers, who vpon a time that our Captaine and
the treasurer cleared all thiDgs betweene them, and were in
a communication of a debt of the gouernours of Burboroata,
which was to be paied by the said treasurer, who would not
answere the same by any meanes. Certaine words of dis
pleasure passed betwixt the captaine and him, and parting
the one from the other, the treasurer possibly doubting that
our Captaine would perforce haue sought the same, did
immediately commaund his men in armour both horsemen
and footemen : but because the Captaine was in the Riuer
on the backe side of the towne with his other boates, and
all his men vnarmed and without weapons, it was to be

42 SECOND VOYAGE OF
iudged he ment him little good, hauing that aduantage of
him, that comming vpon the sudden, he might haue mis-
chieved many of his men, but the captaine hauing vnder-
standing thereof, not trusting to their gentlenesse, if they
might haue the aduantage, departed aboord his ships, and
at night returned againe, and demanded amongst other
talke, what they ment by assembling their men in that
order, and they answered, that their captaine being come
to towne, did muster his men according to his accustomed
maner. But it is to bee iudged to bee a cloake, in that
coming for the purpose he might haue done it sooner, but
the trueth is, they were not of force vntil then, whereby to
enterprise any matter against vs, by means of pikes and
harquebusses, whereof they haue want, and were now fur
nished by our captaine, and also 3. faulcons, which hauing
got in other places, they had secretly conueied thither, which
made them the bolder and also for that they saw now a con-
uenient place to do such a feat, and time also seruing there
unto, by the means that our men were not only vnarmed
and vnprouided, as at no time before the like but also were
occupied in hewing of wood, and least thinking of any
harme : there were occasions to prouoke them thereunto.
ofhtM^thor -^nd I suppose they went about to bring it to effect in that
I with another gentleman being in the towne, thinking of
no harme towards vs, and seeing men assembling in armour
to the treasurer's house, whereof I maruelled, and reuoking
to minde the former talke betweene the captaine and him,
and the vnreadinesse of our men, of whom aduantage might
haue bene taken, departed out of the Towne immediately to
giue knowledge thereof, but before we came to our men by
a slight shot, two horsemen riding a gallop were come neere
vs, being sent, as we did gesse, to stay vs least we should
carie newes to our captaine ; but seeing vs so neere our
men staied their horses, comming together, and suffering
us to passe, belike because we were so neere, that if they

II. JOHN HAWKINS. 43
had gone about the same they had been espied by some of
our men which then immediately would haue departed,
whereby they should haue bene frustrate of their pretence :
and so the two horsemen ridde about the bushes to espy
what we did, and seeing vs gone, to the intent they might
shadow their comming downe in post, whereof suspicion
might be had, fained a simplo excuse in asking whether he
could sell any wine, but that seemed so simple to the Cap
taine that standing in doubt of their curtesie, be returned
in the morning with his 3. boates, appointed with bases in
their noses, and his men with weapons accordingly, where
as before he carried none, and thus dissembling all iniuries
conceiued of both partes, the captaine went a shore, leauing
pledges in the boates for himselfe, and cleared all things
betweene the treasurer and him, sauing for the gouernours
debt, which the one by no means would answere, nor the
other, because it was not his due debt, he would not molest
him for it, but was content to remit it vntill another time,
and therefore departed, causing the two barkes which rode
near the shore to weie and goe vnder saile, which was done
to the intent that the captaine demaunding a testimoniall of
his good behauiour there, could not haue tbe same vntill he
were vnder the saile readie to depart, and therefore at night
went for tbe same againe, and receiued it at tbe treasurers.
band, of whom very curteously he tooke his leave, and de
parted shooting of the bases of bis boate for bis farewell,
and the townesmen also shot off foure faulcons and thirtie
harquebusses, and this was tbe first time that we knew of
the conueyance of theyr faulcons.
The 31. of May we departed, keeping our course to Hes-
paniola, and the fourth of June we had sight of an Island,
which we made to be Jamaica, maruelling that by tbe vehe
ment course of the seas we should be driuen so farre to lee
ward : for setting our course to tbe Westend of Hispaniola
we fell with the middle of Jamaica, notwithstanding that to

44 SECOND VOYAGE OF
all mens sight it shewed a head land, but they were all
deceiued by the clouds that lay vpon the land two dayes
together, in such sort that we thought it to be the head
land of the said Island. And a Spanyard being in the ship,
who was a merchant, and inhabitant in Jamaica, hauing
occasion to go to Guinie, and being by treason taken of the
Negroes, and afterwards bought by the Tangomangoes, was
by our Captaine brought from thence, and had his passage
to go into his countrey, who perceiuing the land, made as
though he knew euery place thereof, and pointed to certaine
places, which he named to be such a place, and such a mans
ground, and that behinde such a point was the harborow,
but in tbe-end he pointed so from one point to another, that
we were a leeboord of all places, and found ourselues at the
West end of Jamaica before we were aware of it, and being
once to leeward, there was no getting vp againe, so that by
trusting of the Spanyard's knowledge, our captaine sought
not to speake with any of the inhabitants, which if he had
not made himselfe sure of, he would have done, as his
custom was in other places, but this man was a plague not
onely to our captaine, who made him loose, by ouershooting
the place, two thousand pounds of hides, which he might
have gotten, but also to himselfe, who being three yeares
out of bis countrey, and in great miserie in Guinie, both
among the Negroes and Tangomangoes, and in hope to
come to his wife and friends, as he made sure account, in
that at his going into the pinnesse, when he went a shoare
he put on his new clothes, and for ioy flung away his olde,
could not afterwards finde any habitation, neither there nor
in all Cuba, which we sayled all along, but it fell out euer,
by one occasion or other, that we were put beside the same,
so that he was fayne to be brought into England, and it
happened to him as it did to a Duke of Samaria, when the
Israelites were beseiged, and were in great misery with
hunger, and being tolde by the Prophet Elizeeus, that a

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 45
bushell of flower should be solde for a sickle,1 would not
beleeue him, but thought it vnpossible : and for that cause
Elizseus prophesied he should see the same done, but be
should not eate thereof :2 so this man being absent three
yeeres, and not euer thinking to have seene his owne
countrey, did see the same, went vpon it, and yet was it
not his fortune to come to it, or to any habitation, whereby
to remaine with his friendes according to his desire.
Thus hauing sailed along the coast two dayes, we de
parted the seuenth of June, being made to beleeue by the June.
Spanyard, that it was not Jamaica, but rather Hispaniola,
of which opinion the captaine also was, because that which
he made Jamaica seemed to be but a piece of the land, and
thereby tooke it rather to be Hispaniola, by the lying of the
coast, and also for that being ignorant of the force of the
currant, he could not beleeue he was so farre driuen to lee
ward, and therefore setting his course to Jamaica, and after
certaine dayes, not finding the same perceiued then cer
tainly that the Island which he was at before, was Jamaica, ™* forc^ot
and that the clouds did deceiue him, whereof he maruelled the currant-
not a little : and the mistaking of the place came to as ill a
passe as the ouershooting of Jamaica : for by this did he
also ouerpasse a place in Cuba, called Santa Cruz,3 where,
as he was informed, was great store of hides to be had : and
thus being disappointed of two of bis ports, where he thought
to haue raised great profit by his traffike, and also to haue
found great refreshing of victualles and water for his men,
was now disappointed greatly, and such want he had of
fresh water, that he was forced to seeke the shoare to
obtaine the same, which he had sight of after certaine dayes
ouerpassed with stormes and contrary windes, but yet not
of the maine of Cuba, but of certain Islands, in number two red0Ma£dB
hundred, whereof the most part was deserted of inhabitants: p^notii?
by the which Islands the captaine passing in his pinnesse,
1 Shekel. 2 II Kings, vii, 1, 2, 17.
5 On the south coast, between Guanco and the Bay of Matanzas.

46 SECOND VOYAGE OF
could find no fresh water vntill he came to an Island bigger
than all the rest, called the Isle of Pinas, where we ankered
with our shippes the sixteenth of June, and found water,
which although it were neither so toothsome as running
water, by the meanes it is standing, and but the water of
raine, and also being neere the sea was brackish, yet did we
not refuse it, but were more glad thereof, as the time then
required, then we should have beene another time with fine
conduct water. Thus being reasonably watred we were
desirous to depart, because the place was not very con-
uenient for such shippes of charge as they were, because
there were many shoales leeward, and also lay open to the
sea for any winds that should blowe, and therefore the cap
taine made the more haste away, which was not vnneedful :
for little sooner were there ankers weyed, and foresayle set,
but there arose such a storme, that they had not much to
spare for doubling out of the shoales : for one of the barks
not being fully ready as the rest was faine for haste to cutte
the cable in the hawse, and loose both anker and cable to
saue herselfe.
Thus the seuenteenth of June we departed and the twen-
The cape of tieth fell with the West end of Cuba, called Cape S. Anthony,
S. Anthony L J
in Cuba. where for the space of three dayes, we doubled along till we
came beyond the shoales, which are 20 leagues beyond S.
Anthony. And tbe ordinary brese taking vs, which is the
Northeast winde, put us the 24 from tbe shoare, and there
fore we went tt> the Northwest to fetch winde, and also to
Florida. the coast of Florida to haue the help of the currant, which
was iudged to haue set to the Eastward : so the 29. we
found ourselues in 27 degrees, and in the soundings of
Florida where we kept our selues the space of foure dayes,
sailing along the coast as neere as we could, in tenne or
twelue fathome water, having all the while no sight of land.
Jniy- The fift of July we had sight of certaine Islandes of sand,
Tortugas.0 called the Tortugas (which is lowe land) where the captaine

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 47
went in with hia pinnesse, and found such a number of
birds, that in halfe an houre he loded her with them, and Great store
'of birds.
if they had beene tenne boates more, they might haue
done the like. These Islandes beare the name of Tortels
because of the number of them, which there doe breed,
whose nature is to liue both in the water and vpon land
also, but breed onely upon the shoare, in making a great
pit wherein they lay egges to the number of three or foure
hundred, and couering them with sand, are hatched by the
heat of the sunne, and by this means commeth the great
increase. Of these we tooke very great ones, which haue
both back and belly all of bone of the thickenesse of an
inch, the fish whereof we proued, eating much like veale,
and finding a number of egges in them, tasted also of them,
but they did eat very swelly. Heere we ankered sixe
houres, and then springing a fayre gale of winde, we weyed
anker, and made saile toward Cuba, whither we came the
sixt day, and weathered as farre as the Table, being a hill AJ^ the
so called, because of the forme thereof: heere we lay offTable'
and on all night, to keepe that we had gotten to winde
warde, intending to haue watered in the morning, if we
could haue done it, or else if the winde had come larger, to
have plyed to windewarde to the Hauana, which is a har- Hauana! °£
barow wherevnto all the fleet of the Spanyards come, and
doe there tarry to haue one the company of the other. This
hill we thinking to haue bene the Table, made account (as
it was indeed) the Hauana, to be but eight leagues to winde-
ward, but by the persuasion of a Frenchman, who made the
Captaine belieue he knew the Table very well, and had
beene at the Hauana, said that it was not the Table, and
that the Table was much higher, and neerer to the sea side,
and that there was no plaine grounde to the Eastward, nor
hilles to the Westward, but all was contrary, and that be-
hinde the hilles to the Westward was the Hauana ; to which
persuasion being giuen by some, and they not of the worst,

48 SECOND VOYAGE OF
the captaine was persuaded to go to leeward, and so sailed
along the seuenth and eight dayes, finding no habitation,
nor no other Table, and perceiuing his folly to give eare to
such praters, was not a little sorry, both because he did
consider what time he should spend ere he could get so
farre to windewarde againe, which would haue bene with
the weathering which we had 10 or 12 dayes worke, and
what it would have beene longer he knew not, and that
(which was worst) he had not aboue a dayes water, and
therefore knew not what shift to make : but in fine, because
the want was such, that his men could not liue with it, he
determined to seeke water, and to go further to leeward, to
a place (as it is set in the card) called Rio de los porcos,
which he was in doubt of both whether it were inhabited,
and whether there were water or not, and whether for the
shoales he might haue such accesse with his shippes that he
might conueniently take in the same : and while we were
in those troubles, and kept our way to the place aforesaid,
almighty God our guide (who would not suffer vs to runne
into any further danger, which we had beene like to haue
incurred, if we had ranged the coast of Florida along as we
did before, which is so dangerous (by reports) that no shippe
escapeth which commeth thither, as the Spanyards have
very well prooued the same) sent vs the eight day at night
a fayre Westerly winde, whereupon the Captaine and
company consulted, determining not to refuse Gods gift,
but euery man was contented to pinch his owne bellie
whatsoeuer had happened, and taking the said winde, the
ninth day of July got to the Table, and sailing the same
night, vnawares ouershot tbe Hauana, at the which place
we thought to have watered, but the next day, not knowing
that we had ouershot the same, sailed along the coast, seek
ing it, and the eleuentb. day in the morning, by certaine
knowen markes, we vnderstood that we had ouershotte it
twentie leagues: in which coast ranging, we found no con-

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 49
uenient watering place, whereby there was no remedy but
to dissemble, and to water vpon the coast of Florida : for,
to go further to the Eastward, we could not for the shoales,
which are very dangerous, and because the currant shooteth
to the Northeast, we doubted by the force thereof to be
set vpon them, and therefore durst not approach them : so
making but reasonable way the day aforesaid and all night :
the 12 day in the morning, we fell with the Islands vpon the
cape of Florida, which we could scant double by the meanes
that fearing the shoales to the Eastwards, and doubting the
currant comming out of the West, which was not of that
force we made account of, for we felt little or none till we
fell with the cape, and then felt such a currant, that bearing the currant
all sailes against the same yet were driuen backe againe a
great pace : the experience whereof we had by the Jesus
pinnesse, and the Sallomons boate, which were sent the
same day in the afternoone, while the shippes were be
calmed, to see if they could finde any water vpon the Islands
aforesaid, who spent a great part of the day in rowing thither,
being farther off than they deemed it to be, and in the meane
time a fayre gale of winde springing at sea, the shippes de
parted, making a signe to them to come away, who although
they saw them depart, because they were so neere the shoare
would not loose all the labour they had taken, but deter
mined to keepe theyr way, and see if there were any water
to be had, making no account but to finde the shippes well
enough : but they spent so much time in filling the water
which they had founde that the night was come before they
could make an end, and hauing lost the sight of the shippes,
rowed what they could, but were wholly ignorant which way
they should seeke them againe, as in deede there was a
more doubt than they knew of. For when they departed,
tbe shippes were in no currant, and sayling but a mile
further, found one so strong, that bearing all sailes, it could
not preuaile against the same, but were driuen backe: where-

50 SECOND VOYAGE OF
upon the captaine sent tbe Sallomon, with the other two
barkes, to beare neere the shoare all night, because the cur
rant was lesse there a great deale, and to beare light with
shooting off a piece now and then, to the intent the boates
might better knowe how to come to them.
The Jesus also bare a light in her toppegallant, and shot
off a piece also now and then, but the night passed and the
morning was come, being the thirteenth day, and no newes
could be heard of them, but the shippes and barkes forsook
not, but to looke still for them, yet they thought it was all
in vain, by the meanes they heard not of them all the night
past, and therefore determined to tarry no longer, seeking
for them till noone, and if they heard no newes, then they
would depart to the Jesus, who perforce (by the vehemency
of the currant) was carryed almost out of sight, but as God
would haue it, now time being come, and they hauing tacked
about in the pinnesses top, had sight of them, and tooke
them up : they in the boates, being to the number of one
and twentie, hauing sight of the shippes, and seeing them
tacking about, whereas before at the first sight of them did
greatly reioyce, were now in a greater perplexetie than euer
they were : for by this they thought themselues vtterly for
saken, whereas before they were in some hope to have found
them. Truely God wrought maruellously for them, for they
themselues hauing no victualles but Water, and being sore
oppressed with hunger, were not of opinion to bestowe auy
further time in seeking the shippes than that present noone
time, so that if they had not at that instant espyed them,
then had they gone to the shoare to haue made prouision
for victualles, and with such thinges as they could have
gotten, either to haue gone for that part of Florida where
the Frenchmen are (which would haue beene very hard for
them to haue done, because they wanted victualles to bring
them thither, being one hundred and twentie leagues off) or
els to haue remayned amongst tbe Floridians, at whose

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 51
handes they were put in comfort by a French man who was
with them, that had remayned in Florida at the first finding
thereof, a whole yeere together, to receiue victualles suffi
cient and gentle intertainement, if neede were, for a yeere
or two, vntil which time God might haue prouided for them.
But how contrary this would haue fallen out to theyr expec
tations, it is hard to iudge, seeing those people of the cape
of Florida, are of more sauage and fierce nature, and more
valiant than any of the rest, which the Spanyards well
prooued, who being fiue hundred men, who intended then
to land, returned few or none of them, but were inforced to
forsake the same, and of theyr cruelty mention is made in
the booke of the Decades, of a fryer, who taking vpon him
to persuade the people to subiection, was by them taken
with his skinne cvuelly pulled ouer his eares, and his flesh
eaten. In these Islands they being ashoare, found a dead man
dryed in a maner whole, with other heads and bodyes of*
men, so that those sorte of men are eaters of the flesh of
men, as well as the Canibals. But to returne to our pur
pose. The fourteenth day the shippe and barks came to the
Jesus, bringing them news of the recouery of the men,
which was not a little to the reioicing of the captaine, and
the whole company : and so then altogether they kept on
theyr way along the coast of Florida, and the fifteenth day
came to an anker, and so from six and twentie degrees to
thirtie degrees and half, where the Frenchmen are, ranging
all the coast along, seeking for fresh water, ankering euery
night, because we woulde ouershoote no place of fresh water,
and in the day time the captaine in the shippes pinnesse
sayled along the shoare, went into euery creeke, speaking
with diuers of the Floridians, because he would vnderstand
where the Frenchmen inhabited, and not finding them in J^"^8
eiwbt and twentie degrees as it was declared vnto him, mar- ^orWaf*0'

52 SECOND VOYAGE OF
uelled thereat, and neuer left sailing along the coast till he
found them, who inhabited in a riuer, by them called the
Tho riuer of r]-uer 0f May, and sta.ndeth in thirtie degrees and better.
In ranging this coast along, the captaine found it to be all
an Island and therefore it is all lowe land, and very scant of
found to be fresh water, but the countery was maruellously sweet, with
iand".ls' both marish and medow ground, and goodly woods among.
Sorreii. There they found sorrell to growe as abundantly as grasse,
Thecommo- and nere theyr houses were great store of mayis and mill,
Florida. an{j grapes 0f great bignesse, but of taste much like our
English grapes. Also deere great plenty, which came vpon
the sands before them. Theyr houses are not many to
gether, for in one house a hundred of them do lodge : they
being made much like a great barne, and in strength not
inferiour to ours, for it hath stanchions and rafters of whole
Tho houses trees, and couered with Palmito leaues, hauing no place
of Florida. , . .
diuided, but one small roome for their King and Queene.
In the middest of this house is a hearth where they make
great fyres all night, and vpon certaine pieces of wood
hewen in for the bowing of their backes, and another place
made high for theyr heads, they lye vpon the same which
they put one by another all along the walles on both sides.
In their houses they remaine onely in the nights, and in the
day they desire the fieldes, where they dresse their meat,
and make prouision for victualles, which they prouide onely
for a meale from hand to mouth. There is one thing to be
maruelled at, for the making of their fire, and not onely
they but also tbe Negroes doe the same, which is made onely
The manor by two stickes, rubbing them one against another, and this
of kindling ^ ° ° '
Florida!1 ^ey may ^oe ln anv P'ace *hey come, where they finde sticks
sufficient for tbe purpose. In theyr apparell the men onely
vse deere skinnes, wherewith some onely couer their priuy
members, other some use the same as garments to couer
them before and behinde, which skinnes are painted, some
yellow and red, some black and russett, and euery man

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 53
according to his owne fancy. They do not omit to paint
their bodies also with curious knots, or antique worke, as
euery man in his owne fancy deuiseth, which painting, to
haue it continue the better, they vse with a thorne to pricke
their flesh, and dent in the same, whereby the painting may
haue better holde. In their warres they vse a slighter couler
of painting their faces, thereby to make themselues shew the
more fierce : which after their warres ended they wash away
againe. In their warres they vse bowes and arrowes, whereof
their bowes are made of a kinde of yew, but blacker then
ours, but many passing the strength of the Negroes or
Indians, for it is not greatly inferior to ours ; their arrowes
also of a great length, but yet of reeds like other Indians,
but varying in two points both for length, and also for nocks
and fethers, which the other lacke, whereby they shoot very
steddy : the heads of the same are vipers teeth, bones of
fishes, flint stones, piked pointes of kniues, which hauing
gotten of the Frenchmen, broke the same, and put the
points of them in their arrowes heads : some of them haue
their heads of siluer, other some that haue want of these,
put in a kinde of hard wood, notched, which perceth as farre
as any of the rest. In their fight, being in the woods, they
vse a maruellous pollicie for their owne safegarde, which is
by clasping a tree in their armes, and yet shooting notwith
standing : this pollicy they vsed with the Frenchmen in their
fight, whereby it appeareth that they are people of some pol
licy : and although they are called by the Spanyards " Gente-
triste",1 that is to say, sad people, meaning thereby, that they
are not men of capacity : yet haue the Frenchmen found
them so witty in their answers, that by tbe captaines owne
report, a councellour with vs could not giue a more profound
reason. The women also in their apparell vse painted skinnes, but
most of them gownes of mosse, somewhat longer then our
mosse, which they sowe together artificially, and make the
1 " Gente triste", a sad people.

54 SECOND VOYAGE OF
same surpleswise, wearing their haire downe to theyr shoul
ders, like the Indians.
In this riuer of May aforesaid the captain entring with
his pinnesse, found a French ship of fourscore tunne, and
two pinnesses of fifteen tunne a piece, by her, and speaking
The French with the keepers thereof, they tolde him of a fort two leagues
vp, which they had built, in which theyr captaine Mounsieur
Monsieur Laudonier was, with certaine souldiers therein. To whom
Laudonier. our captaine sending to vnderstand of a watring place, where
he might conueniently take it in, and to haue licence for tho
same, he straight because there was no conuenient place but
vp the riuer fiue leagues, where the water was fresh, did send
him a pilot for the more expedition thereof, to bring in one
of bis barkes, which going in with other boats prouided for
the same purpose, ankered before tbe fort, into the which
our captaine went, where he was by the general, with other
captaines and souldiers, very gently intertained, and de
clared vnto him the time of their being there, which was 14
months, with the extremity they were driuen to for want of
victuals, hauing brought very little with them, in which place
they being 200. men at their first comming, bad in short
space eaten al the mayis they could buy of tbe inhabitants
about them and therefore were driuen certeine of them to
serue a king of the Floridians against other of his enemies
for milk and other victualles, which hauing gotten, could
not serue them, being so many so long a time, but want
came vpon them in such sort, that they were faine to gather
acornes, which being stamped small, and often washed to
take away the bitterness of them, did vse the same for
Bfreadm^de bread, eating withall sundry times rootes, whereof they
found many good and wholesome, and such as serue rather
for medicines then for meates alone. But this hardnesse
not contenting some of them, who would not take the paynes
so much as to fish in the riuer before theyr doores, but would
haue all thiuges put in theyr mouthes, did rebel agaynst the

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 00
captaine, taking away first his armour and afterward im
prisoning him : and so to the number of fourscore of them,
departed with a barke and a pinnesse, spoyling theyr store
of victuall, and taking away a great part therof with them,
and so went to the Islands of Hispaniola and Jamaica a
rouing, where they spoiled, and pilled the Spanyardes, and
hauing taken two caruels laden with wine and casaua, which
is a bread made of roots, and much other victualles and
treasure, had not the grace to depart therewith, but were
of such haughtie stomacks, that they thought their force to
be such that no man durst meddle with them, and so kept
harborough in Jamaica, going dayly a shoare at their plea
sure. But God which would not suffer such euile doers vn-
punished, did indurate their hearts in such sorte, that they
lingered the time so long, that a ship and galeasse being
made out of S. Domingo, and came thither into the har
borough, and tooke twentie of them, whereof the most part
were hanged, and the rest carried into Spayne, and some (to
the number of fiue and twentie) escaped in the pinnesse, and
came to Florida, where at their landing they were put in
prison, and incontinent foure of the chiefest being con
demned, at the request of the souldiours, did passe the har-
quebussess, and then were hanged vpon a gibbet. This
lacke of threescore men was a great discourage and weak-
ning to the rest, for they were of the best souldiours that
they had : and whereas they had now made the inhabitants
weary of them by their daily crauing of mayis, hauing no
wares left to content them withall, and therefore inforced
to robbe them, and to take away their victuall perforce, was
the occasion that the Floridians (not well contented there- The occa-
x sion of the
with) did take certaine of theyr companie in the woods, and ^f^"'
slew them, whereby there grew great warres betwixt them Flondiails-
and the Frenchmen, and therefore they being but a few in
nuber durst not venture abroad, but at such time as they
were inforced therevnto for want of food to do the same :

56 SECOND VOYAGE OF
and going twentie harquebussess in a company, were set
vpon by eightene kings, hauing seuen or eight hundred men,
which with one of their bowes slew one of their men, and
hurt a dozen, and droue them all downe to theyr boats,
whose pollicy in fight was to be maruelled at, for hauing
shot at diuers of their bodies, which were armed, and per-
ceiuing that their arrowes did not preuaile against the same,
they shot at their faces & legs, which were the places that
the Frenchmen were hurt in. Thus the Frenchmen returned
being in ill case by the hurt of their men, hauing not aboue
forty souldiors left vnhurt, whereby they might ill make any
more inuasions vpon the Floridians, and keepe their fort
withall : which they must haue beene driuen vnto, had not
God sent vs thither for their succour, for they had not aboue
ten dayes victuall left before we came. In which perplexity
oure captaine seeing them, spared them out of his ship
twenty barrels of meale, aud four pipes of beanes, with
diuers other victuals and necessaries which he might con-
ueniently spare, and to helpe them tbe better homewards
whither they were bound before our comming, at their re
quest, we spared them one of our barks of fifty tunnes. Not-
The French withstanding the great want that the Frenchmen had, the
HawkmaM' groun,I ^°^a yeeld victuals sufficient, if they would haue taken
paines to get the same, but they being souldiours, desired to
liue by the sweat of other mens browes : for while they had
peace with the Floridians, they had fish sufficient, by weares
they made to catch the same : but when they grew to warres,
the Floridians tooke away the same againe, and then would
not the Frenchmen take the paines to make any more. The
ground yeldeth naturally grapes in great store, for in the
time that tbe Frenchmen were there, they made twenty
Twentie hogsheads of wine. Also it yeeldeth roots passing good,

mad?m deere maruellous store, with diuers other beasts, and fowle,
tothedwinee seruiceable to tbe vse of man. These be things wherewith
a man might liue, hauing corne or mayis wherewith to make

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 57
bread : for mayis maketh good sauory bread, and cakes as
fine as flower. Also it maketh good meale beaten and sod
den with water and eateth like pappe wherewith we feed
children. It maketh also good beuerage sodden in water,
and nourishable : which the Frenchmen did vse to drink of
in the morning, and it assuaged their thirst, so that they
had no need to drinke all the day after. And this mayis
was the greatest lacke they had, because they had no laborers
to sowe the same, and therefore to them that should inhabit
the land it were requisit to haue laborers to till and sowe Laborers
1 necesfc.ane
the ground. For they hauing victuals of theyr owne, whereby ^^Jj1"
they neither rob nor spoile the inhabitants, may liue nottne8,
onely quietly with them, who naturally are more desirous of
peace then of warres, but also shall haue abundance of vict
uals proffered them for nothing : for it is with them as it is
with one of vs, when we see another man euer taking away
from vs, although we haue enough besides, yet then we
thinke all to little for ourselues : for surely we haue heard
the Frenchmen report, and I know it by the Indians that a
very little contenteth them, for the Indians with the head of
mayis roasted, will trauel a whole day, and when they are
at the Spanyards finding, they giue them nothing but sodden
herbs and mayis, and in this order I saw three score of them
feed, who were laden with wares, and came fiftie leagues off.
The Floridians when they trauel haue a kinde of herbe dryed,1
which with a cane, and an earthen cup in the end, with fire,
and the dried herbs put together do sucke thoro the cane
the smoke thereof, which smoke satisfieth their hunger, and Tabacco,
therewith they liue foure or five days without meat or drinke, j^^.
and this all the Frenchmen vsed for this purpose : yet do
they holde opinion withall, that it causeth water and fleame
to void from their stomachs. The commodities of this land
are more then are yet knowne to any man : for besides the
land itselfe, whereof there is more then any king Christian
is able to inhabit, it flourisheth with medow, pasture ground,
' Tobacco.

58

SECOND VOYAGE OF

doties in
Florida,

Coulers.

Golde and
siluer.

with woods of cedar and cypres, and other sorts, as better
The variety cannot be in the world, they have for apothicafy herbes,
trees, roots and gumme great store, as Storax liquide, Tur-
pintine, Gumme, Myrre and Frankinsense, with many others,
whereof I know not the names. Coulers both red, black,
yellow, and russet, very perfect, wherewith they paint their
bodies, and deere skinnes which they weare about them, that
with water it neither fadeth away, nor alteretb couler.
Golde and siluer they want not : for at the Frenchmen
first comming thither, they had the same offered them for
little or nothing, for they receiued for a hatchet two pound
weight of golde, because they knew not the estimation
thereof: but the souldiours being greedy of the same, did
take it from them, giuing them nothing for it : the which
they perceiuing, that both the Frenchmen did greatly
esteeme it, and also did rigorously deale with them, at
last would not be knowen they had any more, neither durst
they weare the same for feare of being taken away ; so that
sauing at their first comming, they could get none of them :
And how they came by this golde and siluer, the French
men knew not as yet, but by gesse, who hauing trauelled to
the southwest of the cape, hauing found the same dangerous,
by meanes of sandey banks, as we also haue found the same,
and there finding masts which were wracks of Spanyard's
comming from Mexico, iudged that they bad gotten treasure
by them. For it is most true that diuers wracks haue
beene made of Spanyards, hauing much treasure. For the
Frenchmen hauing trauelled to the capeward a hundred and
fiftie miles, did finde the Spanyards with the Floridians,
yards liued .
theFioridig Wlllctl ttxev brought afterwards to theyr fort, wherof one
ans- being in a carauell, coming from the Indias was cast away
foureteene yeeres ago, and the other twelve yeeres, whose
fellows some escaped, other some were slaine by the in
habitants. It seemeth they had estimation of their gold and siluer.

Two Span-
yards hued

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 59
for it is wrought flat and grauen, which they weare about ^|80f
their necks, other some made round like a pancake, with a U^g the
hole in the middest to bolster vp their brestes withall, be
cause they think it a deformitie to haue great brestes. As
for mines either of gold or siluer, the Frenchmen can hear
of none they haue vpon the Island, but of copper, whereof f^j^ed
as yet also they haue not made the proofe, because they an Island-
were but few men : but it is not vnlike, but . that, in the
maine where are high hilles, may be golde and silver as
well as in Mexico, because it is all one maine. The French- The copper
' was found
men obtained pearies of them of great bignesse, but they g^dect
were blacke by meane of roasting of them, for they do not thesauages,
fish for them as the Spanyards do, but for their meat : for phyra.
the Spanyardes vsed to keep dayly a fishing some two or
three hundred Indians, some of them that be of choyse a
thousand : and their order is to go in Canoaes, or rather Pearies.
great pinnesses, with thirtie men in a piece, whereof the
one halfe, or most part be diuers, the rest doe open the
same for the pearies : for it is not suffered that they should
vse dragging, for that would bring them out of estimation,
and marre the beads of them. The oysters which haue the
smallest sort of pearies are found in seven or eight fathome
water, but the greatest in eleuen or twelue fathoms.
Tho Floridians have pieces of Unicomes homes, which J^^™
they wear about their necks, whereof the Frenchmen iuhabitats
obtayned many pieces. Of those Unicornes they haue many, mamma.
for that they doe affirme it to be a beast with one home,
which coming to the riuer to drinke, putteth the same into
the water before shee drinketh. Of these Unicornes there
is of our company, that hauing gotten the same of the
French men, brought home thereof to shewe. It is there
fore to be presupposed that there are more commodities, as
well as that, which for want of time, and people sufficient to
inhabite the same, cannot yet come to light; but I trust
God will reueale the same before it be long, to the great
profite of them that shall take it in hand.

60 SECOND VOYAGE OF
Beastes. Qf beastes in this country, besides Deere, Foxes, Hares,
Pollcats, Cunnies, Ownces, Leopards, I am not able certainely
to say : but it is thought that there are Lions and Tygers as
well as Unicornes, Lions especially, if it bee true that it is said
of the enmity betweene them and the Unicornes. For there
is no beast but hath his enemy, as the Cunny the Polcat,
a Sheepe the Wolfe, the Elephant the Rinoceros, aud so of
other beasts the like : insomuch, that whereas the one is
the other can not be missing. And seeing I haue made
mention of the beastes of this Countrey, it shal not be from
my purpose to speak also of the venomous beastes, as Cro
codiles, whereof there is a great abundance, Adders of great
bignesse, wherrof our men killed some of a yard and a halfe
longe. Also I heard a miracle of one of these adders, vpon
Faulcons in which a Faulcon seazing, the saide adder did clasp her taile
about her, which the French Captaine seeing, came to tbe
rescue of the faulcon, and tooke her slaying the adder, and
this faulcon being wilde hee did reclaime her, and kept her
for the space of 2. months, at which time for very want of
meat he was faine to cast her off. On these adders the
Frenchmen did feede to no Title admiration of vs, and
affirmed the same to be a delicate meate. And the Cap-
serpents. taine of the Frenchmen saw also a Serpent with 3. heads
and 4. feete, of the bignesse of a great Spaniell, which for
want of a harquebusse he durst not attempt to slay. Of the
fishe also they haue in the riuer, pike, roche, salmon, troute,
and diuers other small fishes, and of a great fish, some of
the length of a man and longer, being of bignesse accord
ingly, hauing a snoute much like a sworde of a yard long.
There be also of sea fishes which wee sawe comming along
the coast flying, which are of the bignesse of a smelt, the
biggest sorte whereof haue four winges, but the other haue
but two. Of these we sawe comming out of Guinea, a hun-
dreth in a companie, which being chased by tbe Gilt heads,
otherwise called the Bonitocs, doe to auoide them the better

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 61
take their flight out of the water, but yet are they not able
to flie farre, because of the drying of their winges, which
serue them not to flye but when they are moyste, and there
fore when they can flye no further fall into the water, and
hauing wette their winges take a newe flight againe. These
Bonitoes be of bignesse like a carpe, and in colour like a
mackarell, but it is the swiftest fish in swimming that is,
and followeth her praye very fiercely not onely in the water,
but also out of the water : for as the flying fish taketh her
flight, so doeth this Bonitoe leape after them, and taketh
them sometime aboue the water. They were some of those
Bonitoes, which being galled by a fisgig did follow our ship
comming out of Guinea 500. leagues.
There is a sea foule also that chaseth this flying fish as
wel as the Bonito : for as the flying fish taketh her flight,
so doth this foule pursue to take her, which to beholde is
a greater pleasure then hauking, for both the flights are as
pleasant, and also more often then 100. times : for the foule
can flie no way but one or other lighteth in her pawes, the
nomber of them are so abundant. There is an innumerable
yonge frie of these flying fishes which commonly keepe
about the shippe, and are not so big as butterflies, and yet
by flying doe auoyde the vnsatiablenesse of the Bonito. Of
the bigger sort of these fishes, we tooke many, which both
night and day few into the sailes of our shippe, and there
was not one of them which was not worth a Bonito : for
being put vpon a hooke drabling in the water, the Bonito
would leape thereat, and so was taken. Also, we tooke
many with a white clothe made fast to a hooke, which being
tied so short in the water, that it might leape out, and in,
the greedie Bonito thinking it to be a flying fish leapeth
thereat, and is deceiued. Wee tooke also Dolphins, which Dolphi,
are of very goodly colour and proportion to beholde, and
no lesse delicate in taste. Foules also there be many, both
vpon lande and - pon sea. But concerning them on the

62 SECOND VOYAGE OF
land I am not able to name them, because my abode was
there so short. But for the foule of the fresh riuers, these
two I noted to be the chiefe, whereof the Flemengo is one,
Fiemingo. haumg all redde fethers, and long redde legs like a Heme,
a necke according to the bill redde, whereof the vpper nebbe
The Egript. hangeth an inche ouer the nether. And an Egripte1 which
is all white as the swanne, with legges like to an hearne-
shewe, and of bignesse accordingly, but it hath in her taile
feathers of so fine a plume, that it passeth the Estridge his
feather. Of sea foule aboue all other not common in Eng-
TanePem' lande, I noted the Pellicane, which is faigned to be the
louingest birds that is : which rather then her yong shoulde
want, will spare her heart bloud out of her bellie, but for all
this louingness she is very deformed to beholde, for shee is
of colour russet, notwithstanding in Guinea I have seene of
them as white as a swanne, hauing legges like the same,
and a body like the Heme, with a long necke, and a thicke
long beake, from the nether iawe whereof downe to the
breast passeth a skinne of such a bignesse, asisable to re
ceive a fishe as bigge as ones thigh, and this her bigge
throat and long bill doeth make her seeme so ougly.
Here I haue declared the estate of Florida, and the com-
modoties therein to this day knowen, which although it may
seeme vnto some, by tbe meanes that the plentie of Golde
and Siluer is not so abundant, as in other places, that the
cost bestowed vpon the same, will not bee able to quite tbe
charges : yet am I of the opinion that by that which I haue
seene in other Islandes of the Indians, where such increase
of cattell hath been that of twelue head of beasts in 25.
reapeTsuf- yeeres, did in the hides of them raise 1000. pound profite
profite in yeerely, that the increase of cattell onely would raise profite
Florida and ,
Virginia, sufficient for the same. For wee may consider, if so small
a portion did raise so much gaines in such a short time,
what would a greater doe in many yeeres. And surely I
may this affirme, that the ground of the Indians for the
1 Egret.

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 63
breed of cattell, is not in any point to be compared to this
of Florida, which all the yeere long is so greene, as any
time in the Sommer with vs-: which surely is not to be
marueiled at, seeing the Countrey standeth in so watrie a
climate : for once a day withoute faile, they haue a showre
of raine. Which by meanes of the Countrey it selfe, which
is drie, and more feruent hot then ours, doeth make all
things to flourish therein, and because there is not the thing
wee all seeke for, being rather desirous of present gaines, I
do therefore affirme the attempt thereof to be more requisite
for a prince, who is of power able to goe thorow with the
same, rather than for any subiect.
From thence we departed the 28. of July, vpon our voyage
homewards, hauing there all things as might be most con-
uenient for our purpose, and tooke leaue of the Frenchmen
that there still remained, who with diligence determined to
make great speede after, as they coulde. Thus by meanes
of contrary windes oftentimes, we prolonged our voyage in
such manner that victuals scanted with vs, so that wee were
diuers (or rather the most part) in despaire of euer comming
home, had not God of his goodnesse better prouided for vs,
then our deseruing. In which state of great miserie, we
were prouoked to call vpon him by feruent prayer, which
mooued him to heare vs, so that we had a prosperous winde,
which did set vs so farre shotte, as to be vpon the banke of
Newfoundland, on S. Bartlemewes eue, and sounded, there
upon finding ground at 130. fathoms, being that day some
what becalmed, and tooke a great nomber of fresh codde
fish, which greatly relieued vs, and very glad thereof, the
next day departing, by lingering little gales for the space of
foure or fiue days, at the which we sawe a couple of French
ships, and had so much fish as woulde serue us plentifully
for all the rest of the way, the Captaine paying for the same
both golde and siluer, to the iust value thereof, vnto the
cheife owners of tho said shippes, which they not looking

64 SECOND VOYAGE OF M. JOHN HAWKINS.
for anything at all, were glad in themselues to meete with
such goode intertainement at sea, as they had at our handes.
After which departure from them, with a good large winde
nafin'the" the 20. of September we came to Padstow in Cornewall God
September, be thanked, in safetie, with the losse of 20. persons in all
the voyage, and profitable to the venturers of the saide
voyage, as also to the whole Realme, in bringing home both
golde, siluer, pearies and other iewels great store. His
name therefore be praised for euermore. Amen.
The names of certaine Gentlemen, that were in this
voyage. M. Iohn Hawkins.
M. Iohn Chester, Sir William Chester's sonne.1
M. Anthony Parkhurst.
M. Fitzwilliam.2
M. Thomas Woorley.
M. Edward Lacy (with diuers others).
The Register and true accompts of all herein ex
pressed, hath bene approued by mee, John Sparke
the yonger, who went vpon the same voyage, and
wrote the same.
1 Sir William Chester was a draper of London, and Lord Mayor in
1560. By his wife Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Lovett of Astwell,
in Northamptonshire, he had five sons. William, the eldest, was ancestor
of a line of baronets now extinct. Thomas, the second, was Bishop of
Elphin, in Ireland. John Chester, the third son, who was with Haw
kins in this second voyage, died without issue.
2 See Introduction. Fitzwilliam afterwards acted as agent for Sir
John Hawkins in Spain.

The arriuall and courtesie of M. Hawkins to the dis-
tressed Frenchmen in Florida, is elsewhere also
recorded, both in French, and English, in the history of
Laudonier, written by himselfe, and printed in Paris,
Anno 1586.
And translated into English by me Eichard Hakluyt, Anno 1587.
And published as followeth.

As eche of vs were much tormented in minde with diuers Lau<i°.niol'eand his
cogitations, the third of August I descried foure sailes in comPanie-
thp Sea, as I walked vpon a little hill, whereof I was ex
ceeding well apayde. I sent immediately one of them that
were with me, to aduertise those of the fort thereof, which
were so glad of those newes, that one would haue thought
them to be out of their wits, to see them laugh and leape for
ioy. After these shippes had cast ancre, we descried that
they sent off their shippe boates to land, whereupon I caused
one of mine to be armed with diligence to sende to meete
them, and to knowe who they were. In the mean while,
fearing least they were Spaniards, I set my souldiours in
order and readinesse, attending the returne of Captaine
Vasseur, and my lieutenant, which were gone to meete
them, who brought me word that they were Englishmen.
And in trueth they had in their companie one whose name
was Martine Attinas of Diepe, which at that time was in
their seruice : which in tbe behalfe of M. Iohn Haukins
their Generall came to request me that I would suffer them
to take fresh water, whereof they stoode in great neede, sig
nifying vnto me that they had bene aboue 15 dayes on the
coast to get some. He brought vnto me from the Generall
2. flagons of wine, and bread made of wheate, which greatly

66 SECOND VOYAGE OF
refreshed mee, forasmuch as for 7. moneths space, I never
tasted a drop of wine : neuerthelesse it was all diuided
amongst the greatest part of my souldiers : this Martin
Attinas had guided the Englishmen to our coast, wherewith
he was acquainted, for in tbe yere 1562 he came thither
with me and therfore the General sent him to me. Ther-
fore after I had granted his request be signified the same
vnto the general, which the next day folowing caused one of
his small ships to enter into the riuer, and came to see me
in a great shipboat, accompanied with gentleme honorably
apparelled, yet vnarmed, he sent for great store of bread
and wine to distribute thereof to euery one. On my part I
made him the best cheare I could possibly, and caused cer
taine sbeepe and poultry to be killed, which vnto this pre
sent I had caused carefully to be preserued, hoping to store
the coutrey withal. Now 3 dayes passed while the English
general remained with me, during which time the Indians
came in from all parts to see me, and asked me whether he
were my brother. I told them he was so, and signified vnto
them that he was come to see me, and ayde me with so great
store of victuals, that fro hence forward I should haue no
need to take anything of them. The bruit hereof incon
tinently was spryed ouer all the countrie, in such sort, as
Ambassadors came vnto me from al parts, which on the be
halfe of the kings their masters, desired to make alliance
with me, and euen they which before sought to make warre
against me, came to offer their seruice and friendship vnto
me : whereupon I receiued them, and gratified them with
certaine presents. The general immediately vnderstood the
desire and vrgent occasion which I bad to returne into
France : whereupon he offred to transport me, and al my
company home : whereunto notwithstanding I would not
agree, being in doubt vpon what occasion he made so large
an offer. For I knew not how the case stood betwixt the
French and the English : and although he promised me on

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 07
his faith to put me on land in France, before he would touch
in England, yet I stood in doubt least he would attempt
somewhat in Florida in the name of his Mistresse : where
fore I flatly refused his offer. Whereupon there rose a great
mutinie among my souldiers, which said that I sought to
destroy them al, and that the Brigandine whereof I spoke
before, was not sufficient to transport them, considering the
season of the yeere, wherein wee were. The bruite and
mutinie increased more and more : for after that the generall
was returned to his ships, he told certaine gentlemen and
souldiers which went to see him, partly to make good cheere
with him, he declared and said vnto them, that he greatly
doubted, that hardly we should be able to passe safely in
those vessels which we had, and that in case we should enter
prise the same, we should no doubt be in great ieopardie.
Notwithstanding, if I were so cotented, he would transport
part of my men in his ships, and that he would leaue me a
small ship to transport the rest.
The souldiers were no sooner come home, but they sig
nified the offer vnto their companions, which incontinently
consented together, that in case I would not accept the
same, they would imbarke themselues with him, and forsake
me, so that he would receiue them according to his promise.
They therefore assembled themselues together, and came to
seeke me in my chamber, and signified vnto me their inten
tion. Wbereunto I promised to answere them in one houre
after. In which meane space I gathered together the prin
cipall members of my companie, which, after I had broken
the matter with them, answered mee all with one voyce, that
I ought not to refuse his offer, nor contemne the occasion
which presented itselfe. And that they could not think euill
of it in France, if, being forsaken as we were, wee ayded
our selues with such meanes, as God hath sent to vs. After
sundrie debatings of this matter, in conclusion I gaue my
aduise that we ought to deliuer him the price of the shippe

68 SECOND VOYAGE OF
which he was to leaue vs, and that for my part I was content
to giue him the best of my stuffe, and tbe siluer which I had
gathered in the countrey.
Whereupon notwithstanding, it was determined, that I
Florida11 should keepe the siluer, for feare least the Queen of Englande
seeing the same, sboulde the rather bee incouraged to set
footing there, as before she bad desired. That it was farre
better to carry it into Fraunce, to giue incouragement to
our Princes not to leave off such an enterprise of so great
importance for our Common wealth. And that seeing wee
were resolued to depart, it was farre better to giue him our
Artillerie, which otherwise wee should be constrained to
leaue behinde vs, or to hide in the ground, by reason of the
weaknesse of our men, being not able to embarke the same.
This point being thus concluded, and resolued on, I went
(my selfe) vnto the English Generall, accompanied with my
lieutenant, and Captaine Vasseur, Captaine Verdier, and
Trenchant the pilot, and my seriant, al men of experience
in such affaires, and knowing sufficiently how to driue such
a bargaine. We therefore tooke a view of the ship, which
the Generall would sell, whom we drew to such reason, that
he was content to stand vnto mine owne mens iudgment,
who esteemed it to bee worth 700. crowns,. whereof we agreed
very friendly. Wherefore I deliuered him in earnest of the
summe, 2. bastards, 2. minions, one thousand of yron, and
one thousand of pouder, this bargaine thus made, he con
sidered the necessitie wherein we were, hauing for al our
sustenance but mil1 and water : whereupon being mooued
with pitie, he offered to relieue me with 20. barrels of meale,
6. pipes of beanes, one hogshead of salt, and 100. of waxe to
make candles. Moreouver for so much as he saw my soul
diers goe barefoote, he offered me besides 50. paire of shoes,
which I accepted, and agreed of a price with him, and gaue
him a bill of my hand for the same, for which vntil this pre-
' Millet.

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 69
sent I am indebted to hiin. He did more than this, for par
ticularly he bestowed vpon my selfe a great iarre of oyle, a
iarre of vineger, a barrel of oliues, and a great quantitie of
rise, and a barrel of white bisket : besides he gaue diuers
presents to the principall officers of my company, according
to their qualities. So that I may say, we receiued as many
courtesies of the General, as it was possible to receiue of any
man liuing. Wherein doutlesse, he hath wonne the reputa
tion of a good and charitable man, deseruing to be esteemed
as much of vs al, as if he had saued all our hues. Incon
tinent after his departure, I spared no paines to hasten my
men to make biscuits of the meale which hee had left me,
and to hoope my caskes to take in water needeful for the
voyage. Thus farre Laudoniere, concerning M. Haukins and his
courtesie.

The 3. vnfortunate voyage made with the lesus, the
Minion, and foure other shippes, to the partes of
Guinea, and the West Indias, in the yeere 1567. and 1568.
by M. Iohn Haukins.

The shippes departed from Plymmouth, the second day of
October, Anno 1567. and bad reasonable weather, vntil the
seuenth day, at which time fortie leagues North from Cape
Finister, there arose an extreme storme, which continued
foure daies, in such sorte, that the fleete was dispersed, and
all our great boates lost, and the lesus our chiefe shippe, in
such case, as not thought able to serue the voyage ; where
upon in the same storme we sette our course homeward,
determining to giue over the voyage : but tbe elevent day
of the same moneth, the winde changed with faire weather,
whereby we were animated to followe our enterprise, and so
did, directing our course with the Islands of Grand Canaries,
where according to an order before prescribed, all our
shippes before dispersed, mette in one of those Islands,
called Gomera, where we tooke water, and departed from
thence the fourth day of Nouember, towards tbe coast of
Guinea, and arrived at Cape Verde, the eighteenth of
Nouember. Noueraber : where we landed 150. men, hoping to obtaine
some Negroes, where we gatte but fewe, and those with
great hurte and damage to our men, which chiefly pro-
Enuenomed ceeded from their enuenomed arrows ; and although in the
arrowes. beginning, they seemed to be but small hurtes, yet there
hardely escaped any, that bad blood drawen of them, but
died in strange sorte, with their mouths shutte, some ten
dayes before he died, and after their woundes were whole,
where I my selfe had one of tbe greatest wounds, yet

Gomera.

THIRD VOYAGE OF M. JOHN HAWKINS. 71
thanks be to God, escaped. From thence we passed the
time upon the coast of Guinea, searching with all diligence,
the Rivers from Rio grande, vnto Sierra Leona, till the
twelfth of Januarie, in which time wee had not gotten December.
° Januarie.
together a hundreth and fiftie Negroes : yet notwithstand
ing the sickness of our men, and the late time of the yeere
commanded vs away, and thus hauing nothing wherewith
to seeke the coast of the West Indies, I was with the rest
of our Companie in consultation to goe to the coast of the
Myne, hoping therto haue obtained some golde for our
wares, and thereby to have defraied our charge. But even
in that present instant, there came to vs a Negroe, sent
from a King, oppressed by other Kings his neighbours,
desiring our aide, with promise, that as many Negroes
as by these wares might be obtained, as well of his part, aa
of ours, should be at our pleasure : whereupon we con
cluded to give aide, and sent 120. of our men, which the
fifteenth of Januarie, assaulted a towne of the Negroes of
our Allies aduersaries, which had in it 8000. Inhabitants, a towne of
' ' 80O0. Ne-
and very strongly impaled and fenced, after their manner, Br°estaken.
but it was so well defended, that our men prevailed not
but lost sixe men, and 40. hurt, so that our men sent forth
with to me for more helpe : whereupon considering that
the good successe of this enterprise might highly further
the commodotie of our voyage, I went myselfe, and. with
the helpe of the King of our side, assaulted tbe towne
both by land and sea, and very hardly with fire, (their
houses being covered with dry Palme leaues) obtained the
towne, and put the Inhabitants to flight, where we tooke
250. persons, men, women, and children, and by our friend
the King of our side, there was taken 600. prisoners,
whereof we hoped to haue had our choice: but the Negro
(in which nation is seldome or never found truth) meant £^£ in
nothing lesse : for that night he remoued his campe, and
prisoners, so that we were faine to content vs with those

72

THIRD VOYAGE OF

March. Dominica.

Aprill

May.

June.Rio de la
Hacha taken.

fewe which we had gotten our selues. Now had we ob
tained between 4. and 500. Negroes, wherewith we thought
it somewhat reasonable to seeke the coast of the West
Indies, and there, for our Negroes, and other our merchan
dize, we hoped to obtaine, whereof to counteruaile our
charges with some gaines, whereunto we proceeded with all
diligence, furnished our watring, took fuell, and departed
the coast of Guinea the third of Februarie, continuing at
the sea with a passage more barde, then before hath beene
accustomed, till the 27th day of March, which day we had
sight of an Island, called Dominica, vpon the coast of the
west Indies, in 14. degrees : from thence we coasted from
place to place, making our trafficke with the Spaniards, as
we might, somewhat hardly, because the King had straightly
commanded all bis Gouernours in those partes, by no means
to suffer any trade to be made with vs : notwithstanding
we had reasonable trade, and courteous entertainment, from
the Isle of Margarita, vnto Cartagena, without anything
greatly worth the noting, sauing at Capo de la Vela, in a
towne called Rio de la Hache, from whence came all the
pearies : the treasurer who had the charge there, would by
no means agree to any trade, or suffer vs to take water, he
had fortified his towne with diuers bulwarks in all places,
where it might be entred, and furnished himselfe with 100.
Hargabusiers, so that he thought by famine to have enforced
vs to have put a land our Negroes : of which purpose he
had not greatly failed vnles we had by force entred the
towne : which (after we could by no means obtaine his favour)
we were enforced to do, and so with 200. men brake in vpon
their bulwarke's, and entred the towne with the losse only
of ii. men of our partes, and no hurte done to the Spanyards
because after their volye of shott discharged they all fled.
Thus hauing the town, with some circumstance, as partly
by the Spanyards desire of Negroes and partly by friend-

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 73
ship of the Treasorer, we obtained a secrete trade : where
upon the Spanyards resorted to vs by night, and bought of
vs to the number of 200. Negroes : in all other places
where we traded the Spanyard inhabitants were glad of vs
and traded willingly.
At Cartagena, the last towne we thought to have seene on cartegeua.
the coast, we could by no meanes obtaine to deale with any
Spanyard the gouernor was so straight, and because our
trade was so neere finished we thought not good either to
adueuture any landing, or to detract further time, but in
peace departed from thence the 24. July, hoping to haue Sv.\r-
escaped the time of their stormes which then soone after
began to raigne, the which they call Furicanos, but passing Furicanos.
by the west end of Cuba, towards the coast of Florida there
happened to vs the xii. day of August an extreme storme
which continued by the space of 4. daies, which so beat the
Jesus, that we cut downe all her higher buildings, her
rudder also was sore shaken, and with all was in so extreame
a leake that we were rather vpon tbe point to leave her
then to keepe her any longer, yet hoping to bring all to
good passe sought the coast of Florida where we found no
place nor Hauen for our ships because of the shalownes of
the coast : thus being in greater despaire, and taken with
a new storme which continued other 3 dayes, we were storme.
inforced to take for our the Port which serueth the Citie
of Mexico called St. John de Vllua which standeth in six.
degrees : in seeking of which Port we took in our way iii.
ships which carried passengers to the nomber of C. which
passengers we hoped should be a meane to vs the better to
obtaine victuals for our money, and a quiet place for the
repairing of our fleete : shortly after tbe xvi. of September September.
we entered tbe Port of St. John de Vllua and in our entrie aeviiua, a
the Spanyardes thinking vs to be the fleete of Spaine, the Tne gpan.
chief officers of the Countrey came aborde vs, which being ceiued. e
deceived of their expectation were greatly dismayed : but

74 THIED VOYAGE OF
immediately when they saw our demaund was nothing but
victuals, were recomforted. I found also in the same Port
xii. ships which had in them by the report 200000 li. in
golde and siluer all which (being in my possession, with
the Kinges Island, as also tbe passengers before in my way
thitherwarde stayde) I set at libertie, without the taking
from them the wayght of a grote : onely because I woulde
not bee delayed isf my dispatch, I stayed two men of esti
mation and sent post immediately to Mexico, which was
200. miles from vs, to the Presidentes and Counsell there,
shewing them of our arriuall there by the force of weather,
and the necessitie of the repaire of our shippes and victualls,
which wantes wee required as friends to king Philip to be
furnished of for our money : and that tbe Presidentes and
Our re- Counselle there should with all conuenient speede take order,
quests. ¦ L
The fleete of that at the arriuall of the Spanishe fleete which was daily
Spaine. . .
looked for, there might be no cause of quarrel rise between
vs and them, but for the better maintenance of amitie, their
commaundment might be had in that behalfe.
This message being sent away the sixteenth day of Sep
tember at night, being the very day of our arriual, in the
next morning which was tbe sixteenth day of the same
moneth, we saw open of the Hauen xiii. great shippes, and
vnderstanding them to be the fleete of Spaine, I sent imme
diately to aduertise the General of the fleete of my being
there, doing him to vnderstand, that before I would suffer
them to enter the Port, there should some other order of
conditions passe betweene vs for our safe being there, and
maintenance of peace : now it is to be vnderstood that this
of'the'port P°rt ls a httle Island of stones not three foote aboue the
a jcjhnde wafj6r [n ^he hierst place, and but a bow shoote of length
any way. This Island standeth from the maine land two
bowe shootes or more, also it is to be vnderstood that there
is not in all this coaste any other place for shippes to arriue
in safetie, because the north wind hath there such violence

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 75
that vnles the shippes be very safely mored with their
ancres fastned vpon the Island, there is no remedie for
these North windes but death : also the place of the Hauen ^f^
was so little, that of necessitie the shippes must ride one pen ''
aboorde the other, so that we could not giue place to them,
nor they to vs : and here I began to bewaile that which
after folowed, for now said I, I am in two dangers, and
forced to receaue the one of them. That was, either I must
haue kept out the fleete from entring the Port, that which
with Gods helpe I was very well able to do, or els suffer
them to enter in with their accustomed treason, which
they never faile to execute, where they may haue oppor-
tunitie, or circumuent it by any meanes : if I had kept them
out, then had there bin present shipwarke cf al the fleete
which amounted in value to sixe millions, which was in
value of our money 1800000. li. which I considered I was gandpound
not able to aunswere, fearing the Queens Maiesties indig
nation in so weighty a matter. Thus with my selfe reuol-
uing the doubts, thought rather better to abide the Jutt
of the vncerteinty, than tbe certeinty. The vncerteine
doubt I accompt was their treasure which by good policy I
hoped might be preuented, and therefore as chusing the
least mischief I proceeded to conditions.
Now was our first messenger come and retorned from the
fleete with report of the arriual of a vice Roy,1 so that he had A vice R°y-
auethority, both in all this Province of Mexico (otherwise
called noua Hispania) and in the sea, who sent vs word that
we should send our conditions, which of his part should (for
the better maintenance of amity betweene the Princes) be
both fauorably granted and faithfully performed, with many
faire words how passing the coast of the Indies he had Faire
vnderstood of our honest behauiour towards the inhabitants giied.
1 This was Don Martin Henriquez, Viceroy of Mexico from 1568 to
1580. In his time the Inquisition was introduced. He became Viceroy
of Peru in 1581, and died at Lima in 1583.

76

TH1ED VOYAGE OF

Our ro-
quests.

where we had to do as wel elswhere as in the same Port, the
which I let passe, thus following our demand we required
victual for our mony, and licence to sel as much ware as might
fornisb our wants, and that there might be of either part
xii. gentlemen as hostages for the maintenance of peace :
and that the Island for our better safety might be in our
owne possession, during our abode there, and such ordinance
as was planted in the same Island, which was xi. pieces of
Brasse : and that no Spanyarde might land in the Island
with any kind of weapon : these conditions at the first, he
somewhat misliked, chiefly the gard of the Island to be in
our owne keeping, which if they had had, we had soon
knowen our fare : for with the first North wind they had cut
our cables and our ships had gone ashore : but in the ende
The peace he concluded to our request, bringing the xii. hostages to x.
which with all speede of either part we are receaued, with a
writing from tbe vice Roy signed with his hand and sealed
with his seale of all the conditions concluded, and forthwith
a trumpet blowne with comandement that none of either
part should be meane to inuiolate the peace vpon paine of
death : and further it was concluded that tbe two generals
of the fleetes should meete, and give faith eche to other for
the performance of the premises which was so done. Thus
at the end of 3 daies all was concluded, and the fleete entred
the Port, saluting one another as the maner of the sea doth
require. Thus, as I said before, thursday we entred the
Port, friday we sawe the fleete, and on monday at night they
entred the Port : then we laboured ii. daies placing the
English ships by themselues, and the Spanish ships by them
selues, the captaines of each part and inferiour men of theyr
partes promissing great amity of all sides : which euen with
Treason. an fidelity was ment of our part, so tbe Spanyardes ment no
thing lesse of their parts, but from the maine land had fur
nished themselues with a supplie of men to the nomber of
1000, and ment the next thursday, being the 23 of Septem-

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 77
ber, at dinner time, to set vpon vs of all sides, the same
thursday, in the morning, the treason being at hand, some
appearance shewed, as shifting of weapons from ship to ship,
planting and bending of ordinance from the ship to the Is
land where our men warded, passing to and fro of companies
of men more then required for their necessary busines, and
many other yll licklyhodes which caused vs to haue a vehe
ment suspition, and therewithall sent to the vice Roy to
enquire what was ment by it, which sent immediatly straight
commandement to vnplant all things suspicious, and also sent
word that he in the faith of a vice Roy would be our defence a vice Hoy
J false of his
from all villanies. Yet we being not satisfied with this aim- worde.
swere because we suspected a great nomber of men to be
hid in a great ship of 900 tonnes which was mored next vnto
the Minion, sent againe to the vice Roy the master of the
Jesus which had the Spanish tongue and required to be sa-
tisfyed if any such thing were or not, which seeing the vice
Roy that the treason must be discouered, forthwith staved The treason
J 'J brake forth.
our master, blewe the trumpet, and of all sides set vpon vs ;
our men which warded ashore being stricken with soden
feare, gaue place, fled, and sought to recouer succour of the sudden
shippes, the Spanyardes being before prouided for the pur
pose landed in all places in multitudes from their shippes,
which they might easely doe without boates, and slewe all
our men a shore without mercy, a fewe of them escaped
aborde the Jesus. The great shippe which had by the esti
mation 300 men placed in her secretiy,immediatelyfell aborde
the Minion which by Gods apointment in the time of the
suspition we bad, which was only one halfe houre, tbe Minion The Minion
r ' J ' escaped
was made ready to auoide and so leesing hir hedfastes, and narlily-
hayling away by the stearne fastes shee was gotten out :
thus with Gods helpe she defended the violence of the first
brunt of these CCC. men. The Minion being paste out they
came aborde the Jesus, which also with very much adoe and
the losse of many of our men weare defended and kept out.

78 THIED VOYAGE OF
There were there also two other shippes that assaulted the
The Jesus Jesus at the same instant, so that she had hard getting loose,
escaped '. ° °
nar<uy. but yet with some time we had cut our hedfastes, and gotten
out by tbe stearn fastes. Now when the Jesus and the
Minion were gotten abroad two shippes length from the Spa-
sharpe nisrl fleete, tbe fight bearanne hot of all sides, that within one
warres. & to J
houre the Admirall of the Spanyardes was supposed to be
3. ships of suncke their vice Admirall burned and one other of there
the Span
yardes con- principall ships supposed to be sunke, so that the ships were
little to annoy us.
Then it is to be vnderstood that all the ordinance vpon the
Islande was in the Spanyardes handes, which did vs so great
annoyance, that it cutt all the Mastes and yardes of the
Aharacase. jesus {n Bnch. sort there was no hope to carry her away: also
it sunke our small shippes, whereupon wee determined to
place the Jesus on that side of the Minion that shee myght
abide all the batterie from the lande, and so be a defence for
the Minion till night, and then to take such reliefe of vic
tuall and other necessaries from the Jesus as the time would
suffer vs, and to leaue her. As wee were thus determining,
and had placed the Minion from the shott of the lande, sud
denly the Spanyardes had fired two great shippes which were
comming directly with vs, and having no meanes to auoide
Fire. the fire, it bread among our men a marueilous feare, so that
some said, let vs depart with the .Minion, other sayd, let vs
see where the winde will carrie the fyre from vs.
But to bee short, the Minion men which had alwayes there
sayles in a readinesse, thought to make sure worke, and so
without eyther consent of the Captaine or Master cutte their
sayle, so that verie hardly I was receaued into the Minion.
The most part of the men that were left a lyue in the Jesus
made shift and followed the Minion in a small boat, the rest,
which the little boate was not able to receaue, were inforced
to abide the mercy of the Spanyards (which I doubt was
very little) : so with the Minion onely and the Judith (a

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 79
small barke of fiftie tunne) wee escaped, which barke the smaiihope
' r ' to be had of
same night forsooke vs in our great myserie : wee were nowe *yrants-
remooued with the Minion from the Spanyshe shippes two a storme.
bowe shootes and there roade all that nyght : the next morn
ing wee recouered an Ilande a myle from the Spanyardes,
where there tooke vs a North winde, and being left onely with
two Ankers and two cables (for in this conflicte wee loste
three Cables and two Ankers) wee thought alwayes vpon
death which euer was present, but God preserued vs_ to a
longer tyme.
The weather waxed seasonable, and the Satturdav we set Smaiihope
' J _ of life.
sayle, and having a great nomber of men and lyttle victuals
our hope of life waxed lesse and lesse : some desired to yelde
to the Spanyardes, some rather desired to obtayne a place
where they might giue themselues to tbe Infidels, and some
had rather abide with a little pittance the mercie of God at
Sea : so thus with manie sorrowfull hearts wee wandred in Hardchoise.
an unknowen Sea by the space of fourteene dayes, tyll hun
ger inforced vs to seeke the lande, for birdes were thought
very good meate, rattes, cattes, mise, and dogges, none es
caped that might be gotten, parrates and monkayes that Miseriea-
were had in great prise, were thought then very profitable
if they serued tbe tourne one dinner : thus in the ende the
eyght day of October wee came to the lande in the botome October-
of tbe same bay of Mexico in twenty three degrees and a
halfe where wee hoped to haue founde inhabitantes of the
Spanyardes, reliefe of victualles, and place for the repaire of miseries.
our shippe, which was so sore beaten with shotte from our
enemyes and brused with shooting of our owne ordinance,
that our weary and weake armes were scarce able to defende
and keepe out the water. But all things happened to the
contrary, for we founde neyther people, victuall, uor hauen
of reliefe, but a place where hauing faire weather with some
perill we might land a boate : our people being forced with
hunger desired to be set a land, whereunto I concluded.

The

80 THIED VOYAGE OF
And such as were willing to land I put them apart, and
such as were desirous to goe homewards, I put apart, so that
they were indifferently parted a hundred of one side and a
hundred of the other side : these hundred men we set a land
with all diligence in this little place before said,1 which being
landed, we determined there to refresh our water, and so with
our little remains of victuals to take the Sea.
The next day hauing a lande with me fiftie of our hun-
dreth men that remained for the speedier preparing of our
water aborde, there arose an extreme storme, so that in three
dayes we could by no meanes repayre our shippe : the shippe
ai.mU. . also was in such perill that euery hour we looked for ship-
miserieof wracke_ But yet God againe had mercie on vs, sent faire weather,
had aborde our water, and departed the sixteene day of Oc
tober, after which day wee had faire and prosperous weather
till the sixteene day of Nouember, which day God be praysed
wee were cleere from tbe coast of the Indians, and out of the
ofhBah°ama. Channell and Goulfe of Bahama, which is betweene the Cape
Nouember. of Florida, and the Islandes of Cuba. After this growing
neere to the colde Countrie, our men being oppressed with
Famine, died continually, and they that were left, grewe into
such weaknes that wee were scantly able to manure our ship,
and the wind being alwaies yll for vs to recouer England,
determined to go with Galicia in Spaine, with intent there
to releeue our company and other extreame wants. And
December, being arriued the last day of December in a place near vnto
Vigo called Ponte vedra, our men with excess of freshe meate
grew into miserable diseases, and died a great part of them.
This matter was borne out as long as it might be, but in the
1 Graphic accounts of the terrible sufferings of the men who were put
on shore, and of the atrocities committed on them by the Inquisition at
Mexico, were given by David Ingram of Barking in Essex, and Miles
Philips, two of the survivors. They are printed in Hakluyt's Principal
Navigations (1589), pp. 557 to 560.

M. JOHN HAWKINS. 81
end although there was none of our men suffered to goe a
lande, yet by accesse of the Spanyardes, our feblenes was
knowen to them. Whereupon they ceased not to seeke by
all meanes to betraie vs, but with all speede possible we de
parted to Vigo, where we had some helpe of certaine English
ships and xii. fresh men wherewith we repaired our wants as
we might, and departing the xx. day of Januarie 1568, ar- Januarie.
riued in Mounts bay in Cornewale the xxv. of the same
moneth, praised be God therefore.
If all the miseries and troublesome affaires of this sorrow-
full voyage should be perfectly and thoroughly written, there
should neede a paynfull man with his penne, and as great a
time as hee had that wrote the Hues and deathes of the mar-
tirs.
Iohn Hawkins.

THE
OBSERVATIONS OF
SIR RICHARD HAW
KINS KNIGHT, IN HIS
VOI AGE INTO THE
South Sea.
Anno Domini 1593.

Per varios Casus, Artem Experientia fecit,
Exemplo monstrante viam. — Manil. li. i.

LONDON
Printed by /. D. for Iohn Iaggard, and are to be
sold at his shop at the Hand and Starre in Fleete-streete,
neere the Temple Gate. 1622.

ro THE
MOST ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST EXCELLENT
PRINCE CHARLES, PRINCE OF WALES,
DUKE OF COENEWALL, EAELE OF CHESTER, ETC.

AMONGST other neglects prejudiciall to this state,
I have observed, that many the worthy and
heroyque acts of our nation, have been buried and
forgotten : the actors themselves being desirous to shunne
emulation in publishing them, and those which overlived
them, fearefull to adde, or to diminish from the actors
worth, judgement, and valour, have forborne to write
them j by which succeeding ages have been deprived of
the fruits which might have beene gathered out of their
experience, had they beene committed to record. To
avoyd this neglect, and for the good of my country, I have
thought it my duty to publish the observations of my
South Sea Voyage ; and for that unto your highnesse,
your heires, and successors, it is most likely to be advan-
tagious (having brought on me nothing but losse and
misery), I am bold to use your name, a protection unto it,
and to offer it with all humblenes and duty to your high
nesse approbation, which if it purchase, I have attained my
desire, which shall ever ayme to performe dutie.
Your Highnesse humble
And devoted servant,
EICHARD HAWKINS.

TO THE READER.

H

AD that worthie knight, the author, lived to have
seen this his Treatise published, he would perhaps
himselfe have given the account thereof: for by
his owne directions it was put to the presse, though it pleased
God to take him to his mercy during the time of the' im
pression. His purpose was to have recommended both it and
himselfe unto our most excellent Prince Charles, and him
selfe wrote the Dedication, which being imparted unto me, I
conceited that it stood not with my dutie to suppresse it.
Touching the discourse it selfe, as it is out of my element
to judge, so it is out of my purpose to say much of it. This
onely I may boldly promise, that you shall heere find an
expert seaman, in his owne dialect, deliver a true relation of
an unfortunat voyage; which howsoever it proved lamentable
and fatall to the actors, may yet prove pleasing to the
readers : it being an itch in our natures to delight in newnes
and varietie, be the subject never so grievous. This (if there
were no more) were yet worthy your perusall; and is as
much as others have with good acceptance afforded in re-'
lutions of this nature. Howbeit besides the bare series and
context of the storie, you shall heere finde interweaved,
sundry exact descriptions of Gountnes, Townes, Gapes, Pro-

00 TO THE READER.
montories, Rivers, Greeks, Harbours, and the like, not un
profitable for navigators ; besides many notable observations,
the fruites of a long experience, that may give light touching
marine accidents, even to the best captaines and commaunders :
who if they desire to learn by precepts, shall here find store :
but if examples prevaile inore with them, here are also aliena
pericula. If you believe mee not, reade and judge. Fare
well.

THE OBSERVATIONS OF
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS, KNIGHT,
IK HIS
VOYAGE INTO THE SOUTH SEA.

SECTION I.

WITH the counsels consent, and helpe of my father, Sir
John Hawkins,1 knight, I resolved a voyage to be made for
the Hands of Japan, of the Phillippinas, and Molucas, the
kingdomes of China, and East Indies, by the way of the
Straites of Magelan, and the South Sea.
The principall end of our designements, was. to make aTheneces-
r r sary uae ot
perfect discovery of all those parts where I should arrive, as di800™1™8-
well knowne as unknowne, with their longitudes and lati
tudes ; the lying of their coasts ; their head lands ; their of travaiie.
ports, and bayes ; their cities, townes, and peoplings ; their
manner of government; with the commodities which the
countries yielded, and of which they have want, and are in
necessitie. For this purpose, in the end of anno 1588, returning of ship-
from the journey against the Spanish Armado, I caused a
ship to be builded in the river of Thames, betwixt three
and foure hundred tunnes, which was finished in that per
fection as could be required ; for she was pleasing to the
eye, profitable for stowage, good of sayle, and well con
ditioned. 1 Sec Introduction.

90 NAMING OF THE SHIP.
Sect. i. The day of her launching been appoynted, the Lady

Hawkins (my mother-in-law1) craved the naming of the
ship, which was easily granted her: who knowing what
voyage was pretended to be undertaken, named her the
Repentance : what her thoughts were, was kept secret to
her selfe ; and although many times I expostulated with
her, to declare the reason for giving her that uncouth name,
I could never have any other satisfaction, than that re
pentance was the safest ship we could sayle in, to purchase
the haven of Heaven. Well, I know, shee was no pro
phetess, though a religious and most vertuous lady, and of
a very good understanding.
Yet too propheticall it fell out by Gods secrete judge
ments, which in his wisdome was pleased to reveale unto
us by so unknowne a way, and was sufficient for the
present, to cause me to desist from tbe enterprise, and to
leave the ship to my father, who willingly took her, and
paid the entire charge of the building and furnishing of
her, which I had concorted or paid. And this I did not
for any superstition I have in names, or for that I thiuke
them able to further or hinder any thing; for that all
immediately dependeth upon the Providence of Almightie
God, and is disposed by him alone.
improper Yet advise I all persons ever (as neere as thev can) bv
names for k v j / j
shipping. an meanes, and in all occasions, to presage unto them
selves the good they can, and in giving names to terestriall
workes (especially to ships), not to give such as meerly
represent the celestial character : for few have I knowne,
or seen, come to a good end, which have had such attri-

1 Second wife of his father, Sir John Hawkins. She was Margaret,
daughter of Charles Vaughan, Esq., of Hergest Court, co. Hereford.
Lady Hawkins was a bed-chamber woman to the Queen. She survived
her husband twenty-six years, dying in 1621. Her Will was dated
April 23rd, 1619. Her mother was Elizabeth, daughter of Sir F.
Baskerville, of Eardisley Castle, co. Hereford.

Sect.

ILL LUCK OF SHIPS WITH UNLUCKY NAMES. 91
butes. As was plainely seene in the Revenge, which was
ever the unfortunatist ship the late queenes majestie had The
during her raigne ; for coming out of Ireland, with Sir ex'eng''
John Parrot,1 shee was like to be cast away upon the
Kentish coast. After, in the voyage of Sir John Hawkins,
my father, anno 1586, shee strucke aground coming into
Plimouth, before her going to sea. Upon the coast of
Spaine, shee left her fleete, readie to sinke with a great
leake : at her returne into the harbour of Plimouth, shee
beate upon Winter stone ; and after, in the same voyage,
going out at Portsmouth haven, shee ranne twice aground ;
and in the latter of them, lay twentie-two houres beating
upon the shore : and at length, with eight foote of water in
hold, shee was forced off, and presently ranne. upon the
Oose : and was cause that shee remained there (with other
three ships of her majesties) six months, till the spring of
the yeare ; when coming about to bee decked,2 entring
the river of Thames, her old leake breaking upon her,
had liked to have drowned all those which were in her. In
anno 1591, with a storme of wind and weather, riding at her
moorings in the river of Rochester, nothing but her bare
masts over head, shee was turned topsie-turvie, her kele
uppermost : and the cost and losse shee wrought, I have
too good cause to remember, in her last voyage, in which
shee was lost, when shee gave England and Spain just
cause to remember her. For the Spaniards, themselves
confesse, that three of their ships sunke by her side, and See Master
was the death of above 1500 of their men, with the losse I^teti<ms.
1 Sir John Perrot, an experienced soldier, was appointed President
of Munster in 1571. In 1584 he became Lord Deputy of Ireland.
Froude describes him (xii, p. 201) " as a straightforward soldier, vain,
passionate, but anxious to do what was right". Sir John Chichester,
who was afterwards Lord Deputy, married his daughter Letitia. Perrot
was superseded, at his own request, in 1588 ; false accusations were
brought against him, and he died of a broken heart in the Tower.
2 Docked?

92 ILL LUCK OF SHIPS WITH UNLUCKY NAMES.
sect. i. 0f a great part of their fleete, by a storme which suddainly
tooke them the next day. What English died in her,
many living are witnesses : among which was Sir Richard
Greenfield, a noble and valiant gentleman, vice-admirall in
her of her majesties fleete. So that, well considered, she
was even a ship loaden, and full fraught with ill successe.
derhoitoi' The bke wee might behold in the Thunderbolt, of Lon
don, who, in one voyage (as I remember), had her mast
cleft with a thunderbolt, upon tbe coast of Barbary. After
in Dartmouth, going for admirall of tbe Wbaftage,1 and
guard of the fleete for the river of Bourdieux, had also her
poope blown up with fire sodainly, and unto this day, never
could be knowne the cause, or manner how : and lastly,
shee was burned with her whole companie in the river of
Bourdieux, and Master Edward Wilson, generall in her,
slaine by his enemies, having escaped the fire.
Lube'ck."sof Tlle successe of the Jesus of Lubecke, in St. John de
Vlua, in the Nova Spania, infamous to the Spaniardes,2
The Repent- with my Repentance, in the South Sea, taken by force, hath
once. . .
utterly impoverished, and overthrowne our bouse.
The Journey The Journey of Spaine, pretended for England, anno
1587, called the Journey of Revenge, left the principall of
their men and ships on the rocks of Cape Finister, and the
rest made a lamentable end, for tbe most part in the
Groyne.3 No more for this poynt, but to our purpose.
1 Convoy? Whafter. A term applied to ships of war, — probably
from their carrying flags or whafts.
2 This alludes to a base attack made on Sir John Hawkins, after he
had entered into a friendly agreement with the Viceroy. See page 77.
3 Cerogne (F.) Corufia (S.).

THE " repentance". 93

SECTION II.

The Repentance being put in perfection, and riding at
Detford, the queens majestie passing by her, to her pallace
at Greenwych, commanded her bargemen to row round
about her, and viewing her from post to stemme, disliked
nothing but her name, and said that shee would christen
her anew, and that henceforth shee should be called the
Daintie ; which name she brooked as well for her proportion
and grace, as for the many happie voyages she made in her
majesties service; having taken (for her majestie) a great
Bysten,1 of five hundred tunnes, loaden with iron and other
commodities, under the conduct of Sir Martin Furbusher ;
a caracke bound for the East Indies, under my fathers
charge, and the principall cause of taking the great caracke,
brought to Dartmouth by Sir John Borrow, and the Earl
of Cumberlands shippes, anno 1592, with others of moment
in other voyages.3 To us, shee never brought but cost,
trouble, and care. Therefore my father resolved to sell
1 Probably an abbreviation or misprint for Biscay an. Lediard relates,
that in 1592, an expedition, fitted out against the Spaniards, " took a
great Biscayan shipp of six hundred tunnes, laden with all sorts of
small iron-work".
'' This great caracke was taken, after a sharp engagement, by six
ships ; which were dispatched expressly to the Azores, to lie in wait for
the East India carackes. The expedition left under the command of
Sir Walter Raleigh and Sir John Borrough. Sir Walter was, however,
superseded by Sir Martin Frobisher. She was called the " Madre de
Dies", a seven-decked ship of one hundred and sixty-five feet from stem
to stern, manned with six hundred men. The burthen of this caracke
was sixteen hundred tons, and she carried thirty-two brass guns. Her
cargo, besides jewels, which never came to light, was as follows : spices,
drugs, silks, and calicoes, besides other wares, many in number, but less
in value, as elephants' teeth, china, cocoa-nuts, hides, ebony, and cloth
made from rinds of trees. All which being appraised, was reckoned to
amount to at least one hundred and fifty thousand pounds. The car-
racke, or Carraca, was a large vessel of two masts, used in the India and
Brazilian trade.

94

FITTTNG OUT AND PROVISIONING.

Sect. n.

Considerations for
pretended voyages.

Provisions
better pro
vided at Pli
mouth, then
at London.

her, though with some losse, which he imparted with me :
and for that I had ever a particular love unto her, and a
desire shee should continue ours, I offered to ease him of
the charge and care of her, and to take her with all her furni
ture at the price he had before taken her of me ; with resolu
tion to put in execution the voyage for which shee was first
builded ; although it lay six months and more in suspence,
partly, upon the pretended voyage for Nombre de Dios and
Panama, which then was fresh a foote ; and partly, upon the
caracke at Dartmouth, in which I was imployed as a com
missioner ; but this businesse being ended, and the other
pretence waxing colde, the lift of March I resolved, and
beganne to goe forward with the journey, so often talked
of, and so much desired.
And having made an estimate of the charge of victualls,
munition, imprests,1 sea-shore, and necessaries for the sayd
ship : consorting another of a hundred tunnes which I
waited for daily from the Straites of Giberalter, with a
pynace of sixtie tunes, all mine owne : and for a competent
number of men for them ; as also of all sorts of merchan
dises for trade and traffique in all places where wee should
come ; I began to wage men, to buy all manner of victualls
and provisions, and to lade her with them, and with all sorts
of commodities (which I could call to minde) fitting ; and
dispatched order to my servant in Plimouth, to put in a
readinesse my pynace ;3 as also to take up certaine pro
visions, which are better cheape in those parts than in
London, as beefe, porke, bisket, and sider. And with the
diligence I used, and my father's furtherance, at the end
of one moneth, I was ready to set sayle for Plimouth, to
joyne with the rest of my shippes and provisions. But the
expecting of the coming of the lord high admirall, Sir
Robert Cecill, principall secretary to her majestie, and Sir
1 Bounty ? or perhaps wages paid in advance.
* A small vessel fitted with sails and oars.

THE "DAINTY" LEAVES THE THAMES. 95
Walter Rawley, with others, to honour my shippe and me Sect- "•
with their presence and farewell, detayned me some dayes :
and the rayne and untemperate weather deprived me of the
favour, which I was in hope to have received at their hands.
Whereupon being loath to loose more time, and the winde
serving according to my wish, the eight of April, 1593, I
caused the pilot to set sayle from Blackwall, and to vayle1
down to Gravesend, whither that night I purposed to
come. Having taken my unhappy last leave of my father Sir
John Hawkins, I tooke my barge, and rowed down the
river, and coming to Barking, wee might see my ship at
an anchor in the midst of the channell, where ships are
not wont to more themselves : this bred in me some alter
ation. And coming aboord her, one and other began to
recount the perill they had past of losse of ship and goods,
which was not little ; for the winde being at east north
east, when they set sayle, and vered out southerly, it
forced them for the doubling of a point to bring their tacke
aboard, and looffing up ; the winde freshing sodenly the
shipp began to make a little hele ; and for that shee was
very deep loaden, and her ports open, the water began to
enter in at them, which no bodie having regard unto,
thinking themselves safe in the river, it augmented in such
manner as the waight of the water began to presse downe
the side, more than the winde : at length when it was seene
and the shete flowne, shee could hardly be brought upright.
But God was pleased that with the diligence and travell
of the company, she was freed of that danger ; which may
be a gentle warning to all such as take charge of shipping,
even before they set sayle, eyther in river or 'harbour, or
other part, to have an eye to their ports, and to nee those
shut and callked, which may cause danger; for avoyding
the many mishaps which dayly chance for the neglect
1 Drop, down.

Sect. ii.

96 DANGER OF CAPSIZING.
thereof, and have beene most lamentable spectacles and
examples unto us : experiments in the Great Harry,1
admirall of England, which was overset and suncke at
Portsmouth, with her captaine, Carew, and the most part
of his company drowned in a goodly summers day, with a
little fiawe of winde ; for that her ports were all open, and
making a small hele, by them entred their destruction ;
where if they bad beene shut, no wind could have hurt her,
especially in that place.
In the river of Thames, Master Thomas Candish had a
small ship over-set through the same negligence. And one
of the fleete of Syr Francis Drake, in Santo Domingo har
bour, turned her keele upward likewise, upon the same
occasion : with many others, which we never have know
ledge of.
And when this cometh to passe, many times negligence
is cloaked with the fury of the winde : which is a double
fault ; for the truth being knowne, others would bee warned
to shun the like neglects ; for it is a very bad ship whose
masts crackt not asunder, whose sayles and tackling flie
not in pieces, before she over-set, especially if she be
English built. And that which over-setteth the ship is the
waight of the water that presseth down the side, which as
it entreth more and more, increaseth the waight, and the
impossibilitie of the remedie : for, the water not entring,
with easing of the sheate, or striking the sayles or putting
the ship before tbe winde or sea, or other diligences, as
occasion is offered (and all expert mariners know) remedie
is easily found.
1 The Great Harry was built in the reign of Henry VII, and was
accidentally burnt at Woolwich in 1553. She was the first two-decker.
Sir Richard Hawkins forgot that it was the Mary Rose that sunk at
Spithead, as Sir W. Monson tells us, on the very day that Bang Henry
had dined on board. The Great Harry was once nearly sunk at Spit-
head, on the day the French fleet appeared at St. Helen's, " by a little
sway in casting the ship about, the ports being sixteen inches, from the
water"

THE SHIP OVER-LADEN. 97
With this mischaunce the mariners were so daunted, that Seot- "¦

they would not proceede with the ship any further, except
shee was lighted, which indeede was needelesse, for many
reasons which I gave : but mariners are like to a stiffe
necked horse, which taking the bridle betwixt his teeth,
forceth his rider to what him list, mauger his will ; so they
having once concluded, and resolved, are with great diffi-
cultie brought to yeelde to the raynes of reason ; and to
colour their negligence, they added cost, trouble, and delay.
In fine, seeing no other remedie, I dispatched that night a
servant of mine to give account to my father of that which
had past, and to bring mee presently some barke of London,
to goe along with me to Plimouth ; which not finding, he
brought me a hoye, in which I loaded some sixe or eight
tunnes, to give content to the company ; and so set sayle
the 13th of Aprill, and the next day wee put in at Harwich,
for that the winde was contrary, and from thence departed
the 18th of the sayd moneth in the morning.
When wee were cleere of the sands, the winde veered to
the south-west, and so we were forced to put into Margat
Roade, whither came presently after us a fleete of Hol
landers of above an hundreth sayle, bound for Rochell, to
loade salt ; and in their companie a dozen shippes of warre ;
their wafters very good ships and well appointed in all
respects. All which came alongst by our ship, and saluted
us, as is the custome of the sea, some with three, others
with five, others with more peeces of ordinance.
The next morning the winde vering easterly, I set sayle,
and the Hollanders with me, and they with the flood in
hand, went out at the North-sands-head, and I through the
Gulls to shorten my way, and to set my pilote ashore.
Comming neere the South-fore-land, the winde began to
vere to the south-east and by south, so as we could not
double tbe point of the land, and being close abourd the
shoure, and puting our ship to stay, what with the chapping

98 VOYAGE DOWN CHANNEL.
Sact- m- sea, and what with the tide upon the bowe, she mist staying,
and put us in some danger, before we could flatt about;
therefore for doubling the point of any land better is ever a
short bourd, then to put all in perill.1
Being tacked about, wee thought to anchor in the Downes,
but the sayles set, we made a small bourd, and after casting
aboute agayne, doubled the foreland, and ran alongst the
coast till we came to the Isle of Wight : where being be
calmed, wee sent ashore Master Thomson, of Harwich, our
pilot, not being able before to set him on shore for the per-
versnes of the winde.
Being cleere of the Wight, the wind.vered southerly, and
before we came to Port-land, to the west, south-west, but
with the helpe of the ebbe wee recovered Port-land-roade,
where we anchored all that night ; and the next morning
with the ebbe, wee set sayle againe, the winde at west south
west ; purposing to beare it up, all the ebbe, and to stop the
flood being under sayle.

SECTION III.
Theprovi- The fleete of Flemings which had beene in our companv
dence of the _ r j
Dutch. before, came towring into the road, which certainly was a
thing worth the noting, to behold the good order the masters
observed in guard of their fleete.
The admirall headmost, and the rest of the men of warre,
spread alongst to wind-ward, all saving the vice-admirall
and her consort, which were lee-most and stern-most of all ;
and except the admirall, which was the first, that came to
an anchor, none of the other men of warre anchored, before
1 This is sound advice and good seamanship. In turning to wind
ward, it is wise to keep in the fair way, so that in case of missing stays,
you have not a danger under your lee.

NEGLECT OF SEA DISCIPLINE. 99
all the fleete was in safetie ; and then they placed themselves Seot-

round about the fleete ; the vice-admirall sea-most and lee-
most; which we have taught unto most nations, and they
observe it now a dayes better then we, to our shame, that
being the authors and reformers of the best discipline and auth?rsgofSh
lawes in sea causes, are become those which doe now worst |Sns!8C1"
execute them.
And I cannot gather whence this contempt hath growne,
except of the neglect of displicine, or rather in giving com- ^

them

agame

mands for favour to those which want experience of what neglectea'
is committed to their charge : or that there hath bene little
curiositie in our countrey in writing of the discipline of the
sea : which is not lesse necessary for us, then that of the
law; and I am of opinion, that the want of experience is
much more tollerable in a generall by land, than in a gover-
nour by sea : for in the field, the lieutenant generall, the
sergeant major, and the coronels supply what is wanting in
the generall, for that they all command, and ever there is
place for counsell, which in the sea by many accidents is
denied; and the head is he that manageth all, in whom
alone if there be defect, all is badly governed, for, by igno
rance how can errors be judged or reformed ? And there
fore I wish all to take upon them that which they understand,
and refuse the contrary.
As Sir Henry Palmer, a wise and valiant gentleman, a aest™of" sir
great commander, and of much experience in sea causes, met?7 al
being appoynted by the queens majesties counsell, to goe
for generall of a fleete for the coast of Spaine, anno 1583,
submitting himselfe to their lordships pleasure, excused the
charge, saying, that his trayning up had beene in the nar
row seas ; and that of the other he had little experience :
and therefore was in dutie bound to intreate their honours
to make choice of some other person, that was better ac
quainted and experimented in those seas ; that her majestie
and their lordships might be the better served. His modestie

100 PARTS REQUIRED FOR A SEA COMMANDER.
sect. rv. aQrj discretion is doubtlesse to be had in remembrance and

great estimation ; for the ambition of many which covet the
command of fieetes, and places of government (not knowing
their compasse, nor how, nor what to command) doe pur
chase to themselves shame ; and losse to those that employ
PmrSdrin tnem : being required in a commander at sea, a sharpe wit,
at ^eaflnder a good understanding, experience in shipping, practise in
management of sea business, knowledge in navigation, and
in command. I hold it much better to deserve it, and not
to have it, then to have it not deserving it.

SECTION IV.
The fruits and inconveniences of the latter we daily partake
of, to our losse and dishonor. As in the fleete that went for
The losse of Burdieux, anno 1592, which had six gallant ships for wafters.
dieux fleete At their going out of Plimouth, tbe vice-admirall, that should
anno 1692. o o J >
have been starnmost of all, was tbe headmost, and the ad
mirall tbe last, and be that did execute the office of the vice-
admirall, lanching off into the sea, drew after him the greater
parte of the fleete, and night comming on, and both bear
ing lights, caused a separation : so that the head had a
quarter of the bodie, and the fleete three quarters, and he
that should goe before, came behinde. Whereof ensued,
that the three parts meeting with few Spanish men of warre,
wanting their head, were a prey unto them. For the vice-
admirall/ and other wafters, that should be tbe shepheards
to guard and keepe their flocke, and to carry them in safetie
before them, were headmost, and they the men who made
most hast to flie from tbe wolfe. Whereas, if they had done
The cause, as they ought, in place of losse and infamie, they had gained
honor and reward.
This I have beene enformed of by the Spanish and English,

KEEPING POSITION. 101
which were present in the occasion. And a ship of mine, Seot- "¦
being one of the starnmost, freed her selfe, for that shee was
in warlike manner, with her false netting, many pendents
and streamers, and at least sixteen or eighteen peeces of
artillery ; the enemie thinking her to be a wafter, or ship of
warre, not one of them durst lay her aboord : and this the
master and company vaunted of at their returne.
In the same voyage, in the river of Burdieux (as is cre
dibly reported), if the six wafters had kept together, they
had not onely not received damage, but gotten much honour
and reputation. For the admirall of the Spanish armado, nes^l the
was a Flemish shippe of not above 130 tunnes, and the rest elLemy'
flie-boates and small shipping, for the most part.
And although there were twenty-two sayle in all, what
manner of ships they were, and how furnished and appoynted,
is well knowne, with the difference.
In the fleete of her majestie, under the charge of my father
Sir John Hawkins, anno 1590, upon the coast of Spaine, the 0f sirXhn
vice-admirall being a head one morning, where his place was anno 1680.
to be a sterne, lost us the taking of eight men of warre
loaden with munition, victuals, and provisions, for the sup
plie of the souldiers in Brittaine i1 and although they were
seven or eight leagues from the shore, when our vice-admirall
began to fight with them, yet for that the rest of our fleete
were some four, some five leagues, and some more distant
from them, when we beganne to give chase, the Spaniards
recovered into the harbour of Monge,2 before our admiral
could come up to give direction ; yet well beaten, with losse
of above two hundreth men, as they themselves confessed to
me after.
1 The Spaniards sent assistance of troops and stores to the Due de
Mercoaur in Brittany, in his war against Henry IV, which was not con
cluded until 1598.
'' Mugia, a harbour on the coast of Galicia, fourteen miles north of
Cape Finisterre. Sir Wm. Monson calls it Mongia.

102 SIR RICHARD GRENVILLE.
Sect. iv. ^n(j doubtlesse, if the wind had not over-blowne, and that

to follow them I was forced to shut all my lower ports, the
ship I undertooke doubtles had never endured to come to
the port ; but being double fli-boates, and all of good sayle,
they bare for their lives, and we what we could to follow and
fetch them up.
sir Richard ln this poynt, at the Isle of Flores, Sir Richard Greenfield
Greenfield r J '
at Fiores. g0£ eternall honour and reputation of great valour, and of an
experimented souldier, chusing rather to sacrifice his life,
and to passe all danger whatsoever, then to fayle in his
obligation, by gathering together those which had remained
a shore in that place, though with the hazard of bis ship and
companie ; and rather we ought to imbrace an honourable
death, then to live with infamie and dishonour, by fayling
in dutie ; and I account, that he and his country got much
honor in that occasion ; for one ship, and of the second sort
of her majesties, sustained the force of all the fleete of Spain,
and gave them to understand, that they be impregnible, for
having bought deerely the boording of her, divers and sundry
times, and with many joyntly, and with a continuall fight of
fourteen or sixteen houres, at length leaving her without
any mast standing, and like a logge in the seas, shee made,
notwithstanding, a most honourable composition of life and
libertie for above two hundretb and sixtie men, as by the
pay-booke appeareth ; which her majestie of her free grace,
commanded, in recompence of their service, to be given to
every one his six moneths wages. All which may worthily
be written in our chronicles in letters of gold, in memory
for all posterities, some to beware, and others, by their
example in the like occasions, to imitate the true valour of
our nation in these ages.1
1 The first account of the famous fight of Sir Richard Grenville, in
the Revenge, against fifty-three Spanish ships, was written by Sir Walter
Raleigh, and appeared in the same year, 1591. — A Report of the truth of
the fight about the lies of Azores this last summer, betwixt the "Revenge",

SIR RICHARD GRENVILLE. 103
In poynt of Providence, which captaine Vavisor, in the

Sect. rv.

Foresight,1 gave also good proofe of his valour, in casting captaine
about upon the whole fleete, notwithstanding the greatnesse
and multitude of the Spanish armado, to yeeld that succour
which he was able ; although some doe say, and I consent
with them, that the best valour is to obey, and to follow the
head, seeme that good or bad which is commanded. For
one of Her Majesties shippes, and an Armada ofthe King of Spaine (Lon
don, 1591). This Report was reprinted in Hakluyt's Voyages (ii, p.
169), and in the second edition of 1812 (ii, p. 662). The next account is
contained in the poem written by Gervase Markham, brother of my ances
tor Sir Robert Markham of Cotham, which was published in 1595. The.
title is — '¦'¦The Most Honorable Tragedie of Sir Richard Grinuile, Knight
(Brama assai, poco spero, nulla chieggio) (London, 1595), 4to. There is
a third account of the voyage, written by the Dutch traveller Jan Huy-
gen van Linschoten, which will be found in his Itinerario (Amsterdam,
1595), translated, into English in 1598 (1 vol., folio). All three ac
counts were published in one small volume, in Mr. Arber's series of
English Reprints, in 1871. The poem gives the most detailed history of
this glorious naval fight, and appears to be based mainly on Sir Walter
Raleigh's Report.
Mr. Tennyson had Arber's little volume of reprints before him when
he wrote that noble ballad — The Revenge: A Ballad of the Fleet — pub
lished in No. xiii of the Nineteenth Century, for March 1878. He takes
some points from all three accounts of Raleigh, Markham, and Linscho
ten. The further remarks of Sir Richard Hawkins in the text are ex
tremely interesting. — C. R. M.
1 In the list of seven ships composing Lord Thomas Howard's fleet,
we -find the Foresight, Captain Vavasour. He deserves great credit for
attempting to .yield what succour he was able to the gallant Sir R.
Grenville. One other vessel followed, or perhaps set, the example: the
George Noble, of London, falling under the lee of the Revenge, asked Sir
Richard if he had anything to command him ; but as he was one of the
victuallers and but of small force, Sir Richard bid him shift for himself,
and leave him to his fortune. Lediard adds in a note, that it is more
than probable had all the other vessels behaved with the same vigour
and resolution as Sir Richard and his company, they might have given
a good account of the Spanish fleet. It is to be regretted the name of
the commander of the George Noble is not recorded. We know not
which to admire most, his bravery in fully acting up to the principle of
"succouring a known friend in view", or the magnanimity of Sir Richard
in dismissing him from an unequal contest.

104 ARRIVE AT DARTMOUTH.
sect. v. Q0<3 himselfe telleth us, that obedience is better than sacri-
~~ fice. Yet in some occasions, where there is diflicultie or
impossibilitie to know what is commanded, many times it is
great discretion and obligation, judiciously to take bold of
the occasion to yeelde succour to his associats, without put
ting himselfe in manifest danger. But to our voyage.

section v.
Being cleare of the race of Portland, the wind began to
suffle1 with fogge and misling rayne, and forced us to a short
sayle, which continued with us three dayes ; the wind never
veering one poynt, nor the fogge suffering us to see the coast.
The third day in the fogge, we met with a barke of Dart
mouth, which came from Rochell, and demanding of them if
they had made any lande, answered, that they bad onely seene
the Edie stone that morning, which lyeth thwart ofthe sound
of Plimouth, and that Dartmouth (as they thought) bare off
us north north-east : which seemed strange unto us ; for we
made account that we were thwart of Exmouth. Within two
houres after, the weather beganne to cleare up, and we found
ourselves thwart of the Berry,2 and might see the small barke
bearing into Torbay, having over-shot her port ; which error
often happeneth to those that make the land in foggie wea
ther, and use not good diligence by sound, by lying off the
land, and other circumstances, to search the truth ; and is
cause of the losse of many a ship, and the sweet lives of mul
titudes of men.3
That evening we anchored in the range of Dartmouth, till
the floud was spent : and the ebbe come, wee set sayle again.
1 Souffler — to blow.
2 Berry Head, the west point of Tor Bay.
3 It is still unfortunately too much the custom to risk the loss of ship
and " sweet lives", by neglecting the use of the lead.

AT PLYMOUTH. 105
And the next morning early, being the 26th of Aprill, wee Beot- TI-
harboured our selves in Plimouth.
My ship at an anchor, and I ashore, I presently dispatched
a messenger to London, to advise my father, Sir John Haw
kins, what had past : which not onely to him, but to all
others, that understood what it was, seemed strange ; that
the wind contrary, and the weather such as it had beene,
wee could be able to gaine Plimouth; but doubtlesse, the
Daintie was a very good sea ship, and excellent by the winde;
which with the neap streames, and our diligence to benefit
our selves of all advantages, made fezible that which almost
was not to be beleeved.
And in this occasion, I found by experience, that one of Parts re-
" _ quisite in a
the principall parts required in a mariner that frequenteth s°od mari-
our coastes of England, is to cast his tydes, and to know
how they set from poynt to poynt, with the difference of
those in the Channell from those of the shore.1

SECTION VI.
Now presently I began to prepare for my dispatch, and to
hasten my departure ; and finding that my ship which I ex
pected from the Straites came not, and that shee was to goe
to London to discharge, and uncertaine how long shee might
stay, I resolved to take another of mine owne in her place,
though lesser, called the Hawke, onely for a victualler ; pur
posing in the coast of Brazil, or in the Straites,2 to take out
her men and victualls, and to cast her off.
1 The tide runs two or three hours later in the offing than in shore ;
by attending to this, a vessel working down channel may gain great

Of Magellan.

10G A STORM AT PLYMOUTH.

SECTION VII.

sect. vh. With my continuall travell, the helpe of my good friends,
and excessive charge (which none can easily beleeve, but
those which have proved it), towardes the end of May, I was
readie to set sayle with my three ships, drawne out into the
sound, and began to gather my company aboord.
The 28th of May (as I remember) began a storme of winde,
westerly ; the two lesser shippes presently harboured them
selves, and I gave order to the master of the Daintie (called
Hugh Cornish), one ofthe most sufficientest men of his coate,
to bring her also into Catt-water, which he laboured to doe ;
but being neere the mouth of the harbour, and doubting
least the anchor being weighed, the ship might cast the con
trary way, and so run on some perill, entertained himselfe
a while in laying out a warpe, and in the meane time, the
wind freshing, and tbe ship riding by one anchor, brake the
flooke of it, and so forced them to let fall another ; by which,
Acraeii and by the warpe they had layd out, they rydd. The storme
storme. . .... ,
was such, as being within hearing ol those upon the shore,
we were not able by any meanes to .send them succour, and
the second day of the storme, desiring much to goe aboord,
there joined with me captaine William Anthony, captaine
And therein John Ellis, and master Henry Courton, in a light horsman,1
the effects
of courage which I had : all men exercised in charge, and of valour and
and advice. ° 3
sufficiencie, and from their youth bred up in businesse ofthe
sea: which notwithstanding, and that wee laboured what
we could, for the space of two houres against waves and wind,
we could find no possibilitie to accomplish our desire ; which
seene, we went aboord the other shippes, and put them in
the best securitie we could. Thus busied, we might see come
driving by us the mayne mast of the Daintie, which made
1 Probably what is now called a " gig"; a fast-pulling boat.

LOSS OF THE PINNACE. 107
me to feare the worst, and so hasted a shore, to satisfie my Sect- TI1-
longing. And comming upon Catt-downe, wee might see the ship
heave and sett, which manifestly shewed the losse of the
mast onely, which was well imployed ; for it saved the ship,
men, and goods. For had shee driven a ships length more,
shee had (no doubt) beene cast away ; and the men in that
place could not chuse but run into danger.
Comming to my house to shift me (for that we were all j^6 ™|° °f
wette to the skinne), I had not well changed my clothes,
when a servant of mine, who was in the pynace at my
comming ashore, enters almost out of breath, with newes,
that she was beating upon the rocks, which though I
knew to be remedilesse, I put my selfe in place where I
might see her, and in a little time after she sunk downe
right. These losses and mischances troubled and grieved,
but nothing daunted me ; for common experience taught
me, that all honourable enterprises are accompanied with
difficulties and dangers ; Si fortuna me tormenta ; Espe-
ranca me contenta :l of hard beginnings, many times come
prosperous and happy events. And although, a well-willing
friend wisely foretold me them to be presages of future
bad successe, and so disswaded me what lay in him with
effectual reasons, from my pretence, yet the hazard of my
credite, and danger of disreputation, to take in hand that
which I should not prosecute by all meanes possible, was
more powerfull to cause me to goe forwardes, then his grave
good counsell to make me desist. And so tbe storme
ceasing, I beganne to get in the Daintie, to mast her a-new,
and to recover the Fancy, my pynace, which, with the helpe
and furtherance of my wives father, who supplyed all my
wants, together with my credit (which I thanke God was
1 Obviously a phrase of the period. Ancient Pistol is made to say
"Si fortuna me tormenta, spero me contenta". — Henry IV, 2nd Part,
Act v, Scene 5.)

108 ABUSES OF SEA-FARING MEN.
Sect. vn. unspotted) in ten dayes put all in his former estate, or

better. And so once againe, in Gods name, I brought my
shippes out into the sound, the wind being easterly, and
beganne to take my leave of my friends, and of my dearest
friend, my second selfe, whose unfeyned tears had wrought
me into irresolution, and sent some other in my roome, had
I not considered that he that is in the daunce, must needs
daunce on, though he doe but hopp, except he will be a
laughing stocke to all the lookers on : so remembering that
many had their eyes set upon me, with diverse affections,
as also the hope of good successe (my intention being honest
and good), I shut the doore to all impediments, and mine eare
to all contrary counsell, and gave place to voluntary banish
ment from all that I loved and esteemed in this life, with
hope thereby better to serve my God, my prince and
countrie, then to encrease my tallent any way.1
^omeTea-' And s0 began to gather my companie aboord, which
armgmen. 0CCUpie(j mv good friends and the justices of the towne
two dayes, and forced us to search all lodgings, tavernes,
and ale-houses. (For some would be ever taking their
leave and never depart : some drinke themselves so drunke,
that except they were carried aboord, they of themselves
were not able to goe one steppe : others, knowing the
necessity of the time, fayned themselves sicke : others, to
be indebted to their hostes, and forced me to ransome
them ; one, his chest ; another, his sword : another, his
shirts ; another, his carde and instruments for sea : and
others, to benefit themselves of the imprest given them,
absented themselves, making a lewd living in deceiving
all whose money they could lay bold of: which is a scandall
too rife amongst our sea-men : by it they committing
1 Familiar as we are with the present resources, of the dockyard at
Plymouth, we can hardly estimate the firmness that could bear up
against such mischances ; of this stuff were the founders of the British
naval power composed.

BREACHES OF DISCIPLINE. 109
three great offences : 1, Robbery of the goods of another
person ; 2, breach of their faith and promise ; 3, and hinder-
ance (with losse of time) unto the voyage ; all being a
common injury to the owners, victuallers, and company;
which many times hath beene an utter overthrow and
undoing to all in generall. An abuse in our common-wealth
necessarily to be reformed ; and as a person that hath both
seene, and felt by experience, these inconveniences, I wish
it to be remedied ; for, I can but wonder, that the late lord
high admiral of England, the late Earle of Cumberland;1
and the Lord Thomas Howard,2 now Earle of Suffolke, being
of so great authoritie, having to their cost and losse so often
made experience of the inconveniences of these lewd pro
ceedings, have not united their goodnesses and wisdomes to
redress this dis-loyall and base absurditie of the vulgar.
1 George Clifford, third Earl of Cumberland, was born in 1558. He
first sent forth a fleet of three ships, for discovery, in 1586, which re
turned without accomplishing anything. In 1588 he himself commanded
the Elizabeth Bonaventure in the fleet against the Spanish Armada. In
the same year he fitted out a second fleet ; and in 1589 he sailed in the
Victory, with two other ships, for the West Indies. He took the town
of Fayal, and captured twenty-eight prizes worth £20,000; but suffered
great hardships, and was severely wounded. In 1591 he again sailed
with five ships for tus Mediterranean, and in 1592 his fleet was at the
Azores. In 1593 he sailed, with Monson as his second in command, for
the West Indies ; and in 1594 annoyed the Spaniards at the Azores.
He then built a fine ship at Deptford, named by Queen Elizabeth the
Malice Scourge. He sailed in it, with nineteen other ships, in 1598, and
harassed the Spanish settlements in the West Indies. He sold this ship
to the East India Campany. The Earl of Cumberland died in 1605,
and was buried at Skipton.
3 Lord Thomas Howard was the eldest son of the fourth Duke of
Norfolk, by his second wife Margaret, daughter of Lord Audley 'of
Walden. He was born in 1561, and commanded a ship in the fleet of
1588, when he was knighted. In 1591 he was off the Azores, retiring
on the approach of a superior Spanish force. He also served in the ex
pedition to Cadiz, under Essex, in 1596. In 1597 he was created Lord
Howard of Walden, and in 1603 James created him Earl of Suffolk.
He died in 1626. One of his daughters was the notorious Countess of
Somerset, the other was Countess of Salisbury, and he had eight sons.

Sect. vii.

110 BREACHES OF DISCIPLINE.
sect. vh. Master Thomas Candisb, in his last voyage, in the sound

mond.

Master of Plimouth, being readie to set sayle, complained unto me,
candish. that persons which had absented themselves in imprests,
had cost him above a thousand and five hundred pounds :
these varlets within a few dayes after his departure, I saw
walking the streets of Plimouth, whom the justice had
before sought for with great diligence ; and without punish
ment. And therefore it is no wonder that others presume
to do the like. Tmpunitas peccandi illecebra.
George Rey- ^ne n^e complaint made master George Reymond;1 and
in what sort they deal with me is notorious, and was such,
that if I had not beene provident to have had a third part
more of men then I had need of, I had beene forced to goe
to the sea unmanned ; or to give over my voyage. And
many of my company, at sea, vaunted bow they had cosoned
the Earle of Cumberland, master Candisb, master Reymond,
and others ; some of five pounds, some of ten, some of more,
and some of lesse. And truely, I thinke, my voyage pros
pered the worse, for theirs and other lewd persons company,
which were in my ship ; which, I thinke, might be redressed
by some extraordinary, severe, and present justice, to be
executed on the offenders by the justice in that place where
they should be found. And for finding them, it were good
that all captaines, and masters of shippes, at their departure
out of the port, should give unto the head justice, the names
and signes of all their runnawayes, and they presently to
dispatch to the nigher ports the advise agreeable, where
meeting with them, without further delay or processe, to
use martial law upon them. Without doubt, seeing the
law once put in execution, they and all others would be
terrified from such villanies.
1 Captain George Raymond commanded the expedition of three ships
which undertook the first voyage to the East Indies in 1591. He was
in the Penelope, and his second, James Lancaster, was in the Edward
Bonaventure. But the two ships parted company after rounding the
Cape of Good Hope, and Raymond was never heard of again.

USE OF IMPRESTS. Ill
It might be remedied also by utter taking away of all

Sect. vn.

imprests, which is a thing lately crept into our common- The incon-
wealth, and in my opinion, of much more hurt than good imprests.
unto all; and although my opinion seeme harsh, it being
a deed of charitie to help the needy (which I wish ever to
be exercised, and by no meanes will contradict), yet for
that such as goe to the sea (for the most part) consume
that money lewdly before they depart (as common experi
ence teacheth us) : and when they come from sea, many
times come more beggerly home then when they went forth,
having received and spent their portion before they im-
barked themselves; and having neither rent nor main
tenance more then their travell, to sustaine themselves,
are forced to theeve, to cozen, or to runne away in debt.
Besides, many times it is an occasion to some to lye upon
a voyage a long time; whereas, if they had not that imprest,
they might perhaps have gayned more in another imploy-
ment, and have beene at home agayne, to save that which
they waite for. For these, and many more weigbtie reasons,
I am still bold to maintaine my former assertions.
Those onely used in his majesties shippes I comprehend use of im-
¦ ¦ -ii- -i prests.
not m this my opinion : neither the imprests made to
married men, which would be given to their wives monethly
in their absence, for their reliefe. For that is well knowne,
that all which goe to the sea now-a-dayes, are provided of
foode, and house-roome, and all things necessary, during
the time of their voyage ; and, in all long voyages, of ap
parell also : so that nothing is to be spent during the voy
age. That money which is wont to be cast away in im-
prestes, might be imployed in apparell, and necessaries at
the sea, and given to those that have need, at the price it
was bought, to be deducted out of their shares or wages at
their returne, which is reasonable and charitable. This
course taken, if any would runne away, in Gods name fare
him well.

112 THE EXPEDITION SAILS FROM PLYMOUTH.
sect.vni. Some have a more colourable kinde of cunning to abuse
men, and to sustaine themselves. Such will goe to sea
with all men, and goe never from the shore. For as long
as boord wages last, they are of the company, but those
taking end, or tbe ship in readinesse, they have one excuse
or other, and thinke themselves no longer bound, but whilst
they receive money, and then plucke their heads out of the
coller. An abuse also worthie to be reformed.

SECTION VIII.
The greater part of my companie gathered aboord, I set
sayle the 12th of June 1593, about three of the clocke in
the afternoon, and made a bourd or two off and in, way ting
the returne of my boat, which I bad sent a-sbore, for dis
patch of some businesse ; which being come aboord. and all
put in order, I looft1 near the shore, to give my farewell
to all the inhabitants of the towne, whereof the most part
were gathered together upon the Howe, to shew their
gratefull correspondency, to the love and zeale which I, my
father, and predecessors, have ever borne to that place, as
to our naturall and mother towne. And first with my
noyse of trumpets, after with my waytes,2 and then with
my other musicke, and lastly, with tbe artillery of my
shippes, I made tbe best signification I could of a kinde
farewell. This they answered with the waytes ofthe towne,
and the ordinance on the shore, and with shouting of
voyces ; which with the fayre evening and silence of the
night, were heard a great distance off. All which taking
ijMMeof * en^> I sent instructions and directions to my other ships.
instructions ture.P a From the Dutch word loeven, to ply to windward.
2 The " waytes" seem to have been either music" played during the
setting of the watch, or occasionally, to show that a look-out was kept.

INSTRUCTIONS TO A FLEET. 113
Which is a poynt of speciall importance ; for that I have 3e0t- ""¦
seene commanders of great name and reputation, by neglect
and omission of such solemnities, to have runne into many
inconveniences, and thereby have learnt the necessitie of
it. Whereby I cannot but advise all such as shall have
charge committed unto them, ever before they depart out
of the port, to give unto their whole fleete, not onely
directions for civill government, but also where, when, and
how to meete, if they should chance to loose company, and
the signes how to know one another a-far off, with other
poynts and circumstances, as the occasions shall minister
matter different, at the discretion of the wise commander.
But some may say unto me, that in all occasions it is not
convenient to give directions : for that if the enemy happen
upon any of the fleete, or that there be any treacherous
person in the company, their designments may be dis
covered, and so prevented.
To this I answere, that the prudent governour, by good
consideration may avoyde this, by publication of that which
is good and necessarie for the guide of his fleete and
people ; by all secret instructions, to give them sealed,
and not to be opened, but comming to a place appoynted
(after the manner of the Turkish direction to the Bashawes,
who are their generalls) ; and in any eminent perill to cast
them by the boord, or otherwise to make away with them,
for be that setteth sayle, not giving directions in writing to
his fleete, knoweth not, if the night or day following, he
may be separated from his company : which happeneth
sometimes : and then, if a place of meeting be not knowne,
he runneth in danger not to joyne them together agayne.
And for places of meeting, when seperation happeneth,
I am of opinion, to appoynt the place of meeting in such a
height, twentie, or thirtie, or fortie leagues off the land or
iland. East or west is not so fitting, if the place afford it,
as some sound betwixt ilands, or some iland, or harbour.

114 FALSE CALKING.
sect. n. it mav be alleged in contradiction, and with probable

Objections reason, that it is not fit for a fleete to stay in a harbour for
meeting in one ship, nor at an anchor at an iland, for being discovered,
or. for hinderance of their voyage.
Yet it is the best ; for when the want is but for one or
Answered, two ships, a pynace or ship may wayte the time appoynted
and remaine with direction for them. But commonly one
ship, though but a bad sayler, maketh more haste then a
whole fleete, and is at the meeting place first, if the accident
be not very important.
The place of meeting, if it might be, would be able to
give, at the least, refreshing of water and wood.

SECTION IX.

Lanching out into the channell, the wind being at east
and by south, and east south-east, which blowing hard,
and a flood in hand, caused a chapping sea, and my vice-
admirall bearing a good sayle made some water, and shoot
ing off a peece of ordinance, I edged towardes her to know
tbe cause ; who answered me, that they had sprung a great
leake, and that of force they must returne into the sound ;
which seeing to be necessary, I cast about, where anchor
ing, and going aboord, presently found, that betwixt wind
False calk- and water, the calkers had left a seame uncalked, which
being filled up with pitch only, the sea labouring that out,
had been sufficient to have sunk her in short space, if it had
not beene discovered in time.
And truely there is little care used now adaies amongst
our countrimen in this profession, in respect of that which
was used in times past, and is accustomed in France, in
Spaine, and in other parts. Which necessitie will cause
to be reformed in time, by assigning the portion that every

SHOOTING AT SHIPS AT SEA. 115
workeman is to calke ; that if there be damage through his Sect- x-
default, he may be forced to contribute towards the losse
occasioned through his negligence.
And for more securitie I hold it for a good custome used Jorpjeven-
° tion thereof.
in some parts, in making an end of calking and pitching
the ship, the next tide to fill her with water, which will
undoubtedly discover the defect, for no pitcht place with
out calking, can suffer the force and peaze1 of the water.
In neglect whereof, I have seene great damage and danger
to ensue. The Arke Royall of his majesties, may serve for Example.
an example : which put all in danger at her first going
to the sea, by a trivuell hole left open in the post,2 and
covered only with pitch. In this point no man can be too
circumspect, for it is the security of ship, men and goods.8

SECTION x.
This being remedied, I set sayle in the morning, and ran
south-west, till we were cleere of Ushent ; and then south
south-west, till we were some hundred leagues off, where
wee met with a great hulke, of some five or six hundred
tunnes, well appointed, the which my company (as is natu-
rall to all mariners), presently would make a prize, and
loaden with Spaniard's goods ; and without speaking to her,
wished that the gunner might shoote at her, to cause her
to amaine.4 Which is a bad custome received and used of ^^^t
many ignorant persons, presently to gun at all whatsoever sea"
they discover, before they speake with them; being con-
1 Weight— peso. (Spanish.) 2 Stern-post.
3 A trivial hole left open, or a treenail not driven by a careless work
man, may cause the failure of an important expedition; or at least cause
great mischief and discomfort: which neglect still occasionally happens.
4 Amener le pavilion— to haul down the ensign.

116

FAULT OF NOT SPEAKING A SHIP.

seot. x. trary t0 au discipline, and many time is cause of dissention
betwixt friends, and the breach of amitie betwixt princes ;
the death of many, and sometimes losse of shippes and all,
making many obstinate, if not desperate ; whereas in using
common courtesie, they would better bethinke themselves,
and so with ordinarie proceeding (justified by reason, and
the custome of all well disciplined people) might perhaps
many times breede an increase of amitie, a succour to ne
cessity, and excuse divers inconveniencies and sutes which
have impoverished many : for it hath chanced by this
sundrymis- errour, that two English ships, neither carrying flag for
CD.8.LT.CCS ror
neglect their perticular respects, to change each with other a dozen
payre of shott, with hurt to both, being after too late to re
pent their follie. Tea a person of credit hath told mee,
that two English men of warre in the night, have layed
each other aboord willingly, with losse of many men and
dammage to both, onely for tbe fault of not speaking one
to the other; which might seem to carrie with it some
excuse, if they had beene neere the shore, or that the one
had beene a hull,1 and the other under sayle, in feare shee
should have escaped, not knowing what shee was (though
in the night it is no wisedome to bourd with any ship), but
in the maine sea, and both desiring to joyne, was a suffi
cient declaration that both were seekers ; and therefore by
day or night, he that can speake with the ship hee seeth,
is bound, upon payne to be reputed voyd of good govern
ment, to hayle her before hee shoote at her. Some man
may say, that in the meanetime, shee might gaine the
winde: in "such causes, and many others, necessity giveth
exception to all lawes ; and experience teacheth what is fit
Master to be done-
Hampton. Master Thomas Hampton,2 once generall of a fleete of

Object.

Answer.

' Under bare poles.
2 Captain Thomas Hampton served with his father, Sir John Haw
kins. See page 6 and page 7 (n.).

CUSTOM OF SALUTES. 117
wafters, sent to Rochell, anno 1585, with secret instruc- sect.x.
tions, considering (and as a man of experience), wisely un
derstanding his place and affaires, in like case shut his
eare to the investigations and provocations of the common
sort, preferring the publique good of both kingdomes be
fore his owne reputation with the vulgar people : and as
another Fabius Maximus, cunctando restituit rem, non po-
nendo rumores ante salutem. The French kings fleete The French
n and English
comming where he was, and to winde-ward of him, all his ^etes*1ha^
company were in an uproare; for that hee would not
shoote presently at them, before they saw their intention :
wherein had beene committed three great faults : the first
and principall, the breach of amitie betwixt the princes and
kingdomes : the second, the neglect of common courtesie,
in shooting before hee had spoken with them : and the
third, in shooting first, being to lee-wards of the other.
Besides, there was no losse of reputation, because the
French kings fleete was in his owne sea ; and therefore for
it to come to winde-ward, or the other to go to lee-ward,
was but that which in reason was required, the kingdomes
being in peace and amitie. For every prince is to be ac
knowledged and respected in his jurisdiction, and where
hee pretendeth it to be his.
The French generall likewise seemed well to understand
what he had in hand ; for though he were farre superiour
in forces, yet used hee the termes which were required;
and comming within speech, hayled them, and asked if
there were peace or warre betwixt England and France :
whereunto answere being made that they knew of no other
but peace, they saluted each other after the manner of the
sea, and then came to an anchor all together, and as friends
visited each other in their ships.
One thing the French suffered (upon what occasion orTheET1
ground I know not), that the English alwayes carried their $£g££gin
flag displayed ; which in all other partes and kingdomes is seLFrench

118 CUSTOM OF SALUTES.
Sect. x. not permitted : at least, in our seas, if a stranger fleete
meete with any of his majesties ships, the forraigners are
bound to take in their flags, or his majesties ships to force
them to it, though thereof follow the breach of peace or
whatsoever discommodity. And whosoever should not be
jealous in this point, hee is not worthy to have the com-
The honour maun(j 0f a cock;-boat committed unto him : yea no stranger
sMps! es ought to open his flag in any port of England, where there
is any shipp or fort of his majesties, upon penaltie to loose
his flagg, and to pay for the powder and shott spend upon
him. Tea, such is the respect to his majesties shippes in
all places of his dominions, that no EngUsh ship displayeth
the flagge in their presence, but runneth the like daunger,
except they be in his majesties service : and then they are
in predicament of the kings ships. Which good discipline
in other kingdomes is not in that regard as it ought,
but sometimes through ignorance, sometimes of malice,
neglect is made of that dutie and acknowledgement which
is required, to the cost and shame of the ignorant and
malicious.
thecom-4 at ^n queen Maries raigne, king Philip of Spaine, comming
En| Philip *° marl7 with the queene, and meeting with the royall
Snd. ng" navie of England, the lord William Howard, high admirall
of England, would not consent, that the king in the narrow
seas should carrie his flagge displayed, untill he came into
the harbour of Plimouth.
I being of tender yeares, there came a fleete of Spaniards
And in the of above fiftie sayle of shippes, bound for Flaunders, to fetch
Sissage of * i j. -
de0A^sto^T *^e 1ueenJ Donna Anna de Austria,1 last wife to Philip the
second of Spaine, which entred betwixt the iland and the
maine, without vayling their top-sayles, or taking in of
their flags : which my father. Sir John Hawkins, (admirall
1 Anne, daughter of the Emperor Maximilian and of Maria, sister of
Philip II, was born in 1549. She married her uncle, Philip II, as his
fourth wife, in 1570, and was mother of Philip III. She died in 1580.

CUSTOM OF SALUTES. 119
of a fleete of her majesties shippes, then ryding in Catt- 8ect- *•
water), perceiving, commanded his gunner to shoote at the
flagge of the admirall, that they might thereby see their
error : which, notwithstanding, they persevered arrogantly
to keepe displayed; whereupon the gunner at the next
shott, lact1 the admirall through and through, whereby the
Spaniards finding that the matter beganne to grow to
earnest, tooke in their flags and top-sayles, and so ranne
to an anchor.
The generall presently sent his boat, with a principall
personage to expostulate the cause and reason of that pro
ceeding; but my father would not permit him to come
into his ship, . nor to heare his message ; but by another
gentleman commanded him to returne, and to tell bis gene
rall, that in as much as in the queenes port and chamber,
he had neglected to doe the acknowledgment and reverence
which all owe unto her majestie (especially her ships being
present), and comming with so great a navie, he could not
but give suspition by such proceeding of malicious inten
tion, and therefore required him, that within twelve houres
he should depart the port, upon paine to be held as a com
mon enemy, and to proceed against him with force.
Which answere the generall understanding, presently
imbarked himselfe in the same boat, and came to the Jesus
of Lubecke, and, craved licence to speake with my father ;
which at the first was denyed him, but upon the second in-
treatie was admitted to enter the ship, and to parley. The
Spanish generall began to demand if there were warres
betwixt England and Spaine: who was answered, that his
arrogant manner of proceeding, usurping the queene his
mistresses right, as much as in him lay, had given sufficient
cause for breach of 'the peace, and that he purposed
presently to give notice thereof to the queene and her
counsell, and in the meane time, that he might depart.
1 Probably derived from lacher un coup : to fire a shot.

120 CUSTOM OF SALUTES.
sect. x. "Wbereunto the Spanish generall replyed, that he knew not
any offence he had committed, and that he would be glad
to know wherein he had misbehaved himselfe. My father
seeing he pretended to escape by ignorance, beganne to
put him in mind of the custome of Spaine and Fraunce,
and many other parts, and that he could by no meanes be
ignorant of that, which was common right to all princes in
their kingdomes ; demanding, if a fleete of England should
come into any port of Spaine (the kings majesties ships
being present), if tbe English should carry their flags in
the toppe, whether the Spanish would not shoote them
downe ; and if they persevered, if they would not beate
them out of their port. The Spanish generall confessed his
fault, pleaded ignorance not malice, and submitted himselfe
to the penaltie my father would impose : but intreated,
that their princes (through them) might not come to have
any jarre. My father a while (as though offended), made
himselfe hard to be intreated, but in the end, all was shut
up by his acknowledgement, and the auncient amitie re
newed, by feasting each other aboord and ashore.
he/re"™ ^ke se^ same fleete, at their returne from Flaunders,
meeting with her majesties shippes in the Channell, though
sent to accompany the aforesaid queene, was constrained
during the time that they were with the EngHsh, to vayle
their flagges, and to acknowledge that which all must doe
that passe through the English seas.1 But to our voyage.
1 In those days the principle of " mare clausum" was acted upon ;
now it is " mare liberum" everywhere.

passage.

VOYAGE TO MADEIRA. 121

SECTION XI.
Comming within the hayling of the hulke, wee demanded
whence shee was ? Whether shee was bound ? And what
her loading ? Shee answered, that shee was of Denmarke,
comming from Spaine, loaden with salt ; we willed her to
strike her top-sayles, which shee did, and shewed us her
charter-parties, and billes of loading, and then saluted us,
as in the manner of the sea, and so departed.

Sect. xii.

SECTION XII.
The next day the wind became southerly, and somewhat
too touch, and my shipps being all deepe loaden, beganne
to feel the tempest, so that wee not able to lye by it,
neither a hull nor a try, and so with an easie sayle bare up
before the wind, with intent to put into Falmouth; but
God was pleased that comming within tenne leagues of
Sylly, the wind vered to the north-east, and so we went on
in^our voyage.
Thwart of the Flees of Bayon,1 wee met with a small
ship of master Wattes,2 of London, called the Elizabeth,
which came out of Plimouth some eyght dayes after us;
of whom wee enformed ourselves of some particularities,
and wrote certaine letters to our friends, making relation of
what had past till that day, and so tooke our farewell each
of the other. The like we did with a small carvell8 of
1 The islands that lie off Bayona, near Vigo.
5 Probably Alderman Sir John Watts, Governor of the East India
Company in 1601, and Lord Mayor 1606. In 1594 he was one of those
who fitted out the fleet under Lancaster, for the Pernambuco voyage.
3 Carabela (Spanish), a small vessel so called.

122 THE MADEIRA ISLANDS.
Sect. xn. piimouth, which wee mett in the height of the rocke in

Portingall.1 From thence wee directed our course to the ilands of
Madera; and about the end of June, in the sight of the
ilands, we descryed a sayle some three leagues to the east
wards, and a league to windward of us, which by her
manner of working, and making, gave us to understand,
that shee was one of the kings frigatts ; for shee was long
and snugg, and spread a large clewe, and standing to the
west-wards, and wee to the east-wards to recover her wake,
when we cast about, shee beganne to vere shete, and to
goe away lasking ;2 and within two glasses, it was plainely
seene that shee went from us, and so we followed on our
course, and shee seeing that, presently stroke her top-
sayles, which our pynace perceiving, and being within shot
continued the chase, till I shot off a peece and called her
away; which fault many runne into, thinking to get thereby,
and sometimes loose themselves by being too bold to ven
ture from their fleete ; for it was impossible for us, being
too leeward, to take her, or to succour our owne, shee being
a ship of about two hundred tunnes.
The dutieof And pynaces to meddle with ships, is to buy repentance
at too deare a rate. For their office is, to wayte upon their
fleete, in calmes (with their oares) to follow a chase, and in
occasions to anchor neere the shore, when the greater ships
cannot, without perill ; above all, to be readie and obedient
at every call. Tet will I not, that any wrest my meaning ;
neither say I, that a pynace, or small ship armed, may not
take a great ship unarmed ; for daily experience teacheth
us the contrary.
nandsMera Tlie Madera Hands are two : the greater, called La Ma
dera, and the other, Port Santo ; of great fertilitie, and
rich in sugar, conserves, wine, and sweet wood, whereof
' Still well known as the rock of Lisbon.
* With the wind abeam.

THE CANARY ISLES. 123
they take their name. Other commodities they yeeld, but Seot- *"•
these are the principall. The chiefe towne and port is on
the souther side of tbe Madera, well fortified ; they are sub
ject to the kingdome of Portingall ; the inhabitants and
garrison all Portingalles.
The third of July, we past along the Ilands of Canaria, S™£?e
which have the name of a kingdome, and containe these
seaven ilands : Grand Canaria, Tenerifa, Palma, Gomera,
Lancerota, Forteventura, and Fierro. These ilands have
abundance of wine, sugar, conserves, orcall,1 pitch, iron,
and other commodities, and store of cattell, and corne, but
that a certaine worme, called gorgosho, breedeth in it, Gorgosho.
which eatetb out the substance, leaving the husk in manner
whole. The head iland, where the justice, which they call
Audiencia, is resident, and whither all sutes have their
appealation and finall sentence, is the grand Canaria,
although the Tenerifa is held for the better and richer
iland, and to have the best sugar ; and the wine of the
Palma is reputed for the best. The pitch of these ilands
meltetb not with the sunne, and therefore is proper for
the higher works of shipping. Betwixt Forteventura and
Lancerota is a goodly sound, fit for a meeting place for any
fleete ; where is good anchoring and aboundance of many
sorts of fish. There is water to be had in most of these
ilands, but with great vigilance. For the naturalls of them
are venturous and hardie, and many times clime up and
downe the steepe rockes and broken hills, which seeme im
possible, which I would hardly have beleeved, bad I not
seene it, and that with the greatest art and agilitie that
may be. Their armes, for the most part, are launces of
nine or ten foote, with a head of a foote and halfe long, like
unto bore-spears, save that the head is somewhat more
broad. Two things are famous in these ilands, the Pike of Tene-
1 Orchilla — a lichen yielding a purple dye.

124 THE CANARY ISLES.
sect. xn. rj[faj wnich is the highest land in my judgement that I have
The descrip- seene, and men of credit have told they have seene it more
Tenerifa. than fortie leagues off.1 It is like unto a sugar loafe, and
continually covered with snow, and placed in the middest
of a goodly vallie, most fertile, and temperate round about
it. Out of which, going up to the Pike, the colde is so
great, that it is insufferable, and going downe to the townes
of the iland, tbe beate seemeth most extreame, till they
of a tree in approach neere the coast. The other is a tree in the iland
Fierro of Fierro, which some write and affirme, with tbe dropping
of his leaves, to give water for the sustenance of the whole
iland, which I have not seene, although I have beene on
shoare on tbe iland ; but those which have seene it, have
recounted this mysterie differently to that which is written ;
in this manner : that this tree is placed in the bottome of a
valley, ever florishing with broad leaves, and that round
about it are a multitude of goodly high pynes, which over
top it, and as it seemeth were planted by the divine provi
dence to preserve it from sunne and wind. Out of this
valley ordinarily rise every day great vapours and exhala
tions, which by reason that the sunne is hindered to worke
his operation, with the heighte of the mountaines towards
the south-east, convert themselves into moysture, and so
bedewe all the trees of tbe valley, and from those which
over-top this tree, drops down the dewe upon his leaves,
and so from his leaves into a round well of stone, which the
naturalls of the land have made to receive the water, of
which the people and cattle have great reliefe ; but some
times it raineth, and then the inhabitants doe reserve water
for many days to come, in their cisternes and tynaxes,2
which is that they drinke of, and wherewith they principally
sustaine themselves.
The citty of the Grand Canaria, and chiefe port, is on the
1 Captain Vidal, R.N., made the height of the Peak 12,370 feet.
2 Tinaja (Sp.), a large wide-mouthed jar for catching rain.

THE CAPE DE VERDES. 125
west side of the island ; the head town and port of Tenerifa Seot- **"¦
is towards the south part, and the port and towne of the
Palma and Gomera, on the east side.
In Gomera, some three leagues south-ward from the
towne, is a great river of water, but all these ilands are
perilous to land in, for the seege1 caused by the ocean sea,
which always is forcible, and requireth great circumspec
tion ; whosoever hath not urgent cause, is either to goe to
the east-wards, or the west-wards of all these ilands, as
well to avoyd the calmes, which hinder sometimes eight or
ten dayes sayling, as the contagion which their distemper-
ature is wont to cause, and with it to breed calenturas,
which wee call burning fevers. These ilands are sayd to discoverersof these
be first discovered by a Frenchman, called John de Betan- Hands.
court, about the year 1405.2 They are now a kingdome
subject to Spaine.

SECTION XIII.
Being cleare of the ilands, wee directed our course for Cape
Black,3 and two howres before sunne set, we had sight of a
carvell some league in tbe winde of us, which seemed to
come from Gynea, or the ilands of Cape de Verde, and for
that hee, which had the sery-watch,4 neglected to look out,
being to lee-ward of the ilands, and so out of hope of sight
of any shipp, for the little trade and contrariety of the
winde, that though a man will, from few places hee can re
cover the ilands. Comming from the south-wards, wee had
1 Further on written "sedge", surf (?).
8 The Canarian, or Book ofthe Conquest and Conversion of the Cana-
rians in the Year 1402, by Messire Jean de Bethencourt ; was translated
and edited for the Hakluyt Society by Mr. Major in 1872.
3 Cape Blanco. 4 Probably the evening watch.

126 THE CAPE DE VERDES.
sect. xm. the winde of her, and perhaps the possession also, whereof
men of warre are to have particular care ; for in an houre
Note. and place unlookt for, many times chance accidents con
trary to the ordinary course and custome ; and to have
younkers in the top continually, is most convenient and
necessary, not onely for descrying of sayles and land, but
also for any sudden gust or occasion that may be offered.
Exercises Seeing my selfe past hope of returning backe, without
o? TtheWa,rds some extraordinary accident, I beganne to set in order my
countries. corrjpanie and victuals. And for that to the south-wards
of the Canaries is for the most part an idle navigation, I
devised to keepe my people occupied, as well to continue
them in health (for that too much ease in hott countries
is neither profitable nor healthfull), as also to divert them
from remembrance of their home, and from play, which
breedeth many inconveniences, and other bad thoughts and
workes which idleness is cause of; and so shifting my
companie, as the custome is, into starboord and larboord
men, the halfe to watch and worke whilest the others slept
and take rest ; I limited the three dayes of the weeke,
which appertayned to each, to be imploied in this manner ;
the one for the use and clensing of their armes, the other
for roomeging, making of sayles, nettings, decking, and
defences for our shippes ; and the third, for clensing their
bodies, mending and making their apparell, and necessaries,
which though it came to be practised but once in seaven
dayes, for that the Sabboth is ever to be reserved for God
alone, with the ordinary obligation which each person had
besides, was many times of force to be omitted. And thus
wee entertained our time with a fayre wind, and in few
dayes had sight of the land of Barbary, some dozen leagues
to the northwards of Cape Black.
Before wee came to the Cape, wee tooke in our sayles,
and made preparation of hookes and lines to fish. For in
all that coast is great abundance of sundry kinds of fish,

THE CAPE DE VERDES. 127
but especially of porgus, which we call breames ; many sect, xm.
Portingalls and Spaniards goe yearely thither to fish, as
our country-men to the New-found-land, and within Cape
Black have good harbour for reasonable shipping, where
they dry their fish, paying a certaine easie tribute to the
kings collector. In two houres wee tooke store of fish for
that day and the next, but longer it would not keepe
goode: and with this refreshing set sayle again, and directed
our course betwixt the ilands of Cape de Verd and the Te?|_de
Maine. These ilands are held to be scituate in one of the
most unhealthiest climates of the world, and therefore it it>
wisedome to shunne the sight of them, how much more to
make abode in them.
In two times that I have beene in them, either cost us ^oisom-
the one halfe of our people, with fevers and fluxes of off86 theK
sundry kinds ; some shaking, some burning, some par
taking of both : some possesst with frensie, others with
sloath, and in one of them it cost me six moneths sick-
nesse, with no small hazard of life ; which I attribute to
the distemperature of the ayre, for being within fourteene
degrees of the equinoctiall lyne, the sunne hath great force
all the yeare, and the more for that often they passe, two,
three, and four yeares without rayne ; and many times the
earth burneth in that manner as a man well shodd, cannot
endure to goe where the sunne shineth.
With which extreame heate the bodie fatigated, greedily The heate-
desireth refreshing, and longeth the comming of the breze,
which is the north-east winde, that seldome fayleth in the The breze.
after-noone at foure of the clocke, or sooner; which com
ming cold and fresh, and finding the poores of the body
open, and (for the most part) naked, penetrateth the very
bones, and so causeth sudden distemperature, and sundry
manners of sicknesse, as the subjects are divers whereupon
they worke.
Departing out of the calmes of the ilands, and comming

128 THE CAPE DE VERDES.
Sect. xm. int0 the fresh breeze, it causeth the like, and I have seene
within two dayes after that we have partaked of the fresh
ayre, of two thousand men, above a hundred and fiftie have
beene crazed in their health.
The The inhabitants of these ilands use a remedie for this,
remedie. which at my first being amongst them, seemed unto me
ridiculous ; but since, time and experience hath taught to
be grounded upon reason. And is, that upon their heads
they weare a night-capp, upon it a montero,1 and a hat over
that, and on their bodies a sute of tbicke cloth, and upon it
a gowne, furred or lyned with cotton, or bayes, to defend
them from the heate in that manner, as the inhabitants of
cold countries, to guard themselves from the extreamitie of
the colde. Which doubtlesse, is the best diligence that any
man can use, and whosoever prooveth it, shall find himselfe
lesse annoyed with the heate, then if he were thinly
cloathed, for that where the cold ayre commetb, it peirceth
not so subtilly.
Theinflu- The moone also in this climate, as in the coast of Guvne,
ence of the ' J s
noTcoun- an<I ln au hott countries, hath forcible operation in the
"16° body of man ; and therefore, as the plannet most preju-
diciall to his health, is to be shunned ; as also not to sleepe
in the open ayre, or with any scuttle or window open,
whereby the one or the other may enter to hurt.
For a person of credit told me, that one night, in a
river of Guyne, leaving his window open in the side of the
cabin, tbe moone shining upon bis shoulder, left him with
such an extraordinary paine and furious burning in it, as
in above twentie houres, he was like to runne madde, but
in fine, with force of medicines and cures, after long tor
ment, he was eased.
Some I have heard say, and others write, that there is a
starre which never seperateth it self from "the moone, but a
small distance ; which is of all starres the most beneficiall
1 Montera — a species of hat worn in Spain.

THE CAPE DE VERDES. 129
to man. For where this starre entreth with the moone, it Sect- xm-
maketh voyde her hurtfull enfluence, and where not, it is
most perilous. Which, if it be so, is a notable secret of the
divine Providence, and a speciall cause amongst infinite
others, to move us to continuall thankesgiving : for that
he hath so extraordinarily compassed and fenced us from
infinite miseries, his most unworthie and ungratefull crea
tures. Of these ilands are two pyles i1 the one of them lyeth
out of the way of trade, more westerly, and so little fre
quented ; the other lyeth some fourscore leagues from the
mayne, and containeth six in number, to wit : Saint lago,
Fuego, Mayo, Bonavisto, Sal, and Bravo.2
They, are belonging to the kingdome of Portingall, and
inhabited by people of that nation, and are of great trade,
by reason of the neighbour-hood they have with Guyne and
Bynne;3 but the principall is the buying and selling of
negroes. They have store of sugar, salt, rice, cotton wool,
and cotton-cloth, amber-greece, cyvit, oliphants teeth, brim
stone, pummy stone, spunge, and some gold, but little, and
that from the mayne.
Saint lago is tbe head iland, and hath one citie and two Saintiago.
townes, with their ports. The cittie called Sant lago,
whereof the iland hath his name, hath a garrison, and two
fortes, scituated in the bottome of a pleasant valley, with a
running streame of water passing through the middest of
it, whither the rest of the ilands come for justice, being the
seat of the Audiencia, with his bishop.
1 Groups.
2 The Cape Verde Islands are Sant' Antao, Sao Vicente, Santa Luzia,
Sao Nicolao, Sal, Boa Vista, Maio, San Thiago, and Brava. They are
between 14° 20' and 17° 20' N. and 22° 25' and 35° 30' W. Boa Vista, the
nearest, is two hundred miles from the coast of Africa. The group was
discovered in 1446 by an expedition sent by Prince Henry, but it was
known to the ancients under the name of Insula: Gorgones.
3 Coast of Guinea and Bight of Benin.

L30 THE CAPE DE VERDES.
Sect. xm. The other townes are Playa,1 some three leagues to the

eastwards of Saint lago, placed on high, with a goodly bay,
whereof it hath his name; and Saint Domingo, a small
towne within the land. They are on the souther part of
the iland, and have beene sacked sundry times in anno
sacked by 1582, bv Manuel Serades. a Portinsrall, with a fleete of
Manuel Se- ' •" °
Frincis3^ French-men ; in anno 1585, they were both burnt to the
sh-aAnthonny ground by tbe English, Sir Francis Drake being generall;2
yr 6y' and in anno 1596, Saint lago was taken and sacked by the
English, Sir Anthony Shyrley being general!3
Fuego. The second iland is Fuego ; so called, for that day and
night there burneth in it a vulcan, whose flames in the
night are seene twentie leagues off in the sea. It is by
nature fortified in that sort, as but by one way is any ac
cesse, or entrance into it, and there cannot goe up above
two men a brest. The bread which they spend in these
ilands, is brought from Portingall and Spaine, saving that
which they make of rice, or of rnayes, which wee call
Guy nne-wheate .
1 Porto Praya.
2 Sir Francis Drake sailed, in 1585, with a fleet of twenty sail to make
reprisals on the Spaniards in the West Indies. His captains were Fenner,
Frobisher, Knollis, and Carlisle to command the troops. They left
Plymouth in September, took Porto Praya, and then proceeded to the
West Indies.
3 Anthony Shirley was one of the famous three brothers, sons of Sir
Thomas Shirley of Wiston in Sussex. He was born in 1568, and first
served under the Earl of Essex in Brittany, but was recalled in 1593 for
receiving an order of knighthood from Henry IV. An account of the
expedition to the, West Indies, in the course of which he sacked Santiago,
is given by Hakluyt. In 1598 he left England, served in the Low Coun
tries with Sir Francis Vere, and then went by Venice to Persia, where he
was well received by Shah Abbas the Great. There are accounts of his
travels by W. Parry, printed in 1601, by A. Nixon, 1607, and by Sir
Anthony himself, 1613. Abbas sent Sir Anthony Shirley as ambassador
to the Princes of Europe, which employment took him to Moscow,
Prague, Rome, Lisbon, Madrid, and Morocco. He eventually took ser
vice under the King of Spain, and was living in Spain as late as 1636.
See The Sherley Brothers.

PLANTAINS. 131
The best watering is in the ile of Bravo, on the west

Sect. xm.

part of the iland, where is a great river, but foule anchor- Bravo.
ing, as is in all these ilands, for the most part. The fruits
are few, but substantial!, as palmitos, plantanos, patatos,
and coco-nutts.
The palmito is like to the date tree, and as I thinke a p^;t0
kinde of it, but wilde. In all parts of Afrique and America
they are found, and in some parts of Europe, and in divers
parts different. In Afrique, and in the West Indies they
are small, that a man may cut them with a knife, and the
lesser the better : but in Brazil! they are so great, that with
difficultie a man can fell them with an axe, and the greater
the better ; one foote within the top is profitable, the rest
is of no value ; and that which is to be eaten is the pith,
which in some is better, in some worse.
The plantane is a tree found in most parts of Afrique and The
r i ¦ * plantane.
America, of which two leaves are sufficient to cover a man
from top to toe. It beareth fruit but once, and then dryeth.
away, and out of his roote sprouteth up others, new. In
the top of the tree is his fruit, which groweth in a great
bunch, in the forme and fashion of puddings, in some
more, in some lesse. I have seene in one bunch above
foure hundred plantanes, which have weighed above foure-
score pound waight. They are of divers proportions, some
great, some lesser, some round, some square, some triangle,
most ordinarily of a spanne long, with a thicke skinne, that
peeleth easily from the meate ; which is either white or yel
low, and very tender like butter, but no conserve is better,
nor of a more pleasing taste. For I never have seene any
man to whom they have bred mis-like, or done hurt with
eating much of them, as of other fruites.
The best are those which ripen naturally on the tree, but
in most partes they cut them off in braunches, and hange
them up in their houses, and eate them as they ripe. For
the birds and vermine presently in ripning on the tree, are

132

COCOA-NUT' TREES.

Placentia.

The cocos,
and their
kindes.

Sect- xm- feeding on them. The best that I have seene are in Brasill,
in an iland called Placentia, which are small, and round,
and greene when they are ripe ; whereas the others in
ripning become yellow. Those of the West Indies and
Guynne are great, and one of them sufficient to satisfie a
man ; the onely fault they have is, that they are windie.
In some places they eate them in stead of bread, as in
Panama, and other parts of Tierra Firme. They grow and
prosper best when their rootes are ever covered with Water;
they are excellent in conserve, and good sodden in different
manners, and dried on the tree, not inferior to suekett.1
The coco nutt is a fruit of the fashion of a hassell nutt,
but that it is as bigge as an ordinary bowle, and some are
greater. It hath two shells, the uttermost framed (as it
were) of a multitude of threeds, one layd upon another,
with a greene skinne over-lapping them, which is soft and
thicke ; the innermost is like to the shell of a hassell nutt
in all proportion, saving that it is greater and thicker, and
some more blacker. In the toppe of it is the forme of a
munkies face, with two eyes, his nose, and a mouth. It
containeth in it both meate and drinke ; the meate white
as milke, and like to that of the kernell of a nutt, and as
good as almonds blancht, and of great quantitie : the water
is cleare, as of the fountaine, and pleasing in taste, and
somewhat answereth that of the water distilled of milke.
Some say it hath a singular propertie in nature for con
serving the smoothnesse of the skinne ; and therefore in
Spaine, and Portingall, the curious dames doe ordinarily
wash their faces and necks with it. If the holes of the
shell be kept close, they keepe foure or six moneths good,
and more ; but if it be opened, and the water kept in the
shell, in few dayes it turneth to vineger.
They grow upon high trees, which have no boughes ;
onely in the top they have a great cap of leaues, and under
1 Succade— preserved citron.

PALM TREES. 133
them groweth the fruite upon certaine twigs. And some Seot-

affirme that they beare not fruite before they be above fortie
yeares old, they are in all things like to the palme trees,
and grow in many parts of Asia, Afrique, and America.
The shels of these nuts are much esteemed for drinking
cups, and much cost and labour is bestowed upon them in
carving, graving, and garnishing them, with silver, gold,
and precious stones.
In the kingdome of Chile, and in Brasill, is another kinde
of these, which they call coquillos (as wee may interpret,
little cocos) and are as big as wal-nuts; but round and
smooth, and grow in great clusters ; the trees in forme are
all one, and tbe meate in the nut better, but they have no
water. Another kinde of great cocos groweth in the Andes of
Peru, which have not the delicate meate nor drinke which
the others have, but within are full of almonds, which are
placed as the graines in the pomegrannet, being three times
bigger then those of Europe, and are much like them in
tast. In these ilands are cy vet-cats, which are also found in cyvetcatts.
parts of Asia and Afrique ; esteemed for the cyvet they
yeelde, and carry about them in a cod in their hinder parts,
which is taken from them by force.
In them also are store of monkies, and the best propor- Munkeyes.
tioned that I have seene ; and parrots, but of colour different
to those of the West Indies, for they are of a russet or gray Parrots.
colour, and great speakers.

SECTION XIV.

With a faire and large winde, we continued our course, till
we came within five degrees of the equinoctiall lyne, where
the winde tooke us contrary by the south-west, about the

i.84 DANGER ON THE GUINEA COAST.
/en tie of Julie, but a fayre gale of wind and a smooth sea,
so that wee might beare all a taunt ;x and to advantage our
selves what wee might, wee stoode to the east-wards, being
able- to lye south-east and by south. The next day about
nine of the clocke, my companie being gathered together
to serve God, which wee accustomed to doe every morning
and evening, it seemed unto me that the coulour of the sea
was different to that of the daies past, and which is ordi
narily where is deepe water ; and so calling the captaine,
and master of my ship, I told them that to my seeming the
water was become very whitish, and that it made shewe
of sholde water. Whereunto they made answere, that all
the lynes in our shippes could not fetch ground : for wee
could not be lesse than threescore and tenne leagues off the
coast, which all that kept reckoning in the ship agreed
upon, and my selfe was of the same opinion. And so wee
applyed ourselves to serve God, but all the time that the
service endured, my heart could not be at rest, and still me
thought the water beganne to waxe whiter and whiter.
Our prayers ended, I commanded a lead and a lyne to be
brought, and heaving the lead in fourteene fathoms, wee
had ground, which put us all into a maze, and sending men
into the toppe, presently discovered the land of Guynne,
some five leagues from us, very low land. I commanded a
peece to be shott, and lay by the lee, till my other shippes
came up. Which hayling us, wee demanded of them how
farre they found themselves off the land; who answered,
some threescore and tenne, or fourescore leagues : when
wee told them wee had sounded and found but fourteene
fathomes, and that we were in sight of land, they began to
wonder. But having consulted what was best to be done,
I caused my shalop to be manned, wdiich I towed at the
sterne of my ship continually, and sent her and my pynace
1 All sail set — at present its signification is confined to a vessel rigged
and ready for sea.

ERRORS IN THE RECKONING. 135
a head to sound, and followed them with an easie sayle, till Sect- :
we came in seaven and six fathome water, and some two
leagues from the shore anchored, in hope by the sea, or by
the land to find some refreshing. The sea we found to be
barren of fish, and my boates could not discover any land
ing place, though a whole day they had rowed alongst the
coast, with great desire to set foote on shore, for that the
sedge1 was exceeding great and dangerous. Which expe
rienced, wee set sayle, notwithstanding the contrarietie of
the winde, sometimes standing to the west-wards, some
time to the east-wards, according to the shifting of the
wind.

SECTION XV.
Here is to be noted, that the error which we fell into in our Note
accompts, was such as all men fall into where are currants
that set east or west, and are not knowne; for that there
is no certaine rule yet practised for triall of the longitude,
as there is of the latitude, though some curious and experi
mented of our nation, with whom I have had conference
about this poynt, have shewed me two or three manner of
wayes how to know it.2
This, some years before, was the losse of the Edward The losse of
_. .,. „ the Edward
Cotton, bound for the coast of Brasill, which taken with the Cottm.
winde contrary neere the lyne, standing to the east-wards,
and making accompt to be fiftie or sixtie leagues off the
coast, with all her sayles standing, came suddenly a ground
upon the sholes of Madre-bomba, and so was cast away,
1 Surf.
2 It is still the custom to attribute all similar discordancies to the
effect of current. This is a simple if not very philosophical mode of
making the reckoning agree with observation. In this case, probably
both the reckoning of the ship and the position of the land on the chart
were faulty.

136 currents.
though the most part of their company saved themselves
upon raffes ; but with the contagion of the countrie, and
bad entreatie which the negros gave them, they died ; so
that there returned not to their country above thre.e or foure
of them.
But God Almightie dealt more mercifully with us, in
shewing us our error in the day, and in time that wee might
remedie it ; to him be evermore glory for all.
This currant from the line equinoctiall, to twentie degrees
northerly, hath great force, and setteth next of anything
east, directly upon the shore ; which we found by this
meanes : standing to the westwards, the wind southerly,
when we lay with our ships head west, and by south, we
gayned in our heith1 more then if wee had made our way
good west south-west ; for that, the currant tooke us under
the bow : but lying west, or west and by north, we lost
more in twelve houres then the other way we could get in
foure and twentie. By which plainly we saw, that the
currant did set east next of any thing. Whether this cur
rant runneth over one way, or doth alter, and how, we could
by no meanes understand, but tract of time and observa
tion will discover this, as it hath done of many others in
sundry seas.
The currant that setteth betwixt New-found-land and
Spaine, runneth also east and west, and long time deceived
many, and made some to count the way longer, and others
shorter, according as the passage was speedie or slowe ; not
knowing that the furtherance or binderance of the currant
was cause of the speeding or flowing of the way. And in
sea cardes I have seene difference of above thirtie leagues
betwixt the iland Tercera and the mayne. And others
have recounted unto me, that comming from the Indias,
and looking out for the ilands of Azores, they have had
1 The term height is used for latitude ; probably because the pole
star was the principal object used to determine position.

OCEAN CURRENTS. 137
sight of Spaine. And some have looked out for Spaine, Beot-
and have discovered the ilands.
The selfe same currant is in the Levant sea, but runneth
trade betwixt the maynes, and changeable sometimes to
the east-wards, sometimes to the west-wards.
In Brasill and the South sea, the currant likewise is
changeable, but it runneth ever alongst the coast, accom
panying the winde, and it is an infallible rule, that twelve
or twentie foure houres before the wind alters, the currant
begins to change.
In the West Indies onely the currant runneth continually
one way, and setteth alongst the coast from the equinoctiall
lyne towards the north. No man hath yet found that
these courrants keepe any certaine time, or run so many
dayes, or moneths, one way as another, as doth the course
of ebbing and flowing, well known in all seas ; only neere
the shore they have small force ; partly, because of the
reflux which the coast causeth, and partly for the ebbing
and flowing, which more or lesse is generall in most seas.1
When the currant runneth north or south, it is easily
discovered by augmenting or diminishing the height ; but
how to know the setting of the currant from east to west in
the mayne sea, is difficult ; and as yet I have not knowne
any man, or read any authour, that hath prescribed any
certaine meane or way to discover it. But experience
teacheth that in the mayne sea, for the most part, it is
variable ; and therefore the best and safest rule to prevent
the danger (which the uncertainty and ignorance heereof
may cause), is carefull and continuall watch by day and
night, and upon the east and west course ever to bee before
the shipp, and to use the meanes possible to know the
errour, by the rules which newe authours may teach ; beat-
1 The current in the West Indies, known as the Gulf stream, runs to
the northward through the Gulf of Florida, and then trending to the
eastward, expends its force in the Atlantic.

138 THE SCURVY.
sect. xvi. jng 0fj an(j on> sometimes to the west-wards, sometimes to

the east- wards, with a fayre gayle of winde.

SECTION XVI.
The Being betwixt three or foure degrees of the equinoctiall
scurvey. line, my company within a few dayes began to fall sicke,
of a disease which sea-men are wont to call the scurvey :
and seemeth to bee a kind of dropsie, and raigneth most in
this climate of any that I have heard or read of in the
world ; though in all seas it is wont to helpe and increase
the miserie of man ; it possesseth all those of which it
taketh hold, with a loathesome sloathfulnesse, even to eate ;
they would be content to change their sleepe and rest,
which is the most pernicious enemie in this sicknesse, that
is knowne. It bringeth with it a great desire to drinke,
and causeth a generall swelling of all parts of the body,
especially of the legs and gums, and many times the teeth
fall out of the jawes without paine.
Thesignes. The signes to know this disease in the beginning are
divers : by the swelling of the gummes, by denting of the
flesh of the leggs with a mans finger, the pit remayning
without filling up in a good space. Others show it with
their lasinesse : others complaine of the cricke of the backe,
etc., all which are, for the most part, certaine tokens of
infection.
The cause. The cause of this sicknes some attribute to sloath ; some
to conceite ; and divers men speake diversly : that which
I have observed is, that our nation is more subject unto it
than any other; because being bred in a temperate clymate,
where the naturall heate restrayned, giveth strength to the
stomacke, sustayning it with meates of good nourishment,
and that in a wholesome ayre ; whereas comming into the

THE SCURVY. 139
hot countries (where that naturall heate is dispersed through Sect- XT1-
the whole body, which was wont to be proper to the sto-
mache ; and the meates for the most part preserved with
salt, and its substance thereby diminished, and many times
corrupted), greater force for digestion is now required thai
in times past ; but the stomache finding less virtue to doe
his office, in reparting to each member his due proportion
in perfection, which either giveth it rawe, or remayneth
with it indigested by his hardnes or cruditie, infeebleth the
body, and maketh it unlusty and unfit for any thing ; for
the stomache being strong (though all parts els be weake),
there is ever a desire to feede, and aptnes to perform what
soever can be required of a man ; but though all other
members be strong and sound, if the stomache be opprest,
or squemish, all the body is unlustie, and unfit for any
thing, and yeeldeth to nothing so readily as sloathfulnes,
which is confirmed by the common answere to all ques
tions : as, will you eate ? will you sleepe ? will you walke ?
will you play ? The answere is, I have no stomache :
which is as much as to say, no, not willingly : thereby con
firming, that without a sound and whole stomache, nothing
can bee well accomplished, nor any sustenance well di-'
gested.1 The seething of the meate in salt water, helpeth to cause seething of
a x meat in salt
this infirmitie, which in long voyages can hardly be avoyded : water.
but if it may be, it is to be shunned ; for the water of the
sea to man's body is very unwholesome. The corruption corruption
of the victuals, and especially of the bread, is very per
nicious ; the vapours and ayre of the sea also is nothing vapours of
profitable, especially in these hot countries, where are many
1 The cause of scurvy is now known to be the absence of fresh food,
especially fresh vegetable food. Since greater attention has been paid
to diet, and also to the cleanliness and ventilation of the vessel, and
since long voyages have become of rare occurrence, this disease has
nearly disappeared.

140 .THE SCURVY.
sect. xvi. Calmes. And were it not for the moving of the sea by the

force of windes, tydes, and currants, it would corrupt all the
world. The experience I saw in anno 1590, lying with a fleete of
Azores. her majesties ships about the ilands of the Azores, almost
six moneths ; the greatest part of the time we were be
calmed : with which all the sea became so replenished with
several sorts of gellyes, and formes of serpents, adders, and
snakes, as seemed wonderfull : some greene, some blacke,
some yellow, some white, some of divers coulours; and
many of them .had life, and some there were a yard and
halfe, and two yards long ; which had I not seene, I could
hardly have beleeved. And hereof are witnesses all the
companies of the ships which were then present ; so that
hardly a man could draw a buckett of water cleere of some
corruption. In which voyage, towards the end thereof,
many of every ship (saving of the Nonpereil, which was
under my charge, and had onely one man sicke in all the
voyage), fell sicke of this disease, and began to die apace,
The but that the speedie passage into our country was remedie
to the crazed, and a preservative for those that were not
touched. The best prevention for this disease (in my
judgement) is to keepe cleane the shippe ; to besprinkle her
ordinarily with vineger, or to burne tarre, and some sweet
savours ; to feed upon as few salt meats in the hot country
Bydyet. as may be; and especially to shunne all kindes of salt fish,
and to reserve them for the cold climates ; and not to dresse
any meate with salt water, nor to suffer the companie to
wash their shirts nor cloathes in it, nor to sleepe in their
cloaths when they are wett. For this cause it is necessarily
required, that provision be made of apparell for the corn-
By shift, pa-ny, that they may have wherewith to shift themselves ;
being a common calamitie amongst the ordinary sort of
mariners, to spend their thrift on the shore, and to bring
to sea no more cloaths then they have backes. For the

THE SCURVY. 141
bodie of man is not refreshed with any thing more than _Sect- *Tr-
with shifting cleane cloaths ; a great preservative of health
in hott countries.
The second antidote is, to keepe the companie occupied
in some bodily exercise of worke, of agilitie, of pastimes, of By labonr-
dauncing, of use of armes ; these helpeth much to banish
this infirmitie. Thirdly, in the morning, at discharge of B/ti^rlJnd
the watch, to give every man a bit of bread, and a draught drillklI,s-
of drinke, either beere or wine mingled with water (at the
least, the one halfe), or a quantitie mingled with beere, that
the pores of the bodie may be full, when the vapours of the
sea ascend up.
The morning draught should be ever of the best and
choysest of that in the ship. Pure wine I hold to be more
hurtfull then the other is profitable. In this, others will
be of a contrary opinion, but I thinke partial! If not,
then leave I the remedies thereof to those physitions and
surgeons who have experience ; and I wish that some
learned man would write of it, for it is the plague of the
sea, and the spoyle of mariners. Doubtlesse, it would be a
meritorious worke with God and man, and most beneficiall
for our countrie ; for in twentie yeares, since that I have
used the sea, I dare take upon me to give accompt of ten
thousand men consumed with this disease.
That which I have seene most fruitfull for this sicknesse,
is sower oranges and lemmons, and a water which amongst orange/
others (for my particular provision) I carryed to the sea, an em '""
called Dr. Stevens his water, of which, for that his vertue |ye°°nc3tor
was not then well knowne unto me, I carryed but little, water-
and it tooke end quickly, but gave health to those that
used it.
The oyle of vitry1 is beneficiall for this disease; taking By oyie of
two drops of it, and mingled in a draught of water, with a
little sugar. It taketh away the thirst, and helpeth to
1 Oil of vitriol or sulphuric acid.

142 CURES FOR THE SCURVY.
Sect- m- dense and comfort the stomache. But the principall of
By the ayre all, is the ayre of the land ; for the sea is naturall for fishes,
of the land. n i
and the land for men. And the oftener a man can have
his people to land, not hindering his voyage, the better it
is, and the profitablest course that he can take to refresh
them.1 1 These are very interesting remarks on the scurvy. Sir Richard
Hawkins takes a broader and more scientific view of the question than
do the bigoted " lime-juicers" of the present day. The cause of scurvy
is the absence of fresh food. The preventives, as Sir Richard truly
says, are fresh food, good ventilation, cleanliness, and bodily exercise
with amusements. Medicines, such as lime-juice, "Dr. Stevens his
water", and " oyle of vitry", take a secondary place. They may help
both as cures and preventives, but with other circumstances tending to
produce the disease, lime-juice alone will neither prevent nor cure. The
" Scurvy Committee", which recently reported on the outbreak in the
Arctic Expedition of 1875-76 came to conclusions directly opposed to the
evidence. None of the extended travelling parties of former Arctic ex
peditions took lime-juice except on one occasion, and on that one occasion
alone was there an outbreak of scurvy. During the late expedition it
self scurvy broke out in eight cases, when men were taking lime-juice
regularly. The whole mass of evidence confirmed all former Arctic ex
perience,^ and showed that the absence of lime-juice on some of the
sledges was not the cause of the outbreak of scurvy. In the cases
where lime-juice was not taken on sledges, the reason was that it could
not have been used in the intense cold. The evidence also proved that
lime-juice alone, without fresh food, will not cure the scurvy. Lime-
juice, as Sir James Lancaster and Sir Richard Hawkins discovered three
centuries ago, is an excellent medicine in helping to arrest the disease ;
but without the aid of good ventilation, cleanliness, and fresh food, lime-
juice alone will neither prevent nor cure. The opposite conclusion of
the " Scurvy Committee" is opposed to all the evidence they took, and
to all experience. Of course every precaution should be taken against
scurvy, and, as soon as fresh vegetable food is absent, daily rations of
lime-juice must be taken when it is possible. In sledge travelling in
the Arctic Regions, during April and May, it is not possible to take
lime-juice in the form in which it is supplied to ships ; and Sir George
Nares was quite right not to send it.
For some further notices of outbreaks of scurvy ifi these early voyages,
see the Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, etc., a volume issued by the
Hakluyt Society in 1878, pages 4, 61, 62, 113, 222.

APPROACHING THE COAST OP BRAZIL. 143

SECTION XVII. Sect. xvn.

Having stood to the westwards some hundreth leagues and
more, and the wind continuing with us contrarie, and the The com-
° ' pany sicke
sicknesse so fervent, that every day there dyed more or Jj|^ a^"
lesse, — my companie in generall began to dismay, and to
desire to returne homewards, which I laboured to hinder
by good reasons and perswasions ; as that to the West
Indies we had not above eight hundreth leagues, to the
ilands of Azores little lesse, and before we came to the
ilands of Cape de Verde, that we should meete with the
breze ; for every night we might see the reach goe contrary
to the winde which wee sayled by ; verifying the old
proverbe amongst mariners, — that he hath need of a long
mast, that will sayle by the reach : and that the neerest
land and speediest refreshing we could look for, was the
coast of Brasill : and that standing towards it with the wind
we had, we shortned our way for the Indies ; and that to put
all the sicke men together in one shippe, and to send her
home was to make her their grave. For we could spare
but few sound men, who were also subject to fall sicke,
and the misery, notwithstanding, remedilesse. With which
they were convinced, and remayned satisfied. So leaving
all to their choyse, with the consideration of what I per-
swaded, they resolved, with me, to continue our course, till
that God was pleased to looke upon us with his Fatherly
eyes of mercie.
As we approached neerer and neerer the coast of Brasill, Brasiiu
the wind began to veer to the east-wardes ; and about the
middle of October, to be large and good for us ; and about
the 18th of October, we were thwart of Cape Saint Augus- Augustine.
tine,1 which lyeth in sixe degrees to the southwards of the
» Cape St. Agostinhos, in 8° 20' S.

144

COAST OP BRAZIL.

Sect. xvn.

Farnambuca.

TodosSantos.Pura de
Vitoria.

Dangers of
fire.

By heating
of pitch.

lyne; and the twenty-one in the height of Farnambuca,1
but some fourscore leagues from the coast ; the twentie
foure in the height of Bayea de Todos Santos ;2 neere the
end of October, betwixt seventeen and eighteen degrees,
we were in sixteen fathomes, sounding of the great sholes,
which lye alongst the coast, betwixt the Bay of Todos
Santos, and the port of Santos, alias Pura Senora de Vitoria;3
which are very perilous.4
But the divine Providence hath ordayned great flockes
of small birds, like snytes,6 to live upon tbe rockes and
broken lands of these sholes, and are met with ordinarily
twentie leagues before a man come in danger of them.
It shall not be amisse here to recount the accidents
which befell us during this contrary winde, and the
curiosities to be observed in all this time. Day and night
we had continually a fayre gale of winde, and a smooth
sea, without any alteration ; one day, tbe carpenters having
calked the decke of our shippe, which the sunne with his
extreame heate had opened, craved licence to heate a little
pitch in the cook-roome ; which I would not consent unto
by any meanes ; for that my cook-roomes were under the
decke, knowing the danger ; until the master undertooke
that no danger should come thereof. But he recommended
the charge to another, who had a better name then ex
perience. He suffered the pitch to rise, and to runne into
the fire, which caused so furious a flame as amazed him,
and forced all to flie his heate. One of my company, with
a double payre of gloves, tooke off the pitch-pot, but the
fire forced him to let slip his hold-fast, before he could set
it on the hearth, and so overturned it, and as the pitch
began to runne, so the fire to enlarge it selfe, that in a
moment a great part of the shippe was on a light fire. I
1 Pernambuco is north of Cape St. Agostinhos.
2 Bahia is in 12° 58' 3" S. 3 Victoria is in 20° 19' 2" S.
1 Shoals called the Abrolhos. 5 Snyte for snipe.

DANGER OF FIRE. 145
being in my cabin, presently imagined what the matter Sect. xvn.
was, and for all the hast I could make, before I came the
fire was above the decke : for remedie whereof, I com
manded all my companie to cast their rugge-gownes into
the sea, and ropes fastened unto them. These I had pro
vided for my people to watch in ; for in many hott countries
the nights are fresh and colde ; and devided one gowne to
two men, a starboord and a larboord man; so that he which
watched had ever the gowne : for they which watched not,
were either in their cabins, or under the decke, and so
needed them not. The gownes being well soked, every
man that could, tooke one, and assaulted the fire ; and al
though some were singed, others scalded, and many burned,
God was pleased that the fire was quenched, which I thought
impossible ; and doubtlesse, I never saw my selfe in greater
perill in all the dayes of my life. Let all men take example
by us, not to. suffer, in any case, pitch to be heate in the
ship, except it be with a shotte heate in the fire, which
cannot breed daunger ; nor to permit fire to be kindled,
but upon meere necessitie ; for the inconvenience thereof
is for the most part remedilesse.1
With drinkingr of tobacco it is said, that the Roebucke By taking
° tobacco.
was burned in the range of Dartmouth.
The Primrose, of London, was fire'd with a candle, at
Tilbery-hope, and nothing saved but her kele.
And another ship bound for Barbary, at Wapping.
The Jesus of Lubecke had her gunner-roome set on fire
with a match, and had beene burnt without redemption, if
that my father, Sir John Hawkins, knight, then generall
in her, had not commaunded her sloppers2 to be stopt, and
1 Heating pitch, and drawing off spirits in the hold, using a light, are
the most common causes that lead to fire. Excluding the air is the best
remedy, and no better device could have been hit upon than wetting the
rug gowns.
2 Holes in the ship's side to carry off the water. The term now in use
is scupper : slopper appears to be as good a word.

146 DANGER OF FIRE.
sect. xvn. fchg men to come to the pumpes, wherof shee had two which
By hooping went with chaynes ; and plying them, in a moment there
amiBcut. wag tkree or foure inches 0f water upon the decke, which
with scoopes, swabbles,1 and platters, they threw upon the
fire, and so quenched it, and delivered both ship and
men out of no small danger.
Great care is to be had also in cleaving of wood, in
hooping or scuttling"2 of caske, and in any businesse where
violence is to be used with instruments of iron, Steele, or
stone : and especially in opening of powder, these are not
to be used, but mallets of wood ; for many mischances
happen beyond all expectation.
I have been credibly enformed by divers persons, that
comming out of the Indies, with scuttling a butt of water,
the water hath taken fire, and flamed up, and put all in
hazard. And a servant of mine, Thomas Grey, told me,
that in the shippe wherein he came out of the Indies, anno
] 600, there happened the like ; and that if with mantles
they had not smothered the fire, they had bin all burned
with a pipe of water, which in scutling took fire.
Master John Hazlelocke reported, that in the arsenall
of Venice happened the like, he being present. For mine
o/waters6 own part, I am of opinion, that some waters have this
propertie, and especially such as have their passage by
mines of brimstone, or other mineralls, which, as all men
know, give extraordinary properties unto the waters by
which they runne. Or it may be that the water being in
wine caske, and kept close, may retayne an extraordinary
propertie of the wine.3 Yea, I have drunke fountaine and
1 Swabs are a species of mop, made of a collection of rope yarns, used
to dry the deck. Swebban — (Anglo-Saxon) to sweep.
2 To scuttle — to make openings. Escotilla (Spanish), is applied to
the openings in the deck, called by us hatch-ways. The term scuttle is
also applied to the small openings made in the ship's side to admit light
and air.
5 If impure water be confined in a close cask, gas will be generated,
and the effect described happen.

PUNISHMENT FOR SWEARING. 147
river waters many times, which have had a savour as that Sect- XTm-
of brimstone.
¦ Three leagues from Bayon, in France, I have proved of a
fountaine that hath this savour, and is medicinable for many
diseases. In the South sea, in a river some five leagues
from Cape Saint Francisco, in one degree and a halfe to the
northwardes of the lyne, in the bay of Atacames, is a river
of fresh water, which hath the like savour. Of this I shall
have occasion to speake in another place, treating of the
divers properties of fountaines and rivers ; and therefore to
our purpose.

SECTION XVIII.
We had no small cause to give God thankes and prayse for By swear
ing.
our deliverance ; and so, all our ships once come together,
wee magnified his glorious name for his mercie towards us,
and tooke an occasion hereby to banish swearing out of our
shippes, which amongst the common sort of mariners and
sea-faring men is too ordinarily abused. So with a generall
consent of all our companie, it was ordayned that in every
ship there should be a palmer or ferula, which should be in
the keeping of him who was taken with an oath ; and that
he who had the palmer should give to every other that he
tooke swearing, in the palme of the hand, a palmada with
it, and the ferula. And whosoever at the time of evening,
or morning prayer, was found to have the palmer, should
have three blowes given him by the captaine or master ;
and that he should be still bound to free himselfe, by taking
another, or else to runne in daunger of continuing the
penaltie : which executed, few dayes reformed the vice ;
so that in three dayes together, was not one oath heard to

148 DOLPHINS.
Sect- XEg- be sworne. This brought both ferulas and swearing out of
use.1 And certainly, in vices, custome is the principall susten
ance; and for their reformation, it little availeth to give
good counsel], or to make good lawes and ordenances except
they be executed.

SECTION XIX.
In this time of contrary wind, those of my company which
were in health, recreated themselves with fishing, and
beholding the hunting and hawking of the sea, and the
battel! betwixt tbe whale and bis enemies, which truly are
of no small pleasure. And therefore for the curious, I will
spend some time in declaration of them.
Ordinarily such ships as navigate betweene tbe tropiques,
are accompanied with three sorts of fish : the dolphin,
which the Spaniards call dozado ; the bonito, or Spanish
makerell ; and the sharke, alias tiberune.
The The dolphin I hold to be one of the swiftest fishes in the
sea. He is like unto a breame, but that he is longer and
thinner, and his scales very small. He is of the colour of
the rayn-bow, and his head different to other fishes ; for,
from his mouth halfe a spanne, it goeth straight upright, as
the head of a wherry, or the cut-water of a ship. He is
very good meate if he be in season, but the best part of him
is his head, which is great. They are some bigger, some
1 In the instructions given by the Lords Generals, the Earl of Essex
and Charles Lord Howard, Lord High Admiral of England, to the
captains of the ships composing the expedition to Cadiz, in 1596, the
second article runs thus : " Item— You shall forbid swearing, brawling,
dicing, and such like disorders, as may breed contention and disorder
in your ship, -wherein you shall also avoid God's displeasure and win
his favour."

DOLPHINS. BONITOS. 149
lesser ; the greatest that I have seene, might be some foure Seot-

foote long.
I hold it not without some ground, that the auncient
philosophers write, that they be enamoured of a man ; for
in meeting With shipping, they accompany them till they
approach to colde climates ; this I have noted divers times.
For disembarking out of the West Indies, anno 1583, within
three or foure dayes after, we met a scole1 of them, which
left us not till we came to the ilands of Azores, nere a
thousand leagues. At other times I have noted the like.
But some may say, that in the sea are many scoles of
this kinde of fish, and how can a man know if they were the
same? Who may be thus satisfied, that every day in the morn
ing, which is the time that they approach neerest the ship,
we should see foure, five, and more, which had, as it were,
our eare-marke ; one hurt upon the backe, another neere
the tayle, another about the fynnes ; which is a sufficient
proofe that they were the same : for if those which had
received so bad entertainment of us would not forsake us,
much less those which we had not hurt. Yet that which
makes them most in love with ships and men, are the
scrappes and refreshing they gather from them.
The bonito, or Spanish makerell, is altogether like unto The bonito.
a makerell, but that it is somewhat more growne ; he is
reasonable foode, but dryer than a makerell. Of them there
are two sorts : the one is this which I have described ; the
other, so great as hardly one man can lift him. At such
times as wee have taken of these, one sufficed for a meale
for all my company. These, from the fynne of the tayle
forwards, have upon the chyne seven small yellow hillocks,
close one to another.
1 A shoal or scull of fish; that is, separated from the main body.
This is Home Tooke's derivation. We think the term is more commonly
applied to the main body itself.

150 SHARKS.
Sect. nx. The dolphins and bonitos are taken with certaine instru

ments of iron which we call vysgeis,1 in forme of an eel
speare, but that the blades are round, and the poynts like
unto the head of a broad arrow : these are fastened to long
staves of ten or twelve foote long, with lynes tied unto
them, and so shott to the fish from the beake-head, the
poope', or other parts of the shippe, as occasion is ministered.
They are also caught with hooks and lynes, the hooke being
bayted with a redd cloth, or with a white cloth made into
the forme of a fish, and sowed upon the hooke.
Thesharke. The shark, or tiberune, is a fish like unto those which
wee call dogge-fishes, but that he is farre greater. I have
seene of them eight or nine foote long ; his head is flatt and
broad, and his mouth in the middle, underneath, as that of
the scate ; and he cannot byte of the bayte before him, but
by making a halfe turne ; and then he helpeth him selfe. with
his tayle, which serveth him in stead of a rudder. His
skinne is rough (like to the fish which we call a rough
hound), and russet, with reddish spottes, saving that under
tbe belly be is all white : he is much hated of sea-faring
men, who have a certaine foolish superstition with them, and
say, that the ship hath seldome good successe, that is much
accompanied with them.
It is the most ravenous fish knowne in the sea; for he
swalloweth all that he findeth. In the puch2 of them hath
beene found hatts, cappes, shooes, shirts, leggs and armes
of men, ends of ropes, and many other things ; whatsoever
is hanged by the shippes side, hee sheereth it, as though it
were with a razor; for he hath three rowes of teeth on
either side, as sharpe as nailes ; some say they are good for
pick-tooths. It bath chanced that a yonker casting him
selfe into the sea to swimme, hath had his legge bitten off
above the knee by one of them. And I have beene en-
1 Fisgig or grains— a, small trident used for striking fish. From the
Spanish fisga. 2 Pouch or stomach.

SHARES. 151
formed, that in the Tyger, when Sir Richard Greenfield1 Sect. nx.
went to people Virginia, a sharke cut off the legge of one
of the companie, sitting in the chaines and washing him
selfe. They spawne not as the greatest part of fishes doe,
but whelpe, as the dogge or wolfe ; and for many dayes
after that shee hath whelped, every night, and towards any
storme, or any danger which may threaten them hurt, the
damme receiveth her whelpes in at her mouth, and pre-
serveth them, till they be able to shift for themselves. I
have seene them goe in and out, being more than a foote
and halfe long : and after taking the damme, we have
found her young ones in her belly.2
Every day my company tooke more or lesse of them, not
for that they did eat of them (for they are not held whole
some ; although the Spaniards, as I have seene, doe eate
them), but to recreate themselves, and in revenge of the
injuries received by them; for they live long, and suffer
much after they bee taken, before they dye.
At the tayle of one they tyed a great logge of wood, at
another, an empty batizia,3 well stopped ; one they yoaked
like a hogge ; from another, they plucked out his eyes, and
so threw them into the sea. In catching two together, they
bound them tayle to tayle, and so set them swimming;
another with his belly slit and his bowels hanging out,
which his fellowes every one would have a snatch at ; with
other infinite inventions to entertayne the time, and to
avenge themselves ; for that they deprived them of swim
ming, and fed on their flesh being dead. They are taken
with harping irons, and with great hookes made of purpose,
with swyvels and chaines ; for no lyne nor small rope can
hold them, which they share not asunder.
There doth accompany this fish divers little fishes, which
1 Grenville.
1 One species produces its young alive : others in a hard mem
braneous pouch. 3 Probably a small cask.

152 FLYING FISH.
sect. xix. are callet pilats fishes, and are ever upon his fynnes, his

head, or his backe, and feed of the scraps and superfluities
of his prayes. They are in forme of a trought, and stroked
like a makerell, but that the strekes are white and blacke,
and tbe blacke greater then the white.
The manner of bunting and hawking representeth that
which we reasonable creatures use, saving onely in the dis
posing of the game. For by our industry and abilitie the
hound and hawke is brought to that obedience, that what
ever they seize is for their master : but here it is otherwise:
for the game is for him that seizeth it. The dolphins and
bonitoes are the houndes, and the alcatraces the hawkes,
Ashes? an<I *he flying fishes the game ; whose wonderfull making
magnifieth the Creator, who for their safetie and helpe, hath
given them extraordinary manner of fynnes, which serve in
stead of wings, like those of the batt or rere-mouse ; of
such a delicate skinne, interlaced with small bones so
curiously, as may well cause admiration in the beholders.
They are like unto pilchards in colour, and making ; saving
that they are somewhat rounder, and (for the most part)
bigger. They flie best with a side wind, but longer then
their wings be wett they cannot sustaine the waight of their
bodies ; and so the greatest flight that I have seene them
make, hath not beene above a quarter of a myle. They
commonly goe in scoles, and serve for food for the greater
fishes, or for the foules. The dolphins and bonitos doe
continually hunt after them, and the alcatraces lye soaring
in the ayre, to see when they spring, or take their flight ;
and ordinarily, he that escapeth the mouth of the dolphin
or bonito, helping himselfe by his wings, falleth prisoner
into the hands of the alcatrace, and helpeth to fill his gorge.
Aicatrace. The alcatrace1 is a sea-fowle, different to all that I have
seene, either on the land or in tbe sea. His bead like unto
1 The man-of-war bird, or cormorant— Pelecanidx. On the coast of
Brazil, in latitude twenty-four, are the Alcatrasse islands.

WHALES AND SWORD-FISH. 153
the head of a gull, but his bill like unto a snytes bill, some- Sect.

what shorter, and in all places alike. He is almost like to
a heronshaw ; his leggs a good spanne long, his wings, very
long, and sharpe towards the poynts, with a long tayle like
to a pheasant, but with three or foure feathers onely, and
these narrower. He is all blacke, of the colour of a crow,
and of little flesh ; for he is almost all skinne and bones.
He soareth the highest of any fowle that I have seene,
and I have not heard of any, that hath seene them rest in
the sea.
Now of the fight betwixt the whale and his contraries ; ^e^e0f
which are the sword-fish and the thresher. The whale is
of the greatest fishes in the sea ; and to count but the truth,
unlesse dayly experience did witnesse the relation, it might
seeme incredible ; hee is a huge unwildlie fish, and to those
which have not seene of them, it might seeme strange, that
other fishes should master him ; but certaine it is, that
many times the thresher and sword-fish, meeting him joyntly,
doe make an end of him.
The sword-fish1 is not great, but strongly made ; and in with the
° ' e> J > Bword flan
the top of his chine, as a man may say, betwixt the necke
and shoulders, he hath a manner of sword, in substance like
unto a bone, of four or five inches broad, and above three
foote long, full of prickles of either side : it is but thin, for
the greatest that I have seene hath not beene above a
finger thicke.
The thresher is a greater fish, whose tayle is very broad and
and thicke, and very waightie. They fight in this maner ;
the sword fish placeth himselfe under the belly of the whale,
and the thresher upon the ryme2 of the water, and with his
tayle thresheth upon the head of the whale, till hee force
1 Xiphias — the sword or snout is about three-tenths of his whole
length. 1 The surface — from cream or ream, what rises to the surface — or
perhaps from rim, brim.

154 THE THRESHER AND THE WHALE.
sect. xrx. him t0 g{ve wav ; which the sword fish perceiving, receiveth

him upon his sword, and wounding him in the belly forceth
him to mount up againe (besides that he cannot abide long
under water, but must of force rise upp to breath) : and
when in such manner they torment him, that the fight is
sometimes heard above three leagues distance, and I dare
affirme, that I have heard the blowes of the thresher two
leagues off, as the report of a peece of ordinance; the
whales roaring being heard much further. It also happeneth
sundry times that a great part of the water of the sea round
about them, with the blood of the whale, changeth his
colour. The best remedy the whale hath in this extremitie
to helpe himselfe, is to get him to land, which hee procureth
as soone as hee discovereth his adversaries ; and getting
the shore, there can fight but one with him, and for either
of them, band to hand, he is too good. The whale is a fish
not good to be eaten, hee is almost all fat, but esteemed for
his trayne ; and many goe to the New-found-land, Greene-
land, and other parts onely to fish for them ; which is in
this maner ; when they which seeke the whale discover him,
Thetaking they compasse him round about with pynaces or shalops.
whale. jn ^he hea<l 0f every boat is placed a man, with a harping
iron, and a long lyne, the one end of it fastned to the
harping iron, and the other end to the head of the boat, in
which it lyeth finely coiled ; and for that he cannot keepe
long under water, he sheweth which way he goeth, when
rising neere any of the boates, within reach, be that is
neerest, darteth his harping iron at him. The whale find
ing himself to be wounded, swimmeth to the bottome, and
drawetb the pynace after him ; which the fisher-men pre
sently forsake, casting themselves into the sea; for that
many times he draweth the boat under water : those that
are next, procure to take them up. For this cause all such
as goe for that kind of fishing, are experimented in swim
ming. When one harping iron is fastned in the whale, it

WHALE-FISHING. 155
is easily discerned which way he directeth his course : and Sect-:

so ere long they fasten another, and another in him. When
he hath three or foure boates dragging after him, with their
waight, his bleeding, and fury, he becommeth so over-
mastred, that the rest of the pynaces with their presence
and terror, drive him to the place where they would have
him, nature instigating him to covet the shore.
Being once hurt, there is little need to force him to land.
Once on the shore, they presently cut great peeces of him,
and in great cauldrons seeth them.1 The uppermost in the
cauldrons is the fatt, which they skimme off, and put it
into hogsheads ajid pipes. This is that they call whales
oyle, or traine oylfy accompted the best sort of traine oyle.
It is hard to be beleeved, what quantitie is gathered of one
whale ; of the tongue, I have beene enformed, have many
pipes beene filled. The fynnes are also esteemed for many
and sundry uses ; as is his spawne for divers purposes : this
wee corruptly call parmacittie ; of the Latine word, sperma
ceti? And the precious amber-greece some thinke also to be Amber-
found in his boweljs, or voyded by him : but not in all
seas : yea, they maintaine for certaine, that the same is
ingendred by eating an hearbe which groweth in the sea.
This hearbe is not in all seas, say they, and therefore,
where it wanteth, the whales give not this fruit. In the
coast of the Bast Indies in many partes is great quantitie.
In the coastes of Guyne, of Barbary, of the Florida, in the
islands of Cape de Verde, and the Canaries, amber-greece
hath beene many times found, and sometimes on the coast
1 In the early days of the whale fishery, when the fish were plentiful,
the oil was boiled out on shore, near the place of capture.
2 " And telling me the sovereign'st thing on earth
Was .parmaceti for an inward bruise." — Henry IV, Part I.
Spermaceti is obtained from the brain of the sperm whale,— physetcr
macrocephalus — not from the spawn.

156 BEZOAR STONES.
Bect- IIX- of Spaine and England. Whereupon it is presumed, that
all these seas have not the hearbe growing in them. The
cause why the whale should eate this hearbe, I have not
heard, nor read. It may be surmised, that it is as that of
the becunia,1 and other beasts, which breed the beazer
stone ;2 who feeding in the valleyes and mountaines, where
are many venomous serpents, and herbes, when they find
themselves touched with any poyson, forthwith they runne
for remedie to an hearbe, which the Spaniards call contra-
yerva, that is to say, contrary to poyson : which having
eaten, they are presently cured : but the substance of the
hearbe converteth it selfe into a medicinal stone ; so it
may be, that the whale feeding of many sortes of fishes,
and some of them, as is knowne, venemous, when he
findeth himselfe touched, with this hearbe he cureth him
selfe ; and not being able to digest it, nature converteth
it into this substance, provoketh it out, or dyeth with it in
his belly ; and being light, the sea bringeth it to the coast.
All these are imaginations, yet instruments to moove us
to the glorifying of the great and universal Creatour of all
whose secret wisedome, and wonderfull workes, are incom
prehensible.
Amber- But the more approved generation of the amber-greece,
and which carrieth likliest probabilitie is, that it is a liquor
which issueth out of certaine fountaines, in sundry seas,
and being of a light and thicke substance, participating of
the ayre, suddenly becommeth hard, as the yellow amber,
of which they make beads ;3 which is also a liquor of a
1 Vicuna, ; the wild species of llama, in the Peruvian Andes.
2 Acosta devotes a chapter to the bezoar stones, which, he says, are
found in all the animals of the llama tribe. Those taken out of the
stomachs of vicunas are larger than the bezoars of llamas and alpacas.
Acosta explains the cause of this concretion, and its medicinal virtues.
(Hist, natural y, moral de las Indias, lib. iv, cap. 42.)
3 Ambergris is known to be a morbid secretion formed in the in
testines of the sperm whale (Physeter macrocephalusj, and is found float-

WHALE-CATCHING IN FLORIDA. 157
fountayne in the Germayne sea. In the bottom it is soft Seot-

and white, and partaking of the ayre becommeth hard and
stonie : also the corrall in the sea is soft, but comming into
the ayre, becommeth a stone.
Those who are of this former opinion, thinke the reason
why the amber greece is sometimes found in the whale,
to be, for that he swalloweth it, as other things which he
findeth swimming upon the water ; and not able to digest
it, it remaineth with him till his death.
Another manner of fishing and catching the whale I ?J ^h0
° ° Indians.
cannot omit, used by the Indians, in Florida; worthy to
be considered, in as much as the barbarous people have
found out so great a secret, by the industry and diligence
of one man, to kill so large and huge a monster : it is in
this manner.
The Indian discovering a whale, procureth two round
billets of wood, sharpneth both at one end, and so binding
them together with a cord, casteth himselfe with them into
the sea, and swimmeth towards the whale : if he come to
him, the whale escapeth not ; for he placeth himselfe upon
his necke, and although the whale goeth to the bottome,
he must of force rise presently to breath (for which nature
hath given him two great holes in the toppe of his head,
by which, every time that he breatbetb, he spouteth out a
great quantitie of water) ; the Indian forsaketh not his
holde, but riseth with him, and thrusteth in a logg into
one of his spowters, and with the other knocketh it in so
fast, that by no meanes the whale can get it out. That
fastned, at another opportunitie, he thrusteth in the second
logg into the other spowter, and with all the force he can,
keepeth it in.
The whale not being able to breath, swimmeth presently
ashore, and the Indian a cock-horse upon him, which his
ing on the sea, on the sea coast, or in the sand near the sea coast. Its
use is now entirely confined to perfumery. Ambre-gris (grey amber).

158 BEST TIME TO CROSS THE LINE.
Sect. xx. feflowes discovering, approach to helpe him, and to make
an end of him : it serveth them for their foode many dayes
after. Since the Spaniards have taught them the estimation of
amber greece, they seeke curiously for it, sell it to them,
and others, for such things as they best fancie, and most
esteem e ; which are, as I have been enformed, all sortes
of edge tooles, copper, glasses, glasse-beads, red caps, shirts,
and pedlery ware. Upon this subject, divers Spaniards
have discoursed unto mee, who have beene eye witnesses
thereof, declaring them to be valorous, ventrous, and indus
trious : otherwise they durst not undertake an enterprise
so difficult and full of danger.

section xx.
From the tropike of Cancer to three or foure degrees of the
equinoctiall, the breze, which is the north-east winde, doth
Best times raigne in our ocean sea the most part of the yeare, except
to passe the ...
lyne from ^ \yQ neere the shore, and then tbe wind is variable. In
the north-
soutorard8 three or foure degrees of eyther side the line, the winde
hangeth southerly, in the moneths of July, August, Sep
tember, and October; all the rest of the yeare, from the
Cape Bona Esperanca to the ilands of Azores, the breze
raygneth continually ; and some yeares in the other
moneths also, or calmes ; but he that purposeth to crosse
the lyne from the north-wards to the south-wards, the best
and surest passage is, in the moneths of January, February,
and March. In the moneths of September, October, and
November, is also good passage, but not so sure as in the
former.1 « According to Horsburgn, the least favourable season for getting to
the southward, is the period from June to September inclusive.

coast of brazil. 159

SECTION XXI. Sect. xxi.

Betwixt nineteene and twenty degrees to the south-wards
of the lyne, the winde tooke us contrary, which together
with the sicknes of my people made mee to seeke the shore ;
and about the end of October, we had sight of the land,
which presently by our height and the making of it, dis
covered it selfe to be the port of Santos,1 alias Nostra Se-
nora de Victoria, and is easie to be knowne, for it hath a
great high hill over the port, which (howsoever a man
commeth with the land) riseth like a bell, and comming
neere the shore, presently is discovered a white tower or
fort, which standeth upon the top of a hill over the harbour,
and upon the seamost land. It is the first land a man must
compasse before he enter the port. Comming within two
leagues of the shore, we anchored ; and the captaynes and
masters of my . other ships being come aboord, it was
thought convenient (the weaknes of our men considered,
for wee had not in our three ships twenty foure men
sound), and the winde uncertaine when it might change, we
thought with pollicie to procure that which wee could not
by force ; and so to offer traffique to the people of the
shore ; by that meanes to prove if wee could attayne some
refreshing for our sicke company.
In execution whereof, I wrote a letter to the governour
in Latine, and sent him with it a piece of crymson velvet, a
bolt of fine holland, with divers other things, as a present ;
and with it, the captaine of my ship, who spake a little
broken Spanish, giving the governour to understand that I
was bound to the East Indies, to traffique in those parts,
and that contrary windes had forced me upon that coast :
if that hee were pleased to like of it, for the commodities
1 Victoria, a Brazilian port in the Bay of Espirito Santo, in 20°
19' 2" S.

160 VICTORIA IN BRAZIL.
sect. xxi. tne count,ry yeelded in aboundance, I would exchange that
which they wanted. With these instructions my captaine
departed about nine of the clocke in the morning, carrying
a flagge of truce in the head of the boate, and sixteene men
well armed, and provided ; guided by one of my company
which two yeares before bad beene captaine in that place,
and so was a reasonable pilot.
Entering the port, within a quarter of a mile is a small
village, and three leagues higher up is the chief towne ;
where they have two forts, one on eyther side of the har
bour, and within them ride the ships which come thither to
discharge, or loade. In the small village is ever a garrison
of one hundreth souldiers, whereof part assist there con
tinually, and in the white tower upon the top of the hill,
which commaundeth it.
Heere my captaine had good entertainment, and those of
the shore received his message and letter, dispatching it
presently to the governour, who was some three leagues off
in another place : at least they beare us so in hand. In the
time that they expected the post, my captaine with one
other entertained himselfe with the souldiers a shore, who
after the common custome of their profession (except when
they be besonios1), sought to pleasure him, and finding
that be craved but oranges, lemmons, and matters of smal
moment for refreshing for his generall, they suffered the
women and children to bring him what hee would, which
hee gratified with double pistolets,2 that I. had given him
for that purpose. So got hee us two or three hundreth
oranges and lemmons, and some fewe hennes.
All that day and night, and the next day, till nine of the
1 Bisono — (Spanish) raw, undisciplined : —
Pistol. Under which king, Bezonian ? speak or die.
Henry IV, Part n.
2 The double pistole was a coin of about the value of thirty or thirty-
five shillings.

IN THE BAY OF ESPIRITO SANTO. 161
clocke, wee waited the returne of our boate; which not Seotxxr-
appearing, bred in me some suspition ; and for my satis
faction, I manned a light horseman which I had, and the
Fancie, the best I could, shewing strength where was weak-
nesse and infirmity, and so set sayle towardes the port ;
our gunner taking upon him to bee pilot, for that he had
beene there some yeares before.
Thus, with them we entred the harbour. My captaine
having notice of our being within the barre, came aboord
with the boat, which was no small joy to me ; and more, to
see him bring us store of oranges and lemmons, which was
that we principally sought for, as the remedie of our
diseased company. He made relation of that had past, and
how they expected present answere from the governour.
We anchored right against the village ; and within two
houres, by a flagge of truce, which they on the shore shewed
us, we understood that the messenger was come : our boat
went for the answere of the governour, who said, he was
sorry that he could not accomplish our desire, being so
reasonable and good ; for that in consideration of the warre
betwixt Spaine and England, he had expresse order from
his king, not to suffer any English to trade within his
jurisdiction, no, nor to land, or to take any refreshing upon
the shore. And therefore craved pardon, and that wee
should take this for a resolute answere : and further required
us to depart the port within three dayes, which he said he
gave us for our courteous manner of proceeding. If any of
my people from that time forwards, should approach to the
shore, that he would doe his best to hinder and annoy them.
With this answere wee resolved to depart ; and before it
came, with the first faire wind we determined to be pack
ing : but the wind suffered us not all that night, nor the
next , day. In which time, I lived in a great perplexitie,
for that I knew our own weaknesse, and what they might
doe unto us, if that they had knowne so much. For any

162 LOOK-OUT IN AN ENEMx'S PORT.
sect. xxi. man ^^ putteth himself into the enemies port, had need
of Argus eyes, and the wind in a bagge,1 especially where
the enemie is strong, and tbe tydes of any force. For with
either ebbe or flood, those who are on the shore may
thrust upon him inventions of fire : and with swimming or
other devises, may cut his cables. A common practise in
all hot countries. The like may be effected with raffes,
cannoas, boates, or pynaces, to annoy and assault him : and
if this had beene practised against us, or taken effect, our
shippes must of force have yeelded themselves ; for they
had no other people in them but sicke men ; but many
times opinion and feare preserveth the shippes, and not the
people in them.
Forpreven- Wherefore it is the part of a provident governour, to
tion of an- .
et0cyaine3' co1131*!61, weu the daungers that may befall him, before he
harbours. put himselfe into such places ; so shall he ever be provided
for prevention.
In Saint John de Vlua, in the New Spaine, when the
Spanyards dishonoured their nation with that foule act of
perjury, and breach of faith, given to my father. Sir John
Hawkins (notorious to the whole world),2 the Spanyards
fired two great shippes, with intention to burne my fathers
Admirall, which he prevented by towing them with his
boates another way.
The great armado of Spaine, sent to conquer England,
anno 1588, was with that selfe same industry overthrowne ;
for tbe setting on fire of six or seaven shippes (whereof two
were mine), and letting them drive with the flood, forced
them to cut their cables, and to put to sea, to seeke a new
way to Spaine.3 In which the greatest part of their best
shippes and men were lost and perished.
1 So that he may get away when it pleases hira.
2 See page 77.
8 Alluding to the attempt the fleet made to return northabout. In the
British Museum is preserved a curious old pack of playing cards, on

VIRTUE OF ORANGES. 163
For that my people should not be dismayed, I dispatched Seot-

presently my light horsman, with onely fbure men, and part
of the refreshing, advising them that with the first calme or
slent1 of wind, they should come off.
The next night, the wind comming off the shore, wee set
sayle, and with our boates and barkes sounded as we went.
It flowed upon the barre not above foure foote water,
and once in foure and twentie houres, as in some parts of
the West Indies ; at full sea, there is not upon the barre
above seventeen or eighteen foote water. The harbour
runneth to the south-westwards. He that will come into
it, is to open the harbour's mouth a good quarter of a
league before he beare with it, and be bolder of the wester
side ; for of the easterland2 lyeth a great ledge of rocks, for
the most part, under water, which sometimes break not;
but with small shipping, a man may goe betwixt them and
the poynt.
Comming aboord of our shippes, there was great joy The vertue
01 0r8iIlg6Si
amongst my company; and many, with the sight of the
oranges and lemmons, seemed to recover heart. This is a
wonderfull secret of the power and wisedome of God, that
hath hidden so great and unknowne vertue in this "fruit, to
be a certaine remedie for this infirmitie ; I presently caused
them all to be reparted3 amongst our sicke men, which
were so many, that there came not above three or foure to
a share : but God was pleased to send us a prosperous
winde the next day, so much to our comfort, that not any
one dyed before we came to the ilands, where we pretended
to refresh ourselves ; and although our fresh water had
which are depicted subjects relating to the defeat of the " Spanish
Armada". On the ten of spades is shewn a consultation about returning
by the North Ocean.
1 Such a wind as would enable them to lie aslant or obliquely near the
desired course. It is commonly said that " a calm is half a fair wind";
it is more than this, as out of thirty-two points, twenty would be fair.
2 Easterhand ? 3 Repartir — (French) to divide.

164 DISTILLING OF SALT WATER.
Sect. xm. fayled us many dayes before we saw the shore, by reason
~ of our long navigation, without touching any land, and the
excessive drinking of the sicke and diseased, which could
not be excused, yet with an invention I had in my shippe,
salt water01 1 easily drew out of the water of the sea, sufficient
quantitie of fresh water to sustaine my people with little
expence of fewell ; for with foure billets I stilled a hogs
head of water, and therewith dressed the meat for the sicke
and whole. The water so distilled, we found to be whole
some and nourishing.

SECTION XXII.

The coast from Santos to Cape Frio, lyeth west and by
south, southerly. So we directed our course west south
west. The night comming on, and directions given to our
other shippes, we sett the watch, having a fayre fresh gale
of wind and large. My selfe with the master of our ship,
having watched the night past, thought now to give nature
that which shee had beene deprived of, and so recommended
the care of steeridge to one of his mates ; who with the like
travell past being drowsie, or with the confidence which be
unskilful- had of him at the helme, had not that watchfull care which
nesse of the
mateera was recluire(I ; he at the helme steered west, and west and
by south, and brought us in a little time close upon the
shore -f doubtlesse he bad cast us all away, had not God
extraordinarily delivered us ; for the master being in his
dead sleepe, was suddenly awaked, and with such a fright
ofr°Goa!and *^at he could not be in quiet : whereupon waking his
the master, youth, which ordinarily slept in his cabin by him, asked
' The coast lies nearer south and by west, than west and by south, so
they would certainly have run on shore without any blame attaching to
the helmsman.

PROVIDENTIAL ESCAPE. 165
him how the watch went on ; who answered, that it could Sec'1- xxm>
not be above an houre since he layd himselfe to rest. He
replyed, that his heart was so unquiet that he could not by
any meanes sleepe, and so taking his gowne, came forth
upon the deck, and presently discovered the land hard by
us. And for that it was sandie and low, those who had
their eyes continually fixed on it, were dazeled with the re
flection of the starres, being a fayre night, and so were
hindered from the true discovery thereof. But he comming
out of the darke, had his sight more forcible, to discerne the
difference of the sea, and the shore. So that forthwith he
commaunded him at the helme, to put it close a starbourd,
and tacking our ship, wee edged off ; and sounding, found
scant three fathome water, whereby we saw evidently the
miraculous mercie of our God ; that if he had not watched
over us, as hee doth continually over his, doubtlesse we had
perished without remedie. To whom be all glory, and
prayse everlastingly, world without end.
Immediatly we shot off a peece, to give warning to our
other shippes ; who having kept their direct course, and far
to wind-wards and sea-wards, because we carried no Hght,
for that we were within sight of the shore, could not heare
the report ; and the next morning were out of sight.

SECTION XXIII.

In this poynt of steeridge, the Spaniards and PortingaUs care of
doe exceede all that I haue seene, I mean for their care,
which is cbiefest in navigation. And I wish in this, and
in all their workes of discipline, wee should follow their
examples ; as also those of any other nation. tuespan™
In every ship of moment, upon the halfe decke, or quar- PortingaUs.

166 CARE OF STEERAGE.
Sect. xxiv. ter decke,1 they have a chayre or seat ; out of which whilst
they navigate, the pilot, or his adjutants2 (which are the
same officers which in our shippes we terme the masterand
his mates), never depart, day nor night, from the sight of
the compasse ; and have another before them, whereby
they see what they doe, and are ever witnesses of the good
or bad steeridge of all men that take the helme. This I
have seene neglected in our best shippes, yet nothing more
necessary to be reformed. For a good helme-man may be
overcome with an imagination, and so mis-take one poynt
for another ;3 or the compasse may erre, which by another
is discerned. The inconveniences which hereof may ensue,
all experimented sea-men may easily conceive, and by us
take warning to avoyd the like.

Blanco.

SECTION XXIV.
The next day about tenne of the clocke, wee were thwart
Cape of Cape Blanco,4 which is low sandie land, and perilous;
for foure leagues into the sea (thwart it), lye banks of
sand, which have little water on them ; on a sudden we
1 The quarter deck may be defined as the space betwixt the mainmast
and the after-hatchway; it seems also to have been called the half deck.
Both terms refer to the fact that before the mainmast, the skids or
beams were not planked. We still speak of being on the quarter deck,
but under the half deck. The quarter deck is set apart for purposes of
parade, and there the officer of the watch should always be sought.
2 Adjutare — (Latin) to assist.
3 On a still night, unless the attention of the helmsman be con
tinually excited, it is quite possible that he get into a dreamy state,
and, if at the same time, the officer of the watch is thinking of " those
far away", the ship may be run for a time some points off her course.
In the preceding section, Sir Richard well describes the difficulty of
distinguishing betwixt a sandy shore and the water, on a calm bright
n'ght- " Cape Saint Thome, in 22° 2' S.

ISLANDS FOR REFRESHING. 167
found our selves amongst them, in lesse then three fathome Seot- XXIT-
water; but with our boat and shalope we went sounding,
and so got cleare of them.
The next day following, we discovered the ilands where saintjames
° ilands, alias
wee purposed to refresh ourselves. They are two, and some saint
call them Saint James, his ilands, and others, Saint Annes.1
They lie in two and twenty degrees and a halfe to the
south- wards of the lyne ; and towards the evening (being
the fifth of November) we anchored betwixt them and the
mayne, in six fathome water, where wee found our other
shippes. All which being well moored, we presently began to set
up tents and booths for our sicke men, to carry them a
shore, and to use our best diligence to cure them. For
which intent our three surgeons, with their servants and
adherents, had two boates to wayte continually upon them,
to fetch whatsoever was needfull from the shippes, to pro
cure refreshing, and to fish, either with netts, or hookes
and lynes. Of these implements wee had in aboundance,
and it yeelded us some refreshing. For the first dayes, the
most of those which had health, occupied themselves in
romeging our ship ; in bringing ashore of emptie casks ;
in filling of them, and in felling and in cutting of wood :
which being many workes, and few hands, went slowly for
wards. Neere these ilands, are two great rockes, or small ilands
adjoyning. In them we found great store of young gan-
netts in their nests, which we reserved for the sicke, and Gannets.
being boyled with pickled porke well watered,2 and mingled
with oatmeale, made reasonable pottage, and was good re
freshing and sustenance for them. This provision fayled
us not, till our departure from them.
Upon one of these rocks also, we found great store of
1 Now called Santa Anna, between Cape Saint Thome and Cape Frio.
2 Well soaked in water to remove the salt.

168 TROPICAL FRUITS.
Sect. xxiv. the hearbe purslane,1 which boyled and made into sallets,
Purslane, with oyle and vinegar, refreshed the sicke stomaches, and
gave appetite.
With the ayre of the shore, and good cherishing, many
recovered speedily. Some died away -quickly, and others
continued at a stand. We found here some store of fruits ;
cherries, a kind of cherry that groweth upon a tree like a plum-tree,
red of colour, with a stone in it, but different in making to
ours, for it is not altogether round, and dented about : they
have a pleasing taste.
Paimitos. In one of the ilands, we found palmito trees, great and
high, and in the toppe a certain fruit like cocos, but no
bigger then a wall-nut. We found also a fruit growing
upon trees in codds, like beanes, both in the codd and the
fruit. Some of my company proved of them,2 and they
Purgatives, caused vomits and purging, as any medicine taken out of
the apothecaries shop, according to the quantitie received.
They have hudds, as our beanes, which shaled off; the ker-
nell parteth itselfe in two, and in the middle is a thin
skinne, like that of an onion, said to be hurtfull, and to
cause exceeding vomits, and therefore to be cast away.
Monardus writing of the nature and propertie of this
fruit, as of others of the Indies, for that it is found in other
The use of parts, also calleth them kavas purgativas, and sayth, that
gativae. they are to be prepared by peeling them first, and then
taking away the skinne in the middle, and after beaten into
powder, to take the quantitie of five or six, either with wine
or sugar. Thus they are good against fevers, and to purge
grosse humors ; against the colicke, and payne of the
joynts ; in taking them a man may not sleepe, but is to use
the dyet usuall, as in a day of purging.
1 Portulaca sativa — a fleshy-leaved plant, much esteemed in hot coun
tries for its cooling properties.
2 Great caution should be used in tasting unknown fruits ; perhaps
this tree was the croton tiglium, every part of which possesses powerful
drastic properties.

TROPICAL FRUITS. 169
One other fruit we found, very pleasant in taste, in Sect-

fashion of an artechoque, but lesse; on the outside of Arte.
colour redd, within white, and compassed about with pridE8* °r
prickles; our people called them pricke-pears ;x no conserve
is better. They grow upon the leaves of a certaine roote,
that is like unto that which we call semper viva and many
are wont to hang them up in their houses ; but their leaves
are longer and narrower, and full of prickes on either side.
The fruit groweth upon the side of the leafe, and is one of
the best fruites that I have eaten in the Indies. In ripen
ing, presently the birds or vermine are feeding on them ;
a generall rule to know what fruit is wholesome and good A g°°d n°te
° a to take or
in the Indies, and other parts. Finding them to be eaten knowne11
of the beastes or fowles, a man may boldly eate of "them. frmts'
The water of these ilands is not good : the one, for being
a standing water, and full of venemous wormes and ser
pents, which is neare a butt-shott from the sea shore ; where
we found a great tree fallen, and in the roote of it the
names of sundry PortingaUs, Frenchmen, and others, and
amongst them, Abraham Cockes; with the time of their
being in this island.
The other, though a running water, yet passing by the Contagious
rootes of certaine trees, which have a smell as that of gar-
lique, taketh a certaine contagious sent of them. Here
two of our men dyed with swelling of their bellies. The
accident we could not attribute to any other cause, then
to this suspitious water. It is little, and falleth into the
sand, and soketb through it into the sea ; and therefore we
made a well of a pipe, and placeth it under the rocke from
which it falleth, and out of it filled our caske : but we
could not fill above two tunnes in a night and day.
1 A species of cactus ; the fruit is eaten in Sicily and elsewhere. We
cannot join Sir Richard in its praise : perhaps as he had been long at
sea, he found it grateful. The cochineal insect feeds on one species of
this plant.

170 WATERING.
SECTION XXV.
Sect. xxvi. g0 after our people began to gather their strength, wee
manned our boates, and went over to tbe mayne, where
presently we found a great ryver of fresh and sweete water,
and a mightie marish countrie ; which in the winter1
seemeth to be continually over-flowne with this river, and
others, which fall from tbe mountaynous country adjacent.
We rowed some leagues up the ryver, and found that the
further up We went, the deeper was the river, but no fruit,
more then the sweate of our bodies, for the labour of our
handes. At our returne, wee loaded our boate with water, and
afterwardes from hence wee made our store.

SECTION xxvi.
Wast and The sicknesse having wasted more than the one halfe of
losse of " . .
men. my people, we determined to take out the victualls of the
Hawke, and to burne her ; which wee put in execution.
And being occupied in this worke, we saw a shippe turning
to windwards, to succour her selfe of the ilands ;2 but having
discryed us, put off to sea-wards.
Two dayes after, the wind changing, we saw her againe
running alongst the coast, and the Daintie not being in
case to goe after her, for many reasons, we manned the
Fancie, and sent her after her; who about the setting of
the sunne fetched her up, and spake with her ; when find
ing her to be a great fly-boat, of at least three or foure
hundreth tunnes, with eighteen peeces of artillery, would
1 This river is now called the Maccahe ; probably it floods in the rainy
season. 2 By working up under their lee.

A PRIZE. 171
have returned, but the wind freshing in, put her to lee- Seot-
wards ; and standing in to succour her selfe of the land,
had sight of another small barke, which after a short chase
shee tooke, but had nothing of moment in her, for that she
had bin upon the great sholes of Abreoios,1 in eighteen
degrees, and there throwne all they had by the board, to
save their lives.
This and the other chase were the cause that the Fancie
could not beat it up in many dayes : but before we had
put all in a readinesse, the wind changing, shee came unto
us, and made relation of that which had past ; and how
they had given the small barke to the PortingaUs, and
brought with them onely her pilot, and a marchant called
Pedro de Escalante of Potosi.

SECTION XXVII.

In this coast, the PortingaUs, by industrie of the Indians, industry of
the Indians.
have wrought many feats. At Cape Frio they tooke aTheysur- pnsG til 8
great French ship in the night, the most of her company French.
being on the shore, with cannoas, which they have in this
coast so great, that they carry seventie and eightie men in
one of them. And in Isla Grand,2 I saw one that was above
threescore foote long, of one tree, as are all that I have
seen in Brasill, with provisions in them for twentie or
thirtie days. At tbe iland of San Sebastian,3 neere Saint San sebas-
Vincent, tbe Indians killed about eightie of Master Can-
1 These shoals, already alluded to at page 144, are now called the
Abrolhos : there is a channel betwixt the islets and the main : the
soundings extend to the eastward eighty or ninety miles.
2 Ilha Grande, on the coast, to the west of Rio de Janeiro.
3 On the coast of Brazil, between Rio and Santos.

cover us.

172 A SURPRISE.
sect. xxvn. dish his men, and tooke his boate, which was tbe overthrow
mu the of his voyage.1
English, There commeth not any ship upon this coast, whereof
these cannoas give not notice presently to every place.
And wee were certified in Isla Grand, that they had sent
and dis- an Indian from the river of Ienero,2 through all the moun-
nrnrtxr no. °
taines and marishes, to take a view of us, and accordingly
made a relation of our shippes, boates, and the number of
men which we might have. But to prevent the like danger
that might come upon us being carelesse and negligent, I
determined one night, in the darkest and quietest of it, to
see what watch our company kept on the shore ; manned
our light horsman, and boat, armed them with bowes and
targetts, and got a shore some good distance from the
places where were our boothes, and sought to come upon
them undiscovered : we used all our best endevours to take
them at unawares, yet comming within fortie paces, we
were discovered : the whole and the sicke came forth to
oppose themselves against us. Which we seeing, gave
them the hubbub, after the manner of the Indians, and
assaulted them, and they us; but being a close darke night,
they could not discerne us presently upon the hubbub.3
From our shippe the gunner shott a peece of ordinance
over our heads, according to the order given him, and
thereof we tooke occasion to retyre unto our boates, and
within a little space came to the boothes and landing places,
1 This was the second voyage of Thomas Cavendish, after he had been
round the' world. Cavendish was in the Leicester, and John Davis, the
great Arctic Navigator, commanded the Desire. They sailed from Ply
mouth in August 1591. They attacked the towns of San Vicente and
Santos and then sailed towards the Straits of Magellan. The voyage was
a failure, and Cavendish died on the passage home.
3 Rio de Janeiro.
3 Whoop ! whoop ! Cotgrave gives us the meaning of hootings and
whoopings : noises wherewith swine are scared, or infamous old women
disgraced.

Sect. xxvu.

A SURPRISE. 173
as though wee came from our shippes to ayd them. They
began to recount unto us, how that at the wester poynt of The events
the iland, out of certaine cannoas, had landed a multitude watch?0
of Indians, which with a great out-cry came upon them,
and assaulted them fiercely; but finding better resistance
than they looked for, and seeing themselves discovered by
the shippes, tooke themselves to their heeles and returned
to their cannoas, in which they imbarked themselves, and
departed. One affirmed, he saw the cannoas; another,
their long hayre ; a third, their bowes ; a fourth, that it
could not be, but that some of them had their payments.
And it was worth the sight, to behold those which had not
moved out of their beds in many moneths, unlesse by the
helpe of others, gotten some a bow-shoot off into the woods,
others into the toppes of trees, and those which had any
strength, joyned together to fight for their lives. In fine,
the boothes and tents were left desolate.1
To colour our businesse the better, after we had spent
some houres in seeking out and joyning the companie
together, in comforting, animating, and commending them,
I left them an extraordinary guard for that night, and so
departed to our shippes, with such an opinion of the assault
given by the Indians, that many so possessed^, through all
the voyage, would not be perswaded to the contrary.
Which impression wrought such effect in most of my com
panie, that in all places where the Indians might annoy us,
they were ever after most carefull and vigilant, as was
convenient. In these ilands it heigheth and falleth some five or six
1 A sudden sensation, be it from fear or otherwise, has a surprising
effect upon persons sick or bed-ridden. Lediard" relates that in a sharp
engagement with a combined squadron of French and. Dutch ships, off
St. Christopher, in 1667, Sir John Harman, the English commander,
who had been lame and in great pain from the gout, upon discovering
the enemy's fleet, got up, walked about, and gave orders as well as
ever, till the fight was over, and then became as lame as before.

174 PALMITO ISLAND.
Sect. xxvn. f00j; water, and but once in two and twentie houres ; as in
— "all this coast, and in many parts of the West Indies ; as
also in the coast of Perew and Chely, saving where are
great bayes or indraughts, and there the tydes keep their
ordinary course of twice in foure and twentie houres.'
Palmito In the lesser of these ilands, is a cove for a small ship
iland. to ryde in, land-lockt, and shee may moore her sele to the
trees of either side. This we called Palmito iland, for the
aboundance it hath of the greater sort of palmito trees; the
other hath none at all. A man may goe betwixt the ilands
with his ship, but the better course is out at one end.
In these ilands are many scorpions, snakes, and adders,
with 6ther venomous vermine. They have parrots, and a
certaine kinde of fowle like unto pheasants, somewhat
bigger, and seeme to be of their nature. Here we spent
above a moneth in curing of our sicke men, supplying our
wants of wood and water, and in other necessary workes.
And the tenth of December, all things put in order, we set
sayle for Cape Frio, having onely six men sicke, with pur
pose there to set ashore our two prisoners before named :
and anchoring uuder the Cape, we sent our boat a shore,
but they could not finde any convenient place to land them
in, and so returned.1 The wind being southerly, and not
good to goe on our voyage, we succoured our selves within
Isla Grand, which lyeth some dozen or fourteene leagues
from the cape, betwixt the west, and by south and west
south-west ; the rather to set our prisoners a shore.
ienero. In the mid-way betwixt the Cape and this iland, lyeth
the river Ienero, a very good harbour, fortified with a gar-
1 Cape Frio has since become remarkable as the point on which
H.M.S. Thetis was wrecked in December 1830, the night after she had
left Rio Janeiro. A landing was effected, and nearly the whole crew
saved. A snug cove north of the cape, with a boat entrance to the
southward, was much used during the operations afterwards carried on
to attempt to recover the treasure embarked in her.

COAST OF BRAZIL. 175
rison, and a place well peopled. The Isla Grand is some Sect' xxvn-
eight or ten leagues long, and causeth a goodly harbour
for shipping. It is full of great sandie bayes, and in the
most of them is store of good water ; within this iland are
many other smaller ilands, which cause divers sounds and
creekes ; and amongst these little ilands, one, for the plea- n* Hand.
sant scituation and fertilitie thereof, called Placentia. This
is peopled, all the rest desert : on this island our prisoners
desired to be put a shore, and promised to send us some
refreshing. Whereto we condescended, and sent them
ashore, with two boates well man'd and armed, who found
few inhabitants in the iland ; for our people saw not above
foure or five houses, notwithstanding our boats returned
loaden with plantynes, pinias,1 potatoes, sugar-canes, and
some hennes. Amongst which they brought a kind of
little plantyne, greene, and round, which were the best of
any that I have seene.
With our people came a Portingall, who said, that the
island was his ; he seemed to be a Mistecho,2 who are those
that are of a Spanish and an Indian brood, poorely ap-
paralled and miserable ; we feasted him, and gave him
some trifles, and he, according to his abilitie, answered our
courtesie with such as he had.
The wind continuing contrary, we emptied all the water
wee could come by, which we had filled in Saint James his
iland, and filled our caske with the water of this Isla isia Grand.
Grand. It is a wildernesse, covered with trees and shrubs
so thicke, as it hath no passage through, except a man make
it by force. And it was strange to heare the howling and
cryes of wild beastes in these woods day and night, which
we could not come at to see by any meanes ; some like
lyons, others like beares, others like hoggs, and of such
and so many diversities, as was admirable.
Heere our nets profited us much ; for in the sandy bayes
1 Pine apples, Ananassa sativa, - Mestizo.

176

A PRIZE.

Shells of
mother of
pearle.

Sect. xxvn. tnev too^e us store of fish. Upon the shore, a full sea
mark, we found in many places certaine shels, like those of
mother of pearies, which are brought out of the East Indies,
to make standing cups, called caracoles ; of so great curi-
ositie as might move all the beholders to magnifie the
maker of them : and were it not for the brittlenes of them,
by reason of their exceeding thinnes, doubtles they were
to bee esteemed farre above the others ; for, more excel
lent workemanship I have not seene in shels.1
The eigteenth of December, we set sayle, the wind at
north-east, and directed our course for the Straites of
Magalianes. The twenty two of this moneth, at the going
too of the sunne, we descryed a Portingall ship, and gave
her chase, and comming within hayling of her, shee rendred
her selfe without any resistance ; shee was of an hundred
tuns, bound for Angola, to load negroes, to be carried and
sold in the river of Plate. It is a trade of great profit, and
much used, for that the negroes are carried from the head
of the river of Plate, to Potosi, to labour in the mynes. It
is a bad negro, who is not worth there five or six hundreth
peeces, every peece of tenne ryals, which they receive in
ryals of plate,2 for there is no other marchandize in those
partes. Some have told me, that of late they have found
out the trade and benefit of cochanilia, but the river
suffereth not vessels of burthen ; for if they drawe above
eight or seaven foote water, they cannot goe further then
tbe mouth of the river, and the first habitation is above a
hundred and twenty leagues up, whereunto many barkes
trade yearely, and carry all kinde of marchandize serving
for Potosi and Paraquay ; the money which is thence re
turned, is distributed in all the coast of Brasill.
The loading of this ship was meale of cassavi, which the

Price of
negroes.

Cassavi
meale.

1 Probably a species of nautilus.
2 The ryal of silver, of which ten went to a '
fivepence of our money.

piece", is in value about

CASSAVA BREAD. 177
Portingals call Farina de Paw.1 It serveth for marchan- Seot- xx™-
dize in Angola, for the Portingals foode in the ship, and
to nourish the negroes which they should carry to the river
of Plate. This meale is made of a certaine roote which the
Indians call yuca, much like unto potatoes. Of it are two
kindes : the one sweete and good to be eaten (either rosted
or sodden) as potatoes, and the other of which they make
their bread, called cassavi ; deadly poyson, if the liquor or
juyce bee not thoroughly pressed out. So prepared it is
the bread of Brazill, and many parts of the Indies, which
they make in this maner : first they pare the roote, and
then upon a rough stone they grate it as small as they can, ^het^repaI'
and after that it is grated small, they put it into a bag or for £ood"
poke, and betwixt two stones, with great waight, they
presse out the juyce or poyson, and after keepe it in some
bag, till it hath no juyce nor moysture left.2 Of this they
make two sorts of bread, the one finer and the other
courser, but bake them after one maner. They place a
great broad smooth stone upon other foure which serve in
steede of a trevet, and make a quicke fire under it, and so
strawe the flower or meale a foote long, and halfe a foot
broad. To make it to incorporate, they sprinkle now and
then a little water, and then another rowe of meale, and
another sprinkling, tiU it be to their minde ; that which is
to be spent presently, they make a finger thicke, and some
times more thicke ; but that which they make for store, is
not above halfe a finger thicke, but so hard, that if it fall
on the ground it will not breake easily. Being newly
baked, it is reasonable good, but after fewe dayes it is not
to be eaten, except it be soaked in water. In some partes
they suffer the meale to become fenoed,3 before they make
1 Farina do pao — flour of wood.
2 Cassava or manioc is of the natural order Euphorbiacex. The root
abounds with a poisonous juice, but this after maceration is driven off
by heat, and the fecula is obtained in an edible state. Tapioca is a
preparation of cassava. 3 Viiiewcd— mouldy.

178 CASSAVA BREAD.
sect. xxvn. jt |nto brea,^ ana hold it for the best, saying that it giveth
it a better tast ; but I am not of that opinion. In other
parts they mingle it with a fruite called agnanapes, which
are round, and being ripe are grey, and as big as an hazell
nut, and grow in a cod like pease, but that it is all curiously
wrought : first they parch them upon a stone, and after
beate them into powder, and then mingle them with the
fine flower of cassavi, and bake them into bread, these are
their spice-cakes, which they call xauxaw.
Agnanapes. The agnanapes are pleasant, give the bread a yellowish
coulour, and an aromaticall savour in taste.1 The finer of
this bread, being well baked, keepeth long time, three or
foure yeares. In Brazill, since the PortingaUs taught the
Indians the use of sugar, they eate this meale mingled with
remels2 of sugar, or molasses ; and in this manner the Por
tingaUs themselves feed of it.
But we found a better manner of dressing this farina, in
making pancakes, and frying them with. butter or oyle, and
sometimes with manteca de puerco ; when strewing a little
sugar upon them, it was meate that our company desired
above any that was in the shippe.
And for The Indians also accustome to make their drinke of this
meale, and in three severall manners.
First in chewing it in their mouths, and after mingling
it with water after a loathsome manner, yet the common
est drinke that they have ; and that held best which is
chewed by an old woman.
The second manner of their drinke, is baking it till it be
halfe burned, then they beate it into powder; and when
they will drinke, they mingle a small quantitie of it with
water, which giveth a reasonable good taste.
The third, and best, is baking it, as aforesaid, and when
1 Probably cacao (theobroma cacao), well known from the beverage of
the same name, and from which chocolate is manufactured.
" In the Devonshire dialect, remlet means a remnant.

TUCA CULTIVATION. 179
it is beaten into powder, to seeth it in water ; after that Seot- XIT"-
it is well boyled, they let it stand some three or foure
dayes, and then drinke it. So, it is much like the ale which
is used in England, and of that colour and taste.
The Indians are very curious in planting and manuring £ero™piant-
of this yuca. It is a little shrubb, and carryeth branches ln«"'"!a-
like hazell wands ; being growne as bigge as a mans finger,
they breake them off in the middest, and so pricke them
into the ground : it needeth no other art or husbandry,
for out of each branch grow two, three, or foure rootes,
some bigger, some lesser : but first they burne and manure
the ground, the which labour, and whatsoever els is requi
site, the men doe not so much as helpe with a finger, but all
lyeth upon their poore women, who are worse than slaves ; J^ 'J^e"
for they labour the ground, they plant, they digge and wom6n-
delve, they bake, they brew, and dresse their meate, fetch
their water, and doe all drudgerie whatsoever : yea, though
they nurse a childe, they are not exempted from any
labour; their childe they carry in a wallet about their
necke, ordinarily under one arme, because it may sucke
when it will.
The men have care for nothing but for their cannoas, to
passe from place to place, and of their bowes and arrowes
to hunt, and their armes for the warre, which is a sword of
heavie blacke wood, some foure fingers broad, an inch
thicke, and an ell long, something broader towards the
toppe then at the handle. They call it macana, and it is
carved and wrought with inlayd works very curiously, but
his edges are blunt. If any kill any game in hunting, he
bringeth it not with him, but from tbe next tree to the
game, he breaketh a bough (for the trees in the Indies have
leaves for the most part all the yeare), and all the way as
he goeth streweth little peeces of it, here and there, and
comming home giveth a peece to his woman, and so sends
her for it.

180 CUSTOMS OF THE INDIANS.
sect, xxvih. jf tnev g0e t0 the warre, or in any journey, where it is
necessary to carry provision or marchandize, the women
serve to carry all, and the men never succour nor ease
them ; wherein they shew greater barbarisme then in any
thing, in my opinion, that I have noted amongst them,
except in eating one another.
Polygamy \n Brasill, and in the West Indies, the Indian may have
of the In- ' i j
dians- as many wives as he can get, either bought or given by her
friends : the men and women, for the most part, goe
Their atth-e. naked, and those which have come to know their shame,
cover onely their privie parts with a peece of cloth, the rest
of their body is naked. Their houses resemble great
barnes, covered over or thatched with plantyne leaves,
which reach to the ground, and at either end is the
doore.
Theirman- Jn one bouse are sometimes ten or twentie households :
ner of
housing, they have little household stuffe, besides their beds, which
they call hamacas,1 and are made of cotton, and stayned
with divers colours and workes. Some I have seene white,
of great curiositie. They are as a sheete laced at both
ends, and at either end of them long strappes, with which
they fasten them to two posts, as high as a mans middle,
and so sit rocking themselves in them. Sometimes they
And sleep- use them for seates, and sometimes to sleepe in at their
pleasures. In one of them I have seene sleepe the man,
his wife, and a childe.

SECTION XXVIII.

We tooke out of this prize, for our provision, some good
quantitie of this meale, and the sugar shee had, being not
' The hammock now in general use at sea, takes its name from this
term.

RELEASE OF A PRIZE. 181
above three or four chestes : after three dayes we gave the Seot- XXIX-
ship to the PortingaUs, and to them libertie. In her was
a Portingall knight, which went for governour of Angola,
of the habit of Christ, with fiftie souldiers, and armes for
a hundreth and fiftie, with his wife and daughter. He was
old, and complained that after many yeares service for his
king, with sundry mishapps, he was brought to that poore
estate, as for the relief of his wife, his daughter and him
selfe, he had no other substance, but that he had in the
ship. It moved compassion, so as nothing of his was di
minished, which though to us was of no great moment, in
Angola it was worth good" crownes. Onely we disarmed
them all, and let them depart, saying that they would re
turne to St. Vincents.
We continued our course for the Straites, my people
much animated with this unlookt for refreshing, and
praised God for his bounty, providence, and grace extended
towards us. Here it will not be out of the way to speake
a word of the particularities of tbe countrie.

section xxix.
Brasill is accounted to be that part of America which The doscnp-
lyeth towards our north sea, betwixt the river of the Ama- Brasill.
zons, neere the lyne to the northwards, untill a man come
to the river of Plate in thirty-six degrees to the southwards
of the lyne.
This coast generally lyeth next of any thing south and
by west ; it is a temperate countrie, though in some parts
it exceedeth in heat ; it is full of good succors for shipping,
and plentifull for rivers and fresh waters; the principal its havens.
habitations are, Farnambuca,1 the Bay De todos los Santos,2
1 Pernambuco. 2 Bahia.

182 PRODUCTS OF BRAZIL.
sect. xxix. Nostra Senora de Victoria, alias Santos,1 the river Ienero,2
Saint Vincents, and Placentia ; every of them provided of
a good port. The winds are variable, but for the most
part trade3 along the coast.
itscommo- The commodities this country yeeldeth, are the wood
called Brasill,4 whereof the best is that of Farnambuc (so
also called, being used in most rich colours) ; good cotton-
wooll, great store of sugar, balsamon, and liquid amber.
its wants. They have want of all maner of cloth, lynnen, and
woollen, of iron, and edge-tools, of copper, and principally
in some places, of wax, of wine, of oyle, and meale (for
the country beareth no corn), and of all maner of haber
dashery-wares, for-the Indians.
Thebestiaii The beasts that naturallv breed in this country are
thereof. J *
tygers, lyons, hoggs, dogges, deere, monkeyes, mycos, and
conies (like unto ratts, but bigger, and of a tawney colour),
armadilloes, alagartoes, and store of venemous wormes and
serpents, as scorpions, adders, which they call vinoras;
and of them, one kind, which the divine Providence hath
created with a bell upon his head, that wheresoever he
goeth, the sound of it might be beard, and so the serpent
shunned ; for his stinging is without remedie. This they
call the vynora with the bell ; of them there are many, and
great stores of snakes, them of that greatnesse, as to write
the truth, might seeme fabulous.
nidfties0m' Another worm there is in this country, which killed
many of the first inhabitants, before God was pleased to
1 Victoria. 2 Rio de Janeiro.
8 Blow steadily — in one direction.
« Before the discovery of America, dye woods were known by this de
nomination ; and Brazil owes its Dame to the quantity of wood of this
nature found among its forests. See a very full discussion of the origin of
the name Brazil, both for the dye wood and for the country, in a foot
note at page 22 of the Narrative of a Voyage to the West Indies and
Mexico by Samuel Cliamplain, edited by Alice Wilmere for the Hakluyt
Society in 1859,

VARIATION OF THE COMPASS. 183
discover a remedie for it, unto a religious person ; it is like Seot-
a magot, but more slender, and longer, and of a greene
colour, with a red head; this worme creepeth in at the
hinder parts, where is the evacuation of our superfluities,
and there, as it were, gleweth himselfe to the gutt, there
feedeth of the bloud and humors, and becommeth so great,
that stopping the naturall passage, he forceth the princi
pall wheele of the clocke of our bodie to stand still, and
with it the accompt of the houres of life to take end, with
most cruell torment and paine, which is such, that he who
hath beene throughly punished with the collique can quickly
decipher or demonstrate. The antidote for this pernicious
worme is garlique ; and this was discovered by a physitian
to a religious person.

SECTION XXX.
Betwixt twenty-six and twenty-seven degrees neere the
coast lyeth an iland ; the PortingaUs call it Santa Catalina, ^^ana
which is a reasonable harbour, and hath good refreshing of
wood, water, and fruit. It is desolate, and serveth for
those who trade from Brasill to the river of Plate, or from
the river to Brasill, as an inne, or bayting place.1
In our navigation towards the Straites, by our observa- ^Sf;0^
tion wee found that our compass varyed a poynt and
better to the eastwards. And for that divers have written
curiously and largely of the variation thereof, I referre
them that desire the understanding of it, to the Discourse
of Master William Aborrawh,2 and others; for it is a secret,
1 Saint Catherine's now ranks as a port after Rio Janeiro and Bahia.
2 A misprint for Borough. Mr. Borough, Comptroller of the Navy,
found the variation of the compass at Limehouse to be 11° 19' E. in
1580. He published a discourse on the variation of the compass (Lon-

184 VARIATION OF THE COMPASS.
sect. xxx. whose causes well understood are of greatest moment in all

The
throw

navigations. In the height of the river of Plate, we being some fiftie
leagues off the coast, a storme took us southerly, which
endured fortie-eight houres.1 In the first day, about the
going downe of the sunne, Robert Tharlton, master of the
Fancie, bare up before the wind, without giving us any
token or signe that shee was in distresse. We seeing her
to continue her course, bare up after her, and the night
comming on, we carried our light; but shee never answered
us ; for they kept their course directly for England, which
over- was the overthrow of the voyage, as well for that we had
the voyage. n0 pynace to goe before us, to discover any danger, to seeke
out roades and anchoring, to helpe our watering and re
freshing ; as also for the victuals, necessaries, and men
which they carryed away with them : which though they
were not many, yet with their helpe in our fight, we had
taken the Vice-Admirall, the first time she bourded with
us, as shall be hereafter manifested. For once we cleered
her decke, and had wee beene able to have spared but a
dozen men, doubtlesse wee bad done with her what we
would ; for shee had no close fights.2
don, 1581). But the first observer of the variation in London was
Robert Norman, the Hydrographer, who made it 11° 15' E. He pub
lished A Newe Attractive contaigninge a Shorte Discourse of the Magnet
or Loadestone, whereunto are anexed other Necessarie Rules for the Arte of
Navigation, by Robert Norman, Hydrographer (1581, Richard Ballard,
London). Norman also discovered the dip or inclination of the needle
in 1576. In 1657 there was no variation in London. In 1723 it was
14° 17' W. In 1815 it was 24° 27' W. The compasses constructed on
Mr. Norman's pattern, were sold by Dr. Hood near the Minories, the
author of A Regiment of the Sea (1596). The twenty-third chapter is
devoted to the subject of the variation of the compass.
1 Sudden squalls are generated on the Pampas or plains lying round
Buenos Ayres, called thence Pamperos ; which do great damage. See
the account of one in the Voyages of the Adventure and Beagle.
2 Probably barricades to retire behind in case of being boarded. The

DISCIPLINE OF THE SPANIARDS. 185
Moreover, if shee had beene with me, I had not beene Sect. xx*.

discovered upon the coast of Perew. But I was worthy to 53,, oanse.
be deceived, that trusted my ship in the hands of an hypo
crite, and a man which had left his generall before in the
like occasion, and in the selfe-same place ; for being with infldeutie.
Master Thomas Candish, master of a small ship in the
voyage wherein he dyed, this captaine being aboord the
Admiral], in the night time forsooke his fleet, his generall
and captaine, and returned home.
This bad custome is too much used amongst sea-men,
and worthy to be severely punished ; for doubtless the
not punishing of those offenders hath beene the prime
cause of many lamentable events, losses, and overthrowes,
to the dishonour of our nation, and frustrating of many
good and honourable enterprises.
In this poynt of discipline, the Spaniards doe farre sur- Jf8^1™3
passe us ; for whosoever forsaketh his fleete, or commander, sPamsh-
is not onely severely punished, but deprived also of all
charge or government for ever after. This in our countrie
is many times neglected ; for that there is none to follow
the cause, the principalis being either dead with griefe, or
drowned in the gulfe of povertie, and so not able to wade
through with the burthen of that suite, which in Spaine is
prosecuted by the kings atturney, or fiscall ; or at least, a
judge appoynted for determining that cause purposely.
Yea, I cannot attribute the good successe the Spaniard ^l^t
hath had in his voyages and peoplings, to any extraordinary perities?8"
vertue more in him then in any other man, were not dis
cipline, patience, and justice far superior. For in valour,
experience, and travell, he surpasseth us not ; in shipping,
preparation, and plentie of vitualls, hee commeth not neere
us ; in paying and rewarding our people, no nation did goe
beyond us : but God, who is a just and bountifull rewarder,
piratical prahus of the Indian Archipelago are fitted with a similar
defence.

186 DESERTERS.
Sect. xxx. regarding obedience farre above sacrifice, doubtlesse, in
recompence of their indurance, resolution, and subjection
to commandment, bestoweth upon them the blessing due
unto it. And this, not for that the Spaniard is of a more
tractable disposition, or more docible nature than wee, but
that justice halteth with us, and so the old proverbe is
verified, Pittie marreth the whole cittie.
Thus come we to be deprived of the sweet fruit, which
the rod of discipline bringeth with it, represented unto us
in auncient verses, which as a relique of experience I have
heard in my youth recorded by a wise man, and a great
captaine, thus :
The rod by power divine, and earthly regall law,
Makes good men live in peace, and bad to stand in awe :
For with a severe stroke the bad corrected be,
Which makes the good to joy such justice for to see ;
The rod of discipline breeds feare in every part,
Reward by due desert doth joy and glad the heart.
Thecun- These absentinars and escapes are made most times onelv
ning of run- n i j
nawayes. to pilfer and steale, as well by taking of some prise when
they are alone, and without commaund, to hinder or order
their bad proceedings, as to appropriate that which is in
their trusted ship ; casting the fault, if they be called to
account, upon some poore and unknowne mariners, whom
they suffer with a little pillage to absent themselves, the
cunninglier to colour their greatest disorders and rob
beries.
biedcap?°" -^or doubtlesse, if he would, hee might have come unto
us with great facilitie ; because within sixteen houres the
storme ceased, and the winde became fayre, which brought
us to the Straites, and dured many days after with us at
north-east. This was good for them, though naught for
us : if he had perished any mast or yard, sprung any leake,
wanted victuals, or instruments for finding us, or had had
any other impediment of importance, hee might have had

taines.

BIRDS LIKE SWANS. 187
some colour to cloake his lewdnes i1 but his masts and Seot- xxx-

yards being sound, his shippe staunch and loaden with
victuales for two yeares at the least, and having order from
place to place, where to find us, his intention is easily seene
to bee bad, and his fault such, as worthily deserved to bee
made exemplary unto others. Which he manifested at his SSr^£ at
returne, by his manner of proceeding, making a spoyle of tume"
the prise hee tooke in the way homewards, as also of that
which was in the ship, putting it into a port fit for his
purpose, where he might have time and commodity to doe
what hee would.
Wee made account that they had beene swallowed up of
the sea, for we never suspected that anything could make
them forsake us; so, we much lamented them. The storme
ceasing, and being out of all hope, we set sayle and went
on our course. During this storme, certaine great fowles, f^^,1*8
as big as swannes, soared about us, and the winde calming,
setled themselves in the sea, and fed upon the sweepings
of our ship ; which I perceiving, and desirous to see of
them, because they seemed farre greater then in truth
they were, I caused a hooke and lyne to be brought me ;
and with a peece of a pilchard I bayted the hook, and a foot Caughtwith
from it, tyed a peece of corke, that it might not sinke deepe, hooke-
and 'threw it into the sea, which, our ship driving with the
sea, in a little time was a good space from us, and one of
the fowles being hungry, presently seized upon it, and the
hooke in his upper beake. It is like to a faulcons bill, but
that the poynt is more crooked, in that maner, as by no
meanes he could cleare himselfe, except that the lyne brake,
or the hooke righted : plucking him towards the ship, with
the waving of his wings he eased the waight of his body;
and being brought to the sterne of our ship, two of our
company went downe by the ladder of the poope, and seized
1 Misbehaviour. Tooke derives leiod from the Anglo-Saxon laswan —
to delude or mislead.

18S PATAOONIANS.
sect. xxx. on his necke and wings ; but such were the blowes he gave
them with his pinnions, as both left their hand-fast, being
beaten blacke and blewe ; we cast a snare about his necke,
and so tryced him into the ship.
By the same manner of fishing, we caught so many of
Prove good them , as refreshed and recreated all my people for that day.
refresh- ' ./ x x ./
ment. Their bodies were great, but of little flesh and tender ; in
taste answerable to the food whereon they feed.1
They were of two colours, some white, some grey ; they
had three joynts in each wing ; and from the poynt of one
wing to the poynt of the other, both stretched out, was
about two fathomes.
The wind continued good with us, till we came to forty-
nine degrees and thirty minutes, where it tooke us westerly,
being, as we made our accompt, some fiftie degrees from the
shore. Betwixt forty-nine and forty-eight degrees, is Port
Saint Julian, a good harbour, and in which a man may grave
his ship, though shee draw fifteene or sixteene foote water :
but care is to be bad of the people called Pentagones.2 They
Po"nta°-f tb° are treacherous, and of great stature, so the most give them
goncs. the name of gyants.8
The second of February, about nine of the clocke in the
morning, we discryed land, which bare south-west of us,
which wee looked not for so timely ; and comming neerer
and neerer unto it, by the lying, wee could not conjecture
what land it should be ; for we were next of anything in
forty-eight degrees, and no platt nor sea-card which we had
made mention of any land which lay in that manner, neere
about that height ; in fine, wee brought our lar-borde tacke
aboord, and stood to the north-east-wardes all that day and
1 This fowl was doubtless the albatross (Diomedea), which seems to
be a corruption of the Portuguese word alcatraz. The practice of fish
ing for them still continues, though more for recreation than for re
freshment, a Patagonians.
3 Magalhaens reported them as giants; and Fitzroy states them to
average nearly six feet.

Hawkins's maiden land. 189
night, and the winde continuing westerly and a fayre gale, Seot- xxy-
wee continued our course alongst the coast the day and
night following. In which time wee made accompt we dis-
coverd well neere threescore leagues of the coast. It is
bold, and made small shew of dangers.
The land is a goodly champion country, and peopled : A aeaf}g~
we saw many fires, but could not come to speake with the J£|^owno
people ; for the time of the yeare was farre spent, to shoot
the Straites, and the want of our pynace disabled us for ^0^fngfOT
finding a port or roade; not being discretion with a ship t"o neere an
« -. t . ¦, . . ,-, unknowne
of charge, and in an unknowne coast, to come neere tbe land.
shore before it was sounded ; which were causes, together
with the change of winde (good for us to passe the Straite),
that hindered the further discovery of this land, with its
secrets : this I have sorrowed for many times since, for that
it had likelihood to be an excellent country. It hath great
rivers of fresh waters; for the out-shoot of them colours
the sea in many places, as we ran alongst it. It is not
mountaynous, but much of the disposition of England,
and as temperate. The things we noted principally on the
coast, are these following ; the westermost poynt of the
land, with which we first fell, is the end of the land to the
west-wardes, as we found afterwards. If a man bring this
poynt south-west, it riseth in three mounts, or round hil-
lockes : bringing it more westerly, they shoot themselves
all into one ; and bringing it easterly, it riseth in two ^Se.
hillocks. This we call poynt Tremountaine. Some twelve
or foureteene leagues from this poynt to the east-wardes,
fayre by the shore, lyeth a low flat iland of some two
leagues long ; we named it Fayre Iland ; for it was all gj^™
over as greene and smooth as any meddow in the spring
of the yeare.
Some three or four leagues easterly from this iland, is
a goodly opening, as of a great river, or an arme of the
sea, with a goodlie low countrie adjacent. And eight or

190 Hawkins's maiden land.
Sect. xxx. tenne leagues from this opening, some three leagues from
the shore, lyeth a bigge rocke, which at the first wee had
thought to be a shippe under all her sayles : but after, as
head.1'6 we came neere, it discovered it selfe to be a rocke, which
we called Gondite-head ; for that howsoever a man com-
meth with it, it is like to the condite heads about the cittie
of London.
All this coast, so farre as wee discovered, lyeth next of
any thing east and by north, and west and by south. The
land, for that it was discovered in the raigne of Queene
Elizabeth, my soveraigne lady and mistres, and a maiden
Queene, and at my cost and adventure, in a perpetuall
memory of her chastitie, and remembrance of my endea-
HawMns vours, I gave it the name of Hawkins maiden-land. 1
maiden- '
land. Before a man fall with this land, some twentie or thirtie
Bedds of leagues, he shall meete with bedds of oreweed, driving to
oreweed ° ' > rt
flowers!"'6 an^ fr° ln *hat sea, with white flowers growing upon them,
and sometimes farther off; which is a good show and signe
the land is neere, whereof the westermost part lyeth some
threescore leagues from the neerest land of America.
With our fayre and large wind, we shaped our course
ming tothe ^or *ue Straites ; and the tenth of February we had sight
straites. Qf ]an(^ an(j jt was the head land of the Straites to the
north-wards, which agreed with our height, wherein we
found our selves to be, which was in fifty-two degrees
and fortie minutes.
Within a few houres we had the mouth of the
Straites open, which lyeth in fifty-two degrees, and fifty
minutes. It riseth like the North Foreland in Kent,
1 It is generally supposed that this land was the Falkland Islands ;
but as they lie betwixt 51° and 53°, this cannot be reconciled with being
" next of anything in 48°". In this parallel, the main land projects
to the eastward ; and this perhaps was the land he descried. The rock
like a sail might be the Bellaco rock.
The Falkland Islands were really discovered by Captain John Davis
in 1591.

STRAITS OF MAGELLAN. 191
and is much like the land of Margates. It is not good Seot-

to borrow neere the shore, but to give it a fayre birth ;
within a few houres we entred the mouth of the Straites,
which is some six leagues broad, and lyeth in fifty-two
degrees, and fifty minutes : doubling the poynt on the
star-board, which is also flat, of a good birth, we opened
a fayre bay, in which we might discry the hull of a ship
beaten upon the beach. It was of the Spanish fleete, that
went to inhabite there, in anno 1582, under the charge of
Pedro Sarmiento,1 who at his returne was taken prisoner,
and brought into England.
In this bay the Spaniards made their principall habita- Jneien°0Sar'
tion, and called it the cittie of Saint Philip, and left it san-dphiiip.
peopled ; but the cold barren nes of the countrie, and the
malice of the Indians, with whom they badly agreed, made
speedie end of them, as also of those whom they left in the
middle of the Straites, three leagues from Cape Froward2
to the east-wards, in another habitation.
We continued our course alongst this reach (for all the
Straites is as a river altering his course, sometimes upon
one poynt, sometimes upon another) which is some eight
leagues long, and lyeth west north-west. From this we
1 The expedition of Drake having excited considerable alarm in Peru,
the viceroy despatched Don Pedro Sarmiento with orders to take him
dead or alive. Proceeding to the Strait of Magellan in pursuit, he com
plied with the portion of his instructions which directed him to make a
careful survey. On his arrival in Spain he pointed out to the King of
Spain, Philip II, the importance of fortifying the Straits, to prevent the
passage of strangers. Accordingly an expedition was fitted out, which,
after some accidents, founded the two settlements of Jesus and San
Felipe. The site of the last is now known as Port Famine : so named
from the disasters which befell the unhappy colonists, who perished from
want. Sarmiento himself having been blown off the coast, appears to
have used every effort to obtain and forward supplies from Brazil to his
friends, but, proceeding to Europe for further assistance, he was cap
tured and taken to England.
* Cape Froward is the southern extremity of South America, in 53°
53' 43" S., and in the middle of Magellan Strait.

192 island of penguins.
sect. xxx. entred into a goodly bay, which runneth up into the land

northerly many leagues ; and at first entrance a man may
see no other thing, but as it were a maine sea. From the
end of this first reach, you must direct your course west
south-west, and some fourteene or fifteene leagues lyeth one
of the narrowest places of all the Straites; this leadeth
unto another reach, that lyeth west and by north some six
leagues. Here, in the middle of the reach, the winde tooke us by
the north-west, and so we were forced to anchor some two
or three dayes. In which time, we went a shore with our
boates, and found neere the middle of this reach, on the
star-boord side, a reasonable good place to ground and
trimme a small ship, where it highetb some nine or ten
foote water. Here we saw certaine hogges, but they were
so farre ¦ from us, that wee could not discerne if they were
of those of the countrie, or brought by the Spaniards;
these were all the beasts which we saw in all the time we
were in the Straites.
In two tydes we turned through this reach, and so re
covered the ilands of Pengwins ; they lie from this reach
Note. foure leagues southwest and by west. Till you come to
this place, care is to be taken of not comming too neere to
any poynt of the land ; for being, for the most part, sandie,
they have sholding off them, and are somewhat dangerous.
The uands These ilands have beene set forth by some to be three; we
wins. could discover but two : and they are no more, except that
part of the mayne, which lyeth over against them, be an
iland, which carrieth little likelihood, and I cannot deter
mine it. A man may sayle betwixt the two ilands, or be
twixt them and the land on the larboord side ; from which
land to the bigger iland, as it were, a bridge or ledge, on
which is foure or five fathome water ; and to him that
commeth neere it, not knowing thereof, may justly cause

PENGUINS. 193
feare: for it showeth to be shold water with his rypling, SeotIIX-
like unto a race.1
Betwixt the former reach, and these ilands, runneth up a
goodly bay into the country to the north-wards. It causeth
a great indraught, and above these ilands runneth a great
tide from the mouth of the Straites to these ilands ; the
land on the larboord side is low land and sandy, for the
most part, and without doubt, ilands, for it hath many
openings into the sea, and forcible indraughts by them, and
that on the starboord side, is all high mountaynous land
from end to end; but no wood on eyther side. Before
wee passed these ilands, under the lee of the bigger iland,
we anchored, the wind being at north-east, with intent to
refresh ourselves with the fowles of these ilands. They
are of divers sorts, and in great plentie, as pengwins, Good provi-
wilde duckes, guiles, and gannets ; of the principall we straites-
purposed to make provisions, and those were the pengwins ;
which in Welsh, as I have beene enformed, signifieth a
white head. From which derivation, and many other
Welsh denominations given by the Indians, or their pre
decessors, some doe inferre that America was first peopled
with Welsh-men ; and Motezanna,2 king, or rather empe-
rour of Mexico, did recount unto the Spaniards, at their
first comming, that his auncestors came from a farre coun
trie, and were white people. Which, conferred with an
auncient cronicle, that I have read many yeares since,
may be conjectured to bee a prince of Wales, who many
hundredth yeares since, with certain shippes, sayled to the
westwards, with intent to make new discoveries. Hee was
never after heard of.3
1 The tides run with great velocity in some parts of the Straits. The
rippling might justly cause fear, ignorant as the parties were of the
extent of the rise and fall of tide. Fitz Roy relates that an American
captain hardly recovered being told that it amounted to six or seven
fathoms. * Montezuma.
3 The story of Madoc is told by Southey, and much curious lore con
nected with it may be gathered from the foot-notes to his poem.

194 HUNTING OF THE PENGUINS.
Sect. xxx. fhe pengwin is in all proportion like unto a goose, and
Thedescrip- hath no feathers, but a certaine doune upon all parts of his
pengwin. body, and therefore cannot fly, but avayleth himselfe in all
occasions with his feete, running as fast as most men. He
liveth in the sea, and on the land ; feedeth on fish in the
sea, and as a goose on the shore upon grasse. They har
bour themselves under the ground in burrowes, as the
connies, and in them hatch their young. All parts of the
iland where they haunted were undermined, save onely one
valley, which it seemeth they reserved for their foode ; for
it was as greene as any medowe in the moneth of Aprill,
with a most fine short grasse. The flesh of these pengwins
is much of the savour of a certaine fowle taken in the
ilands of Lundey and Silley, which wee call puffins : by the
tast it is easily discerned that they feede on fish. They
are very fatt, and in dressing must be flead1 as the bytern ;
they are reasonable meate, rosted, baked, or sodden, but
best rosted. We salted some dozen or sixteen hogsheads,
which served us, whilest they lasted, in steede of powdred
beefe.
Hunting The hunting of them, as we may well terme it, was a
great recreation to my company, and worth the sight, for
in determining to catch them, necessarily was required
good store of people, every one with a cudgell in his hand,
to compasse them round about, to bring them, as it were,
into a ring ; if they chanced to break out, then was the
sport; for the ground being undermined, at unawares it
fayled, and as they ran after them, one fell here, another
there ; another, offering to strike at one, lifting up his
hand, sunke upp to the arme-pits in the earth; another,
leaping to avoyd one hole, fell into another. And after the
first slaughter, in seeing us on the shore, they shunned us,
and procured to recover the sea; yea, many times seeing
' Birds which are strong-flavoured are rendered edible by stripping
off their skin.

the peng.
win.

gulls and ducks. 195
themselves persecuted, they would tumble downe from Sect- ***•
such high rocks and mountaines, as it seemed impossible
to escape with life. Yet as soone as they came to the
beach, presently wee should see them runne into the sea,
as though they had no hurt. Where one goeth, the other
followeth, like sheepe after the bel-wether : but in getting
them once within the ring, close together, few escaped,
save such as by chance hid themselves in the borrowes ;
and ordinarily there was no drove which yeeldeth us not a
thousand or more : the manner of killing them which the
hunters used, being in a cluster together, was with their
cudgels to knocke them on the" head ; for though a man
gave them many blowes on the body, they died not; be
sides, the flesh bruised is not good to keepe. The mas-
saker ended, presently they cut off their heads, that they
might bleed well : such as wee determined to keepe for
store, wee saved in this maner. First, we split them, and j^ea^eing
then washed them well in sea water, then salted them ;
having layne some sixe howres in salt, wee put them in
presse eight howres, and the blood being soaked out, we
salted them againe in our other caske, as is the custome to
salte beefe ; after this maner they continued good some
two moneths, and served us in stead of beefe.
The gulls and gannets were not in so great quantitie, The guiis.
yet we wanted not young guiles to eate all the time of our
stay about these ilands. It was one of the delicatest
foodes that I have eaten in all my life.
The ducks are different to ours, and nothing so good Ducks.
meate; yet they may serve for necessitie. They were
many, and had a part of the iland to themselves severall,
which was the highest hill, and more than a musket shot
over. In all the dayes of my life, I have not seene greater art
and curiositie in creatures voyd of reason, then in the
placing and making of their nestes ; all the hill being so

196 SEA-WOLVES.
sect, xxxi. fuii 0f them, that the greatest mathematician of the world
could not devise how to place one more then there was
upon the hill, leaving onely one path-way for a fowle to
passe betwixt.
The hill was all levell, as if it had beene smoothed by
art ; the nestes made onely of earth, and seeming to be of
the selfe same mould ; for the nests and the soyle is all
one, which, with water that they bring in their beakes,
they make into clay, or a certaine daube, and after fashion
them round, as with a compasse. In the bottome they
containe tbe measure of a foote ; in the height about eight
inches ; and in the toppe, tbe same quantitie over ; there
they are hollowed in, somewhat deepe, wherein they lay
their eggs, without other prevention. And I am of opinion
that the sunne helpeth them to hatch their young : their
nests are for many yeares, and of one proportion, not one
exceeding another in bignesse, in height, nor circumfer
ence : and in proportionable distance one from another.
In all this hill, nor in any of their nestes, was to be found
a blade of grasse, a straw, a sticke, a feather, a moate, no,
nor the filing of any fowle, but all the nestes and passages
betwixt them, were so smooth and cleane, as if they had
beene newly swept and washed.
AU of which are motives to prayse and magnifie the uni
versal! Creator, who so wonderfully manifesteth his wise-
dome, bountie, and providence in all his creatures, and
especially for his particular love to ingratefull mankinde,
for whose contemplation and service he hath made them all.

SECTION XXXI.

°efa!wo\ves0r °NE day> having ended our hunting of pengwins, one of
our mariners walking about the iland, discovered a great
company of seales, or sea-wolves (so called for that they

SEA- WOLVES. 197
are in the sea, as the wolves on the land), advising us that Seot'
he left them sleeping, with their bellies tosting against the
sunne. Wee provided ourselves with staves, and other
weapons, and sought to steale upon them at unawares, to
surprise some of them ; and comming down the side of a
hill, wee were not discovered till we were'close upon them:
notwithstanding, their sentinell, before we could approach,
with a great howle waked them : wee got betwixt the sea
and some of them, but they shunned us not ; for they came
directly upon us; and though we dealt here and there a
blow, yet not a man that withstood them, escaped the
overthrow. They reckon not of a musket shott, a sword
peirceth not their skinne, and to give a blow with a staffe,
is as to smite upon a stone : onely in giving the blow upon
his snowt, presently he falleth downe dead.
After they had recovered the water, they did, as it were,
scorne us, defie us, and daunced before us, untill we had
shot some musket shott through them, and so they ap
peared no more.
This fish is like unto a calfe, with four leggs, but not
above a spanne long : his skinne is hayrie like a calfe ; but
these were different to all that ever I have seene, yet I have
seene of them in many parts ; for these were greater, and
in their former parts like unto lyons, with shagge hayre,
and mostaches.
They live in the sea, and come to sleepe on the land, and
they ever have one that watcheth, who adviseth them of
any accident.
They are beneficiall to man in their skinnes for many
purposes ; in their mostaches for pick-tooths, and in their
fatt to make traine-oyle. This may suffice for the seale, for
that he is well knowne.

198 WEEDS IN THE STRAITS.
SECTION XXXII.
sect, xxxii. One day, our boates being loaden with pengwins, and corn-
Devises in ming aboord, a sudden storme tooke them, which together
accidents, with the fury of the tyde, put them in such great danger,
that although they threw all their loading into the sea, yet
were they forced to goe before the wind and sea, to save
their lives. Which we seeing, and considering that our
welfare depended upon their safetie, being impossible to
weigh our anchor, fastned an emptie barrell well pitched to
the end of our cable, in stead of a boy, and letting it slip,
set sayle to succour our boates, which in short space wee
recovered, and after returned to the place where we ryd
before. The storme ceasing, we used our diligence by all meanes
to seeke our cable and anchor ; but the tyde being forcible,
and the weeds (as in many parts of the Straites), so long,
that riding in fourteene fathome water, many times they
streamed three and four fathomes upon the ryme of the
water ; these did so inrole our cable, that we could never
set eye of our boy ; and to sweepe for him was but lost
labour, because of tbe weeds, which put us out of hope to
recover it.1
And so our forcible businesse being ended, leaving in
structions for the Fancie our pynace, according to appoint
ment, where to find us, we inroled them in many folds of
paper, put them into a barrell of an old musket, and stopped
it in such a. manner as no wett could enter; then placing
it an end upon one of the highest bills, and the most fre
quented of all the iland, wee imbarked our selves, and set
sayle with the wind at north-west, which could serve us but
1 Fucus giganteus.—In the voyage of the Adventure and Beagle it was
found firmly rooted in twenty fathome, yet streaming fifty feet upon the
surface.

RIVER OF JERONIMO. 199
to the end of that reach, some dozen leagues long, and Sect-

some three or four leagues broad. It lyeth next of any
thing, till you come to Cape Agreda, south-west ; from this
Cape to Cape Froward, the coast lyeth west south-west.
Some foure leagues betwixt them, was the second peo- p^pui^rf
pling of the Spaniards : and this Cape lyeth in fiftie five SdsSvani~
degrees and better.
Thwart Cape Froward, the wind larged with us, and we
continued our course towards the iland of Elizabeth ; which
lyeth from Cape Froward some foureteene leagues west and
by south. This reach is foure or five leagues broad, and in
it are many channells or openings into the sea ; for all the
land on the souther part of the Straites are ilands and
broken land; and from the beginning of this reach to the
end of the Straites, high mountaynous land on both sides, in
most parts covered with snow all the yeare long.
Betwixt the iland Elizabeth and the mayne, is the nar
rowest passage of all the Straites ; it may be some two
musket shott from side to side.1 From this straite to
Elizabeth bay is some four leagues, and the course lyeth Elizabeth
north-west and by west.
This bay is all sandie and cleane ground on the easter
part ; but before you come at it, there lyeth a poynt of the
shore a good byrth off, which is dangerous. And in this
reach, as in many parts of the Straites, runneth a quick
and forcible tyde. In the bay it higheth eight or nine foote
water. The norther part of the bay hath foule ground,
and rockes under water : and therefore it is not wholesome
borrowing of the mayne. One. of master Thomas Candish
his pynaces, as I have been enformed, came a-ground upon
one of them, and he was in hazard to have left her there.
From Elizabeth bay to the river of leronimo, is some five The river of
" leronimo.
leagues. The course lyeth west and by north, and west.
1 The narrowest part is in Crooked Reach, a little to the westward
of St. Jerome point : here the strait is about one mile across.

200

WOOD AND WATER.

Blanchesbay.

sect. xxxn. jjere the wind scanted, and forced us to seek a place to
anchor in. Our boates going alongst tbe shore, found a
reasonable harbour, which is right against that which they
call river leronimo ; but it is another channell, by which a
man may disemboake tbe straite, as by the other which is
accustomed ; for with a storme, which took us one night,
suddenly we were forced into that opening unwittingly ;
but in tbe morning, seeing our error, and the wind larging,
with two or three bourds wee turned out into the old
channell, not daring for want of our pynace to attempt any
new discoverie.1
This harbour we called Blanches bay : for that it was
found by William Blanch, one of our masters mates. Here
having moored our shippe, we began to make our provision
of wood and water, whereof was plentie in this bay, and in
all other places from Pengwin ilands, till within a dozen
leagues of the mouth of the Straites.
Now finding our deckes open, with the long lying under
the lyne and on the coast of Brasill, the sunne having beene
in our zenith many times, we calked our ship within bourd
and without, above the decks. And such was the diligence
we used, that at foure dayes end, we had above threescore
pipes of water, and twentie boats of wood stowed in our
ship ; no man was idle, nor otherwise busied but in neces
sary workes : some in felling and cleaving of wood : some
in carrying of water ; some in romaging; some in washing ;
others in baking ; one in heating of pitch ; another in
gathering of mussells ; no man was exempted, but knew at
evening whereunto he was to betake himselfe the morning
following. Some man might aske me how we came to have so many
emptie caske in less then two moneths; for it seemeth

Objection
of waste.

1 This was probably the opening into Otway water, leading to Sky-
ring water, but not disemboguing into the Pacific."

WARNING AGAINST WORMS. 201
much that so few men in such short time, and in so long a Seot- I3£xn-
voyage, should waste so much ?
Whereto I answere, that it came not of excessive ex- Answere.
pence ; for in health we never exceeded our ordinary ; but
of a mischance which befell us unknowne in the iland of
Saint James, or Saint Anne, in the coast of Brasill, where
we refreshed our selves, and according to the custome layd
our caske a shore, to trimme it, and after to fill it, the place
being commodious for us. But with the water a certaine
wo"m, called broma by the Spaniard, and by us arters,
entred also, which eat it so full of holes that all the water
soaked out, and made much of our caske of small use. This
we remedied the best wee could, and discovered it long
before we came to this place.
Hereof let others take warning, in no place to have caske warning
° r against
onthe shore where it may be avoyded; for it is one of the wormes-
provisions which are with greatest care to be preserved in
long voyages, and hardest to be supplyed. These arters or
broma, in all hott countries, enter into the plankes of
shippes, and especially where are rivers of fresh water ;
for the common Opinion is that they are bred in fresh water,
and with the current of the rivers are brought into the sea;
but experience teacheth that they breed in the great seas
in all hott clymates, especially neere the equinoctiall lyne ;
for lying so long under and neere the lyne, and towing a
shalop at our sterne, comming to dense her in Brasill, we
found her all under water covered with these wormes, as
bigge as the little finger of a man, on the outside of the
planke, not fully covered, but halfe the thicknesse of their
bodie, like to a gelly, wrought into the planke as with a
gowdge. And naturall reason, in my judgement, con-
firmeth this ; for creatures bred and nourished in the sea,
comming into fresh water die ; as those actually bred in
ponds or fresh rivers, die presently, if they come into salt
water.

202 SHEATHING OF SHIPS.
Sect. xxxh. ]-5ut some man may say, this fayleth in some fishes and
beasts. Which I must confesse to be true ; but these
eyther are part terrestryall, and part aquatile, as the mare-
maide, sea-horse, and other of that kind, or have their
breeding in the fresh, and growth or continuall nourish
ment in the salt water, as the salmond, and others of that
kinde.
of'shippef ¦'¦n httle time, if the shippe be not sheathed, they put
all in hazard ; for they enter in no bigger then a small
Spanish needle, and by little and little their holes become
ordinarily greater then a mans finger. The thicker the
planke is, tho greater he groweth ; yea, I have seene many
shippes so eaten, that the most of their plankes under water
have beene like honey combes, and especially those betwixt
wind and water. If they had not been sheathed, it had
bin impossible that they could have swomme. The entring
of them is hardly to be discerned, the most of them being
small as the head of a pinne.1 Which, all such as purpose
long voyages, are to prevent by sheathing their shippes.
And for that I have seene divers manners of sheathing,
for the ignorant I will set them downe which by experience
I have found best.
in spaine In Spaine and Portingall, some sheathe their shippes
ealL with lead ; which, besides the cost and waight, although
they use the thinnest sheet-lead that I have seene in any
place, yet it is nothing durable, but subject to many
casualties.
with double Another manner is used with double plankes, as thicke
plankes. r '
without as within, after the manner of furring : which is
little better then that with lead ; for, besides his waight,
1 The teredo navalis is very destructive. Nothing but metal is proof
against its ravages. It is not clear what may be its purpose in boring
into any wood that comes in its way, for it is thought not to be nourished
by what it destroys.

SHEATHING OF SHIPS. 203
it dureth little, because the worme in small time passeth Sect-

through the one and the other.
A third manner of sheathing hath beene used amongst Wita
some with fine canvas ; which is of small continuance, and
so not to be regarded.
The fourth prevention, which now is most accompted of, Wi<* bimt
jjlarD.ii.G3.
is to burne the utter planke till it come to be in every place
like a cole, and after to pitch it ; this is not bad.
In China, as I have been enformed, they use a certaine IlJt^hina
betane or varnish, in manner of an artificiall pitch, where- varniah-
with they trim the outside of their shippes. It is said to
be durable, and of that vertue, as neither worme nor water
peirceth it ; neither hath the sunne power against it.
Some have devised a certaine pitch, mingled with glasse
and other ingredients, beaten into powder, with which if
the shippe be pitched, it is said, the worme that toucheth
it dyeth ; but I have not heard that it hath beene useful.
But the most approved of all, is the manner of sheathing In England.
used now adayes in England, with thin bourds, halfe inche
thicke ; the thinner the better ; and elme better than oake ;
for it ryveth not, it indureth better under water, and
yeeldeth better to the shippes side.
The invention of the materialles incorporated betwixt the
planke and the sheathing, is that indeed which avayleth ;
for without it many plankes were not sufficient to hinder
the entrance of this worme ; this manner is thus :
Before the sheathing board is nay led on, upon the inner Best man-
side of it they smere it over with tarre halfe a finger thicke sheathing.
and upon the tarre another halfe finger thicke of hayre,
such as the whitelymers use, and so nayle it on, the nayles
not above a spanne distance one from another ; the thicker
they are driven, the better.
Some hold opinion that tbe tarre killeth the worme ;
others, that the worme passing the sheathing, and seeking
a way through, the hayre and the tarre so involve him that

204 COMMUNICATION WITH NATIVES.
sect, xxxih he js choked therewith ; which me thinkes is most pro
bable ; this manner of sheathing was invented by my
father, and experience hath taught it to be the best and of
least cost.1

SECTION XXXIII.
Such was the diligence we used for our dispatch to shoot
the Straites, that at foure dayes ende, wee had our water
and wood stowed in our shippe, all our copper-worke
finished, and Our shippe calked from post to stemme ; the
first day in the morning, the winde being fayre, we brought
our selves into the channell, and sayled towards the mouth
of the Straites, praising God; and beginning our course
with little winde, we descryed a fire upon the shore, made
by the Indians for a signe to call us ; which scene, I caused
a boat to be man'de, and we rowed ashore, to see what
their meaning was, and approaching neere the shore, wee
saw a cannoa, made fast under a rock with a wyth, most
artificially made with the rindes of trees, and sowed to
gether with the finnes of whales ; at both ends sharpe, and
turning up, with a greene bough in either end, and ribbes
for strengthening it. After a little while, we might dis
cerne on the faU of the mountaine (which was full of trees
and shrubbes), two or three Indians naked, which came
out of certaine caves or coates. They spake unto us, and
made divers signes ; now poynting to the harbour, out of
which we were come, and then to the mouth of the Straites;
but we understood nothing of their meaning. Yet left they
1 These inventions have been improved upon by the use of copper
and other metals; of these, copper is the best; and an approved method
of applying it, is over a coating of felt. Truly there is nothing new
under the sun.

CHANGE OF WEATHER. 205
us with many imaginations, suspecting it might be to. ad- Seot- IXXI11
vise us of our pynace, or some other thing of moment ;
but for that they were under covert, and might worke us
some treacherie (for all the people of the Straites, and the
land nere them, use all the villany they can towards white
people, taking them for Spaniards, in revenge of the deceit
that nation hath used towards them upon sundry occasions ;
as also for that by our stay we could reap nothing but
hinderance of our navigation), wee hasted to our shippe,
and sayled on our course.
From Blanches Bay to long reach, which is some foure Lons Reach.
leagues, the course lyeth west south-west entring into the
long reach, which is the last of the Straits, and longest.
For it is some thirty-two leagues, and the course lyeth
next of any thing north-west.
Before the setting of the sunne, wee had the mouth of
the straits open, and were in great hope the next day to
be in the South sea; but about seaven of the clocke that
night, we saw a great cloud rise out of the north-east,
which began to cast forth great flashes of lightnings, and
sodainely sayling with a fresh gale of wind at north-east'
another more forcible tooke us astayes j1 which put us in
danger ; for all our sayles being a taut, it had like to over
set our ship, before we could take in our sayles. And there
fore in all such semblances it is great wisedome to carry a
short sayle, or to take in all sayles.
Heere we found what the Indians forewarned2 us of; for Note.
they have great insight in the change of weather, and be
sides have secret dealings with the prince of darknesse,
who many times declareth unto them things to come. By
1 Taken astayes — another term for taken aback.
* It is possible that the natives may have been aware of the coming
change. The suspicion entertained of them is an instance of the mis
takes often fallen into by misconceiving the motives of those whose
language cannot be understood.

206 ENGLISH BAT.
Sect, xxxm tJ)js meanes and other witch-crafts, which he teacheth them,
hee possesseth them, and causeth them to doe what pleaseth
him. Within halfe an houre it began to thunder and raine,
with so much winde as wee were forced to lye a hull, and
so darke, that we saw nothing but when the lightning
came. This being one of the narrowest reaches of all the
straites, wee were forced, every glasse, to open a little of
our fore-sayle, to cast about our ships bead : any man may
conceive if the night seemed long unto us, what desire we
had to see the day. In fine, Phoebus with his beautiful
face lightned our hemisphere, and rejoyced our heartes
(having driven above twenty-foure leagues in twelve houres,
lying a hull : whereby is to be imagined the force of the
winde and current).
We set our fore-sayle, and returned to our former har
bour, from whence, within three or foure dayes, we set
sayle againe, with a faire winde, which continued with us
till we came within a league of the mouth of the straite;
here the winde tooke us againe contrary, and forced us to
returne againe to our former port ; where being ready to
anchor, the wind scanted with us in such maner, as wee
were forced to make a bourd. In which time, the winde
and tide put us so farre to lee-wards, that we could by no
meanes seize it : so we determined to goe to Elizabeth
bay, but before we came at it, the night overtooke us ; and
this reach being dangerous and narrow, wee durst neither
hull, nor trye,1 or turne to and againe with a short sayle,
and therefore bare alongst in the middest of the channell,
till we were come into the broad reach, then lay a hull till
the morning.
When we set sayle and ran alongst the coast, seeking
1 To hull, is to lie without sail set; to try, with only low sail ; whence
we have now special storm sails, called try sails. We believe the correct
expression is " to try" either a hull or under sail.

ATHLETIC SPORTS. 207
with our boate some place to anchor in. Some foure leagues Secfc- xxxni
to the west-wards of Cape Froward, we found a goodly
bay, which wee named English bay ; where anchored, we English
presently went a shore, and found a goodly river of fresh
water, and an old cannoa broken to peeces, and some two
or three of the houses of the Indians, with peeces of seale
stinking ripe. These houses are made in fashion of an
oven seven or eight foote broad, with boughes of trees, and
covered with other boughes, as our summer houses ; and
doubtless do serve them but for the summer time, when
they come to fish, and profit themselves of the sea. For
they retyre themselves in the winter into the country,
where it is more temperate, and yeeldeth better sustenance:
for on the mayne of the Straits, wee neyther saw beast nor
fowle, sea fowle excepted, and a kind of blacke-bird, and
two hoggs towards the beginning of the straites.
Here our ship being well moored, we began to supply
our wood and water that we had spent. Which being a
dayes worke, and the winde during many dayes contrary, fjl^fj?^
I endevoured to keepe my people occupied, to divert them tl0n'
from the imagination which some had conceived, that it
behooved we should returne to Brasill, and winter there,
and so shoot the straites in the spring of the yeare.
So one day, we rowed up the river, with our boat and
light horseman, to discover it and the in-land : where having
spent a good part of the day, and finding shold water, and
many trees fallen thwart it, and little fruite of our labour,
nor any thing worth the noting, we returned.
Another day we trayned our people a-shore, being a
goodly sandie bay ; another, we had a hurling of batchelers
against married men. This day we were busied in wrest
ling, the other in shooting ; so we were never idle, neyther
thought we the time long.

208 THE " daintie" on a rock.

SECTION XXXIV.
Sect.xxxrv. After we had past here some seven or eight dayes, one
evening, with a flawe from the shore, our ship drove off
into the channell, and before we could get up our anchor,
and set our sayles, we were driven so farre to lee-wards,
that we could not recover into the bay : that night comming
on, with a short sayle, we beate off and on till the morning.
At the break of the day, conferring with the captaine and
master of my ship what was best to be done, we resolved to
Tobias seeke out Tobias Cove, which lyeth over against Cape Fryo,
Cove. on the southern part of the straites, because in all the
reaches of the straites, for the most part, the wind bloweth
trade, and therefore little profit to be made by turning to
winde-wards. And from the ilands of the Pengwins to the
ende of the straites towards the South sea, there is no
anchoring in the channell ; and if we should be put to
lee-wards of this cove, we had no succour till we came to
the ilands of Pengwins : and some of our company which
bad bin with master Thomas Candish in tbe voyage in
which he died,1 and in the same cove many weekes, under-
tooke to be our pilots thither. Whereupon we bare up,
being some two leagues thither, having so much winde as
we could scarce lye by it with our course and bonnet of
each ; and bearing up before the winde, wee put out our
topsayles and spritsayle, and within a little while the winde
setting of began to fayle us, and immediately our ship gave a mightie
upon a blow upon a rocke, and stucke fast upon it. And had we
had but the fourth part of the wind which we had in all
the night past, but a moment before we strucke the rocke,
our shippe, doubtlesse, with the blow had broken her selfe
all to peeces. But our provident and most gracious God,
which commaundeth wind and sea, watched over us, and
delivered us with his powerfull hand from the unknowne
' See note at page 172.

THE " DAINTIE" ON SHORE. 209
danger and hidden destruction, that so we might prayse Seot-

him for his fatherly bountie and protection, and With the
prophet David say, Except the Lord keepe the cittie, the
watch-men watch in vaine ; for if our God had not kept our
shippe, we had bin all swallowed up alive without helpe or
redemption ; and therefore he for his mercies sake grant
that the memoriall of his benefits doe never depart from
before our eyes, and that we may evermore prayse him for
our wonderfull deliverance, and his continuall providence
by day and by night.
My company with this accident were much amazed, and ?£* c^'_
not without just cause. Immediately we used our endevour mayed-
to free our selves, and with our boates sounded round about
our shippe, in the mean time assaying1 our pumpe to know
if our shippe made more water then her ordinary ; we found Diligence to
nothing increased, and round about our shippe deepe water,
saving under the mid-shippe, for shee was a floate a head
and a sterne : and bearing some fathome before the mayne
mast, and in no other part, was like to be our destruction ;
for being ebbing water, the waight in the head and sterne
by fayling of the water, began to open her plankes in the
middest ; and upon the upper decke, they were gone one
from another some two fingers, some more ; which we
sought to ease and remedie by lightning of her burden, and
throwing into the sea all that came to hand ; and laying
out an anchor, we sought to wend her off;2 and such was
the will and force we put to the capsten and tackles fastned
upon the cable, that we plucked the ring of the anchor out
of the eye, but after recovered it, though not serviceable.
All our labour was fruitlesse, till God was pleased that To the la
borious God
the flood came, and then we had her off with great joy and propitious,
comfort, when finding the current favourable with us, we
1 To assay — to prove. Ancient mode of writing essay.
2 To move her off.— To wind a ship now means to turn her. The term
is probably derived from to wend.

210 CRABBY COVE.
seot.xxxrv. st0od over to English bay, and fetching it, we anchored
there, having been some three houres upon the rocke, and
with the blow, as after we saw when our ship was brought
aground in Perico (which is the port of Panama), a great
part 'of her sheathing was beaten off on both sides in her
bulges,1 and some foure foote long and a foote square of her
false stemme, joyning to the keele, wrested a crosse, like
unto a hogges yoake, which hindered her sayling very much.
tore*1"*6 Here we gave God prayse for our deliverance, and after-
praysed. war(j procured to supply our wood and water, which we
had throwne overbourd to ease our shippe, which was not
much : that supplyed, it pleased God (who is not ever
angry), to looke upon us with comfort, and to send us a
fayre and large wind, and so we set sayle once againe, in
hope to disemboke the straite ; but some dozen leagues
before we came to the mouth of it, the wind changed, and
forced us to seeke out some cove or bay, with our boates to
ride in neere at hand, that' we might not be forced to re
turne farre backe into the straites.
They sounded a cove some sixteene leagues from the
g™gby mouth of the straite, which after we called Crabby cove.
It brooked its name well for two causes ; the one for that
all tho water was full of a small kinde of redd crabbes ; the
other, for the crabbed mountaines which overtopped it ; a
third, we might adde, for the crabbed entertainement it
gave us. In this cove we anchored, but the wind freshing
in, and three or foure hilles over-topping, like sugar-loaves,
altered and straightned the passage of the wind in such
manner, as forced it downe with such violence in flawes and
furious blusterings, as was like to over-set our shippe at an
anchor, and caused her to drive, and us to weigh ; but be
fore we could weigh it, shee was so neere the rockes, and
1 Now called bilge — that part of the ship's bottom that bulges or
swells out. When a ship takes the ground and heels over, the bilge beare
all the strain, and consequently suffers damage.

BLANCHES BAY. 211
the puffes and gusts of wind so sodaine and uncertaine, Seotxx'
sometimes scant, sometimes large, that it forced us to cut
our cable, and yet dangerous if our shippe did not cast the
right way. Here necessitie, not being subject to any law,
forced us to put our selves into the hands of him that was
able to deliver us. We cut our cable and sayle all in one
instant ; and God, to shew his power and gratious bountie
towardes us, was pleased that our shippe cast the contrary
way towardes the shore, seeming that he with his own hand
did wend her about ; for in lesse then her length shee
flatted,1 and in all the voyage but at that instant, shee
flatted with difficultie, for that shee was long, the worst
propertie shee had. Ou either side we might see the rockes
under us, and were not halfe a shippes length from the
shore, and if she had once touched, it had beene impossible
to have escaped.
Magnified ever be our Lord God, which delivered Ionas
out of the whales belly ; and his apostle Peter from being
overwhelmed in the waves ; and us from so certaine
perishing.

SECTION XXXV.
From hence we returned to Blanches bay, and there an
chored, expecting Gods good will and pleasure. Here
beganne the bitternesse of the time to increase, with blus
tering and sharpe winds, accompanied with rayne and
1 To flat in, means so to adjust the sails as to cause them to act with
the greatest effect to turn the ship's head from the wind ; this is done
when the ship is nearly taken aback, either by a sudden flaw or by
carelessness at the helm. As applied here, it means that the vessel
came round on her heel. The time vessels take in performing a similar
evolution, bears a certain ratio to their length ; long ships requiring
more time than short ones.

212

A PROPOSAL TO ABANDON

Sect. xxxv.

Voyagesover-
throwne by
pretences.

EdwardFenton and
master ThomasCandish.

Master WilliamHawkins.

sleeting snow, and my people to be dismayde againe, in
manifesting a desire to returne to Brasill, which I would
never consent unto, no, nor so much as to heare of.
And all men are to take care that they go not one foote
backe, more than is of mere force ; for I have not seene
that any who have yeelded thereunto, but presently they
have returned home. As in the voyage of master Edward
Fenton, which the Earle of Cumberland set forth, to his
great charge. As also in that of master Thomas Candish,
in which he dyed. Both which pretended to shoote the
Straites of Magelan, and by perswasion of some ignorant
persons, being in good possibilitie, were brought to consent
to returne to Brasill, to winter, and after in the spring to
attempt the passing of the straite againe. None of them
made any abode in Brazill ; for presently as soone as they
looked homeward, one with a little blustering wind taketh
occasion to loose company ; another complaineth that he
wanteth victuals ; another, that his ship is leake ; another,
that his masts, sayles, or cordidge fayleth him. So the
willing never want probable reasons to further their pre
tences. As I saw once (being but young, and more bold
than experimented), in anno 1582, in a voyage, under the
charge of my uncle, William Hawkins, of Plimouth, Esquire,
in the Indies, at the wester end of tbe iland of San Iuan
de Portorico. One of the shippes, called the barke Bonner,
being somewhat leake, the captaine complained that she
was not able to endure to England ; whereupon a counsell
was called, and his reasons heard and allowed. So it was
concluded that the victuall, munition, and what was ser
viceable, should be taken out of her, and her men divided
amongst our other shippes ; the hull remaining to be sunke
or burned.
To which I never spake word till I saw it resolved ; being
my part rather to learne than to advise. But seeing the
fatall sentence given, and suspecting that the captaine made

A SHIP THWARTED. 213
the matter worse then it was, rather upon poUicy to come Soot-:!
into another ship, which was better of sayle, then for any
danger they might runne into ; with as much reason as
my capacitie could reach unto, I disswaded my unkle pri
vately; and urged, that seeing wee had profited the ad
venturers nothing, wee should endevour to preserve our
principall, especially having men and victualls. But seeing
I prevayled not, I went further, and offered to finde out in
the same shippe and others, so many men, as with me
would be content to carry her home, giving us the third
part of the value of the ship, as shee should be valued at,
at her returne, by foure indifferent persons ; and to leave
the vice-admirall which I had under my charge, and to
make her vice-admirall.
Whereupon, it was condescended that we should all goe
aboard the shippe, and that there it should be determined.
The captaine thought himselfe somewhat touched in re
putation, and so would not that further triall should be
made of the matter : saying, that if another man was able
to carry the shippe into England, he would in no case leave
her; neither would he forsake her till shee sunke under
him. The generall commended him for his resolution, and
thanked me for my offer, tending to the generall good ; my
intention being to force those who for gaine could under
take to carry her home, should also do it gratis, according
to their obligation. Thus, this the leake-ship went well into
England ; where after shee made many a good voyage in
nine yeares, wherein shee was imployed to and fro ; and no
doubt would have served many more, had shee not beene
laid up and not used, falling into the hands of those which
knew not the use of shipping. It were large to recount
the voyages and worthy enterprises overthrowne by this
pollicie, with the shippes which have thereby gone to
wracke.

214 THE ANCHORS.
SECTION XXXVI.
sect, xxxvi. By this and the like experiences, remembring and knowing
Danger to that if once I consented to turne but one foote backe, I
unto should overthrow my voyage, and loose my reputation, I
reasons of . . . , ,
returne. resolved rather to loose my life, than to give eare to sucn
prejudiciall counsell. And so as tbe weather gave leave,
we entertained our selves the first dayes in necessary
workes, and after in making of coale (for wood was plenti
full, and no man would commence an action of wast against
us), with intent, the wind continuing long contrary, to see
if wee could remedie any of our broken anchors ; a forge I
had in my shippe, and of five anchors which we brought
out of England, there remained but one that was serviceable.
In the ilands of Pengwins we lost one ; in Crabbe cove,
another ; of a third, upon another occasion we broke an
arme ; and the fourth, on the rocke had the eye of his ring
broken. This, one day devising with my selfe, I made to
serve, without working him a new. Which when I tooke
first in hand, all men thought it ridiculous ; but in fine, we
made it in that manner so serviceable, as tiU our ship came
to Callao, which is the port of Lima, shee scarce used any
other anchor ; and when I came from Lyma to Panama,
which was three yeares after, I saw it serve the admirall
in which I came (a ship of above five hundredth tunnes),
without other art or addition, then what my owne invention
contrived. And for that in the like necessitie or occasion, others
tageo?aenun- may Profit themselves of the industrie, I will recount the
anchor* e manner of- the forging our eye without fire or iron. It was
in this sort.
From the eye of the shanke about the head of the, crosse,
we gave two turnes with a new strong halser, betwixt three
and foure inches, giving a reasonable allowance for that

SUBSTITUTE FOR THE EYE OF AN ANCHOR. 215
which should be the eye, and served in stead of the ring ; Seot-

then we fastned the two ends of the halser, so as in that
part it was as strong as in any other, and with our capsten
stretched the two byghtes, that every part might bear pro-
portionably ; then armed we all the halser round about with
six yarne synnets, and likewise the shank of the anchor,
and the head with a smooth matt made of the same syn-
net : this done, with an inch rope, wee woolled the two
byghtes to the shanke, from the crosse to the eye, and that
also which was to serve for the ring, and fitted the stocke
accordingly. This done, those who before derided the in
vention, were of opinion, that it would serve for a need ;
onely they put one difficultie, that with the fall or pitch of
the anchor in hard ground, with his waight he would cut
the halser in sunder on the head ; for prevention whereof,
we placed a panch, as the mariners terme it, upon the head
of the anchor, with whose softnesse this danger was pre
vented, and the anchor past for serviceable.1
Some of our idle time we spent in gatherings the barke Entortaine-
r & ° ment of
and fruite of a certaine tree, which we found in all places J^y|°idle.
of the straites where we found trees. This tree carrieth ne9se'
his fruite in clusters like a hawthorne, but that it is greene,
each berry of the bignesse of a pepper corne, and every of
them containing within four or five graynes, twise as bigge
as a mustard-seed, which broken, are white within, as the
good pepper, and bite much like it, but hotter. The barke
of this tree hath the savour of all kinde of spices together,
most comfortable to the stomache, and held to be better
than any spice whatsoever. And for that a learned coun
try-man of ours, Doctor Turner, bath written of it, by the
name of Winters barke, which I have said may suffice. The jn ga,®™-
3 " ing of Win
ters barke.
1 Synnet is plait made from rope yarns. Wooling or woolding is per
formed by passing turns of rope round a spar or rope, either for strength,
or, as in this case, to prevent chafe ; if spun yarn is used, it is called
serving.

210 PEARLS.
seot.xxxvi. ]eafe 0f this tree is of a whitish greene, and is not unlike
to tbe aspen leafe.1
Other whiles we entertained our selves in gathering of
pearies out of mussels, whereof there are aboundance in all
places, from Cape Froward to the end of the straites.
of pearies. The pearies are but of a bad colour, and small ; but it
may be that in the great mussels, in deeper water, the
pearies are bigger, and of greater value ; of the small seed
pearle, there are great quantitie, and the mussels were a
great refreshing unto us ; for they are exceeding good, and
in great plentie. And here let me crave pardon if I erre,
seeing I disclaime from being a naturalist, by delivering
my opinion touching the breeding of these pearies, which
I thinke to be of a farre different nature and qualitie to
those found in tbe East and West Indies, which are found
in oysters ; growing in the shell, under the ruff of the
oyster, some say of the dewe, which I hold to be some old
philosophers conceit, for that it cannot bee made probable
how the dew should come into the oyster ; and if this were
true, then questionlesse, wee should have them in our
oysters as in those of the East and West Indies ; but those
oysters were, by the Creator, made to bring foorth this
rare fruite, all their shels being, to looke to, pearle itselfe.
And th^ other pearies found in our oysters and mussels, in
divers partes, are ingendred out of the fatnesse of the fish,
in the very substance of the fish ; so that in some mussels
have beene found twenty, and thirty, in severall partes of
the fish, and these not perfect in colour, nor clearenes, as
those found in the pearle-oysters, which are ever perfect in
colour and clearenes, like the sunne in his rising, and there
fore called orientall, and not as is supposed, because out
1 The tree called Winter's bark, Drimys Winteri, was discovered by
Captain Winter, one of Drake's officers. The bark is agreeably aromatic,
and was found useful in cases of scurvy. See also Darwin's Naturalists
Voyage (Murray, ed. 1852), pp. 235, 281.

DANGER FROM RATS. 217
of the East, for they are as well found in the Westj and no Seot- XXXVI-
way inferior to those of the East Indies.
Other fish, besides seales and crabbes, like shrimpes,
and one whale, with two or three porpusses, wee saw not
in all the straites. Heere we made also a survay of our
victuals ; and opening certaine barrels of oaten meale, wee
found a great part of some of them, as also of our pipes
and fatts1 of bread, eaten and consumed by the ratts ;
doubtlesse, a fifth part of my company did not eate so much
as these devoured, as wee found dayly in comming to spend
any of our provisions.
When I came to the sea, it was not suspected that I had ofrItStion
a ratt in my shippe ; but with the bread in caske, which we
transported out of the Hawke, and the going to and againe
of our boates unto our prise, though we had diverse catts
and used other preventions, in a small time they multi-
plyed in such a maner as is incredible. It is one of the
generall calamities of all long voyages, and would bee
carefully prevented as much as may bee. For besides that
which they consume of the best victuals, they eate the
sayles ; and neither packe nor chest is free from their sur
prises. I have knowne them to make a hole in a pipe of j^^fey™1"
water, and saying the pumpe, have put all in feare, doubting ^f t0 a
least some leake had beene sprung upon the ship.
Moreover, I have heard credible persons report, that
shippes have beene put in danger by them to be sunke, by
a hole made in the bulge.2 All which is easily remedied at
the first, but if once they be somewhat increased, with diffi
culty they are to be destroyed. And although I propounded
a reward for every ratt which was taken, and sought meanes
' Used for vats.
2 The devastation caused by rats is very great. We have, however,
never heard of their gnawing through the bottom. Indeed, if there be
any truth in the old sailor's superstition that rats always leave a vessel
when in a dangerous state, they must be too clever to try so dangerous
an experiment.

218 BACKWARDNESS OF THE COMPANY.
Sect.xxxvn ^ p0yson and other inventions to consume them; yet their
increase being so ordinary and many, wee were not able to
cleare our selves from them.

SECTION XXXVII.
At the end of fourteene dayes, one evening, being calme,
and a goodly cleare in the easter-boord, I willed our anchor
to be weyed,1 and determined to goe into the channell,
Backward- whereof ensued a murmuring amongst my company, who
company, were desirous to see the winde setled before we put out of
the harbour : and in part they had reason, considering how
wee had beene canvassed from place to place ; yet on the
other side, if wee went not out before night, wee should
loose the whole nights sayling, and all the time which we
should spend in warping out ; which would be, doubtles, a
great part of the fore-noone. And although the master
signified unto mee the disposition of my people, and master
Henry Courton (a discreete and vertuous gentleman, and
my good friend, who in all the voyage was ever an especial
furtherer'of all that ever I ordained or proposed), in this
occasion sought to divert me, that all but my selfe were
and the con- contrarily inclined to that which I thought fit : and though
sequences " o o
thereof. the common saying be, that it is better to erre with many,
then, all contradicting, a one to hit the right way, yet truth
tolde mee this proverbe to bee falsely founded ; for that it
was not to bee understood, that for erring it is better, but
because it is supposed that by hitting a man shall get emu
lation of the contradictors : I encountered it with another,
that sayeth, better to be envied than pittied ; and weU con-
1 Much discussion has arisen as to whether this should be written
way, or weigh. We think the correct phraseology is this: when the
anchor is weighed, the ship is under way.

ADVANTAGES OF OBEDIENCE. 219
sidering, that being out of the harbour, if the winde took Seo-
us contrary, to goe to Elizabeth bay was better then to bee
in the port ; for a man must of force warpe in and out of
it, and in the time that the shippe could be brought foorth
into the channeU, the winde being good, a man might come
from Elizabeth bay to the port, and that there we should
have the wind first, being more to the east-wardes, and in
an open bay, and moreover might set sayle in the night,
if the wind should rise in the evening or in the night ;
whereas, in the port, of force, we must waite the light of
the day. I made my selfe deafe to all murmurings, and
caused my commaund to be put in execution, and, doubt
lesse, it was Gods gracious inspiration, as by the event was
seene ; for being gotten into the channell, within an houre,
the winde came good, and we sayled merrily on our voyage ;
and by the breake of the day, wee had the mouth of the
straites open, and about foure of the clocke in tbe after-
noone, wee were thwart of Cape Desire ;x which is the
westermost part of the land on the southern side of the
straites.

SECTION XXXVIII.
Here such as have command mav behold the many miseries Advertise-
* . ments for
that befall them, not onely by unexpected accidents and command-
mischances, but also by contradictions and murmurs of
their owne. people, of all calamities the greatest which can
befall a man of discretion and valour, and as difficult to be
overcome ; for, to require reason of the common sort, is, as
the philosopher sayth, to seeke counsell of a madd man.
Herein, as I sayd before, they resemble a stiff necked
1 Now called Cape Pillar — on the modern charts Cape Deseado lies to
the south of it. Cape Pillar is in 52° 42' 53" 8.

220 ADVANTAGES OF OBEDIENCE.
Sect.xxxix. horse, who taking the bridle in his teeth, carrieth the rider
whether he pleaseth ; so once possessed with any imagina
tion, no reason is able to convince them. The best remedie
I can propound, is to wish our nation in this poynt to be
well advised, and in especiall, all those that follow the sea,
ever having before their eyes the auncient discipline of our
predecessors ; who in conformitie and obedience to their
chiefes and commanders, have beene a mirror to all other
Theadvan- nations, with patience, silence, and suffering, putting in
tage of
obedience, execution what they have beene commanded, and thereby
gained the blessings due to such vertues, and leaving to
posteritie perpetuall memories of their glorious victories.
A just recompence for all such as conquer themselves, and
subject their most specious willes to the will of their
superiors.

SECTION xxxix.
In apprehension whereof at land, I cannot forebeare the
discipline thereof, as at this day, and in tbe dayes of late
memory, it hath beene practised in the states of Flaunders,
Fraunce, and Brittayne; whereas the Spaniards, Wallons,
Switzers, and other nations, are daily full of murmurings
and mutenies, upon every sleight occasion.
The like I also wish should be imitated by those who
follow the sea ; that is, that those who are subject to com
mand, presume no further then to that which belongeth
unto them : Qui nescit parere, nescit imperare. . I speake
this, for that I have sometimes seene unexpert and ignorant
persons, yea, unable to judge of any poynt appertaining to
government, or the guide of a shippe, or company of men,
presuming upon their fine witts, and enamoured of their
owne conceits, contradict and dispute against grave, wise,
and experimented governours : many forward fellowes,

Sect, xxxrx.

ADVANTAGES OF OBEDIENCE. 221
thinking themselves better worthie to command, than to
be commanded. Such persons I advise not to goe, but Advertise-
' . ments for
where they may command ; or els looking before they y?^£f ser"
leape, to consider well under whom they place themselves,
seeing, for the most part, it is in their choyce to choose a
governour from whom they may expect satisfaction ; but
choyce being once made, to resolve with the patient wife
in history, that, that day wherein shee married herselfe to
an husband, that very day shee had no longer any will more
then the wiU of her husband : and so he that by sea or land
placeth himselfe to serve in any action, must make reckon
ing that the time the journey endureth, he hath no other
will, nor dispose of himselfe, than that of his commander ;
for in the governors hand is all power, to recompence and
reward,- to punish or forgive.
Likewise those who have charge and command, must
sometimes with patience or sufferance overcome their fury
and misconceits, according to occasions, for it is a great
poynt of wisedome, especially in a generall murmuring,
where the cause is just, or that, as often times it happeneth,
any probable accident may divert the minds of the dis
contented, and give hope of remedie, or future event may
produce repentance, to turne, as they say, the deafe eare,
and to winke at that a man seeth. As it is sayde of
Charles the fifth, emperour of Germany, and king of Spaine;
who rounding his campe, one night, disguised, heard some
souldiers rayle and speak evil of him : those which accom
panied him were of opinion, that he should use some
exemplary .punishment upon them; not so, sayth he, for
these, now vexed with the miseries they suffer, ease their
hearts with their tongues ; but if occasion present it selfe,
they will not sticke to sacrifice their lives for my safetie.
A resolution worthy so prudent a commander, and so mag
nanimous a prince.
The like is written of Fabius Maximus, the famous

222 PRUDENCE IN BOARDING.
sect.xxxix. Romayne, who endured the attribute of coward, with many
._ o^er infamies, rather then he would hazard the safetie of
his countrie by rash and uncertaine provocations.
The No lesse worthy of perpetuall memory was the prudent
patience of ./ x x
Notunri-e °f pollicie and government of our English navie, in anno 1588,
ham' by the worthy Earle of Nottingham,1 lord high admirall of
England ; who, in like case, with mature and experimented
knowledge, patiently withstood the instigations of many
couragious and noble captaines, who would have perswaded
him to have laid them aboord; but well he foresaw that
the enemy had an armie aboord, he none; that they ex
ceeded him in number of shipping, and those greater in
bulke, stronger built, and higher molded, so that they who
with such advantage fought from above, might easily dis-
tresse all opposition below ; the slaughter, peradventure,
prooving more fatall then the victory profitable : by being
overthrowne, he might have hazzarded the kingdome ;
whereas by the conquest, at most, he could have boasted of
nothing but glorie, and an enemy defeated. But by suffer
ance, be alwayes advantaged himselfe of winde and tide ;
which was the freedome of our countrey, and securitie of
our navie, with the destruction of theirs, which in the eye
of the ignorant, who judge all things by the externall ap
pearance, seemed invincible ; but truly considered, was
much inferior to ours in all things of substance, as the
event prooved ; for we sunke, spoyled, and tooke of them
many, and they diminished of ours but one small pynace,
nor any man of name, save onely captaine Cocke, who
dyed with honour amidst his company. The greatest
dammage, that, as I remember, they caused to any of our
shippes, was to the Swallow of her majestie, which I had
in that action under my charge, with an arrow of fire shott
into her beake-head, which we saw not, because of the
1 After the defeat of the Spanish Armada, Lord Charles Howard of
Effingham, was created Earl of Nottingham,

TREATMENT OF MUTINEERS. 223
sayle, till it had burned a hole in the nose as bigge as a Seot- XII>
mans head ; the arrow falling out, and driving alongst
by the shippes side, made us doubt of it, which after we
discovered.

SECTION XL.

In many occasions, notwithstanding, it is most prejudiciall S^f^ayes
to dissemble the reprehension and punishment of murmur- winked at.
ings and mutterings, when they carry a likelihood to grow
to a mutinie, seeme to leane to a faction, or that a person
of regard or merite favoureth the intention, or contradicteth
the justice, etc., and others of like qualitie. The prudent
governour is to cut off this hydra's head in the beginning,
and by prevention to provide remedie with expedition ; and
this sometimes with absolute authoritie, although thet.best
be ever to proceed by counsell, if necessitie and occasion
require not the contrary ; for passion many times over-
ruleth, but that which is sentenced and executed by con
sent, is justified, although sometimes erronious.1 March
29, 1594.

SECTION XLI.
From Cape Desire, some foure leagues north-west lye
foure ilands, which are very small, and the middlemost of
them is of the fashion of a sugar -loafe. We were no
sooner cleare of Cape Desire, and his ledge of rockes, which
1 The above observations appear to have occurred to our author in con
sequence of what had taken place during the voyages of Magalhaens
and Drake. Both these great commanders, while lying at Port Saint
Julian, tried for mutiny, and executed, some of their chief officers.

224 drake's experience in the straits.
sect. xm. he a great way off into the sea, but the wind took us con

trary by the north-west ; and so we stood off into the sea
two dayes and two nights to the west-wards.
In all the straites it ebbeth and floweth more or lesse,
and in many places it higheth very little water ; but in
some bayes, where are great indraughts, it higheth eight
or ten foote, and doubtlesse further in, more. If a man be
furnished with wood and water, and the winde good, he
may keepe the mayne sea, and goe round about the straites
to the southwards, and it is the shorter way ; for besides
the experience which we made, that all the south part of
the straites is but ilands, many times having the sea open,
I remember that Sir Francis Drake told me, that having
shott the straites, a storme first tooke him at north-west,
and after vered about to the south-west, which continued
South part with him many dayes, with that extremitie, that he could
iUmds68 n°t °Pen any sayle, and that at the end of the storme, he
found himselfe in fiftie degrees -f which was sufficient tes
timony and proofe, that he was beaten round about the
straites : for the least height of the straites is in fifty two
degrees and fiftie minutes ; in which stands the two en
trances or mouths.
And moreover, he said, that standing about, when the
winde changed, he was not well able to double the souther-
most iland, and so anchored under the lee of it ; and going
a-shore, carried a compasse with him, and seeking out the
sir Francis southermost part of the iland, caste himselfe downe upon
soother-"16 tlie uttermost poyntj grovelling, and so reached out his
of°thePOiat bodie °ver it. Presently he imbarked, and then recounted
unto his people that he had beene upon the southermost
knowne land in the world, and more further to the south
wards upon it then any of them, yea, or any man as yet
knowne. These testimonies may suffice for this truth unto
all, but such as are incredulous, and will beleeve nothing
1 This must be a misprint ; it should be perhaps 56°.

VALDIVIA. 225
but what they see : for my part, I am of opinion, that the Seot- xu-
straite is navigable all the yeare long, although the best
time be in November, December, and January, and then
the winds more favourable, which other times are variable,
as in all narrow seas.1
Being some fiftie leagues a sea-boord the straites, the
winde vering to the west-wards, we cast about to the
north-wards, and lying the coast along, shaped our course
for the iland Mocha. About the fifteenth of April, we Mocha.
were thwart of Baldivia, which was then in the hands of Baiaivia.
the Spaniards, but since, the Indians, in anno 1599, dis
possessed them of it, and the Conception ; which are two
of the most principall places they had in that kingdome,
and both ports.
Baldivia had its name of a Spanish captaine so called,
whom afterwards the Indians tooke prisoner, and it is said,
they required of him the reason why he came to molest
them and to take their country from them, having no title
nor right thereunto ; he answered, to get gold ; which the
barbarians understanding, caused gold to be molten, and
poured down his throat, saying, gold was thy desire, glut
thee with it.2
1 Much interesting information respecting these straits will be found
in the voyages of the Adventure and Beagle. Now that the labours of
King and Fitz Roy, and more recently of Mayne, have provided correct
charts, the road is well known.
* Pedro de Valdivia was the first Governor of Chile, after the transi
tory invasion of Almagro. He overran the whole country, and founded
seven cities : Coquimbo, Santiago, Angol, Penco, Imperial, Villarica,
and Lago. He founded Santiago on February 24th, 1541. Then the
Araucaniahs rose in arms, and Valdivia seems to have carelessly under
rated the danger. The mode of his death related by Hawkins, is fabu
lous. For the true account, see Araucana, Part I, Canto m ; and
G. de la Vega, Comm. Real., Part I, Lib. vn, cap. 23. The rising took
place in 1553, and continued for many years. The most fierce outbreak
was in 1599. The city of Valdivia was Surprised on November 24th of
that year, and entirely destroyed.

226 ISLAND OF MOCHA.
sect. in. n gtandeth in fortie degrees, hath a pleasant river and
navigable, for a ship of good burden may goe as high up
as the cittie ; and is a goodly woody country.
Here our beefe beganne to take end, and was then as
good as the day wee departeth from England ; it was pre
served in pickell, which, though it be more chargeable, yet
the profit payeth the charge, in that it is made more durable,
contrary to the opinion of many, which hold it impossible
that beefe should be kept good passing the equinoctiall
lyne. And of our porke I eate in the house of Don Bel
tran de Castro, in Lyma, neere foure yeares old, very good,
preserved after the same manner, notwithstanding it had
lost his pickell long before.
Some degrees before a man comes to Baldivia to the
southwards, as Spaniards have told me, lyeth the iland
Chule,1 not easily to be discerned from the mayne; for he
that passeth by it, cannot but thinke it to be the mayne. It
is said to be inhabited by the Spaniards, but badly, yet
rich of gold.
The 19th of April, being Easter-even, we anchored under
the iland Mocha.2 It lyeth in thirty-nine degrees, it may
be some foure leagues over, and is a high mountainous
hill, but round about the foote thereof, some half league
from the sea-shore, it is champion ground, well inhabited,
and manured.
From the straites to this iland, we found that either the
coast is set out more westerly then it is, or that we had a
great current, which put us to the west-wards : for we had
not sight of land in three dayes after. Our reckoning was
to see it, but for that we coasted not the land, I cannot de-
i Chiloe.
2 A lofty island on the coast of Chile. Its summit is 1250 feet above
the sea. Previous to the eighteenth century it was inhabited by Arau-
canian Indians, but they are driven out by the Spaniards. The
anchorages were indifferent, and the landing bad. Mocha is about seven
miles long by three broad, between 38° 20' and 38° 26' S.

NATIVES OF MOCHA. 227
termine, whether it was caused by the current, or lying of Seot-

the land. But Spaniards which have sayled alongst it,
have told me that it is a bold and safe coast, and reason
able sounding off it.
In this iland of Mocha we had communication and con-
tratation1 with the inhabitants, but with great vigilancie
and care ; for they and all the people of Chily are mortall
enemies to the Spaniards, and held us to be of them ; and
so esteemed Sir Francis Drake when he was in this iland,
which was the first land also that he touched on this coast.
They used him with so fine a trechery, that they possessed
themselves of all the oares in his boate, saving two, and in
striving to get them also, they slew and hurt all his men :
himselfe, who had fewest wounds, had three, and two
of them in the head. Two of his company which lived
long after, had, the one seaventeene (his name was John
Bruer, who afterward was pilot with master Candish), and
the other about twentie, a negroe-servant to Sir Francis
Drake. And with me they used a poUicie, which amongst bar- ^5^,^
barous people was not to be imagined, although I wrought
sure ; for I suffered none to treate with me nor with my
people with armes. We were armed, and met upon a rock
compassed with water, whether they came to parley and
negotiate.' Being in communication with the caciques and
others, many of the Indians came to the heads of our
boates, and some went into them. Certaine of my people
standing to defend the boates with their oares, for that
there went a bad sege, were forced to lay downe their
musketts ; which the Indians perceiving, endevoured to fill
the barrells with water, taking it out of the sea in the hol
low of their hands. By chance casting mine eye aside, I
discovered their slynesse, and with a truncheon, which I
had in mine hand, gave the Indians three or foure good
1 Contractation-rCommerce or dealings with them.

228 ARADCANIANS.
Sect- "'¦ lamskinnes;1 the caciques seeing it, began to give me satis
faction by using rigor towardes those which had beene in
the boates ; but I having gotten the refreshing I desired,
and all I could hope from them, would have no .further
conversation with them. At our first comming, two of
their caciques, who are their lords or kings, came aboord
our shippe (we leaving one of our company ashore as a
pledge), whom we feasted in good manner ; they eat well
of all that was set before them, and dranke better of our
wine : one of them became a little giddie headed, and mar-
vayled much at our artillery : I caused a peece to be
primed, and after to be shott off, whereat the one started,
but tbe other made no shew of alteration. After putting
them ashore, loaden with toyes and trifles, which to them
seemed great riches ; from all parts of the iland the people
came unto us, bringing all such things as they had, to wit,
sheepe, cockes, etc. (from hennes they would not part), and
ofXtrifles8es divers sorts of fruits and rootes, which they exchanged with
us for knives, glasses, combes, belles, beades, counters,
pinnes, and other trifles. We saw little demonstration of
gold or silver amongst them, though some they had ; and
for that we saw they made estimation of it, we would not
make reckoning of it : but they gave us to understand that
they had it from the mayne.
Of sheepe. The sheepe of this iland are great, good, and fatt ; I
have not tasted better mutton any where. They were as
ours, and doubtlesse of the breed of those which the
Spaniards brought into the country. Of the sheepe of the
country we could by no means procure any one, although
we saw of them, and used meanes to have had of them ;
for they esteem them much, as reason willeth, serving them
for many uses ; as in another place, God willing, I shall
declare more at large. They have small store offish.
' To lamm is used by Beaumont and Fletcher in the sense of beat-
bruise.

ARAUCANIANS. 229
This iland is scituate in the province of Arawca,1 and is Seot-

held to be peopled with the most valiant nation in all Chily,
though generally the inhabitants of that kingdome are
very couragious.
They are clothed after the manner of antiquitie, all of apparell,
woollen ; their cassockes made like a sacke, square, with
two holes for the two armes, and one for the head, aU open
below, without lining or other art : but of them some are
most curiously wooven, and in colours, and on both sides
alike. Their houses are made round, in fashion like unto our fusing.
pigeon houses, with a laver2 in the toppe, to evacuate the
smoake when they made fire.
They brought us a strange kinde of tobacco, made into
little cakes, like pitch, of a bad smell, with holes through
the middle, and so laced many upon a string. They pre
sented us also with two Spanish letters, thinking us to be
Spaniards, which were written by a captaine of a frigate,
that some dayes before had received courtesie at their
hands, and signified the same to the governour; wishing
that the people of the iland would become good subjects to
the king, and that therefore he would receive them into
his favour and protection, and send them some person as
governour; but none of them spake Spanish, and so we
dealt with them by signes. The people of this iland, as of SgP'6 of
all Chily,3 are of good stature, and weU made, and of better
countenance then those Indians which I have seene in many
parts. They are of good understanding, and agilitie, and
of great strength. Their weapons are bowes and arrowes, Their
° weapons.
and macanas : their bowes short and strong, and their ar-
1 The Araucans have been immortalised in the Araucana, a poem
written by Don Alonzo de Ercilla. The first part was printed in 1569,
the second in 1578. The best edition is that of Sancha (Madrid, 1776).
2 This word is perhaps derived from lave, to draw out, to exhaust.
3 Chile.

230 DEPART FROM MOCHA.
sect. xlh. rowes of a short reed or cane, three quarters of a yard
long, with two feathers, and headed with a flint stone,
which is loose and hurting, the head remaining in the
wound; some are headed with bone, and some with hard
wood, halfe burnt in the fire. Wee came betwixt the
iland and the mayne. On the south-west part of the iland
lyeth a great ledge of rockes, which are dangerous ; and it
is good to be carefull how to come too neere the Hand on
all parts.
to tile ae Immediately when they discovered us, both upon the
iland and the maine, wee might see them make sundry
great fires, which were to give advise to the rest of the
people to be in a readinesse : for they have continual] and
mortall warre with the Spaniards, and the shippes they
see they beleeve to be their enemies.1 The citie imperiall
lyeth over against this iland, but eight or tenne leagues
into the countrey : for all the sea coast from Baldivia till
thirty-six degrees, the Indians have now, in a manner, in
their hands free from any Spaniards.

SECTION XLII.
Having refreshed our selves well in this iland, for that
little time wee stayed, which was some three dayes, wee
set sayle with great joy, and with a fayre winde sayled
alongst the coast ; and some eight leagues to the north
wards, we anchored againe in a goodly bay, and sent our
boates ashore, with desire to speake with some of the
Indians of Arawca, and to see if they would be content to
entertaine amitie, or to chop and change with us. But all
that night and the next morning appeared not one person,
1 In 1604, the Araucans entirely destroyed the Spanish towns of Val
divia, Imperial, Angol, Santa Cruz, Chilian, and Conception.

ISLAND OF SANTA MARIA. 231
and so wee set sayle againe ; and towardes the evening the Seot- XLII>

winde began to change, and to blowe contrary, and that so
much, and the sea to rise so sodainely, that we could not
take in our boates without spoyling of them. This storme ftarme.
continued with us tenne dayes, beyond expectation, for that
wee thought our selves out of the climate of fowle weather ;
hut truely it was one of the sharpest stormes that ever I
felt to endure so long.
In this storme, one night haling up our boates to free
the water out of them, one of our younkers that went into
them for that purpose, had not that regard, which reason
required, unto our light horseman : for with haling her
up to step into her out of the boate, he split her asunder, SuSSmirf"
and so we were forced to cut her off ; which was no small vesseii.
heartes grief unto me, for that I knew, and all my company
felt, and many times lamented, the losse of her.
The storme tooke end, and wee shaped our course for
the iland of Saint Maries,1 which lyeth in thirty seaven §gj£^
degrees and forty minuts ; and before you come unto the
iland some two leagues, in the trade way lyeth a rocke,
which, a farre off, seemeth to be a shippe under sayle. This
iland is little and low, but fertile and well peopled, with
Indians and some few Spaniards in it. Some ten leagues
to the north-wards of this iland, lyeth the citty Conception, citty of
with a good port ; from this we coasted alongst till wee
came in thirty-three degrees and forty minutes. In which
height lay the ilands of Iuan Fernandes, betwixt threescore j^JU^^,
and fourscore leagues from the shore, plentiful of fish, and
good for refreshing. I purposed for many reasons not to
discover my selfe upon this coast, till we were past Lyma Jj^oM tSs-
(otherwise called Cividad de Los Eeyes, for that it was ooveiy-
entered by the Spaniard the day of the three kings) ;2 but
1 Santa Maria Island, off the coast of Chile, is comparatively low and
dangerous, on account of numerous outlying rocks.
2 Lima was founded by Pizarro on Epiphany, January 18th, 1535, and
hence called the City of the Kings.

232 VALPARAISO.
sect. xih. my company urged me so farre, that except I should seem
in all things to over-beare them, in not condescending to
that which in the opinion of all, but my selfe, seemed pro
fitable and best, I could not but yeelde unto, though it
carried a false colour, as the ende prooved, for it was our
perdition. This all my company knoweth to be true,
whereof some are yet living and can give testimonie.
^mariners But *he mariner is ordinarily so carried away with the
desire of pillage, as sometimes for very appearances of small
moment hee looseth his voyage, and many times himselfe.
And so the greedines of spoyle, onely hoped for in shippes
of trade, which goe too and fro in this coast, blinded them
from forecasting the perill whereinto wee exposed our
voyage, in discovering our selves before we past the coast
of Callao, which is the port of Lyma. To be short, wee
haled the coast aboord, and that evening we discovered the
port of Balparizo,1 which serveth the citty of Saint Iag.o,
They seize standing: some twentv leagues into the countrey: when
upon four ° * o «
ships. presently we descried foure shippes at an anchor : where
upon wee manned and armed our boate, which rowed to
wards the shippes : they seeing us turning in, and fearing
that which was, ran a shore with that little they could save,
and leaft us the rest ; whereof we were masters in a
moment, and had the rifling of all the storehouses on the
shoare. This night I set a good guard in all the shippes, longing
to see the light of the next morning to put all things in
order; which appearing, I began to survay them, and
found nothing of moment, saving five hundred botozios2 of
1 Valparaiso, the chief port of Chile, received its name from Juan de
Saavedra, a follower of Almagro, after his own native village of Val
paraiso near Cuenca, in Spain. On September 3rd, 1544, Valdivia con
firmed the name given by Saavedra.
2 Bota is Spanish for a wine-skin or vessel : botija, a jar used for the
same purpose.

VALPARAISO. 233
wine, two or three thousand of hennes, and some refresh- Sect- XLI1-

ing of bread, bacon, dried beefe, waxe, candles, and other
necessaries. The rest of their lading was plankes, spares,
and timber, for Lyma, and the valleyes, which is a rich
trade ; for it hath no timber but that which is brought
to it from other places. They had also many packes of
Indian mantles, but of no value unto us, with much tallow,
and manteca de puerco,1 and aboundance of great new
chests, in which wee had thought to be some great masse
of wealth, but opening them, found nothing but apples
therein ; all which was good marchandize in Lyma, but to
us of small accompt. The marchandize on shore in their And the
L ware-
store-houses was the like, and therefore in the same pre- u<™8ea-
dicament. The owners of the shippes gave us to understand
that at a reasonable price they would redeeme their shippes
and loading, which I hearkened unto ; and so admitted
certaine persons which might treat of the matter, and con
cluded with them for a small price rather then to burne
them, saving for the greatest, which I carryed with me,
more to give satisfaction to my people then for any other
respect ; because they would not be perswaded but that
there was much gold bidden in her ; otherwise shee would
have yeelded us more then the other three.
Beine; in this treatie, one morning: at the breake of day They seize
° ' ° J upon an-
came another shippe touring into the harbour, and stand- other 8hiP>
ing into the shore, but was becalmed. Against her wee
manned a couple of boates, and tooke her before many
houres. In this shippe we had some good quantitie of
gold, which shee had gathered in Baldivia, and the Con- and some
ception, from whence shee came. Of this shippe was pilot
and part owner, Alonso Perezbueno, whom we kept for
our pilot on this coast ; till moved with compassion (for
that he was a man charged with wife and children), we set
him ashore betwixt Santa and Truxillo.2 Out of this shippe
1 Lard. s On the coast of Peru, north of Lima.

234

VALPARAISO.

Sect. xlii.

Lightanchorsbrought
Urom the
North sea.

And the
first artil
lerie.

Sayles of
cottoncloth.

we had also store of good bacon, and some provision of
bread, hennes, and other victuaU. And for that shee had
brought us so good a portion, and her owner continued
with us,, the better to animate him to play the honest man
(though we trusted him no further then we saw him, for
we presently discovered him to be a cunning fellow), and
for ihat; his other partner had lost the greatest part of gold,
and seemed to be an honest man, as after he proved by his
thankfulnesse in Lyma, we gave them the ship and the
greatest part of her loading freely.
Here we supplied our want of anchors, though not ac
cording to that which was requisite in regard of the burden
of our shippe ; for in the South sea, the greatest anchor
for a shippe of sixe or eight hundreth tunnes, is not a
thousand waight; partly, because it is little subject to
stormes, and partly, because those they had tiU our com
ming, were all brought out of the North sea by land ; for
they make no anchors in those countries. And the first
artiUerie they had was also brought over land, which was
small; the carriage and passage from Nombre de Dios, or
Porto Velo, to Panama, being most difficult and steepe, up
hill and downe hill, they are all carried upon negroes backes.
But some years before my imprisonment, they fell to
making of artillery, and, since, they forge anchors also.
Wee furnished our shippe also with a shift of sayles of
cotton cloth, which are farre better in that sea then any of
our double sayles; for that in all the navigation of that
sea they have little rayne and few stormes ; but where rayne
and stormes are ordinary, they are not good ; for with the
wett they grow so stifle they cannot be handled.

VALPARAISO. 235
SECTION XLI1I.
I concluded the ransome of the shippes with an auncient Seot.xim.

captaine, and of noble blood, who had his daughter there,
ready to be imbarked to go to Lyma, to serve Donia
Tereza de Castro, the viceroyes wife,1 and sister to Don
Beltran de Castro. Her apparell and his, with divers other
things which they had imbarked in the greatest shippe, we
restored, for the good office he did us, and the confidence
he had of us, comming and going onely upon my word ;
for which he was after ever thankefull, and deserved much
more. Another that treated with me was Captaine Iuan Con
freres, owner of one of the shippes, and of the iland Santa
Maria, in thirty-seaven degrees and fortie minutes. In
treating of the ransomes, and transporting and lading the
provisions we made choyce of, wee spent some sixe or eight
dayes ; at the end whereof, with reputation amongst our
enemies, and a good portion towards our charges, and our
shippe as well stored and victualled as the day we departed
from England, we set sayle.
The time wee were in this port, I tooke small rest, and £^
so did the master of our shippe, Hugh Cornish, a most
carefull, orderly, and sufficient man, because we knew our
owne weaknesse ; for entring into the harbour, we had but
seaventie five men and boyes, five shippes to guard, and
every one moored by himselfe; which, no doubt, if our
enemies had knowne, thev would have wrought some and con-
3 * ° ceale their
stratagem upon us ; for the governour of Chily was there weaknes.
on shore in view of us, an auncient Flanders soldier, and of
experience, wisedome, and valour, called Don Alonso de
1 Teresa, daughter of the Count of Lemos, and wife of Don Garcia
Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of Caiiete, and Viceroy of Peru from
1590 to 1599.

236 SPANISH WINES.
sect.xLin. g0to Mayor, of the habit of Saint lago, who was after
captaine generall in Terra Firme, and wrought all the in
ventions upon the river of Chagres, and on the shore, when
Sir Francis Drake proposed to goe to Panama, in the voy
age wherein he died ; as also, at my comming into Spaine,
he was president in Panama, and there, and in Lyma, used
nes6s"f e" me with great courtesie, like a noble souldier and liberall
Soto. gentleman. He confessed to me after, that he lay in am
bush with three hundred horse and foote, to see if at any
time wee had landed or neglected our watch, with balsas,
(which is a certaine raffe made of mastes or trees fastened
together), to have attempted something against us. But
less danger- the enemy I feared not so much as the wine; which, not-
vnne. withstanding all the dilligence and prevention I could use
day and night overthrew many of my people. A foule
fault, because too common amongst sea-men, and deserveth
some rigorous punishment, with severitie to be executed ;
for it hath beene, and is daily, the destruction of many
good enterprises, amidst their best hopes. And besides
the ordinary fruites it bringeth forth, of beggery, shame,
and sicknesse, it is a most deadly sinne. A drunkard is
unfit for any government, and if I might be hired with
many thousands, I would not carry with me a man known
to put bis felicitie in that vice, instiling it with the name
of good fellowship ; which in most well governed common
wealths, hath beene a sufficient blemish to deprive a man
of office, of honour, and estimation. It wasteth our king-
dome more then is well understood, as well by the in
firmities it causeth, as by the consumption of wealth, to
the impoverishing of us, and the enriching of other king-
domes.
Spanish And though I am not old, in comparison of other auncient
wines and T
burning men, 1 can remember Spanish wine rarelv to be found in
feavers un- L ^
EngTand111 tllis kingdome. Then hot burning feavers were not knowne
in England, and men lived numy more yeares. But since

SPANISH WINES. 237
the Spanish sacks have beene common in our tavernes, Sect-

which, for conservation, is mingled with lyme1 in its
making, our nation complaineth of calenturas, of the stone,
the dropsie, and infinite other diseases, not heard of before
this wine came in frequent use, or but very seldome. To
confirme which my beliefe, I have heard one of our learn-
edst physitians affirme, that he thought there died more
persons in England of drinking wine and using hot spices
in their meats and drinkes, then of all other diseases.
Besides there is no yeare in which it wasteth not two mil- Mld c°n-
•> sumeth
lions of crownes of our substance, by convayance into trea3ure-
forraine countries ; which in so well a governed common
wealth as ours is acknowledged to be through the whole
world, in all other constitutions, in this onely remaineth
to be looked into and remedied. Doubtlesse, whosoever
should be the author of this reformation, would gaine with
God an everlasting reward, and of his country a statua of
gold, for a perpetuall memory of so meritorious a worke.

SECTION XLIV.
A league or better before a man discover this baye to the Description
of the bay.
south-wards, lyeth a great rocke, or small iland, neere the
shore ; under which, for a need, a man may ride with his
shippe. It is a good marke, and sure signe of the port,
and discovering the bay a man must give a good birth to
1 Lime was added to sack, not to preserve it, apparently, but for the
same purpose that drugs are mixed in beer and spirits by brewers,
publicans, and rectifiers, at the present day.
Falstaff. Villain, there's lime in this sack. — Hen. IV.
Host. I have spoke ; let him follow ; let me see thee
Froth and lime.— Merry Wive* of Windsor.

238 PLAN FOR STOPPING A LEAK.
sect. xliv. f^e poynt of the harbour ; for it hath perilous rockes lying
a good distance off. It neither ebbeth nor floweth in this
port, nor from this till a man come to Guayaquill, which is
three degrees from the equinoctiall lyne to the south
wards. Let this be considered. It is a good harbour for
all windes that partake not of the north ; for it runneth up
south and by west, and south south-west, but it hath much
fowle ground.
Anewde- In one of these shippes we found a new devise for the
vise for L L
leSre with- topping of a sodaine leake in a shippe under water, without
outboard, boards when a man cannot come to it within board ; which
eased us of one that we had from the day we departed
from Detford, caused by tbe touching a-ground of our
shippe at low water, being loaden and in the neap streames,
comming a-ground in the sterne, the force of the tyde
caused to cast thwart, wrested her slegg, and that in such
sort, as it made a continuall leake, though not much. And
for that others may profit themselves of the like, I thinke
it good to set downe the manner of it : which was, taking
a round wicker basket, and to fill it with peeces of a junke
or rope, chopped very small, and of an inch long, and after
tozed all as oacombe -1 then the basket is to be covered
with a nett, the meshes of it being at tbe least two inches
square, and after to be tied to a long pike or pole, which is
to goe across the baskets mouth; and putting it under
water, care is to be bad to keepe the baskets mouth
towardes the shippes side. If the leake be any thing great,
the oacombe may be somewhat longer, and it carrieth like
lihood to doe good, and seemeth to be better than the
stitching of a bonnet, or any other diligence which as yet
I have seene.
Spare rud- Another thing I noted of these shippes, which would be
also used by us; that every shippe carrieth with her a spare
1 Teased, pulled, or unravelled. Oakum is made from rope yarns
teased or untwisted.

C0QUIMB0. 239
rudder, and they have them to hange and unhange with Seot-

great facilitie ; and besides, in some parts of the shippe
they have the length, breadth, and proportion of the rudder
marked out, for any mischance that may befall them; which
is a very good prevention.1
Ten leagues to the north-wards of this harbour, is the
bay of Quintera,2 where is good anchoring, but an open Q^°gra
bay ; where master Thomas Candish (for the good he had
done to a Spaniard, in bringing him out of the Straits of
•Magellan, where, otherwise, he had perished with his com- fi^Zm™
pany),3 was by him betrayed, and a dozen of his men
taken and slaine. But the judgement of God left not his
ingratitude unpunished ; for in the fight with us, in the
vice-admirall, he was wounded and maymed in that manner,
as, three yeares after, I saw him begge with crutches, and
in that miserable estate, as he had been better dead than
alive. From Balparizo wee sailed directly to Coquinbo, which coquinbo.
is in thirtie degrees ; and comming thwart the place, wee
were becalmed, and had sight of a shippe : but for that
shee was farre off, and night at hand, shee got from us,
and wee having winde, entered the port, thinking to have
had some shipping in it ; but we lost our labour : and for
that the towne was halfe a league upp in the countrey,
and wee not manned for any matter of attempt, worthy
prosecution, we made no abode on the shore, but presently
set sayle for the Peru. This is the best harbour that I
have seene in the South sea, it is land-locked for all winds,
and capeable of many shippes ; but the ordinary place
where the shippes lade and unlade, and accommodate
themselves, is betwixt a rocke and the mayne on the wester
1 We owe many good hints to Spanish seamen : this among others is
used to this day.
2 Quintero Bay, near Valparaiso.
' This was one of Sarmiento's unfortunate colonists.

240 ARICA.
sect. xnv. s{,jej Some halfe a league up within the entrance of the
port, which lyeth south and south, and by east and north,
and by west.
In the in-country, directly over the port, is a round
piked hill, like a sugar-loafe, and before the entrance on
the southern poynt of the port, comming in out of the sea,
is a great rocke, a good birth from the shore; and these
are the markes of the port as I remember.
Being cleere of this port, wee shaped our course for
oS5almu0h Arica, and leaft the kingdomes of Chily, one of the best
mended, countries that the sunne shineth on; for it is of a temperate
clymate, and abounding in all things necessary for the use
of man, with infinite rich mines of gold, copper, and sundry
other mettals.
The poorest houses in it, by report of their inhabitants,
have of their owne store, bread, wine, flesh, and fruite ;
which is so plentifull, that of their superfluitie they supply
other partes. Sundry kindes of cattell, as horses, goates,
and oxen, brought thither by the Spaniards, are found in
heardes of thousands, wilde and without owner; besides
those of the countrey, which are common to most partes of
America : in some of which are found the bezar stones, and
those very good and great.
Amongst others, they have little beastes like unto a
squirrell, but that hee is gray ; his skinne is the most deli
cate, soft, and curious furre that I have seene, and of much
estimation (as is of reason) in the Peru ; few of them come
into Spaine, because difficult to be come by ; for that the
princes and nobles laie waite for them. They call this beast
chinchilla, and of them they have great abundance.
of°frtiito0nB "^ fruites of Spaine they have in great plentie, saving
stone fruite and almonds; for in no part of the Indies have
I kncwne that plumbes, cherries, or almondes have borne
fruit : but they have certaine little round cocos, as those of
Brasill, of the bignesse of a wall-nut, which is as good as

SEARCH FOR GOLD. 241
an almond ; besides it hath most of the fruites naturall to Sect- XLIT-

America, of which in another place I shall, God willing,
speake particularly.
The gold they gather is in two manners : the one is ^g0^enty
washing the earth in great trayes of wood in many waters ;
as the earth washeth away, the gold in the bottome re-
maineth. The other is, by force of art to draw it out of
the mynes in which they finde it. In most partes of the
countrie, the earth is mingled with gold ; for the butizias,1
in which the wine was, which wee found in Balparizo, had
many sparkes of gold shining in them. Of it the gold
smiths I carryed with me, for like purposes, made experience.
When Baldivia and Arawca were peaceable, they yeelded
greatest plentie, and the best : but now, their greatest
mynes are in Coquinbo, as also the mines of copper, which
they carry to the Peru, and sell it better cheape than it is
ordinarily sold in Spaine.
The Indians knowing the end of the Spaniards molesta- The Indiana
tion to be principally the desire of their riches, have SQj™h of
enacted, that no man, upon paine of death, doe gather any
gold. In Coquinbo it rayneth seldome, but every shower of Everyshowre a
rayne is a shower of gold unto them ; for with the violence showre of
of the water falling from the mountaines, it bringeth from
them the gold ; and besides, gives them water to wash it
out, as also for their ingenious to worke ; so that ordinarily
every weeke they have processions for rayne.
In this kingdome they make much linnen and woollen Linnen and
cloth, and great store of Indian mantles; with which they cloth made
' 8 ' J InCoquin-
furnish other partes ; but all is course stuffe. It hath no b°-
silke, nor iron, except in mynes, and those as yet not dis
covered. Pewter is well esteemed, and so are fine linnen,
woollen cloth, haberdashers wares, edge tooles, and armes,
or munition. ' Botijas — jars.

Arawcans.

242 STORY OF A WARRIOR OF ARAUCO.
seot.xt.rv. It hath its governour, and audiencia, with two bishoppes:
the one of Saint lago, the other of the Imperiall ; all under
the vice-roy, audiencia, and primate of Lyma. Saint lago
is the metropolitan and head of the kingdome, and the
seate of justice, which hath its appellation1 to Lyma.
o?thealour The people are industrious and ingenious, of great
strength, and invincible courage ; as in the warres, which
they have susteyned above fortie yeares continually against
the Spaniards, hath beene experienced. For confirmation
whereof, I will alledge onely two proofes of many ; the one
was of an Indian captaine taken prisoner by the Spaniards';
and for that he was of name, and knowne to have done his
devoire against them, they cut off his hands, thereby in
tending to disenable him to fight any more against them :
but he returning home, desirous to revenge this injury, to
maintaine his libertie, with the reputation of his nation,
and to helpe to banish the Spaniard, with his tongue in-
treated and incited them to persevere in their accustomed
valour and reputation ; abasing the enemy, and advancing
his nation ; condemning their contraries of cowardlinesse,
and confirming it by the crueltie used with him, and others
his companions in their mishaps ; shewing them his armef
without hands, and naming his brethren whose halfe feett
they had cut off, because they might be unable to sit on
horsebacke : with force arguing, that if they feared them
not, they would not have used so great inhumanitie ; for
feare produceth crueltie, the companion of cowardize.
Thus incouraged he them to fight for their lives, limbes,
and libertie, choosing rather to die an honourable death
fighting, then to live in servitude, as fruitlesse members in
their common-wealth. Thus, using the office of a sergeant
major, and having loaden his two stumpes with bundles of
arrowes, succoured those who in the succeeding battaile
had their store wasted, and changing himselfe from place
1 Appeal.

sharing the spoils. 243
to place, animated and encouraged his countri-men with Sect-X1T-
such comfortable perswasions, as it is reported, and credibly
beleeved, that he did much more good with his words and
presence, without striking a strouke, then a great part of
the armie did with fighting to the utmost.
The other proofe is, that such of them as fight on horse-
backe, are but slightly armed, for that their armour is a
beasts hide, fitted to their bodie greene, and after worne
till it be dry and hard. He that is best armed, hath him
double ; yet any one of them with these armes, and with
his launce, will fight hand to hand with any Spaniard
armed from head to foote. And it is credibly reported that
an Indian being wounded through the body by a Spaniards
launce, with his owne hands hath crept on upon the launce,
and come to grapple with his adversary, and both fallen to
the ground together. By which is seene their resolution
and invincible courage, and the desire they have to main-
taine their reputation and libertie.

SECTION XLV.
Leaving the coast of Chily, and running towards that of
Peru, my company required the third of the gold we had
gotten, which of right belonged unto them ; wherein I
desired to give them satisfaction of my just intention, but
not to devide it till we came home, and so perswaded them
with the best reasons I could ; alledging the difficultie to
devide the barres, and being parted, how easie it was to be
robbed of them, and that many would play away their por
tions and come home as beggarly as they came out; and
that the shares could not be well made before our returne
to England, because every mans merites could not be dis
cerned nor rewarded till the end of the voyage. In con
clusion, it was resolved, and agreed, that the things of price,

244

COVETOUS COMMANDERS.

Sect.xLv.

Most men
unwilling to
follow
covetous command ers.

The mis
chiefs of
corrupt or
scan tie
provisions.

as gold and silver, should be put into chests with three
keyes, whereof I should have the one, the master another,
and the third, some other person whom they should name.
This they yeelded unto with great difficultie, and not with
out reason ; for the bad correspondence used by many cap
taines and owners with their companies upon their returne,
defrauding them, or diminishing their rights, hath hatched
many jealousies, and produced many disorders, with the
overthrow of all good discipline and government, as expe
rience teacheth ; for where the souldier and mariner is
unpaide, or defrauded, what service or obedience can be
required at his hands ?
The covetous captaine or commander looseth the love of
those under his charge : yea, though he have all the parts
besides required in a perfect commander, yet if he preferre
his private profite before justice, hardly will any man fol
low such a leader, especially in our kingdome, where more
absolute authoritie and trust is committed to those who
have charge, than in many other countries.
And therefore in election of chieftaines, care would be
had in examination of this poynt. The shamefull fruites
whereof (found by experience of many yeares, wherein I
have wandred the world), I leave to touch in particular;
because I will not diminish the reputation of any. But
this let me manifest, that there have been, and are, certaine
persons, who, before they goe to sea, either robbe part of
the provisions, or in the buying, make penurious, unhol-
some, and avaritious penny-wcrths ; and the last I hold to
be tbe least : for they robbe onely the victuallers and
owners : but the others steale from owners, victuallers, and
companie, and are many times the onely overthrowers of
the voyage ; for the company thinking themselves to be
stored with foure or sixe moneths victualls, upon survay,
they finde their bread, beefe, or drinke short, yea, perhaps
all, and so are forced to seeke home in time of best hopes

DEFRAUDING OF WAGES. 245
and imployment. This mischiefe is most ordinary in great Sect- Xlv-
actions. Lastly, some are so cunning, that they not onely make
their voyage by robbing before they goe to sea, but of that
also which commeth home. Such gamsters, a wise man of
our nation resembled to the mill on the river' of Thames,
for grinding both with flood and ebbe : so these at their
going out, and comming home, will be sure to robbe all
others of their shares. Although this be a great abuse
amongst us, and but of late dayes practised, and by me
spoken unto by way of animadversion, either in hope of
redresse, or for infliction of punishment; yet I would have
the world know, that in other countries the fault is farre
more insufferable. And the principall cause which I can
finde for it, is that our country imployeth her nobles, or
men of credite, in all actions of moment, who rather chuse
to spend wealth and gaine honor, then to gaine riches with
out reputation: whereas in Spaine, and other partes, the
advancement of poore men and meane persons by favour
and interest, produceth no other end, but private and par
ticular respects to enrich themselves ; yet the nobilitie
themselves, for. the most part, in all occasions pretend re
wards for any small service whatsoever, which with us as
yet is not in use.
But the greatest and most principall robbery of all, in P£*£jf£;.
my opinion, is the defrauding or detaining of the companies £^ngof
thirdes1 or wages, accursed by the just God, who forbiddeth
the hyre of the labourer to sleepe with us. To such I
speake as either abuse themselves in detayning it ; or else
to such as force the poore man to sell it at vile and low
prices ; and lastly, to such as upon fained cavils and sutes,
doe deterre the simple and ignorant sort from their due
1 " Going by thirds" means that the crew have a certain percentage
on the profits of the voyage, in lieu of wages ; thus their remuneration
partly depends on their own exertions.

246 ABUSING OF PILLAGE.
Sect. xxv. prosecutions ; which being too much in use amongst us,

hath bred in those that follow the sea a jealousie in all im-
ployments, and many times causeth mutenies and infinite
inconveniences. A poynt deserving consideration and re
formation, and which with great facilitie may be remedied,
if upright justice would put it selfe as stickler betwixt the
owners and company.
by chai^ers No less worthie of reformation are the generall abuses of
pillage. mariners and souldiers, who robbe all they can, under the
colour of pillage, and after make ordinance, cables, sayles,
anchors, and all above deckes, to belong unto them of
right, whether they goe by tbirdes or wages : this pro-
ceedeth from those pilfering warres, wherein every gallant
that can arme out a shippe, taketh upon him the name and
office of a captaine, not knowing what to command, nor
what to execute. Such commanders, for the most part,
consort and joyne unto themselves disorderly persons,
pyrates, and ruffians, under the title of men of valour and
experience : they meeting with any prise make all upon the
deckes theirs of dutie ; viz. — the best peece of ordinance for
the captaine ; the second, for the gunner ; the third, for
his mate; the best cable and anchor for the master; the
maine topsayle for the botesman;1 the bonnets for the
quarter masters; and the rest of the sayles for the company.
The cardes and instruments of the master, for the master ;
the surgeans instruments and chest for the surgean; the
carpenters tooles and chest for the carpenter ; and so con-
quently of each officer, that answereth the other in the two
shippes. If one happen upon a bag of gold, silver, pearle, or pre
cious stones, it is held well gotten, provided it be cleanly
stolne, though the shippe and all her loading besides be
not worth so much; little considering the common injury in
defrauding the owners, victuallers, and whole companie:
> Boatswain?

LAWS OF OLERON. 247
and forgetting, that if himselfe were a jury-man upon sect. xlv.
another in like case, he would adjudge him to the gallows.
But I would advise such novices to know, that our true and
auncient discipline of warre is farre different, and being
understood, is much more better for the general! Besides
it is grounded on Gods law (from whence all lawes should
be derived), and true justice, which distributeth to every
one that which belongeth to him of right, and that in due
season. In the time of warre in our country, as also in others by ofh01'eron9
the laws of Oleron, which to our auncient sea-men were ptiiag™118
fundamental, nothing is allowed for pillage but apparell,
armes, instruments, and other necessaries belonging to the
persons in that shippe which is taken ; and these too when
the shippe is gained by dint of sword ; with a proviso, that
if any particular pillage exceed the valew of sixe crownes, it
may be redeemed for that valew by the generall stocke,
and sould for the common benefit.
If the prise render it selfe without forcible entry, all in
generall ought to be preserved and sould in masse, and so
equally devided ; yea though the shippe be wonne by force
and entry, yet whatsoever belongeth to her of tackling,
sayles, or ordinance, is to bee preserved for the generalitie :
saving a peece of artillery for the captaine, another for the
gunner, and a cable and anchor the master ; which are the
rights due unto them : and these to be delivered when the
shippe is in safety, and in harbour, eyther unloaden or
sould. Which law or custome, well considered, will rise to
be more beneficiall for the owners, victuallers, and company,
then the disorders newly crept in and before remembred.
For the sayles, cables, anchors, and hull, being sould
every one a part, yeeld not the one halfe which they would
doe if they were sould altogether ; besides the excusing of
charges and robberies in the unloading and parting.
In the warres of Fraunce, in the time of queen Mary,

248 LAWS OF PILLAGE.
Sect. xiv. ail(3 jn 0tner warres, as I have heard of many auncient
captaines, the companie had but the fourth part, and every
man bound to bring with him the armes with which hee
would fight ; which in our time I have knowne also used in
Fraunce : and if the company victualed themselves, they
had then the one halfe, and the owners the other halfe for
the shippe, powder, shott, and munition. If any prise
were taken, it was sould by the tunne, shippe and goods,
so as the loading permitted it ; that the merchant having
bought the goods, hee might presently transport them
whethersoever he would. By this manner of proceeding,
all rested contented, all being truely paid ; for this was just
dealing : if any deserved reward, he was recompensed out
of the generall stocke ; if any one had filched or stolne, or
committed offence, hee had likewise his desert. And who
once was knowne to be a disordered person, or a theefe, no
man would receive him into his shippe ; whereas, now a
dayes many vaunt themselves of their theftes and disorders:
yea. I have seene the common sort of mariners, under the
name of pillage, maintaine and justify their robberies most
insolently, before the queens majesties commissioners, with
arrogant and unseemly termes, for that they would not
condiscend to their unreasonable challenges. The demaunds
being better worth then five hundreth poundes, which some
one pretended to be his : and that of the choysest mar
chandize, and most of it robbed out of that part of the
shippe, which they themselves, and all the world, cannot
but confesse to be marchandize.
My opinion is, that such malaperts deserve most justly
to have their spoyle taken from them, or some worse
consideration, and afterwards to be severely punished, in
prevention of greater prejudices, then can by paper be well
declared. But I must tell you withall, such hath beene the par-
tialitie of some commissioners in former times, that upon

LAWS OF PILLAGE. 249
information, in lieu of punishment, opinion hath held them Sect-

for tall fellowes, when, in truth, they never prove the best
men in difficult occasions. For their mindes are all set on
spoyle, and can bee well contented to suffer their associates
to beare the brunt, whillest they are prowling after pillage,
the better to gaine and mainetaine the aforesaid attributes
in tavernes and disorderly places.
For the orderly and quiet men I have ever found in all
occasions to bee of best use, most valiant, and of greatest
sufficiency. Yet I condemne none, but those who will be
reputed valiant, and are not : examine the accusation.
All whatsoever is found upon the decke going for mar- ^bore"811'
chandize, is exempted out of the censure of pillage : silks, i^a pl1"
linnen, or woollen cloth in whole peeces, apparell, that goeth
to be sold, or other goods whatsoever, though they be in
remnants, manifestly knowne to be carryed for that end;
or being comprehended in the register, or bills of lading,
are not to bee contayned under the name of pillage.
But as I have sayd of the consort, so can I not but com-
plaine of many captaines and governonrs, who, overcome fli'inait'he
with like greedie desire of gaine, condiscend to the smoother- °aines.
ing and suppressing of this auncient discipline, the clenlier
to smother their owne disloyalties, in suffering these breake-
bulks to escape and absent themselves, till the heate be
past and partition made.
Some of these cause the bils of lading to be cast into the
sea, or so to bee hidden that they never appeare. Others
send away their prisoners, who sometimes are more worth
then the shippe and her lading, because they should not
discover their secret stolne treasure; for many times that
which is leaft out of the register or bils of lading, with conceai-
purpose to defraud the prince of his customes (in their ^ethen
conceits held to be excessive), is of much more value then the trading-
that which the shippe and lading is worth. Yea I have
knowne shippes worth two hundreth thousand pounds, and

250 PREVENTION OF PILLAGE.
Sect, xlv. better, cleane swept of their principall riches, nothing but
the bare bulke being left unsacked. The like may be
spoken of that which the disorderly mariner and the
souldier termetb pillage ; yet all winked at and unpunished,
although such prizes have beene rendred without stroake
stricken. This, doubtlesse, cannot but be a hearts griefe and dis
couragement to all those who vertuously and truely desire
to observe the auncient discipline of our nation, their owne
honours, and the service of their soveraigne.
tjonof6un" -But *° prevent these unknowne mischiefes, and for his
gings.illa" better discharge, I remember that my father, Sir John
Hawkins, in his instructions, in actions under his charge,
had this particular article : that whosoever rendred or tooke
any shippe, should be bound to exhibite the bils of lading :
to keepe the captaine, master, marchants, and persons of
account, and to bring them to him to be examined, or into
England. If they should bee by any accident seperated
from him, whatsoever was found wanting (the prisoners
being examined), was to bee made good by the captaine and
company which tooke the shippe, and this upon great
punishments. I am witness, and avow that this course did
redownd much to the benefitte of the generall stocke ; to
the satisfactione of her majestie and counseU, the justifica
tion of his government, and the content of his followers.
Thus much have I set downe concerning these abuses
and the reformation thereof, for that I have neither seene
them divulged by any with whom I have gone to sea,
neither yet recorded in writing by any mans pen. Let
consideration present them to the eares of the powerfull.
But now to our voyage.

ARICA. 251
SECTION XLVI.
Running alongst the coast till wee came within a few leagues Bect- xlTI-

of Arica, nothing happened unto us of extraordinary noveltie
or moment, for we had the brese favourable, which seldome
happeneth in this climate ; finding ourselves in nineteene
degrees, wee haled the shore close abourd, purposing to
see if there were any shipping in the road of Arica.1 It Arica.
standeth in a great large bay, in eighteene degrees : and
before you come to it, a league to the southwards of the
roade and towne, is a great round hill, higher then the rest
of the land of the bay, neere about the towne ; which wee
having discovered, had sight presently of a small barke,
close abourd the shore, becalmed. Manning our boate, wee
tooke her, being loaden with fish, from Moromereno ;2 which
is a goodly headland, very high, and lyeth betwixt twenty-
foure and twenty-five degrees, and whether ordinarily some
barkes use to goe a fishing every yeare.
In her was a Spaniard and sixe Indians. The Spaniard,
for that hee was neere the shore, swam unto the rockes ;
and though wee offered to returne him his barke and fish
(as was our meaning), yet hee refused to accept it, and
made us answere, that hee durst not, for feare least the
justice should punish him. In so great subjection are the ^eerit o{
poore unto those who had the administration of justice in swune-
those partes, and in most partes of the kingdomes and
countries subject to Spaine. Insomuch, that to heare the
justice to enter into their doores, is to them destruction
and desolation : for this cause wee carried her alongst
with us.
In this meane while wee had sight of another tall shippe,
comming out of the sea, which wee gave chase unto, but
1 A Peruvian seaport, in 18° 27' S.
2 Monte Morena.

252 OVERCHARGING OF ARTILLERY.
Sect.xLvi. cou]<j not fetch upp, beeing too good of sayle for us. Our
small prize and boate standing off unto us, descryed another
shippe, which they chased and tooke also, loaden with fish,
comming from the ilands of Iuan Fernandes.
After wee opened the bay and port of Arica ; but seeing
it cleane without shipping, wee haled the coast alongst, and
going aboord to visit the bigger prize, my company saluted
me with a volley of small shot. Amongst them, one musket
brake, and carryed away the hand of him that shot it,
through his owne default, which for that I have seene to
happen many times, I think it necessary to note in this
place, that others may take warning by his harme.
charging of ^e cause °f the muskets breaking, was the charging
artilleries. w^th two bullets, the powder being ordayned to carry but
the waight of one, and the musket not to suffer two charges
of powder or shott. By this oversight, the fire is restrayned
with the overplus of the waight of shott, and not being able
to force both of them out, breaketh all to peeces, so to find
a way to its owne center.
And I am of opinion, that it is a great errour to prove
great ordinance, or small shot, with double charges of
powder or shot ; my reason is, for that ordinarily the
mettall is proportioned to the waight of the shot which the
peece is to beare, and the powder correspondent to the
waight of the bullet ; and this being graunted, I see no
reason why any man should require to prove his peece with
more then is belonging to it of right : for I have seene
many goodly peeces broken with such tryals, being cleane
without bony combes, cracke, flawe, or other perceavablo
blemish, which no doubt, with their ordinary allowance,
would have served many yeares. Yea, I have beene certi
fied by men of credit, that some gunners have taken a glory
for breaking many peeces in the tryall ; which is easie to be
done by sundry slights and meanes not fitt to bee published,
much lesse to bee exercised, being prejudicial! to tho seller,

OVERCHARGING OF ARTILLERY. 253
and chargeable to the conscience of the practiser ; therefore seot.xi.vii.
it were good, this excessive tryall by do.uble charges were
cleane abolished. If I should make choyce for my selfe, I
would not willingly, that any peece should come into fort
or shippe, under my charge, which had borne at any time
more then his ordinary allowance, misdoubting, least,
through the violence of the double charge, the peece may
be erased within, or so forced, as at another occasion with
his ordinary allowance, he might breake in peeces : how
many men so many mindes : for to others this may seem
harsh, for that the contrary custome hath so long time
beene received, and therefore I submit to better experience,
and contradict not but -that in a demy culvering, a man
may put two saker or minion shots, or many of smaller
waight : and so in a muskett, two calever shott, or many
smaller, so they exceede not the ordinary waight prescribed
by proportion, arte, and experience.1 These experiments I
hold convenient upon many' occasions, yea, and most neces
sary ; but the vaine custome of double charges, to cause
their peeces thereby to give a better report, I affirme can
produce no other effect but danger, losse, and harme.

SECTION XLVII.
Having visited our prises, and finding nothing in them but
fish, we tooke a small portion for our victualling, and gave
the bigger shippe to the Spaniards againe, and the lesser
wee kept, with purpose to make her our pinnas. The
Indians which wee tooke in her, would by no meanes de
part from us, but desired to goe with us to England,
saying that the Indian and English were brothers ; and in
1 The demy-culverin was about equivalent to the nine-pounder ; a
saker to the six-pounder ; and the minion to the four-pounder.

254 COAST INDIANS.

Sect, xlviii.

• all places where wee came, they shewed themselves much
The amity affectionated unto us: these were natives of Moremoreno,
Indians. and the most brutish of all that ever I had seene ; and
except it were in forme of men and speech, they seemed
altogether voyde of that which appertained to reasonable
men. They were expert swimmers ; but after the manner
of spaniels, they dive and abide under water a long time,
and swallow the water of the sea as if it were of a fresh
river. Except a man see them, he would hardly beleeve
how they continue in the sea, as if they were mer-maides,
and the water their naturall element.
Their countrey is most barren, and poore of foode. If
they take a fish alive out of the sea, or meete with a peece
of salted fish, they will devoure it without any dressing, as
savourely as if had beene most curiously sodden or dressed,
all which makes me beleeve that they sustaine themselves of
that which they catch in the sea.
The Spaniards profit themselves of their labour and
travel], and recompense them badly : they are in worse
condition then their slaves, for to those they give suste
nance, house-roome, and clothing, and teach them the
knowledge of God ; but the other they use as beastes, to
doe their labour without wages, or care of their bodies or
soules.

SECTION XLVIII.

Thwart of Ariquipa,1 the shippe we brought with us from
Balparizo being very leake, and my companie satisfied that
their hope to find any thing of worth in her was vaine,
having searched her from post to stemme, condiscended to
1 Arequipa is ninety miles inland. In those days Quilca was the port
of Arequipa.

NEWS SENT ALONG THE COAST. 255
fire her ; and the rather to keepe our company together, seot.xi.vm.
which could not well suffer any devision more then of meere
necessity : so by generall accord we eased ourselves of her,
and continued our course alongst the coast, till we came
thwart the bay of Pisco, which lyeth within fifteene degrees
and fifteene minutes.
Presently after wee were cleare of Cape Saugalean,1 and
his ilands, wee ranged this bay with our boate and pinnace.
It hath two small ilands2 in it, but without fruite ; and being
becalmed, we anchored two dayes thwart of Chilca.
By sea and by land, those of Chyly had given advise to Advise
. . , . given by
Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoca marquis of Cafiete,3 vice- seaand
roy of Peru, resident in Lima, of our being on the coast.
Hee presently with all possible diligence, put out sixe
shippes in warlike order, with well neere two thousand
1 Sangallan is an island off the shore with a bold cliffy outline.
2 Afterwards so famous as the Guano Islands of Chincha. But there
are three of them.
* Son of Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of Cafiete, who
served under Charles V in Germany and Flanders, at Tunis and Algiers,
and then went out as Viceroy of Peru in 1555, dying at Lima in 1560.
The mother of Don Garcia was Maria Manrique, daughter of the Count
of Osorno, President of the Council of the Indies. Garcia was the second
but eldest surviving son, and was born in his father's castle at Cuenca.
He succeeded his brother Diego as fourth Marquis of Cafiete. After
distinguishing himself in the wars of Charles V in Europe, he went out
to Peru with his father, who appointed him Captain-General of Chile.
He was the first ruler in Chile who defeated the Araucans, and forced
them to a truce, thus giving an interval of peace to the country. Re
turning to Europe, he was employed on diplomatic missions in Italy and
Portugal. In 1590 he went out again as Viceroy of Peru, returning in
1599. His first wife was Teresa de Castro, daughter of Don Pedro
Fernandez de Castro, fifth Count of Lemos, by whom he had a son and
successor, Juan Hurtado de Mendoza, fifth Marquis of Cafiete. His
second wife was Ana Florencia de la Cerda. sister of the Duke of Medina
Celi. An account of the life and acts of the fourth Marquis of Cafiete
was written by Dr. Christoval Suarez de Figueroa, and his victories in
Chile were celebrated by Pedro de Ofia, in his poem entitled Arauco
Domado.

256 THE ENEMY SIGHTED OFF CANETE.
sectxivin. meil) ail(j dispatched them to seeke us, and to fight with
— us, under the conduct of Don Beltrian de Castro Ydelaluca,1
his wives brother ; who departing out of the port of Callao,
turned to wind-ward in sight over the shore, from whence
they had dayly intelligence where wee had beene dis
covered. And the next day after our departure out of
Chilca,3 about the middle of May, at breake of day, wee had
sight of each other, thwart of Cafiete,3 wee being to wind
wards of the Spanish armado some two leagues, and all with
little or no winde. Our pinnace or prise being furnished
with oares came unto us, out of which we thought to have
taken our men, and so to leave her; but being able to
come unto us at all times, it was held for better to keepe
her till necessity forced us to leave her : and so it was de
termined that if we came to likelihood of boording, shee
should lay our boate aboord, and enter all her men, and
from thence to enter our shippe, and so to forsake her.
Although, by the event in that occasion this proved good,
notwithstanding I hold it to bee reproved where the enemie
is farre superiour in multitude and force, and able to come
and bourd if hee list ; and that the surest course is to
fortifie the principall the best that may bee, and to cut of
all impediments, where a man is forced to defence : for
that no man is assured to have time answerable to his
purpose and wiU ; and upon doubt whether the others, in
hope to save themselves, will not leave him in greatest ex
tremitie. 1 Don Beltran de Castro was the second son of Don Pedro Fernandez
de Castro Andrada, fifth Count of Lemos, by Leonora de la Cueva,
daughter of Don Beltran de la Cueva, third Duke of Albuquerque.
His sister Teresa married the Marquis of Cafiete. The name "Ydela
luca" in the text is some wild typographical jumble.
2 Chilca is a little coast valley surrounded by desert, north of Cafiete.
3 Cafiete is a fertile valley on the Peruvian coast, between Pisco and
Lima ; so named after the Marquis. The native name is Huarcu.

DISGRACE TO THE SPANIARDS. 257
SECTION XLIX.
Wee presently put ourselves in the best order wee could Sect- XLIX-
to fight and to defend ourselves : our prayers we made unto
the Lord God of battails, for his helpe and our deliverance,
putting our selves wholy into his hands. About nine of the
clocke, the brese began to blow, and wee to stand off into
the sea, the Spaniards cheeke by jole with us, ever getting
to the wind- wards upon us ; for that the shipping of the
South sea is ever moulded sharpe under water, and long ;
all their voyages depending upon turning to windwardes,
and the brese blowing ever southerly.
As the sunne began to mount aloft, the wind began to
fresh ; which together with the rowling sea that ever
beateth upon this coast, comming out of the westerne-
bourd, caused a chapping sea, wherewith the admirall of
the Spaniards snapt his maine mast asunder, and so began
to lagge a sterne, and with him other two shippes. The
vice-admirall split her maine-sayle, being come within
shott of us upon our broad side, but to leewards : the
reare-admirall cracked her maine-yard asunder in the
middest, being a head of us. One of the armado, which
had gotten upon the broad side of us, to wind- wards, durst
not assault us.
With these disgraces1 upon them, and the hand of God
helping and delivering us, night comming, we began to
consult what course was best to be taken to free our
selves ; wherein were divers opinions : some sayd it was
best to stand off to the sea close by all the night ; others to
lye it a hull ; others to cast about to the shoare-wards two
glasses, and after all the night to stand off to sea close by.
The admirall of the Spaniards, with the other two, were a
sterne of us some four leagues ; the vice-admirall a mile
1 Used in the sense of misfortunes.

258 SPANIARDS RETURN TO CALLAO.
Sect. xlix. rio-ht to le-wards of us : the reare-admirall in a manner
right a head, some culvering shott ; and one upon our
loofe, within shott also. The moon was to rise within two
houres. After much debating, it was concluded that wee
should beare up before the winde, and seeke to escape be
twixt the admirall and the vice-admiral], which wee put in
execution, not knowing of any other disgrace befallen them,
but that of the reare-admirall, till after our surrender,
when they recounted unto us all that had past. In the
morning at breake of day, wee were cleare of all our
enemies, and so shaped our course alongst the coast, for
the bay of Atacames, where we purposed to trim our pin
nace, and to renue our wood and water, and so to depart
upon our voyage with all possible speede.
The Spanish armado returned presently to Callao, which
is the port of Lyma, or of the Citty of the Kings. It was
first named Lyma, and retayneth also that name of the
river, which passeth by the citty called Lyma. The Spanish
armado being entred the port, the people began to goe
ashore, where they were so mocked and scorned by the
women, as scarce any one by day would shew his face :
they reviled them with the name of cowards and golnias,
and craved licence of the vice-roy to bee admitted in their
roomes, and to undertake the surrendry of the English
shippe. I have beene certified for truth, that some of
them affronted their souldiers with daggers and pistols by
their sides.
This wrought such effects in the hearts of the disgraced,
as they vowed eyther to recover their reputation lost, or to
follow Us into England ; and so with expedition, the vice
roy commaunded two shippes and a pinnace to be put in
order, and in them placed the chiefe souldiers and marri-
ners of the rest, and furnished them with victuals and
munition. The foresayd generall is once againe dispatched to seeke

OFF TRUXILLO. 259
us ; who ranged the coastes and ports, enforming himselfe aoct-
what hee could. Some fiftie leagues to, the northwards of
Lyma, in sight of Mongon,1 wee tooke a shippe halfe
loaden with wheate, sugar, miell de canas, and cordovan
skins: which for that shee was leake, and sayled badly, and
tackled in such maner as the marriners would not willingly
put themselves into her, wee tooke what was necessary for
our provision, and fired her.
Thwart of Truxillo,2 we set the companie of her a shore,
with the pilot which we had taken in Balparizo, reserving
the pilot of the burnt shippe, and a Greeke, who chose
rather to continue with us, then to hazard their lives in
going a shore ; for that they bad departed out of the port
of Santa,3 which is in eight degrees, being required by the
justice not to weigh anchor before the coast was knewne to
be cleere.
It is a thing worthy to be noted, and almost incredible,
with how few men they use to sayle a shippe in the South
sea ; for in this prise, which was above an hundred tuns,
were but eight persons : and in a shippe of three hundreth
tuns, they use not to put above fourteene or fifteene per
sons ; yea, I have beene credibly enformed, that with foure-
teene persons, a shippe of five hundreth tuns hath beene
carried from Guayaquil to Lyma, deepe loaden (which is
above two hundreth leagues) : and are forced ever to gaine
their voyage by turning to wind- wards, which is the greatest
toyle and labour that the marriners have ; and slow some
times in this voyage foure or five moneths, which is generall
in all the navigations of this coast.* But the security from
1 Cerro Mongon, a high point on the Peruvian coast, north of Lima,
between Guarmey and Casma.
2 Truxillo is some miles inland. Its port is Huanchaco, in 8° 6' S.
' A small but good anchorage, south of Truxillo.
' The plan pursued at that day was to beat to windward in shore;
now, by standing out boldly to the westward, the voyage to the south
ward, against the prevailing wind, is much shortened.

260 SOLOMON ISLES.
Sect. u. stormes, and certainty of the breze, with the desire to make
their gaine the greater, is the cause that every man forceth
himselfe to the uttermost, to doe the labour of two men.

SECTION L.
ofhSaiomon -^N *ne height of this port of Santa, some seven hundreth
and fiftie leagues to the west-wardes, lie the ilands of Salo
mon, of late yeares discovered.1 At my being in Lyma, a
fleete of foure sayle was sent from thence to people them ;
which through the emulation and discord that arose amongst
them, being landed and setled in the countrie, was utterly
overthrowne ; onely one shippe, with some few of the
people, after much misery, got to the Philippines.2 This I
1 The Solomon Islands are between 7° and 11° S. latitude. Santa is
in 9° S.
2 The first expedition to the Solomon Islands was fitted out by the
Viceroy Castro, and sailed from Callao in 1567, under command of the
gallant young Alvaro Mendaiia de Meyra, then only twenty-six years of
age. After a voyage of eighty days they reached one of the Solomon
Islands, named by MendaBa the Island of Santa Isabella de Estrella.
Mendaiia returned to Peru, but he had to wait a quarter of a century be
fore he could induce another Viceroy to fit out an expedition. At last,
the Marquis of Cafiete despatched him again, and he sailed from Payta
on the 16th of June, 1595. This must be the expedition referred to by
Sir Richard Hawkins. The object was to attempt the colonisation of
the Solomon Islands, and Mendana had Pedro Fernandez de Quiros as
chief pilot. The expedition consisted, as Sir Richard says, of four
vessels. After discovering the Marquesas, named after the Marquis of
Cafiete, they sighted an island on the 7th September, which they named
Santa Cruz ; and here Mendana resolved to form his colony. But he
fell ill and died on the 17th of October, and his wife Dofia Isabel took
command of the expedition. Sickness broke out, and she bore up for
Manilla, but only two out of the four vessels arrived there in safety.
Here Dofia Isabel found » second husband, with whom she went to
Mexico. The best account of the expeditions of Mendana will be found
in the Hechos de Don Garcia de Mendoza, Marques de Canete, by Dr„

PUNTA DE AGUJA. 261
came to the knowledge of by a large relation written from Seot- L-
a person of credit, and sent from tbe Philippines to Panama.
I saw it at my being there, in my voyage towards Spaine.
Having edged neere the coast to put the Spaniards on
shore, a thicke fogge tooke us, so that wee could not see
the land ; but recovering our pinnace and boate, we sayled
on our course, till we came thwart of the port called
Malabrigo : it lyeth in seaven degrees.
In all this coast the current runneth with great force,
but never keepeth any certaine course, saving that it run
neth along the coast, sometimes to the south-wards, some
times to the north-wards ; which, now running to the north
wards, forced us so far into the bay, which a point of the
land causeth, that they call Punta de Augussa,1 as thinking Punta de
Augussa.
to cleere ourselves by roving north-west, wee could not
double this point, making our way north north-west. There
fore speciall care is ever to bee had of the current : and
doubtlesse, if the providence of Almighty God had not
freede us, wee had runne ashore upon the land, without
seeing or suspecting any such danger. His name bee ever
exalted and magnified for delivering us from the unknowne
daunger, by calming the winde all night ; the sunnes rising
manifested unto us our errour and perill, by discovering
unto us the land within two leagues, right a head. The
current had carried us without any wind, at the least foure
leagues ; which seene, and the winde beginning to blow,
wee brought our tackes abourd, and in short time cleared
our selves.
Thwart of this point of Augussa, lie two desert ilandes ;

Christoval Suarez de Figueroa (Madrid, 1613), lib. vi. There is also a
narrative of the events of the second voyage in a letter from the Pilot
Quiros to Don Antonio do Morga, Governor of the Philippines. Sir
Richard probably saw this letter from Quiros.
1 Punta de Aguja, a long and level point, terminating in a bluff 150
feet high ; in 5" 55' S.

262 OFF PAYTA.
sect.!, they call them Illas de Lobos,1 for the multitude of seales
which accustome to haunt the shore. In the bigger is very
good harbour, and secure : they lie in sixe degrees thirtie
minutes. The next day after, wee lost sight of these ilands, being
thwart of Payta,2 which lyeth in five degrees ; and having
manned our pinnace and boate to search the port, wee had
sight of a tall shippe, which having knowledge of our being
on the coast, and thinking her selfe to be more safe at sea
then in the harbour, put her selfe then under sayle : to her
.wee gave chase all that night and the next day, but in fine
she being of better sayle than wee, shee freed her selfe.
Thus being too lee-ward of the harbour and discovered, we
continued our course alongst the shore. That evening wee
were thwart of the river of Guayaquill, which hath in the
.mouth of it two ilands : the souther-most and biggest,
called Puma,3 in three degrees ; and the other, to the north
wards, Santa Clara.4
Puma. Puma is inhabited, and is the place where they build
their principall shipping; from this river,- Lyma and all the
valleys arev furnished with timber, for they have none but
that which is brought from hence, or from the kingdome of
Chile. By this river passeth the principall trade of the
kingdome of Quito ; it is navigable some leagues into the
land, and hath great abundance of timber.
Those of the Peru, use to ground and trim their shippes
in Puma, or in Panama, and in all other partes they are
forced to carene their shippes. In Puma, it higheth and
falleth fifteene or sixteene foote water, and from this iland
till a man come to Panama, in all the coast it ebbeth and
flowetb more or lesse, keeping the ordinary course which
the tides doe in all seas. The water of this river, by ex-
1 Lobos de Afuera and Lobos de Tierra are two guano islands off the
coast of Peru. 2 In 5° 3' S. 3 Puna.
' Also called the Isla del Muerto.

SARSAPAR1LLA. 263
perience, is medicinable, for all aches of the bones, for the seot. h.
stone, and strangurie : the reason which is given is, be
cause all the bankes and low lands adjoining to this river,
are replenished with salsaperillia;1 which lying for the most
part soaking in the water, it participateth of this vertue,
and giveth it this .force.
In this river, and all the rivers of this coast, are great
abundance of alagartoes ;2 and it is sayd that this exceedeth
the rest ; for persons of credit have certified mee, that as
small fishes in other rivers abound in scoales, so the ala
gartoes in this. They doe much hurt to the Indians and
Spaniards, and are dreadfull to all whom they catch within
their clutches.

SECTION LI.
Some five or sixe leagues to the north-wards of Puna, is la
Punta de Santa Elena ; under which is good anchoring,
cleane ground, and reasonable succour. Being thwart of
this point, wee had sight of a shippe, which wee chased ;
but being of better saile then wee, and the night comming
on, we lost sight of her, and so anchored under the Isla de
Plata, to recover our pinnace and boate, which had gone
about the other point of the iland, which lyeth in two de
grees and fortie minutes.
1 Speaking of Puna and Guayaquil, Cieza de Leon says — "An herb
grows in abundance on this island, and in the province of Guayaquil,
which is called sarsaparilla because it grows like a bramble from its
birth, and small leaves grow out of the suckers and other parts of the
branches." Sarsa (Sp.) means a bramble, and parilla, a vine. It is the
Smilax officinalis H. B. K. The root was brought to Europe in about
1530. Acosta tells the same story as Sir Richard, that the water flowing
past the sarsaparilla roots has healing virtues (Nat. Hist., iii, cap. 17).
Cieza de Leon describes the virtues of sarsaparilla and the method of
using it. See my translation of Cieza de Leon, being the Hakluyt
.Society's volume for 1864, p. 200. a Alligators.

Viojo.

264 OFF CAPE PASSAOS.
sect. li. >j;he next day we past in sight of Puerto Viejo, in two
Puerto degrees and ten minutes ; which lying without shipping,
wee directed our course for Cape Passaos.1 It lyeth directly
under the equinoctiall lyne ; some fourescore leagues to the
west- wards of this cape, lyeth a heape of ilands, the
Spaniards call Illas de Los Galapagos : they are desert
and bear no fruite. Prom Cape Passaos, wee directed our
course to Cape Saint Francisco,2 which lyeth in one degree
to the north-wardes of the lyne ; and being thwart of it,
wee descried a small ship, which wee chased all that day
and night ; and the next morning our pinnace came to
bourd her ; and being- a shippe of advise, and full of pas
sengers, and our shippe not able to fetch her up, they
entreated our people badly, and freed themselves ; though
the feare they conceived, caused them to cast all the dis
patches of the king, as also of particulars, into the sea,
with a great part of their loading, to bee lighter and better
of sayle ; for the shippes of the South sea loade themselves
like lighters, or sand barges, presuming upon the securitie
from stormes.
' Cape Passado ; so called from being the first promontory after cross
ing the Line, coming from the north.
3 Cape San Francisco is a high cliff, clothed with tall trees, and
backed by the lofty chain of the Andes in full view from the sea. The
cliffs are white. It is forty miles north of the equator. It was off Cape
San Francisco that Sir Francis Drake captured his rich prize the Caca
fuego, on the 1st of March, 1579. Cook and Dampier were off this
cape on Christmas Day, 1685, and, in his narrative, Dampier says —
"The country inland is high and mountainous, and appears to be
woody ; by the sea it is full of small points, making as many little sandy
bays between them. It is of indifferent height, covered with trees, so
that sailing by this coast, you see nothing but a vast grove or wood,
which is so much the more pleasant because the trees are of several
forms, both in respect of their youth and colour." Seemann testifies to
the accuracy of this description, and adds that the cliffs in many parts
are white, somewhat resembling those of Sussex and Kent. See Narra
tive ofthe Voyage of H.M.S. "Herald", i, p. 63.

CAPE SAN FRANCISCO. 265
SECTION UI.
Being out of hope to fetch up this shippe, wee stood in with Sect- ™-
the cape, where the land beginneth to trend about to the
east-wards. The cape is high land, and all covered over
with trees, and so is the land over the cape ; and all the
coast, from this oape to Panama, is full of wood, from the
Straites of Magelan to this Cape of San Francisco.1 In
all the coast from head-land to head-land, the courses lye
betwixt the north, and north and "by west, and sometimes
more westerly, and that but seldome. It is a bold coast,
and subject to little foule weather or alteration of windes,
for the brese, which is the sowtherly wind, bloweth con
tinually from Balparizo to Cape San Francisco, except it
be a great chance.
Trending about the cape, wee haled in east north-east,
to fetch the bay of Atacames,2 which lyeth some seaven
leagues from the cape. In the mid-way, some three leagues
from the shore, lyeth a banke of sand, whereof a man must
i Here some words must have been omitted. From the Straits" to
Cape San Francisco there are two regions. The more southern one,
embracing Patagonia and southern Chile, is wooded ; while the coasts
of Bolivia*und Peru are arid and for the most part treeless.
2 Atacames is in 0° 67' 30" N. latitude, twelve miles east of Point
Galera, which is twelve miles from Cape San Francisco ; and fourteen
miles south-east of the entrance of the river Esmeraldas. The village
of Atacames is on the sea shore at the mouth of a small river, a miser
able place, consisting of a few huts, frequented by a few coasting vessels.
Woodes Rogers, the buccaneer, anchored in the Bay of Atacames on
the 24th of August, 1709, with his two ships, the Duke and Duchess, of
Bristol. He watered at Atacames, and then proceeded to the Galapa
gos. Very good anchorage is found in the Bay of Atacames, and, as it
seldom or Dever blows, vessels can anchor almost anywhere. H.M.S.
Herald, in January 1846, anchored off the river Sua, within a walk of
the village of Atacames. It was here that Mr. Edmonston, the natural
ist of the Herald and predecessor of Dr. Seemann, was accidentally
shot while getting into a boat. He was buried on shore. (See See-
mann's H.M.S. "Herald", i, p. 67.)

266 ATACAMES.
Sect. hi. ;have a care ; for in some parts of it, there is but little
water. The tenth of June, wee came to an anchor in the bay of
Atacames, which on the wester part hath a round hummock.
It seemeth an iland, and in high springes I judge that the
sea goeth round about it. To the east-wards it hath a high
sandie cliffe, and in the middest of the bay, a faire birth
from the shore, lyeth a bigge black rocke above water:
from this rocke to the sandie cliffe, is a drowned marsh
ground, caused by his lownesse ; and a great river, which
is broad, but of no depth.
Manning our boate, and running to the shore, we found
presently, in the western.e bight of the bay, a deepe river,
whose indraught was so great that we could not benefit
our selves of it, being brackish, except at low water, which
hindred our dispatch ; yet in five dayes, wee filled all our
emptie caske, supplied our want of wood, and grounded and
put in order our pinnace.
They dis- Here, for that our Indians served us to no other use but
misse their
Indians. to consume our victuals, we eased our selves of them; gave
them hookes1 and lines which they craved, and some bread
for a few dayes, and replanted them in a farre better coun
trey then their owne, which fell out luckely for the
Spaniards of the shippe which wee chased thwart of Cape
San Francisco ; for victuals growing short with her, having
many mouthes, shee was forced to put a shore fiftie of her
passengers neere the cape ; whereof more than the one
halfe dyed with famine and continual wading through
rivers and waters : the rest, by chance, meeting with the
Indians which wee had put a shore, with their fishing,
guide, and industry, were refreshed, susteyned, and brought
to habitation.

SAN MATEO DE ESMERALDAS. 267
SECTION LIII.
Our necessary business being ended, wee purposed the Seot-
fifteenth day of May, in the morning, to set sayle ; but the
foureteenth in the evening, wee had sight of a shippe,
some three leagues to sea-wards ; and through the' impor-
tunitie of my captaine and companie, I condiscended that
our pinnas should give her chase : which I should not have
done, for it was our destruction. I gave them precise
order, that if they stood not in againe at night, they
should seeke mee at Cape San Francisco, for the next
morning I purposed to set sayle without delay. And so
seeing that our pinnas slowed her comming, at nine of the
clocke in the morning wee weyed our anchors, and stood
for the cape, where wee beate off and on two dayes ; and
our pinnas not appearing, wee stood againe into the bay,
where wee descried her turning in without a maine mast,
which standing off to the sea close by, with much winde,
and a chapping sea, bearing a taunt-sayle, where a little
was too much (being to small purpose), sodainly they bare
it by the bourd ; and standing in with the shore, the winde,
or rather God blinding them for our punishment, they
knewe not the land ; and making themselves to bee to
wind-wards of the bay, bare up, and were put into the bay
of San Mathew.1 It is a goodly harbour, and hath a great
1 The Bay of San Mateo is that part of the coast of the province of
Quito (modern Republic of Ecuador), which lies east of the mouth of
the river Esmeraldas. This country, between the Andes and the sea,
formed, in Spanish times, the government of Atacames, bordered inland
by those of Quito and Ibarra, northwards by Barbacoas, in the province
of Popayan, and south by Guayaquil. Along the coast Atacames ex
tends from 0° 34' S. to 1° 30' N. latitude. After its conquest by Sebas
tian de Belalcazar, it remained for a long time unexplored, a wild region
of dense forest, traversed only by one considerable river, that of Esme
raldas. But the advantage was always understood, that would be
derived from opening a port on this coast for the city of Quito, thus
saving the much longer journey to Guayaquil. Sir Richard Hawkins

268 SETTLEMENT OF ESMERALDAS.
sect. lih. fresh river, which higheth fifteene or sixteene foote water,
and is a good countrey, and well peopled with Indians :
they have store of gold and emeralds. Heere the Spaniards
from Guayaquill made an habitation, whilst I was prisoner
in Lyma, by the Indians consent ; but after, not able to
suffer the insolencies of their guests, and being a people
of stomacke and presumption, they suffered themselves to
Theindians bee perswaded and led by a Molato. This leader many
Moiato. yeares before had fled unto them from the Spaniards : him
they had long time held in reputation of their captaine
generall, and was admitted also unto a chiefe office by the
Spaniardes, to gaine him unto them.
But now the Indians uniting themselves together, pre
suming that by the helpe of this Molato, they should force
relates one attempt to settle Atacames, in the text. The Viceroy,
Marquis of Montes Claros, made a second attempt in 1621, when he
appointed Pablo Durango Delgadillo to be Governor of Atacames and
Esmeraldas, with a contract to make a road from the town of Ibarra
to the river of Santiago de Esmeraldas. On his failure in 1626, the
government was conferred upon Francisco Perez Manacho, who also
failed. Then followed Juan Vicencio Justiniani, who was also unable
to make a road through the forests ; and failure also attended the efforts
of Hernando de Soto Calderon, who was appointed in 1713. Don
Pedro Vicente Maldonado, however, did succeed in opening direct com
munication from Quito to the river Esmeraldas in 1741, and in 1746 he
was appointed Governor. The distance from Quito to the mouth of the
Esmeraldas is thirty- one leagues direct; but by the route there are
forty-six leagues : twenty-one through the forests and twenty-five by
the river. Maldonado did much to improve the country, forming five
seaports, called Tumaco, Tola, San Mateo de Esmeraldas, Atacames, and
La Canoa. The region is now comprised, under the Ecuadorian
Government, in the province of Esmeraldas ; the chief place of which
is the town of Esmeraldas, in 0° 56' N., which is several leagues nearer
the mouth of the river than the old town of the same name, and con
sists of a few huts, with a population under five hundred.
The Herald anchored off the Esmeraldas river on January 27th, 1846.
Seemann describes it as rising near the volcano of Pichincha, and having
a course of 350 miles. Next to the Guayaquil, it is the largest river
on the coast, but it is extraordinarily rapid, and will never be of great
value for commercial purposes. The town of Esmeraldas is situated on
the left bank.

SPANISH FLEET. 269
the Spaniards out of the countrey, put their resolution into Sect- ""¦
execution, drove their enemies into the woods, and slue as
many as they could lay hands on ; some they killed, few
escaped with life ; and those who had that good happe,
suffered extreame misery before they came to Quito, the
place of neerest habitation of Spaniards.
To this bay, assoone as our people in the pinnas saw
their errour, they brought their tackes abourd, and turned
and tyded it up, as they could. Assoone as we came to
anchor, I procured to remedie that was amisse ; in two
daies wee dispatched all we had to doe, and the next
morning wee resolved to set sayle, and to leave the coast of
Peru and Quito.
The day appearing, we began to weigh our anchors, and
being a pike, ready to cut sayle, one out of the toppe de
scryed the Spanish armado, comming about the cape ; f££j™£
which by the course it kept, presently gave us to under
stand who they were : though my company, as is the cus
tome of seamen, made them to be the fleete bound for
Panama, loaden with treasure, and importuned that in all
hast we should cut sayle and stand with them ; which I
contradicted, for that I was assured, that no shipping would
stirre upon the coast till they had securitie of our departure
(except some armado that might be sent to seeke us), and
that it was not the time of the yeare to carry the treasure
to Panama. And besides, in riding still at an anchor, they
ever came neerer unto us ; for they stood directly with us
and wee kept the weather gage ; where if we had put our
selves under sayle, the ebbe in hand, wee should have
given them the advantage, which we had in our power, by
reason of the point of the bay. And being the armado, as
it was, we gained time to fit ourselves, the better to fight.
And truly (as before, to a stiffe-necked horse), so now
againe I cannot but resemble the condition of the mariner,
to any thing better, then to the current. of a furious river

270 UNADVISED COURAGE.
Sect. im. repressed by force or art, which neverthelesse ceaseth not
to seeke a way to overthrow both fence and banke : even
so the common sort of sea-men, apprehending a conceite in
their imaginations, neither experiment, knowledge, exam
ples, reasons, nor authority, can alter and remoove them
from their conceited opinions. In this extremitie, with
reason I laboured to convince them, and to contradict their
pretences : but they altogether without reason, or against
reason, breake out, some into vaunting and bragging, some
into reproaches of want of courage, others into wishings
that they had never come out of their countrey, if we
should refuse to fight with two shippes whatsoever. And
Theunad- to mend the matter, the gunner, for his part, assured me
vised cour
age of the that with the first tire1 of shott, he would lay the one of
multitude. J
them in the sods ; and our pinnace, that she would take
the other to taske. One promised that he would cut downe
the mayne yard ; another that he would take their flagge ;
and all in generall shewed a great desire to come to tryall
with the enemy. To some I turned the deafe eare, with
others I dissembled, and armed myselfe with patience
(having no other defence nor remedie for that occasion),
soothing and animating them to the execution of what they
promised, and perswaded them to have a little sufferance,
seeing they gained time and advantage by it.
And to give them better satisfaction, I condiscended that
our captaine, with a competent number of men, should with
our pinnace goe to discover them ; with order that they
should not engage themselves in that manner as they might
not be able to come unto us, or we to succour them. In all
these divisions and opinions, our master, Hugh Donnish,2
who was a most sufficient man for government and valour,
and well saw the errors of the multitude, used his office
as became him ; and so did all those of best understanding.
1 The first broadside — tirer (French).
2 Cornish ? See page 106.

BEGINNING OF THE FIGHT. 271
In short space our pinnace discovered what they were, sect.im.
and casting about to returne unto us, the vice-admirall,
being next her, began with her chace to salute her with
three or foure peeces of artillery, and so continued chasing
her and gunning at her. My company seeing this, now
began to change humour ; and I then to encourage and
perswade them to performe the execution of their promises
and vaunts of valour, which they had but even now pro
tested, and given assurance of by their proferres and for-
wardnesse. And that we might have sea-roome to fight, we presently
weighed anchor, and stood off to sea with all our sayles, in
hope to get the weather gage of our contraries. But the
winde scanting with us, and larging with them, we were
forced to lee- ward. And the admirall weathering us, came T*»e be^in-
° ninff of the
rome1 upon us : which being within musket shott, we flght-
hayled first with our noise of trumpets, then with our
waytes, and after with our artilery ; which they answered
with artilery two for one. For they had double the ordi
nance we had, and almost tenne men for one. Immediately
they came shoring2 abourd of us, upon our lee quarter, con
trary to our expectation, and the custome of men of warre.
And doubtlesse, had our gunner been the man he was The inexpe-
° rience of
reputed to be, and as the world sould him to me, shee had |heaniard3
received great hurt by that manner of bourding. But
contrary to all expectation, our stearne peeces were un- And care-
•/ sr > x lesnesse of
primed, and so were all those which we had to lee-ward, the English.
save halfe one in the quarter, which discharged, wrought
that effect in our contraries as that they had five or sixe
foote water in hold, before they suspected it.
Hereby all men are to take warning by me, not to trust f^J*™^is to trust
_ his officers.
¦ Down i
2 To sheer, or shore, means to separate — we use the term " sheer to",
but "sheer off" appears to be the only sense in which it should be
applied.

272 DECEIT OF THE GUNNER.
Sect, mil any man [Q sucn extremities, when he himselfe may see it
done : and comming to fight, let the chieftaine himselfe be
sure to have all his artilery in a readinesse upon all oc
casions. This was my oversight, this my overthrow. For
I and aU my company had that satisfaction of the suffi-
ciencie and the care of our gunner, as not any one of us
ever imagined there would be any defect found in him.
For my part, I with the rest of my officers, occupied our
selves in cleering our deckes, laceing our nettings, making
of bulwarkes, arming our toppes, fitting our wast-cloathes,
tallowing our pikes, slinging our yards, doubling our
sheetes, and tackes, placing and ordering our people, and
procuring that they should be well fitted and provided of
all things ; leaving the artilery, and other instruments of
fire, to the gunners dispose and order, with the rest of his
mates and adherents; which, as I said was part of our
perdition. For bearing me ever in hand, that he had five
hundred cartreges in a readinesse, within one houres fight
we were forced to occupie three persons onely in making
and filling cartreges ; and of five hundred elles of canvas
and other cloth given him for that purpose, at sundry
times, not one yard was to be found. For this we have no
excuse, and therefore could not avoyd the danger, to
charge and discharge with the ladell, especially in so hotte
a fight.1 And comming now to put in execution the sink
ing of the shippe, as he promised, he seemed a man without
life or soule. So the admirall comming close unto us, I
myselfe, and the master of our shippe, were forced to play
the gunners.
the^nner, The instruments of fire wherein he made me to spend
and his ex- , , r* • , -» .
tremecare- immensely, before our going to sea, now appeared not;

andsuspiti- neither the brasse balles of artificiall fire, to be shott with
ous dis-
loyalty. 1 The greater part of the powder on board men-of-war is made up
into cartridges, to avoid delay in filling during action, and danger from
using loose powder in a ladle.

ADMONITIONS FOR COMMANDERS. 273
slurbowes (whereof I had sixe bowes, and two hundreth sect. Lm.

bals, and which are of great account and service, either by
sea or land) ; he had stowed them in such manner, though
in double barrels, as the salt water had spoyled them all ; so
that comming to use them, not one was serviceable. Some
of our company had in him suspition to be more friend to
the Spaniards then- to us; for that he had served some
yeares in the Tercera, as gunner, and that he did all this
of purpose. Few of our peeces were cleere, when we came
to use them, and some had the .shott first put in, and after
the powder. Besides, after our surrendery, it was laid to
his charge, that he should say, he had a brother that served
the king in the Peru, and that he thought he was in the
armado ; and how he would not for all the world he should
be slaine. Whether this was true or no, I know not ; but
I am sure all in generall gave him an ill report, and that he
in whose hands the chiefe execution of the whole fight con
sisted, executed nothing as was promised and expected.
The griefe and remembrance of which oversights once yd™°f^r'
againe inforceth me to admonish all captaines and com- j£mmand-
manders hereby to take advice, now and then to survey
their officers and store-roonies, the oftener the better ;
and 'so their defects and wants may be supplied in time :
never relying too much upon the vulgar report, nor giving
too much credite to smooth tongues and boasting com
panions. But to performe this taske, it is requisite that
all captaines and commanders were such, and so experi
mented in all offices, that they might be able as well to con-
troule as to examine all manner of errors in officers.. For
the government at sea hardly suffereth a head without ex
quisite experience. The deficiency whereof hath occasioned
some ancient sea-men to straighten the attribute of mar-Whotobe^
riner in such sort, as that it ought not to be given but to !
the man who is able to build his shippe, to fit and provide
.her of all things necessary, and after to carry her about

truemariner.

274

ADMONITIONS FOR COMMANDERS.

Sect. liv.

His know
ledge for
roaterialls.

For pro
visions.

For navi
gation.

the world : the residue to be but saylers. Hereby giving
us to understand, that though it is not expedient that he
should be an axe-carpenter, to hewe, cut, frame, and
mould each timber piece, yet that he should know the
parts., and peeces of the shippe, the value of the timber,
planke, and yron-worke, so to be able as well to build in
proportion, as to procure all materialls at a just price.
And againe, though it be not expected that he should sowe
the sayles, arme the shrowds, and put the tackling over
head, yet is it requisite that he should knowe how to cut
his sayles, what length is competent to every roape, and to
be of sufficiency to reprehend and reforme those who erre
and doe amisse. In providing his shippe with victualls,
munition, and necessaries, of force it must be expected that
he be able to make his estimate, and (that once provided
and perfected), in season, and with expedition to see it
loden and stowed commodiously, with care and proportion.
After that, he is to order the spending thereof, that in
nothing he be defrauded at home; and at sea, ever to know
how much is spent, and what remaineth unspent.
In the art of navigation, he is bound also to know so
much as to be able to give directions to the pilote and
master, and consequently to all the rest of inferiour officers.

SECTION LIV.
My meaning is not that the captaine and governour should
be tyed to the actuall toyle, or to intermeddle with all
offices, for that were to binde him to impossibilities, to
diminish and debase bis authoritie, and to deprive the other
officers of their esteemes, and of that that belongeth unto
them, which were a great absurditie : and my opinion is,.

DUTIES OF OFFICERS. 275
that he should be more then superficially instructed and Sect'

practised in the imployments. Yea, I am verily perswaded
that the more absolute authoritie any commander giveth
to his under officers, being worthy of it, the sweeter is the
command, and the more respected and beloved the com
mander. For in matter of guide and disposing of the saylers, with °fflce °f
the tackling of the shippe, and the workes which belong
thereunto, within bourd and without, all is to be committed
to the masters charge.
The pilote is to look carefully to the sterridge of the office of
shippe ; to be watchfull in taking the heights of sunne and
starre ; to note the way of his shippe, with the augmenting
and lessening of the winde, etc.
The boateswayne is to see his shippe kept cleane ; his aWj^°te"
mastes, yards and tacklings well coated, matted and armed ;
his shroudes and stayes well set ; his sayles repayred, and
sufficiently prevented with martnets, blayles, and caskettes;
his boate fitted with sayle, oares, thougts, tholes danyd,
windles and rother ; his anchors well boyed, safely stopped
and secured, with the rest to him appertaining.
The steward is to see the preservation of vittayles and ™ward
necessaries committed unto his charge ; and by measure
and weight to deliver the portions appointed, and with dis
cretion and good tearmes to give satisfaction to all.
The carpenter is to view the mastes and yards, the sides ^Jjjf"
of the shippe, her deckes, and cabines, her pumpes, and
boate ; and moreover to occupie him selfe in the most
forceible workes, except he be otherwise commanded.
The gunner is to care for the britching and tackling of The gunner.
his artilery ; the fitting of his shott, tampkins, coynes,
crones,1 and lin-stockes, etc. To be provident in working
his fire-workes ; in making and filling his cartreges ; in
accommodating his ladles, sponges, and other necessaries ;
1 Crows or crow-bars ?

276 PARTS OF A GOOD COMMANDER.
sect. lv. m sifting and drying his powder ; in cleaning the armes,
munition, and such like workes, intrusted unto him.
In this manner every officer, in his office, ought to be an
absolute commander, yet readie, in obedience and love, to
sacrifice his will to his superiors command. This cannot but
cause unitie ; and unitie cannot but purchase a happie issue
to dutifull travelles.
Lastly, except it be in urgent and precise cases, the head
should never direct his command to any but the officers,
and these secretly, except the occasion require publication,
or that it touch all in generall.
Such orders would be, for the most part, in writing, that
all might know what in generall is commanded and re
quired.

Directionsin secret.

SECTION LV.
5tet?nraqui -^NI> as *'ne wise husband-man, in walking from ground to
banainan'. ground, beholdeth one plowing, another harrowing, another
sowing and lopping; another pruning, one hedging, another
threshing, and divers occupied in severall labours ; some
he commendeth, others he reproacheth ; others he adviseth,
and to another he saith nothing, for that he seeth him in
the right way ; and all this, for that he knoweth and under-
standeth what they all doe, better then they themselves,
though busied in their ordinary workes : even so a worthy
commander at sea, ought to have the eyes, not only of his
body, but also of his understanding, continually set (with
watchfull care) upon all men, and all their workes under his
charge; imitating the wise husband-man; first to know,
and then to command : and lastly, to will their obedience
voluntary, and without contradiction. For who knoweth
not that ignorance many times commandeth that which it
understandeth not; which the artist perceiving, first dis-

The like in
a good
chieftaine.

WHY THE SPANIARD CAME TO LEEWARD. 277
daineth, afterwards disteemeth, and finally in these great Sect- 1TI-
actions, which admit no temporizing, either he wayveth the
respect of dutie, or faintly performeth the behest of his
superiour upon every slight occasion, either in publike op
posing, or in private murmuring : the smallest of which is
most pernicious. This much (not amisse) for instruction.

SECTION LVI.
The reason why the admirall came to lee-wardes, as after I^n^f
understood, was for that her artillery being very long, and cam^to1
the wind fresh, bearing a taunt sayle to fetch us up, and
to keepe us company, they could not use their ordinance to
the weather of us, but lay shaking in the wind : and doubt
lesse it is most proper for shippes to have short ordinance,
except in the sterne or chase. The reasons are many :
viz. — easier charging, ease of the shippes side, better tra
versing, and. mounting ; yea, greater security of the artil
lery, and consequently of the shippe. For the longer the
peece is, the greater is the retention of the fire, and so the
torment and danger of the peece the greater.
But here will be contradiction by many, that dare avouch
that longer peeces are to be preferred ; for that they burne
their powder better, and carrie the shotte further, and so
necessarily of better execution ; whereas the short artillery
many times spend much of their powder without burning,
and workes thereby the slenderer effect.
To which I answere, that for land service, fortes, or
castles, the long peeces are to be preferred : but for ship
ping, the shorter are much more serviceable. And the
powder in them, being such as it ought, will be all fiered
long before the shott can come forth ; and to reach farre
in fights at sea, is to little effect. For he that purposeth
to annoy his enemie, must not shoot at randome, nor at

Sect. ivii.

278 SUPERIOR NUMBERS OF THE SPANIARDS.
point blanke, if hee purpose to accomplish with his devoire,
nether must hee spend his shott nor powder, but where a
pot-gun may reach his contrary ; how much the neerer, so
much the better ; and this duely executed, the shorter ar
tillery will worke its effect as well as the long ; otherwise,
neither short nor long are of much importance : but here
my meaning is not to approve the overshort peeces, devised
by some persons, which at every shott they make, daunce
out of their carriages, but those of indifferent length, and
which keepe the meane, betwixt seaven and eight foote.

SECTION LVII.
ment'of16 '^'HE enkeriainement wee gave unto our contrairies, being
Spaniards, otherwise than was expected, they feU off, and urged a
head, having broken in peeces all our gallerie; and pre
sently they cast about upon us, and being able to keepe us
company, with their fighting sayles, lay a weather of us,
ordinarily within musket shott; playing continually with
them and their great artillery ; which we endured, and
answered as we could.
Our pinnace engaged herselfe so farre, as that before shee
could come unto us, the vice-admirall had like to cut her off,
and comming to lay us aboord, and to enter her men, the
vice-admirall boorded with her : so that some of our com
pany entred our ship over her bow-sprit, as they themselves
reported. We were not a little comforted with the sight of our
people in safetie within our shippe ; for in all we were but
s^vent/.11*11 threescore and fifteene, men and boyes, when we began to
Spaniards fight, and our enemies thirteene hundred men and boyes,
thirteen .. J '
hundred, little more or lesse, and those the choise of Peru.

SPANISH DISCIPLINE. 279
SECTION LVIII.
Here it shall not be out of the way to discourse a little Seot. ivm.

of the Spanish discipline, and manner of their government The
in generall ; which is in many things different to ours. In discipline.
this expedition came two generalls : the one Don Beltran
de Castro,1 who had the absolute authoritie and commaund ;
the other Michael Angell Filipon, a man well in yeares, and
came to this preferment by his long and painful service;
who though he had the title of generall at sea, I thinke it
was rather of courtesie then by pattent ; and for that hee
had beene many yeares generall of the South sea, for the
carriage and waftage of the silver from Lyma to Panama.
He seemed to bee' an assistant, to supply that with his
counsell, advice, and experience, whereof Don Beltran had
never made tryall (for hee commanded not absolutely, but
with the confirmation of Don Beltran), for the Spaniards
never give absolute authoritie to more then one. A custome
that hath beene, and is approoved in all empires, king-
domes, common-wealths, and armies, rightly disciplined :
the mixture hath been seldome seene to prosper, as will
manifestly appeare, if we consider the issue of all actions
and journeys committed to the government of two or more,
generally. The famous victory of Hannibal against the Romane Tw0 chief-
" ° tamsjoyned
consuls Paulus Emilius and Terrentius Varro, was attri- ^onommi8'
buted to their equalitie of government. The unhappie over- danserous-
throwe given by the Turke Amurate, to the Christian
princes, in the journey of Nicopolis, is held to have pro
ceeded from the difference betwixt the heads, every one
leaning to his owne opinion. The overthrow in recoverie
of the Holy land, undertaken by king Richard of England,
and king Philip of France, sprang from the like differences
1 See note at page 256.

280 SPANISH SOLDIERS.
sect. imi. and dissentions. The victory of the emperour Charles the
Fifth, against the Protestant princes of Germanie, is im
puted to their disfractures arising from parity in command.
If we looke into our owne actions, committed to the charge
of two generals, the effects and fruits which they have
brought forth, for the most part, will be found to be little
better : yea, most of them, through emulation, envie, and
pride, overthrowne, and brought to nought; though to
cover their confusions, there have never beene wanting
cloakes and colours. The most approoved writers reproove,
and call it a monster with two heads, and not without
reason. For if the monarchy be generally approoved, for
strongest, soundest, and most perfect, and most sufficient
to sustaine it selfe ; and the democracie and aristocracie
utterly reprooved, as weake, feeble, and subject to innova
tions and infirmities ; it cannot be but errour, confusion,
and imperfection, to differ or dissent from it. For where
the supreame government is divided betwixt two or more,
the authoritie is diminished, and so looseth his true force ;
as a fagget of stickes, whose bond being broken, the entire
strength is easily dissolved : but all under correction.
The Spaniards, in their armadoes by sea, imitate the
discipline, order, and officers, which are in an army by
land, and divide themselves into three bodies; to wit,
souldiers, marriners, and gunners.
The Their souldiers ward and watch, and their officers in
eouldier. every shippe round, as if they were on shoare ; this is the
only taske they undergoe, except cleaning their armes,
Thegunner. wherein they are not over curious. The gunners are ex
empted from all labour and care, except about the artillery.
And these are either Almaynes, Flemmings, or strangers;
for the Spaniards are but indifferently practised in this art.
The The marriners are but as slaves to the rest, to movie,1 and
mariner. . 3 * 3
to toyle day and night ; and those but few and bad, and not
1 To moil has been supposed to be derived from the French mouiller.

SPANISH OFFICERS. 281
Buffered to sleep or harbour themselves under thb deckes, Sect.ivni.
For in faire or fowle weather, in stormes, sunne, or raine,
they must passe voyde of covert or succour.
There is ordinarily in every shippe of warre, a captaine, ^pp^of11 a
whose charge is that of our masters with us, and also a captaine of
captaine of the souldiers, who commandeth the captaine of captaine6'
. . . of the
the shippe, the souldiers, gunners, and marriners in her ; souldiers.
yea, though there be divers captaines, with their companies
in one shippe (which is usuall amongst them), yet one
hath the supreme authoritie, and the residue are at his
ordering and disposing. They have their mastros de campo, ¦ffffff'^L
seargant, master, generall (or captaine) of the artillery,
with their alfere major, and all other officers, as in a campe
If they come to fight with another armado, they order
themselves as in a battell by land; in a vanguard, rere-
ward, maine battell, and wings, etc. In every particular
shippe the souldiers are all set upon the deckes ; their fore
castle they account their head front, or vanguard of their
company ; that abaft the mast, the rereward ; and the
wayste the mayne battell ; wherein they place their prin
cipall force, and on which they principally relye, which they
call their placa de armas, or place of armes : which taken,
their hope is lost.
The gunners fight not but with their great artillery : the
marriners attend only to the tackling of the shippe and
handling of the sayles, and are unarmed, and subject to
all misfortunes ; not permitted to shelter themselves, but
to be still aloft, whether it be necessary or needlesse. So
ordinarily, those which first fayle, are the marriners and
saylers, of which they have greatest neede. They use few
close fights or fire-workes ; and all this proceedeth, as I
judge, of errour in placing land captaines for governours
and commanders by sea ; where they seldome understand
what is to be done or commanded.

282 FATE OF RENEGADES.
Sect.x.vin. Some that have beene our prisoners, have perfitted1
Trying of themselves of that they have seene amongst us; and others,
the Spaui- , _ .
ards into disguised under colour of treaties, for ransoming of pri-
our disci- ° _ . ¦
pime. soners, for bringing of presents, and other imbassages,
have noted our forme of shipping, our manner of defences,
and discipline. Sithence which espiall, in such actions as
tion o™ur" ^ey have beene imployed in, they seeke to imitate our
discipline. g0verriment and reformed discipline at sea : which, doubt
lesse, is the best and most proper that is at this day knowne
or practised in the whole world, if the execution be answer
able to that which is knowne and received for true and
good amongst us.
In the captaine (for so the Spaniards call their admirall)
was an English gunner, who to gain grace with those under
whom hee served, preferred himselfe, and offered to sinke
our shippe with the first shott he made ; who, by the
Spaniards relation, being travesing of a peece in the bowe,
to make his shott, had his head carryed away with the first
or second shott made out of our shippe. It slew also two
or three of those which stood next him.
Which may be a good and gentle warning for all those
who rnooved either with covetousnesse, or with desire of
revenge, or in hope of worldly promotion, or other respect
whatsoever, doe willingly and voluntarily serve the enemie
against their owne nation : nulla causa insta videri potest,
adversus patriam arma capiendi.
f^uves °£ ^nc* i*" we ccms'der the end of those who have thus erred,
wee shall finde them, for the most part, lamentable and
most miserable. At the least, those whom I have knowne,
have lived to be pointed at with detestation, and ended
their lives in beggary, voyde of reputation.
1 Profited.

CONTINUANCE OF THE FIGHT. 283
SECTION LIX.
The fight continued so hott on both sides, that the artillery Sect, m,

and muskets never ceased playing. Our contraries, to
wards the evening, determined the third time to lay us
abourd, with resolution to take us or to hazard all. The
order they set downe for the execution hereof, was, that
the captaine (or admirall) should bring himselfe uppon our
weather bowe, and so fall abourd of us, upon our broad
side : and that the vice-admirall should lay his admirall
abourd uppon his weather quarter, and so enter his men
into her; that from her they might enter us, or doe as
occasion should minister.
The captaine of the vice-admirall being more hardy then
considerate, and presuming with his shippe and company
to get the price and chiefe honour, wayted not the time to
put in execution the direction given, but presently came
abourd to wind- wards uppon our broad side. Which, doubt- j^Sp1"11-
less, was the great and especiall providence of Almightie ^Ik rLh-r
God, for the discouraging of our enemies, and animating of ne
us. For although shee was as long, or rather longer then
our shippe, being rarely1 built, and utterly without fighte.
or defences ; what with our muskets, and what with our
fire-works, wee cleered her decks in a moment, so that
scarce any person appeared. And doubtlesse if we had
entred but a dozen men, we might have enforced them to
have rendred unto us, or taken her ; but our company
being few, and the principall of them slaine or hurt, we
durst not, neither was it wisedome, to adventure the sepa
ration of those which remained : and so held that for the
best and soundest resolution, to keepe our forces together
in defence of our owne.
1 Slightly— or perhaps what we now call " deep-waisted"-

284 EFFECTS OF ARTILLERY.
sect. lis. The vice-admirall seeing himselfe in great distresse,
called to his admirall for succour ; who presently laid him
abourd, and entred a hundreth of his men, and so cleered
themselves of us.
In this bourding, the vice-admirall had at the least
thirtie and sixe men hurt and slaine ; and amongst them
his pilote shot through the body, so as he died presently.
And the admirall also received some losse, which wrought
And take a in them a new resolution, onely with their artillery to
new resolu- . ,
tion. batter us ; and so with time to force us to surrender, or to
sinke us ; which they put in execution : and placing them
selves within a musket shott of our weather quarter, and
sometimes on our broad side, lay continually beating upon
us without intermission; which was, doubtlesse, the best
and securest determination they could take ; for they being
rare shippes, and without any manner of close fights, in
bourding with us, their men were all open unto us, and we
under covert and shelter. For on all parts our shippe was
musket free, and the great artillery of force must cease on
either side (the shippes being once grapled together),
except we resolved to sacrifice our selves together in fire.
For it is impossible, if the great ordinance play (the shippes
being bourded), but that they must set fire on the shippe
they shoote at ; and then no surety can be had to free
himselfe, as experience daily confirmeth. For a peece of
artillery most properly resembleth a thunderclap, which
breaking upwards, or on the side, hurteth not; for that
the fire hath scope to dispence it selfe without finding re
sistance, till the violence which forceth it taketh end, and
so it mounts to its center : but breaking down right or
stooping downwards, and finding resistance or impediment,
before the violence that forceth it take end, being so subtill
and penetrable a substance, passeth and pierceth so won
derfully, as it leaveth the effect of his execution in all
points answerable to his levell and nighnesse. For if the

EFFECTS OF ARTILLERY. 285
clouds be nigh the earth (as some are higher, some lower), Sect-LIX-
and breake down-wards, the violence wherewith the fire
breaketh out is such, and of so strange an execution, that
men have beene found dead without any outward signe in
their flesh, and yet all their bones burnt to dust. So the
blade of the sword hath beene found broken all to peeces
in the scabard, and the scabard whole without blemish;
and a cristall glasse all shivered in peeces, his cover and
case remaining sound : which commeth to passe for that in
the flesh, in the scabard, and in the case, the fire being so
subtile of nature, findeth easie passage without resistance ;
but the bones, the blade, the cristall, being of substance
more solide, maketh greater resistance, and so the fire with
the more fury worketh the more his execution in its
objects. As was seene in the Spanish admirall (or cap
taine), after my imprisonment, crossing from Panama to
Cape San Francisco, a rayo (for so the Spaniards call a
thunder clappe), brake over our shippe, killed one in the
fore-toppe, astonished either two or three in the shroudes,
and split the mast in strange manner : where it entred it
could hardly be discerned, but where it came forth, it drave
out a great splinter before it ; and the man slaine, was
cleane in a manner without signe or token of hurt, although
all his bones turned to powder ; and those who lived and
recovered, had all their bodies blacke, as burnt with fire :
which plainly declareth and confirmeth that above "said,
and may serve to judge in such occasions of persons hurt
with thunder; for if they complaine of their bones, and
have little signe of the fire, their hazard of death is the
greater, then when the fire hath left greater impressions
outward. The fire out of a cloude worketh like effect, only
where it leveleth directly, as experience daily teacheth;
killing those who are opposite, hurting those who are neere,
and only terrifying those who are further distant.
In like manner the peece of ordinance hurteth not those

286 REPELLING BOARDERS.
Sect. lix. which stand aside, nor those which stand a slope from his
mouth, but those alone which stand directly against the
:rue point of his levell : though sometimes the winde of
the shott overthroweth one, and the splinter (being acci-
lents), mayne1 and hurt others. But principally where the
peece doth resemble the thunder clappe, as when the ships
are bourded : for then, although the artillery be discharged
without shott, the fury of the fire, and his piercing nature
is such, as it entreth by the seames, and all parts of the
ships sides, and meeting with so fit matter as pitch, tarre,
ocombe, and sometimes with powder, presently converteth
all into flames.
For avoyding whereof, as also the danger and damage
which may come by pikes and other inventions of fire, and
if any shippe be oppressed with many shippes at once, and
subject by them to be bourded ; I hold it a good course to
strike his foure and mayne yards close to his decke, and to
fight with sprit-saile and myson, and top-sayles loose : so
shaU he be able to hinder them from oppressing him.
avoid168 10 Some have thought it a good pollicy to launce out some
bourdings. en(js Qf mastes or yards by the ports or other parts : but
this is to be used in the greater shippes ; for in the lesser,
though they be never so strong, the waight of the bigger
will beate out the opposite sides and doe hurt, and make
great spoyle in the latter. And in bourding, ordinarily
the lesser shippe hath all the harme which the one shippe
can doe unto the other.
Disputes Here is offered to speake of a point much canvassed
concerning L L
trade °£ amongst carpenters and sea captaines, diversly mainetained
but yet undetermined : that is, whether the race or loftie
built shippe bee best for the merchant, and those which
imploy themselves in trading ? I am of opinion that the
race shippe is most convenient; yet so as to that every
perfect shippe ought to have two deckes, for the better
1 Maim.

height of ships. 287
strengthening of her; the better succouring of her people ; SectLIX-
the better preserving of her merchandize and victuall ; and
for her greater safetie from sea and stormes.
But for the princes shippes, and such as are imployed ^prince8
continually in the warres, to be built loftie I hold very lufl Bhippes-
necessary for many reasons. First for majestie and terrour
of the enemy ; secondly, for harbouring of many men ;
thirdly, for accommodating more men to fight ; fourthly,
for placing and- using more artillery ; fiftly, for better
strengthening and securing of the shippe; sixtly, for over
topping and subjecting the enemy ; seventhly, for greater
safeguard and defence of the ship and company. For it is
plaine, that the ship with three deckes, or with two and a
halfe, shewes more pomp than another of her burthen with
a decke and a halfe, or two deckes, and breedeth greater
terror to the enemy, discovering herselfe to be a more
powerfull ship, as she is, then the other ; which being in
deed a ship of force, seemeth to be but a barke, and with
her low building hideth her burthen. And who doubteth
that a decke and a halfe cannot harbour that proportion of
men, that two deckes, and two deckes and a halfe can
accommodate to fight ; nor carry the artillery so plenti
fully, nor commodiously. Neither can the ship be so
strong with a decke and a halfe as with two deckes ; nor
with two, as with three ; nor carry her mast so taunt ; nor
spread so great a clue ; nor contrive so many fightes, to
answer one another for defence and offence. And the
advantage the one hath of the other, experience daily
teacheth. In the great expedition of eightie eight, did not the Au s1ups ot
Elizabeth Jones, the Triumph, and the Beare, shew greater J10' t0 i,H
majestie then the Arke Royell and the Victorie, being of
equal burthens ? did they not cause greater regard in the
enemy ? did they not harbour and accommodate more men,
and much better ? did they not beare more artillery ? And

warre are
not to be
low built.

Sect. lix.

288 STRENGTH OF SHIPS.
if they had come to boord with the Spanish high-charged
ships, it is not to be doubted but they would have mustred
themselves better, then those which could not with their
prowesse nor props, have reached to their wastes. The
strength of the one cannot be compared with the strength
of the other : but in bourding, it goeth not so much in the
strength, as in weight and greatnesse. For the greater
ship that bourdeth with the lesser, with her mastes, her
yardes, her tacklings, her anchors, her ordinance, and with
her sides, bruseth and beateth the lesser to peeces, although
the lesser be farre stronger according to proportion.
The Foresight of his Majesties, and the Daintie, were
shippes in their proportions farre more stronger then the
carake which was taken by them and their consorts, anno
92 : for she had in a manner no strong building nor bind
ing, and the others were strengthened and bound as art
was able to affoord ; and yet both bourding with her, were
so brused, broken and badly handled, as they had like to
have sunke by her side, though bourding with advantage
to weather-wards of her. But what would have become of
them if she should have had the wind of them, and have
come aboord to wind-ward of them ? In small time, no
doubt she would have beaten them under water.
Anno 90, in the fleet under the charge of Sir John
Hawkins, my father, comming from the south-wards, the
Hope, of his Majesties, gave chase to a French ship, think
ing her to be a Spaniard. She thought to have freed her
selfe by her sailing, and so would not availe, but endured
the shooting of many peeces, and forced the Hope to lay
her abourd ; of which issued that mischiefe which before I
spake off. For in a moment the French ship had all her
mastes, yards, and sailes in the sea, and with great diffi-
cultie the Hope could free herselfe from sinking her.
In the self-same voyage, neere the ilands of Flores and
Corvo, the Rainbow and the Foresight came foule one of

POSITIONS IN ACTION. 289
another ; the Rainbow, being the greater shippe, left the Seot- ,jIX-
Foresight much torne ; and if God had not beene pleased
to seperate them, the lesser, doubtlesse, had sunke in the
sea ; but in these incounters they received little or no hurt.
The boording of the Rainbow and Foresight, as I was
enformed, proceeded of the obstinacie and self will of the
captaine or master of the Foresight, who would not set
sayle in time, to give sea roome to the other, comming
driving upon her, for that she was more flotie.1 This pride ^rt^"s'ar
I have seene many times to be the cause of great hurt, and p^> STtne
is worthy of severe punishment : for being all of one com- senera •
pany, and bound every one to helpe and further the good
of the other, as members of one body, there ought to be no
strayning of courtesie ; but all are bound to suppress emu
lation and particular respect, in seeking the generall good
of all, yea, of every particular more ingeniously then that of
his owne.
But in equitie and reason, the le-ward shippe ought ever
to give way to the weather most, in hulling or trying,
without any exception. First, for that shee advantageth
the other in hulling or trying ; which is manifest, for that
shee to wind-wards drives upon her to le-wards. Secondly,
for that the windermost shippe, by opening her sayle, may
be upon the other before shee be looked for, either for
want of steeridge, not being under way, or by the rowling
of the sea, some one sea casting the shippe more to le-
wards then ten others. And thirdly, for that the winder-
most shippe being neere, and setting sayle, is in possibilitie
to take away the winde from her to le-wards comming
within danger. And this by way of argument, for a hull
and under-sayle in stormes and fayre weather, in harbour,
or at sea.
Humanitie and courtesie are ever commendable and bene-
1 Did not hold so good a wind, or drove more easily to lee
ward.

290 SPANISH PRIDE.
Sect. nx. f]ciaii to all, whereas arrogancie and ambition are ever
accompanied with shame, losse, and repentance.
ofas^amsh -^-n^ though in many examples, touching this point, I
genera . have beene an eye witnesse, yet I will record but one,
which I saw in the river of Civill,1 at my comming out of
the Indies amongst the galleons loaden with silver. For
their wafting, the king sent to the Tercera, eight new gal
leons, under the charge of Villa Viciosa, who entring the
barre of Saint Lucar joyntly, the shippes loaden with
silver, anchored in the middest of the river in deeper water,
and the wafters on either side, neere the shoare. The ad
mirall of the wafters rode close by the galleon in which I
was, and had moored her selfe in that manner, as her
streame, cable, and anchor, overlayed our land-most. And
winding up with the first of the flood, shee her selfe in one
of her cables, which together with the great currant of
the ebbe, and force of the winde which blewe fresh, caused
her to drive, and to dragge home her anchors ; and with
that which overlay ours, to cause us to do the like. Where
upon, on both sides was crying out to veere cable : we, for
our parts, had lost all our cables in the Terceras, saving
those which were a-ground, and those very short, and
vered to the better end. The admirall strained courtesie,
thinking the other, though loaden with silver, bound to let
slippe one, so to give him way ; and the generall standing
in his gallery, saw the danger which both shippes ranne
into, being in a manner bourd and bourd, and driving
upon the point of the shoare : yet he commanded to hold
fast, and not to vere cable, till he was required and com
manded in the kings name, by the captaine'of our shippe ;
protesting the damage which should ensue thereof to the
king and merchants, to runne upon the admirals accompt ;
1 Seville was formerly the emporium of the trade of the new world :
since the Guadalquiver has become unnavigable for large vessels, its
trade has been transferred to Cadiz.

SMALL SHIPS AGAINST GREATER. 291
and that in his shippe he had no other cable but those Sect.™*.
which were aground, and that they had vered as much as
they could : which the generall knowing, and at last better
considering, willed to vere his cable end for end, and so,
with some difficultie and dispute, the punto was remedied ;
which if he had done at first he had prevented all other
danger, inconvenience, and dispute, by only weighing of
his cable and anchor after the gust was past, and letting it
fall in a place more commodious : whereas, his vaine glory,
stoutnesse, and selfe-will, had put in great perill two of the
kings shippes, and in them above two millions of treasure.
And it may be, if he had beene one of the ignorant gene-
rails, such as are sometimes imployed, whereas he was one
of best experience, I doubt not but they would have stood
so much upon their puntos, as rather then they would have
consented to vere theyr cables (for that it seemed a diminu
tion of authoritie), they would rather have suffered all to goe
to wracke, without discerning the danger and damage.
But to returne to my former point of advantage, which Doubts and
J r ° objections
the greater shippe hath of the lesser, I would have it to be resolved.
understood according to occasion, and to be understood of
ships of warre with ships of warre ; it being no part of my
meaning to mainetaine that a small man of warre should
not bourd with a great shippe which goeth in trade. For I And the
know, that the war-like shippe that seeketh, is not only ama\"BBth,!1p
bound to bourd with a greater, but were shee sure to hazard sreater-
her selfe, shee ought to bourd where any possibility of sur
prising may be hoped for. Witnesse the Biscaine shippes
of five hundreth tunnes, taken by shippes of lesse than a
hundreth. Such were those which were taken by captaine
George Reymond, and captaine Greenfield Halse ; both
wonne by bourding and force of armes. And did not
Markes Berry, with a shippe of four-score tunnes, by
bourding and dent of sword, take a shippe which came
from the Nova Hispania, of neere foure hundreth tunnes ?

292 VAIN GLORY OF SPANIARDS.
sect. lix. rp0 reCount all such as have beene in this sort taken by our

countreymen, as also those of great worth they have lost,
for not hazarding the bourding, were never to make an end.
Yet discretion is ever to be used ; for a man that in a small
barke goeth to warre-fare, is not bound to bourd with a
carake, nor with a shippe which he seeth provided with
artillery and other preventions far above his possibilitie.
vain-giory The Spaniards confesse us to advantage them in our
of the r
Spanish, shipping, and attribute all our victories to that which is
but a masse of dead wood, were it not managed and ordered
by art and experience; affirming, that if we came to handie
strokes and bourding, they should goe farre beyond us,
which to any person of reasonable understanding, cannot
but seeme most vaine-glorious ; for we leave not to bourd
with them upon occasion, when otherwise we cannot force
them to surrender : but I conclude it to be great errour,
and want of discretion in any man, to put himselfe, his
shippe, and company in perill, being able otherwise to van
quish his enemy.
This imagination, so vaine and so voyde of ground, hath
growne from the ignorance of some of our common sort of
marriners and vulgar people, which have beene prisoners
in Spaine : who being examined and asked, why her Ma
jesties shippes in occasions bourd not, have answered and
enformed that it is the expresse order of her Majestie and
counsel], in no case to hazard her shippes by bourding ;
yea, I have knowne some captaines of our owne (to colour
their faint proceedings), have averred as much, which is
nothing so. For in the houre that her majestie or counsell
committeth the charge of any of her shippes to any person,
it is left to his discretion to bourd or not to bourd, as the
reason of service requireth. And therefore let no man
hereafter pretend ignorance, nor for this vanitie leave to
doe his duty, or that which is most probable to redound to
the honour and service of his prince and countrey, and to

DISUSE OF AKCIENT WEAPONS. 293
the damage of his enemy. For in case he excuse himselfe Seot LI-
with this allegation, it cannot but redound to his condem
nation and disreputation. And I assure all men, that in any
reasonable equalitie of shipping, we cannot desire greater
advantage, then we have of the Spaniards by bourding.
The reasons why, I hold it not convenient to discourse in
particular ; but experience and tract of time, with that
which I have seen amongst them, hath taught me this
knowledge ; and those who have seene their discipline, and
ours, cannot but testifie the same.

SECTION LX.
Againe, all that which hath beene spoken of the danger of courses for
the artillery in bourding, it is not to be wrested nor inter- f"erbourd-
preted, to cut of utterly the use of all artillery after bourd
ing, but rather I hold nothing more convenient in shippes
of warre, then fowlers and great bases in the cage workes,
and murderers in the cobridge heads ; for that their execu
tion and speedie charging and discharging, is of great
moment.1 Many I know have left the use of them, and of sundry Disuses of
•> 'j engines of
other preventions, as of sherehookes, stones in their toppes, antl°.ultie-
and arming them ; pikebolts in their wales, and divers
other engines of antiquitie. But upon what inducement, I
cannot relate, unlesse it be because they never knew their
effects and benefit ; and may no doubt be used without the
inconveniences before mentioned in great ordinance. As
also such may be the occasion, that without danger some
of the great artillery may be used, and that with great
' Fowlers, murderers, etc., were pieces of cannon of the nature of
swivels, adapted to close combat. The "cobridge heads" seem to have
been bulk heads across the fore and after parts of the vessel.

29-1 BOARDING AND SKIRMISHES.
Sect. lxi. effect which is in the discretion of the commanders and
their gunners, as hath beene formerly seene, and daily is
experimented. In the Revenge of her Majesties good expe
rience was made, who Sunke two of the Spanish armado
lying abourd her.

SECTION LXI.
In these bourdings and skirmishes, divers of our men were
slaine, and many hurt, and myselfe amongst them received
sixe wounds : one of them in the necke, very perillous ;
another through the arme, perishing the bone, an'd cutting
the sinewes close by the arme-pit ; the rest not so danger
ous. The master of our shippe had one of his eyes, his
nose, and halfe his face shott away. Master Henry Cour
ton was slaine. On these two I principally relied for the
prosecution of our voyage, if God, by sicknesse, or other
wise, should take me away.
TheSpani- The Spaniards with their great ordinance lay continually
ards parley. r ° j j
playing upon us, and now and then parled and invited us
to surrender ourselves a buena querra.1 The captaine of
our shippe, in whose direction and guide, our lives, our
honour, and welfare now remained, seeing many of our
people wounded and slaine, and that few were left to sus
taine and maintaine the fight, or to resist the entry of the
enemy, if he should againe bourd with us, and that our
contraries offered us good pertido,2 came unto me accom
panied with some others, and began to relate the state of
our shippe, and how that many were hurt and slaine, and
scarce any men appeared to traverse the artillery, or to
oppose themselves for defence, if the enemy should bourd
1 En buena guerra means by fair or lawful means : it probably
implied offering quarter : which means, that if accepted, a certaine sum
was to be given as ransom.
2 Partido (Spanish), favour or protection.

A PARLEY. 295
with us againe ; and how that the admirall offered us life Seot- ™-
and libertie, and to receive us a buena querra, and to send
us into our owne countrey. Saying, that if I thought it so
meete, he and the rest were of opinion that we should put
out a flagge of truce, and make some good composition.
The great losse of blood had weakened me much. The
torment of my wounds newly received, made me faint, and
I laboured for life, within short space expecting I should
give up the ghost.
But this parley pearced through my heart, and wounded
my soule; words failed me wherewith to expresse it, and
none can conceive it but he which findeth himselfe in the
like agonie. Yet griefe and rage ministered force, and
caused me to breake forth into this reprehension and exe
cution following.
" Great is the crosse which Almightie God hath suffered
to come upon me : that, assaulted by our professed enemies,
and by them wounded, as you see, in body, lying gasping
for breath, those whom I reputeth for my friends to fight
with me ; those which I relyed on as my brethren to defend
me in all occasions ; those whom I have nourished, che
rished, fostered and loved as my children, to succour me,
helpe me, and to sustaine my reputation in all extremities ;
are they who first draw their swords against me, are they
which wound my heart, in giving me up into mine enemies
hands. Whence proceedeth this ingratitude ? whence this
faintnesse of heart ? whence this niadnesse ? Is the cause
you fight for unjust ? is the honour and love of your prince
and countrey buried in the dust ? your sweet lives, are
they become loathsome unto you ? will you exchange your
liberty for thraldome ? will you consent to see that which
you have sweat for and procured with so great labour and
adventure, at the dispose of your enemies? can you content
your selves to suffer my blood spilt before your eyes, and
my life bereft me in your presence, with the blood and

29G NO FAITH WITH HERETICS.
sect. lxi. hves 0f your deere brethren to be unrevenged ? Is not an
honourable death to be preferred before a miserable' and
slavish life ? The one sustaining the honour of our nation,
of our predecessors, and of our societie : the other ignomi
nious to our selves, and reproachful to our nation. Can
you be perswaded that the enemy will performe his promise
with you, that never leaveth to breake it with others, when
he thinketh it advantagious ? And know you not, that
with him, all is convenient that is profitable ? Hold they
not this for a maxime : that, nulla fides est servanda cum
hereticis ? In which number they accompt us to be. Have
you forgotten their faith violated with my father, in Saint
John de Ulua, the conditions and capitulations being firmed
by the viceroy and twelve hostages, all principall person
ages given for the more securitie of either party to other ?
Have you forgotten their promise broken with John Vibao
and company, in Florida, having conditioned to give them
shipping and victuals, to carry them into their countrey ;
immediately after they had delivered their weapons and
armes, had they not their throats cut ? Have you forgotten
how they dealt with John Oxnam and his company, in this
sea, yeelded upon composition ; and how after a long im
prisonment, and many miseries, being carried from Panama
to Lyma, and there hanged with all his company, as pyrates,
by the justice ? And can you forget how dayly they abuse
our noble natures, which being voyde of malice, measure
all by sinceritie, but to our losse ; for that when we come
to demand performance, they stoppe our mouthes, either
with laying the inquisition upon us, or with delivering us
into the hands of the ordinary justice, or of the kings
ministers. And then urged with their promises, they shrinke
up to the shoulders, and say, that they have now no further
power over us ; they sorrow in their hearts to see- their
promise is not accomplished : but now they cannot doe us
any good office, but to pray to God for us, and to entreat
the ministers in our behalfe.

SPEECH OF HAWKINS AGAINST SURRENDER. 297
Came we into the South sea to put out flags of truce ? Sect- lxI-

And left we our pleasant England, with all her content
ments, with intention or purpose to avayle our selves of
white ragges, and by banners of peace to deliver ourselves
for slaves into our enemies hands ; or to range the world
with the English, to take the law from them, whom by our
swords, prowesse, and valour, we have alwaies heretofore
bin accustomed to purchase honour, riches, and reputation ?
If these motives be not sufficient to perswade you, then I
present before your eyes your wives and children, your
parents and friends, your noble and sweete countrey, your
gracious soveraigne ; all of which accompt yourselves for
ever deprived, if this proposition should be put in execution.
But for all these, and for the love and respect you owe me,
and for all besides that you esteeme and hold dear in this
world, and for Him that made us and all the world, banish
out of your imagination such vaine and base thoughts ; and
according to your woonted resolution, prosecute the defence
of your shippe, your lives, and libertie, with the lives and
libertie of your companions; who by their wounds and
hurts are disabled and deprived of all other defence and
helpe, save that which lyeth in your discretions and prow
esse. And you, captaine, — of whom I made choise amongst
many, to be my principall assistant, and the person to
accomplish my dutie if extraordinary casualtie should disable
me to performe and prosecute our voyage, — tender your
obligation ; and now in the occasion give testimony, and
make proofe of your constancie and valour, according to the
opinion and confidence I have ever held of you."
Whereunto he made answere : "My good generall, I hope
you have made experience of my resolution, which shall be
ever to put in execution what you shall be pleased to com
mand me ; and my actions shaU give testimonie of the
obligation wherein I stand bound unto you. What I have
done, hath not proceeded from faintnesse of heart, nor from

298 SPEECH OF HAWKINS AGAINST SURRENDER.
a will to see imaginations put in execution ; for besides the
losse of our reputation, liberty, and what good else we can
hope for, I know the Spaniard too too well, and the man
ner of his proceedings in discharge of promises : but only
to give satisfaction to the rest of the company, which
importuned me to moove this point, I condiscended to that
which now I am ashamed of, and grieve at, because I see it
disliking to you. And here I vowe to fight it out, till life
or lymmes fayle me. Bee you pleased to recommend us to
Almightie God, and to take comfort in him, whom I hope
will give us victory, and restore you to health and strength,
for all our comforts, and the happy accomplishing and
finishing of our voyage, to his glory."
I replyed : " This is that which beseemeth you ; this
sorteth to the opinion I ever held of you : and this will
gaine you, with God and man, a just reward. And you the
rest, my deere companions and friends, who ever have made
a demonstration of desire to accomplish your duties, remem
ber that when we first discryed our enemy, you shewed to
have a longing to proove your valours against him : now
that the occasion is offered, lay hold of the fore-locke; for if
once shee turne her backe, make sure accompt never after
to see her face againe : and as true English men, and fol
lowers of the steppes of our forefathers, in vertue and
valour, sell your bloods and lives deerely, that Spaine may
ever record it with sadnesse and griefe. And those which
survive, rejoyce in the purchase of so noble a victory, with
so small meanes against so powerfull an enemy."
Hereunto they made answere : that as hitherto they had
beene conformable to all the undertakings which I had
commanded or counselled, so they would continue in the
selfe same dutie and obedience to the last breath; vowing
either to remaine conquerours and free-men, or else to sell
their lives at that price which their enemies should not
willingly consent to buy them at. And with this resolution,

RESOLVE TO FIGHT IT OUT. 299
both captaine and company tooke their leave of me, every Sect- LXI-
one particularly, and the greater part with teares and im-
bracings, though we were forthwith to depart the world,
and never see one the other againe but in heaven, promising
to cast all forepassed imaginations into oblivion, and never
more to speake of surrendry.
In accomplishment of this promise and determination, They re-
they persevered in sustaining the fight, all this night, with fisht 4t out-
the day and night following, and the third day after. In
which time the enemy never left us, day nor night, beating
continually upon us with his great and small shott. Saving
that every morning, an hower before the breake of day, he
edged a little from us, to breath, and to remedie such de- o^theth7
fects as were amisse, as also to consult what they should
doe the day and night following.
This time of interdiction, we imployed in repayring our TheEngiish
' r J . . repairetheir
sayles and tackliugs, in stopping our leakes, in fishing and defects.
wolling our masts and yards, in mending our pumpes, and
in fitting and providing our selves for the day to come.
Though this was but little space for so many workes, yet
gave it great reliefe and comfort unto us, and made us
better able to endure the defence : for otherwise, our ship
must of force have suncke before our surrendry, having
many shot under water, and our pumpes shot to peeces
every day. In all this space, not any man of either part
tooke rest or sleepe, and little sustenance, besides bread
and wine.
In the second dayes fight, the vice-admirall comming
upon our quarter, William Blanch, one of our masters
mates, with a luckie hand, made a shot unto her with one
of our sterne peeces ; it carried away his maine mast close
by the decke : wherewith the admirall beare up to her, to
see what harme shee had received, and to give her such
succour as shee was able to spare ; which we seeing, were
in good hope that they would have now left to molest us

300 CONTINUANCE OF THE ACTION.
sect. lxi. aDy longer, having wherewithal! to entertaine themselves

Advantages ln redressing their owne harmes. And so we stood away
omitted. from them close by as we could ; which we should not
have done, but prosecuted the occasion, and brought our
selves close upon her weather gage, and with our great
and small shot hindered them from repairing their harmes :
if we had thus done, they had been forced to cut all by
the bourd ; and it may bee, lying a hull or to le-wards of
us, with a few shot we might have suncke her. At the
least, it would have declared to our enemies that wee had
them in little estimation, when, able to goe from them, we
would not; and perhaps bin a cause to have made them
to leave us.
But this occasion was let slip, as also that other to fight
with them, sayling quarter winds, or before the winde ; for
having stood off to sea a day and a night, we had scope to
fight at our pleasure ; and no man, having sea roome, is
bound to fight as his enemie will, with disadvantage, being
able otherwise to deal with equalitie ; contrariwise, every
man ought to seeke the meanes hee can for his defence,
and greatest advantage, to the annoyance of his contrarie.
Now wee might, with our fore saile low set, have borne
upp before the winde, and the enemie of force must have
done the like, if he would fight with us, or keepe us com
pany : and then should wee have had the advantage of
them. For although their artillery were longer, waightier,
and many more than ours, and in truth did pierce with
greater violence ; yet ours being of greater bore, and
enceotshot. carl7lng a waightier and greater shot, was of more import
ance and of better effect for sinking and spoyling : for the
smaller shot passeth through, and maketh but his hole,
and harmeth that which lyeth in his way ; but the greater
shaketh and shivereth all it meeteth, and with the splinters,
or that which it encountreth, many times doth more hurt
then with his proper circumference : as is plainely seene

ERRORS IN FIGHTING. 301
in the battery by land, when the saker, the demy-colverin, Sect-

the colverin, and denii-cannon (being peeces that reach Their .
effects.
much further point blanke then the cannon), are nothing
of like importance for making the breach, as is the cannon ;
for that this shot being ponderous, pierceth with difficultie,
yea worketh better effects, tormenting, shaking, and over
throwing all ; whereas the others, with their violence,
pierce better, and make onely their hole, and so hide them
selves in the wooll or ram pi re.1
Besides, our ship being yare2 and good of steeridge, no
doubt but we should have played better with our ordinance,
and with more effect than did our enemies ; which was a
great errour, being able to fight with lesse disadvantage, ?r!!°ra "*
and yet to fight with the most that could be imagined, which
I knew not off, neither was able to direct though I had
knowne it, being in a manner senselesse, what with my
wounds, and what with the agony of the surrendry pro
pounded, for that I had seldome knowne it spoken of, but
that it came afterwards to be put in execution.
The generall not being able to succour his vice-admirall,
except he Should utterly leave us, gave them order to shift
as well as they could for the present, and to beare with the
next port, and there to repayre their harmes. Himselfe
presently followed the chase, and in short space fetched us
up, and beganne a fresh to batter us with his great and
small shott. The vice-admirall, having saved what they
could, cutt the rest by the bourd, and with fore-sayle and
myson came after us also ; and before the setting of the
sunne, were come upon our broad side, wee bearing all
our sayles, and after kept us company, lying upon our
weather quarter, and annoying us what shee could.
Here I hold it necessary, to make mention of two things
which were most prejudicial! unto us, and the principall
1 Wool probably means the covering or planking. Rampire (for
rampart ?) what is now termed the bulwark. 2 Ready.

302 WARNINGS AS TO FIGHTING.
sect. lxi. causes of our perdition; the errours and faults of late dayes,
learned crept in amongst those who follow the sea, and learned
Flemings from the Flemings and Easterlings. I wish that by our
and Easter- . i -, . i • t
lings. misfortunes others would take warning, and procure to
redresse them, as occasions shall be offered.
1'nTi°madlt ^e one is, to fight unarmed, where they may fight
toexclssef8 armed. The other is, in comming to fight, to drinke
themselves drunke. Yea, some are so madd, that they
mingle powder with wine, to give it the greater force,
imagining that it giveth spirit, strength, and courage, and
taketh away all feare and doubt. The latter is for the most
part true, but the former is false and beastly, and altogether
against reason. For though the nature of wine, with
moderation, is to comfort and revive the heart, and to
fortifie and strengthen the spirit ; yet the immoderate use
thereof worketh quite contrary effects.
In fights, all receipts which add courage and spirit, are
of great regard, to be allowed and used; and so is a draught
of wine, to be given to every man before he come to action,
but more then enough is pernicious ; for exceeding the
same, it offendeth, and enfeebletb the sences, converting the
strength (which should resist the force of the enemy) into
weaknesse : it dulleth and blindeth the understanding, and
consequently depraveth any man of true valour; toy that
he is disenabled to judge and apprehend the occasion which
may be offered, to assault and retyre in time convenient ;
the raynes of reason being put into the hands of passion
and disorder. For after I was wounded, this nimium bred
great disorder and inconvenience in our shippe ; the pott
continually walking, infused desperate and foolish hardi-
nesse in many, who blinded with the fume of the liquor,
considered not of any danger, but thus and thus would
stand at hazard ; some in vaine glory vaunting themselves ;
some other rayli'ng upon the Spaniards; another inviting
his companion to come and stand by him, and not to budge

TEMPERANCE OF SPANIARDS. 303
a foote from him ; which indiscreetly they put in execution, Sect-

and cost the lives of many a good man, slaine by our
enemies muskettiers, who suffered not a man to shew him
selfe, but they presently overthrew him with speed and
watchfullnesse. For prevention of the second errour, al
though I had great preparation of armours, as well of proofe,
as of light corseletts, yet not a man would use them ; but
esteemed a pott of wine a better defence then an armour of
proofe. Which truely was great madnesse, and a lament
able fault, worthy to be banished from amongst all reason
able people, and well to be weighed by all commanders.
For if the Spaniard surpasseth us in anything, it is in his ^su^Jj.
temperance and suffering : and where he hath had the temper™
better hand of us, it hath beene, for the most part, through
our own folly ; for that we will fight unarmed with him
being armed. And although I have heard many men
maintaine, that in shipping, armour is of little profit : all
men of good understanding will condemne such desperate
ignorance. For besides, that the sleightest armour secureth
the parts of a mans body, which it covereth from pike,
sword, and all hand weapons, it likewise giveth boldnesse
and courage: a man armed, giveth a greater and a waightier
blow, then a man unarmed ; he standeth faster, and with
greater difficultie is to be overthrowne.
And I never read, but that the glistering of the armour The^use and
hath beene by authors observed, for that, as I imagine, arming,
his show breedeth terror in his contraries, and despayre to
himselfe if he be unarmed. And therefore in time of
warre, such as devote themselves to follow the profession
of armes, by sea or by land, ought to covet nothing more
then to be well armed ; for as much as it is the second
meanes, next Gods protection, for preserving and prolong
ing many mens lives.
Wherein the Spanish nation deserveth commendation exactly ob-
r # served by
above others ; every one, from the highest to the lowest, the Spanish.

304 GOOD ARMS OF THE SPANIARDS.
sect. lxi. pUtting their greatest care in providing faire and good

armes. He which cannot come to the price of a corslet,
will have a coat of mayle, a jackett, at least a buffe-jerkin,
or a privie coate. And hardly will they be found without
it, albeit they live and serve, for the most part, in extreame
hott countries.
Whereas I have knOwne many bred in cold countries,
in a moment complaine of the waight of their armes,
that they smoother them, and then cast them off, chusing
rather to be shott through with a bullet, or lanched through
with a pike, or thrust through with a sword, then to endure
a little travaiie and suffering. But let me give these lazie
ones this lesson, that he that will goe a warre-fare, must
resolve himselfe to fight ; and he that putteth on this reso
lution, must be contented to endure both heate and waight:
first for the safeguard of his life, and next for subduing of
his enemie; both which are hazarded, and put into great
danger, if he fight unarmed with an enemy armed.
Now for mine owne opinion, I am resolved that armour
af iand.men is more necessary by sea then by land, yea, rather to be
excused on the shore then in the shippe. My reason is,
for that on the shore, the bullet onely hurteth, but in the
shippe I have seene the splinters kill and hurt many at
once, and yet the shott to have passed without touching any
person. As in the galeon in which I came out of the
Indies, in anno 1597, in the rode of Tercera, when the
Queenes Majesties shippes, under the charge of the Earle
of Essex, chased us into the rode, with the splinters of one
shott, were slayne, inaymed, and sore hurt, at the least a
dozen persons, the most part whereof had beene excused,
if they had beene armed.
And doubtlesse, if these errours had beene foreseene, and
remedied by us, many of those who were slaine and hurt,
had beene on foote, and we inabled to have sustained and
maintained the fight much better and longer, and perhaps

Armes more
necessary
by sea, then .

FIGHT OF THE " REVENGE". 305
at last had freed our selves. For if our enemy had come to Seot- m
bourd with us, our close fights were such, as we were
secure, and they open unto us. And what with our cubridge
heads, one answering the other, our hatches upon bolts,
our brackes in our deckes and gunner room, it was impos
sible to take us as long as any competent number of men
had remained : twentie persons would have sufficed for de
fence ; and for this, such ships are called impregnable, and
are not to be taken, but by surrender, nor to be overcome
but with bourding or sinking, as in us by experience was
verified. And not in us alone, but in the Revenge of the
Queenes Majestie, which being compassed round about with
all the armado of Spaine, and bourded sundry times by
many at once, is said to have sunke three of the armado by
her side.1
And in this conflict, having lost all her mastes, and
being no other then a logge in the sea, could not be taken
with all their force and poUicie, till she surrendred her
selfe by an honourable composition.
By these presidents,2 let governours by sea take speciall
care, above all, to preserve their people, in imitation of the
French; who carrie many souldiers in their shippes of
warre, and secure them in their holdes, till they come to
entring, and to prove their forces by the dint of sword.
But here the discreete commaunders are to put differ- f0r^0e™ce
ence, betwixt those which defend, and those which are to mander3-
offend, and betwixt those which assault, and those which
are assaulted. For, as I have sayd, no government what
soever, better requireth a perfect and experimented com-
maunder then that of the sea. And so no greater errour
can be committed, then to commend such charges to men
unexperimented in this profession.
A third and last cause, of the losse of sundry of our men, ofw3aSBips
most worthy of note for all captaines, owners, and carpen- dishkeii-
1 See page 102. s Precedents.

306 WASTE CLOTHS.
Sect. lxi. ters, was the race1 building of our shippe, the onely fault

shee had ; and now a-dayes, held for a principall grace in
any shippe : but by the experience which I have had, it
seemeth for sundry reasons verie prejudiciall for shippes of
warre. For in such, those which tackle the sayles, of force
must bee upon the deckes, and are open without shelter
or any defence : yet here it will be objected, that for this
Tih n t inconvenience, wast clothes are provided, and for want of
so useful them, it is usuall to lace a bonnet, or some such shadow
for the men ; worthily may it bee called a shadow, and one
of the most pernitious customes that can be used ; for this
shadow, or defence, being but of linnen or wollen cloth,
emboldeneth many, who without it would retire to better
securitie ; whereas, now thinking themselves unseene, they
become more bould then otherwise they would, and thereby
shot through when they least think of it. Some captaines
observing this errour, have sought to remedie it in some of
his Majesties shippes ; not by altering the building, but by
devises! devising a certaine defence, made of foure or five inch
planckes, of five foote high, and sixe foote broad, running
upon wheeles, and placed in such partes of the shippe as
are most open. These they name blenders, and made of
elme for the most part ; for that it shivers not with a shot,
as oake and other timber will doe, which are now in use
and service : but best it is, when the whole side hath one
blender, and one armour of proofe, for defence of those
which of force must labour and be aloft.
This race building, first came in by overmuch homing2 in
of our shippes, and received for good, under colour of
making our shippes thereby the better sea-shippes, and of
better advantage to hull and tyre : but in my judgement,
1 The term " race" is here repeated: if not a misprint for rare, can
" a race ship" mean one built for speed?
2 Tumbling home (?) ; applied to the inclination inward, given to a
ship's topsides.

DISADVANTAGE OF LEEWARD SHIPS. 307
it breedeth many inconveniences, and is farre from working
the effect they pretend, by disinabling them for bearing
their cage worke correspondent to the proportion and
mould of the shippe, making them tender sided, and unable
to carry sayle in any fresh gaile of winde, and diminishing
the play of their artillery, and the place for accommodating
their people to fight, labor, or rest.
And I am none of those who hold opinion that the over
much homing in, the more the better, is commodious and
easier for the shippe; and this out of the experience that
I have learned, which with forcible reasons I could prove
to be much rather discomodious and worthy to be reformed.
But withall, I hold it not necessary to discourse here of
that particularitie, but leave the consequence to men of
understanding, and so surcease.

Sect. lxix.

SECTION LXII.

All this second day, and the third day and night, our
captaine and company susteined the fight, notwithstanding
the disadvantage where with they fought; the enemie being
ever to wind-ward, and wee to lee-ward, their shott much ^^
damnifying us, and ours little annoying them; for when- ^ ,t0 lee
soever a man encountreth with his enemie at sea, in gayn-
ing the weather gage, hee is in possibilitie to sinke his
contrary, but his enemy cannot sinke him ; and therefore
hee which is forced to fight with this disadvantage, is toA£a^e.
procure by all meanes possible to shoote downe his con
traries masts or yards, and to teare or spoyle his tackling
and sayles ; for which purpose, billets of some heavy wood
fitted to the great ordinance, are of great importance. And
so are arrows of fire, to bee shott out of slur-bowes, and
cases of small shott, joyned two and two together, with

308 SPANISH FOREMAST SHOT AWAY.
.sect. lxii. peeces 0f wyer, of five or sixe ynches long, which also shot
out of muskets are of good effect, for tearing the sayles or
cutting the tackling.
Some are of opinion that crosse barres and chaine-shot
are of moment for the spoyling of masts and yards ; but
experience dayly teacheth them not to be of great import
ance, though neere at hand, I confesse, they worke great
execution ; but the round shott is the onely principall and
powerfull meane to breake mast or yard.
ardstore1-1' ^n<^ ln *ais our fight, the admirall of the Spaniards had
mastthnce j^g fore-mast shot through with two round shott, some
°1'1 three yardes beneath the head; had either of them entred
but foure ynches further into the heart of the mast, with
out all doubt it had freed us, and perhaps put them into
our hands. The third day, in the after-noone, which was
the 22nd of June 1594, according to our computation, and
which I follow in. this my discourse, our sayles being torne,
our mastes all perished, our pumpes rent and shot to
peeces, and our shippe with fourteene shott under water
and seven or eight foote of water in hold ; many of our
men being slaine, and the most part of them which re
mayned sore hurt, and in a manner altogether fruiteles,
and the enemie offering still to receive us a buena querra,
and to give us life and libertie, and imbarkation for our
countrey; — our captaine, and those which remayned of
our company, were all of opinion that our best course was
to surrender our selves before our shippe suncke. And so
by common consent agreed the second time to send a ser
vant of mine, Thomas Sanders, to signifie unto mee the
estate of our shippe and company : and that it was impos
sible by any other way to expect for hope or deliverance,
or life, but by the miraculous hand of God, in using his
Almighty power, or by an honourable surrender : which in
every mans opinion was thought most convenient. So was
I desired by him to give also my consent, -that the captaine

PROPOSAL TO SURRENDER. 309
might capitulate with the Spanish generall, and to com- sect. lxh.
pound the best partido he could by surrendring our selves
into his hands, upon condition of life and libertie. This
hee declared unto me, being in a manner voyd of sence,
and out of hope to live or recover; which considered, and
the circumstances of his relation, I answered as I could,
that hee might judge of my state, readie every moment to
give up the ghost, and unable to discern in this cause what
was convenient, except I might see the present state of the
shippe. And that the honour or dishonour, the welfare or
misery was for them, which should be partakers of life. At
last, for that I had satisfaction of his valour and true deal
ing in all the time hee had served me, and in correspond
ence of it, had given him (as was notorious) charge and
credit in many occasions, I bound him, by the love and
regard hee ought me, and by the faith and duty to Almighty
God, to tell me truely if all were as he had declared.
Whereunto he made answere, that hee had manifested unto
mee the plain and naked truth, and that hee tooke God to
witnesse of the same truth ; with which receiving satisfac
tion, I forced my selfe what I could to perswade him to
annimate his companions, and in my name to intreate the
captaine and the rest to persevere in defence of their
libertie, lives, and reputation, remitting all to his discretion :
not 'doubting but he would be tender of his dutie, and
zealous of my reputation, in preferring his liberty, and the
liberty of the company, above all respects whatsoever. As
for the welfare hoped by a surrender, I was altogether
unlikely to be partaker thereof, death threatning to deprive
me of the benefit which the enemie offered; but if God
would bee pleased to free us, the joy and comfort I should
receive, might perhaps give me force and strength to
recover health.
Which answere being delivered to the captaine, hee
presently caused a flagge of truce to be put in place of our

310 SURRENDER.
sect. lxii. ensigne, and began to parley of our surrendry, with a
Spaniard, which Don Beltran appointed for that purpose,
from the poope of the admirall, to offer in his name, the
conditions before specified; with his faithful promise and
oath, as the king generall, to take us a buena querra, and
to send us all into our owne countrey. The promise hee
accepted, and sayd that under the same hee yeelded, and
surrendred himselfe, shippe, and company. Immediately
there came unto me another servant of mine, and told me
that our captaine had surrendred himselfe, and our shippe ;
which understood, I called unto one Juan Gomes de Pineda,
a Spanish pilote, which was our prisoner, and in all the fight
we had kept close in hold, and willed him to goe to the
generall Don Beltran de Castro from mee, to tell him that
if he would give us his word and oath, as the generall of
the king, and some pledge for confirmation, to receive us
a buena querra, and to give us our lives and libertie, and
present passage into our owne countrey, that we would
surrender ourselves and shippe into his hands; otherwise,
that he should never enjoy of us nor ours, any thing but a
resolution every man to dye fighting.
With this message I dispatched him, and called unto me
all my company, and encouraged them to sacrifice their
lives fighting and killing the enemie, if he gave but a fillip
to any of our companions. The Spaniards willed us to
hoise out our boate, which was shott all to peeces, and so
was theirs. Seeing that, he called to us to amaine our
sayles, which we could not well doe, for that they were
slung, and we had not men inough to hand them. In
this parley, the vice-admirall comming upon our quarter,
and not knowing of what had past, discharged her two
chase peeces at us, and hurte our captaine very sore in the
thigh, and maimed one of our masters mates, called Hugh
Maires, in one of his armes ; but after knowing us to be
surrender! rendred, hee secured us : and we satisfying them that wee

SURRENDER. 311
could not hoise out our boate, nor strike our sayles, the Beot- LX11-
admirall layd us abourd ; but before any man entred, John
Gomes went unto the generall, who received him with
great curtesie, and asked him what we required ; where
unto he made answere that my demand was, that in the
Kings name, he should give us his faith and promise to
give us our lives, to keepe the lawes of fayre warres and
quarter, and to send us presently into our countrey; and
in confirmation hereof, that I required some pledge ; where
unto the generall made answere: that in the Kings Majesties
name, his master, hee received us a buena querra, and
swore by God Almightie, and by the habit of Alcantara
(whereof he had received knighthood, and in token whereof
hee wore in his breast a greene crosse, which is the ensigne
of that order), that he would give us our lives with good
entreatie, and send us as speedily as he could into our owne
countrey. In confirmation whereof, he took of his glove,
and sent it to mee as a pledge.
With this message John Gomes returned, and the
Spaniards entred and tooke possession of our shippe, every
one crying, Buena querra, buena querra! oy por mi, maniana
por ti:1 with which our company began to secure themselves.
The generall was a principall gentleman of the ancient
nobilitie of Spaine, and brother to the Conde de Lemos,2
1 Hoy por mi, manana por ti: which may be freely translated, " My
turn to-day, yours to-morrow".
* Don Pedro Alvarez1 Osorio, first Count of Lemos, served in all the
wars of John II and Henry IV. His wife, Beatriz de Castro, was
heiress of the estate of Lemos. He died in 1483, and was succeeded by
his grandson, Don Rodrigo de Castro Osorio, as second Count of Lemos.
He served in the war of Granada, and dying, left the title and estates
to his daughter Beatriz, who married Denis, the third son of the Duke
of Braganza, who was son of the Portuguese Prince Fernando. Their
son, Fernando Ruiz de Castro, was the fourth Count of Lemos. His
son, Don Pedro Fernandez de Castro Andrada, fifth Count of Lemos,
married Leonora, daughter of Don Baltran de la Cueva, Duke of Albu
querque ; and their second son was Don Beltran de Castro, a Knight of

312 COURTESY OF THE SPANISH GENERAL.
sect. lxiii. whose intention no doubt was according to his promise;
and therefore considering that some bad intreaty, and in-
solency, might be offered unto me in my shippe, by the
common souldiers, who seldome have respect to any person
in such occasions, especially in the case I was, whereof hee
had enformed himselfe : for prevention, hee sent a princi
pall captaine, brought up long time in Flaunders, called
Pedro Alveres de Pulgar, to take care of me, and whilest
the shippes were one abourd the other, to bring me into
his ship ; which he accomplished with great humanitie and
courtesie ; despising the barres of gold which were shared
before his face, which hee might alone have enjoyed if he
would. And truely hee was, as after I found by tryall, a
true captaine, a man worthy of any charge, and of the
noblest condition that I have knowne any Spaniard.
of'a'gene1-63 r^'ne generall received me with great courtesie and com-
victorie! passion, even with teares in his eyes, and words of great
consolation, and commaunded mee to bee accommodated
in his owne cabbine, where hee sought to cure and comfort
mee the best he could : the like hee used with all our hurt
men, six and thirtie at least. And doubtlesse, as true
courage, valour, and resolution, is requisit in a generall in
the time of battle, so humanitie, mildnes, and courtesie,
after victorie.

SECTION LXIII.
Whilst the shippes were together, the maine-mast of the
Daintie fell by the bourd, and the people being occupied iu
Alcantara, and Governor of Callao. His sister, Teresa, was the wife of
Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, fourth Marquis of Cafiete and Viceroy
of Peru.
At the time of the surrender of Sir Richard Hawkins, the Marquis of
Cafiete was Viceroy of Peru (1590 to 1599), and his brother-in-law,
Beltran de Castro, was governor of Callao and General of the Fleet.

THE "DAINTIE" IN A SINKING STATE. 313
ransacking and seeking for spoile and pillage, neglected Sect, lxiii.
the principall; whereof ensued, that within a short space
the Daintie grew so deepe with water, which increased for
want of prevention, that aU who were in her desired to for
sake her, and weaved and cryed for succour to bee saved,
being out of hope of her recoverie.
Whereupon, the generall calling together the best ex- ^a^"'^8
perimented men hee had, and consulted with them what ^erMtl"
was best to bee done; it was resolved that generall Michaell
Angell should goe abourd the Daintie, and with him three
score marriners, as many souldiers, and with them the
English men who were able to labour, to free her from
water, and to put her in order if it were possible ; and then
to recover Perico the port of Panama : for that, of those to
wind-wards, it was impossible to turne up to any of them,
and neerer then to le-ward was not any that could supply
our necessities and wants ; which lay from us east north
east, above two hundreth leagues.
Michaell Angell being a man of experience and care, Mictaeii
accomplished that he tooke in hand ; although in clearing ^°s^peth
and bayling the water, in placing a pumpe, and in fitting
and mending her fore-saile, he spent above six and thirtie
howers. During which time the shippes lay all a hull; but this
worke ended, they set sayle, and directed their course for
the iles of Pearies. And for that the Daintie sayled badly,
what for want of her maine-sayle, and with the advantage
which all the South-sea shippes have of all those, built in
our North-sea, the admirall gave her a tawe -1 which not
withstanding, the wind calming with us as we approached
neerer to the land, twelve dayes were spent before we could
fetch sight of the ilands ; which lye alongst the coast, be
ginning some eight leagues, west south-west from Panama,
and run to the south-wards neere thirtie leagues. They
1 Tow or tug.

314 PEARL FISHERY.
Sect. lxih. are marjy3 and the most unhabited ; and those which have
people, have some negroes, slaves unto the Spaniards,
which occupie themselves in labour of the land, or in fishing
for pearies.
Fishing for In times past, many inriched themselves with that trade,
but now it is growne to decay. The manner of fishing for
pearies is, with certaine long pinaces or small barkes, in
which there goe foure, five, sixe, or eight negroes, expert
swimmers, and great deevers,1 whom the Spaniards call
busos ; with tract of time, use, and continuall practise,
having learned to hold their breath long under water, for
the better atchieving their worke. These throwing them
selves into the sea, with certaine instruments of their art,
goe to the bottom e, and seeke the bankes of the oysters in
which the pearies are ingendred, and with their force and
art remouve them from their foundation; in which they
spend more or lesse time, according to the resistance the
firmnes of the ground affordeth. Once loosed, they put
them into a bagge under their armes, and after bring them
up into their boates. Having loaden it, they goe to the
shoare ; there they open them and take out the pearies :
they lie under the uttermost part of the circuite of the
oyster, in rankes and proportions, under a certaine part,
which is of many pleights and folds, called the ruffe, for
the similitude it hath unto a ruffe.
The pearies increase in bignes as they be neerer the end
or joynt of the oyster. The meate of those which have
these pearies is milkie, and not very wholesome to be eaten.
In anno 1583, in the island of Margarita, I was at the
dregging of pearle oysters, after the manner we dregge
oysters in England : and with mine owne hands I opened
many, and tooke out the pearies of them, some greater,
some lesse, and in good quantitie.
How the pearle is ingendred in the oyster, or mussell,
1 Divers.

PEARL FISHERY. 315
for they are found in both, divers and sundry are the Sect- Lxm-

opinions, but some ridiculous : whereof, because many
famous and learned men have written largely, I will speake
no more then hath beene formerly spoken, but referre their
curious desires to Pliny, with other ancient and modeme
authors. They are found in divers parts of the world, as in the £hereftCes
West Indies, in the South sea, in the East Indian sea, in Found.3 are
the Straites of Magellane, and in the Scottish sea.
Those found neere the pooles1 are not perfect, but are of
a thick colour ; whereas such as are found neere the line,
are most orient and transparent : the curious call it their
water : and the best is a cleare white shining, with fierie
flames. And those of the East India have the best reputa
tion, though as good are found in the West India; the
choice ones are of great valew and estimation ; but the
greatest that I have read or heard of, was found in these
ilands of Pearies ; the which king Phillip the Second of
Spaine gave to his daughter Elizabeth, wife to Albertus,
arch-duke of Austria, and governour of the states of
Flaunders ; in whose possession it remaineth, and is called
la peregrina,2 lor the rarenes of it; being as bigge as the
pomell of a poinard.
1 Poles.
2 The Peregrina, Huerfana, or Sola (as having no equal), was a pearl
which the King of Spain had in the royal crown. It was fished up in
1515, in the island of Terarequi (?), and was bought by Pedrarias, the
first Governor of Tierra Firma. After his death it became the property
of Dona Isabel de Bobadilla, of the house of the Counts of Chinchon,
from whom it passed to the Empress Isabel. From that time it was in
the royal crown of Spain, until it was burnt, with other precious trea
sures, when there was a fire in the palace at Madrid in 1734. It was
highly prized for its size, its orient lustre, its whiteness, and pellucidness.
It was pear-shaped, and weighed 550 carats. In 1691 a pearl was pro
cured at the Darien fishery, as large as the Peregrina, which belonged to
Don Pedro de Aponte, Conde de el Palmar, a native of the Canaries,
who gave it to King Charles II of Spain. Latterly, the two were worn
by the Queens of Spain as ear-rings.

316 SPANISH SURGEONS.

SECTION LXIV.

Sect. lxiv. jN ^njg navigation, after our surrender, the generall tooke
Thesene- especial care for the good intreaty of us, and especially of
rail con-
tinueth his those who were hurt. And God so blessed the hands of our
honourable
wards the surgians (besides that they were expert in their art), that
wounded, of all our wounded men Jiot one died that was alive the day
after our surrendry : the number whereof was neere fortie ;
and many of them with eight, ten, or twelve wounds, and
some with more. The thing that ought to move us to give
God Almighty especiall thankes and prayses, was that they
were cured in a manner without instruments or salves.
For the chests were all broken to peeces, and many of their
simples and coin-pounds throwne into the sea ; those which
remained, were such as were throwne about the shippe in
broken pots and baggs ; and such as by the Divine Provi
dence were reserved, at the end of three dayes, by order
from the generall, were commaunded to be sought and
gathered together. These, with some instruments of small
moment, bought and procured from those who had reserved
them to a different end, did not onely serve for our cures,
but also for the curing of the Spaniards, being many more
then those of our company.
For the Spanish surgians were altogether ignorant in
their profession, and had little or nothing wherewith to
cure. And I have noted, that the Spaniards, in generall,
are nothing so curious in accommodating themselves with
good and carefull surgeans, nor to fit them with that which
belongeth to their profession, as other nations are, though
they have greater neede then any that I do know.
At the time of our surrender, I had not the Spanish
tongue, and so was forced to use an interpreter, or the
Latine, or French, which holpe me much for the under
standing of those which spake to me in Spanish, together
with a little smattering I had of the Portugall.

DISPOSAL OF THE PRISONERS. 317
Through the noble proceding of Don Beltran with us, Sect- MIT-
and his particular care towards me, in curing and comfort
ing me, I began to gather heart, and hope of life, and
health ; my servants, which were on foote, advised me
ordinarily of that which past. But some of our enemies,
badly inclined, repined at the proceedings of the generall,
and sayd he did ill to use us so well : that we were Lu
therans; and for that cause, the faith which was given us,
was not to be kept- nor performed. Others, that wee had
fought as good souldiers, and therefore deserved good
quarter : others nicknamed us with the name of corsarios,
or pirats; not discerning thereby that they included them
selves within the same imputation. Some were of opinion,
that from Panama, the generall would send us into Spaine :
others sayd that he durst not dispose of us but by order
from the vice-roy of Peru, who had given him his authority.
This hit the nayle on the head.
To all I gave the hearing, and laid up in the store-house
of my memory that which I thought to be of substance ;
and in the store-house of my consideration, endeavoured to
frame a proportionable resolution to all occurants, con
formable to Gods most holy will. Withall I profitted my
selfe of the meanes which should be offered, and beare
greatest probabilitie to worke our comfort, helpe, and re
medie. And so as time ministered opportunitie, I began,
and endevoured to satisfie the generall and the better sort
in the points I durst intermeddle. And especially to per-
swade, by the best reasons I could, that we might be sent
presently from Panama ; alleaging the promise given us,
the cost and charges ensuing, which doubtles would be
such as deserved consideration and excuse : besides, that
now whilest he was in place, and power and authority in
his hands, to performe with us, that hee would looke into
his honour, and profit himselfe of the occasion, and not put
us into the hands of a third person; who perhaps being

318 WHAT IS A PIRATE ?
Sect. lxiv. more powerfull then himselfe, he might be forced to pray
and intreate.the performance of his promise: whereunto
hee gave us the hearing, and bare us in hand that hee
would doe what hee could.
The generall, and aU in generall, not onely in the Peru,
but in all Spaine, and the kingdomes thereof, before our
surrendry, held all English men of warre to be corsarios,
or pirats ; which I laboured to reforme, both in the Peru,
and also in the counsels of Spaine, and amongst the chief-
tames, souldiers, and better sort, with whom I came to
have conversation : alleadging that a pirate or corsario, is
piratis. hee, which in time of peace or truce, spoyleth or robbeth
those which have peace or truth with them : but the
English have neyther peace nor truce with Spaine, but
warre ; and therefore not to be accounted pirats. Besides,
Spaine broke the peace with England, and not England
with Spaine ; and that by ymbargo,1 which of all kindes of
ofdeflancet. defiances is most reproved, and of least reputation ; the
ransoming of prysoners, and that by the cannon being
more honorable ; but above all, the most honorable is with
trumpet and herald to proclaime and denounce the warre
by publicke defiance. And so if they should condemne
the English for pirats, of force they must first condemne
themselves. Moreover, pirats are those who range the seas without
licence from their prince ; who when they are met with,
are punished more severely by their owne lords, then when
they fall into the hands of strangers : which is notorious
to be more severely prosecuted in England, in time of
peace, then in any of the kingdomes of Christendome.
But the English have all licence, either immediately
from their prince, or from others thereunto authorised, and
so cannot in any sence be comprehended under the name
1 Imbargo— embargo: laying on an embargo means issuing an order
to prevent the sailing of vessels.

CUSTOMS IN WAR. 319
of pirats, for any hostility undertaken against Spaine or Sect. ixv.
the dependencies thereof.
And so the state standing as now it doth ; if in Spaine a Tfh| 0£^m
particular man should arm a shippe, and goe in warre-fare ln waiTe-
with it against the English, and happened to be taken by
them ; I make no question, but the company should bee
intreated according to that manner, which they have ever
used since the beginning of the warre, without making
further inquisition.
Then if hee were rich or poore, to see if hee were able
to give a ransome, in this also they are not very curious.
But if this Spanish shippe should fall athwart his Kings
armado or gallies, I make no doubt but they would hang
the captaine and his company for pirates. My reason is,
for that by a speciall law, it is enacted, that no man in the
kingdomes of Spaine, may arme any shippe, and goe in
warre-fare, without tbe King's speciall licence and commis
sion, upon paine to be reputed a pirate, and to bee chas
tised with the punishment due to corsarios. In England Thecu!-
s? o tome of
the case is different : for the warre once proclaimed, every EnK,aud-
man may arme that will, and hath wherewith ; which
maketh for our greater exemption from being comprehended
within the number of pirates.
With these, and other like arguments to this purpose,
(to avoid tediousnoss, I omitt) : I convinced all those whom
I heard to harpe upon this string : which was of no small
importance for our good entreatie, and motives for many,
to further and favour the accomplishment of the promise
lately made unto us.

SECTION LXV. A disputa-
One day after dinner, as was the ordinary custome, the cemfng"
generall, his captaines, and the better sort of his followers, querra.

320 BUENA QUERRA.
sect. lxv. being assembled in the cabbin of the poope in conference,
an eager contention arose amongst them, touching the
capitulation of buena querra, and the purport thereof. Some
sayd that onely life and good entreatie of the prisoners was
to be comprehended therein : others enlarged, and restrained
it, according to their humors and experience. In fine, my
opinion was required, and what I had seene and knowne
touching that point : wherein I pawsed a little, and sus
pecting the worst, feared that it might be a baite layd to
catch me withall, and so excused my selfe, saying : that
where so many experimented souldiers were joyned together,
my young judgement was little to be respected: whereunto
the generall replied, that knowledge was not alwayes inci
dent to yeares, though reason requireth that the aged
should be the wisest, but an art acquired by action and
management of affaires ; and therefore they would be but
certified what I had seene, and what my judgment was in
this point. Unto which, seeing I could not well excuse
myselfe, I condiscended ; and calling my wits together,
holding it better to shoot out my boult by yeelding unto
reason, although I might erre, then to stand obstinate, my
will being at warre with my consent, and fearing my deniall
might be taken for discourtesie, which peradventure might
also purchase me mislike with those who seemed to wish
The resoiu- me COmfort and restitution ; I submitted to better iudge-
tion, etc. ' d °
ment, the reformation of the present assembly, saying :
" Syr, under the capitulation of buena querra, or fayre
warres, I have ever understood, and so it hath beene ob
served in these, as also in former times, that preservation
of life and good entreatie of the prisoner have beene com
prehended ; and further, by no means to be urged to any
thing contrary to his conscience, as touching his religion ;
nor to be seduced or menaced from the allegeance due to
his prince and country ; but rather to ransome him for his
moneths pay. And this is that which I have knowne prac-

Sect. lxv.

BUENA GUERRA. 321
tised in our times, in generall, amongst all civill and noble
nations. But the English have enlarged it one point more Tn6 noDi0
towards the Spaniards rendred a buena guerra in these Eifgiish,
warres ; have ever delivered them which have beene taken
upon such compositions, without ransome : but the covet-
ousnes of our age hath brought in many abuses, and ex- ?naaeaTod
eluded the principall officers from partaking of the benefit doyes'
of this privilege, in leaving them to the discretion of the
victor, being many times poorer then the common soul
diers, their qualities considered; whereby they are commonly
put to more than the ordinary ransome; and not being able
of themselves to accomplish it, are forgotten of their princes
and sometimes suffer long imprisonment, which they should
not." With this, Don Beltran sayd : " This ambiguitie you °0t^dlran
have well resolved ;" and, like a worthie gentleman, with Ij^ereth.
great courtesie and liberalitie, added : " let not the last
point trouble you, but bee of good comfort; for I here give
you my word anew, that your ransome, if any shall be
thought due, shall be but a cople of grey-hounds for mee,
and other two for my brother, the Conde de Lemos : and
this I sweare to you by the habit of Alcantara. Provided
alwayes, that the King, my master, leave you to my dispose,
as of right you belong to me."
For amongst the Spaniards in their armadoes, if there
bee an absolute generall, the tenth of all is due to him,
and he is to take choise of the best : where in other coun
tries, it is by lot that the generalls tenth is given. And if
they be but two shippes, he doth the like : and being but
one, shee is of right the generalls. This I hardly believed,
until I saw a letter, in which the King willed his vice-roy
to give Don Beltran thankes for our shippe and artillerie,
which he had given to his Majestie.
I yeelded to the general most heartie thankes for his
great favour, wherewith hee bound mee ever to seeke how
to serve him, and deserve it.

322 USE OF ARROWS IN GUNS.

SECTION LXVI.

Sect. ixvi. jN tliis discourse, generall Michael Angell1 demanded for
short ar- what purpose served the little short arrowes which we had
muskets, in our shippe, and those in so great quantitie. I satisfied
them that they were for our muskets. They are not as yet
in use amongst the Spaniards, yet of singular effect and ex
ecution, as our enemies confessed : for the upper worke of
their shippes being musket proofe, in all places they passed*
through both sides with facilitie, and wrought extraordinary
disasters ; which caused admiration, to see themselves
wounded with small shott, where they thought themselves
secure ; and by no meanes could find where they entred,
nor come to the sight of any of the shott.
Hereof they proved to profit themselves after, but for
that they wanted the tampkins, which are first to be driven
home before the arrow be put in ; and as they understood
not tbe secret, they rejected them as uncertaine, and there
fore not to be used : but of all the shott used now a-dayes,
for the annoying of an enemie in fight by sea, few are of
greater moment, for many respects, which I hold not conve
nient to treat of in publique.

SECTION LXVII.

John ox- A little to the south-wards of the iland of Pearle, betwixt
man's voy-
Ifuths'ea seven an<* e'ght degrees, is the great river of Saint Buena
Ventura. It falleth into the South sea with three mouthes,
the head of which is but a little distant from the North
sea. In anno 1575, or 1576, one John Oxtnan,2 of Ply
mouth, going into the West Indies, joyned with the Syma-
rons. > See page 340. j Oxenham.

THE SYMARONS. 323
These are fugitive negroes, and for the bad intreatie Seot- 1XTI1-
which their masters had given them, were then retyred into what the
the mountaines, and lived upon the spoyle of such Spaniards aSnarons
as they could master, and could never be brought into
obedience, till by composition they had a place limmitted
them for their freedome, where they should live quietly by
themselves. At this day they have a great habitation neere Their
Panama, called Saint lago de Los Negros, well peopled,
with all their officers and commaunders of their owne, save
onely a Spanish governour.
By the assistance of these Symarons, hee brought to the Their
head of this river, by peecemeale, and in many journeys, a
small pinnace; hee fitted it by time in a warlike manner,
and with the choice of his company, put himselfe into the
South sea, where his good hap was to meete with a cople
of shippes of trade, and in the one of them a great quantitie
of gold. And amongst other things, two peeces of speciall
estimation : the one a table of massie gold, with emralds,
sent for a present to the King ; the other a lady of singular
beautie, married, and a mother of children. The latter
grewe to bee his perdition ; for hee had capitulated with John 0l-
° r 3 sr man capita-
these Symarons, that their part of the bootie should be J^™"1
onely the prisoners, to the ende to execute their malice
upon them (such was the rancor they had conceived against
them, for that they had beene the tyrants of their libertie).
But the Spaniards not contented to have them their slaves,
who lately had beene their lords, added to their servitude,
cruell entreaties. And they againe, to feede their insatiable
revenges, accustomed to rost and eate the hearts of all those
Spaniards, whom at any time they could lay hand upon.
John Oxmann, I say, was taken with the love of this lady, Hi?£olIy
and to winne her good will, what through her teares and of promise.
perswasions, and what through feare and detestation of their
barbarous inclinations, breaking promise with the Symarons,
yeelded to her request ; which was, to give the prisoners

324 JOHN OXENHAM.
sect, lxvh. iiberty with their shippes, for that they were not usefull for
him : notwithstanding, Oxman kept the lady, who had in
one of the restored shippes eyther a sonne or a nephew.
His pursuit, rphig nephew, with the rest of the Spaniards, made all the
hast they could to Panama, and they used such diligence,
as within fewe howers some were dispatched to seek those
who little thought so quickly too bee overtaken. The
pursuers approaching the river, were doubtfull by which of
the afore-remembred three mouthes they should take their
way.
Andeviii In this wavering, one of the souldiers espied certaine
fortune. ° r
feathers of hennes, and some boughs of trees, which they
had cut off to make their way, swimming down one of the
outlets. This was light sufficient to guide them in their
course; they entred the river, and followed the tracke as
farre as their frigats had water sufficient; and then with
part of their sOuldiers in their boates, and the rest on the
bankes on eyther side, they marched day and night in pur-
suite of their enemies ; and in fine came uppon them un
expected, at the head of the river, making good cheare in
their tents, and devided in two partialities about the parti
tion, and sharing of their gold. Thus were they surprised,
and not one escaped.
Heflyeth gome say that jonn Oxman fled to the Symarons, but
Symarons. tnev utterly denyed to receive or succour him, for that he
had broken his promise; the onely objection they cast in
his teeth was, that if he had held his word with them, hee
had never fallen into this extremitie.
In fine, hee was taken, and after, his shippe also was
possessed by the Spaniards, which he had hid in a certaine
cove, and covered with boughes of trees, in the guard and
custodie of some foure or five of his followers. All his
company were conveyed to Panama, and there were ym-
barked for Lyma ; where a processe was made against them
by the justice, and all condemned and hanged as pirates.

ISLANDS OF PEARLS. 325
This may be a good example to others in like occasions :

Sect, lxviii.

first to shunne such notorious sinnes, which cannot escape Breach of
faith never
punishment in this life, or in the life to come : for the unpun-
. ished.
breach of faith is reputed amongst the greatest faults which
a man can committ. Secondly, not to abuse another mans
wife, much lesse to force her; both being odious to God
and man. Thirdly, to beware of mutenies, which seldome
or never are seene to come to better ends ; for where such
trees flourish, the fruite, of force, must eyther bee bitter,
sweete, or very sower. And therefore, seeing wee vaunt
ourselves to bee Christians, and make profession of His
law who forbiddeth all such vanities ; let us faithfully
shunne them, that wee may partake the end of that hope
which our profession teacheth and promiseth.

SECTION LXVIII.
Comming in sight of the ilands of Pearies, the wind began
to fresh in with us, and wee profited our selves of it : but
comming thwart of a small iland, which they call la Pacheta, La Pacheta.
that lyeth within the Pearle ilands, close abourd the mayne,
and some eight or ten leagues south and by west from
Panama, the wind calmed againe.
This iland belongeth to a private man; it is a round
humock,1 conteyning not a league of ground, but most
fertile. Insomuch, that by the owners industrie, and the
labour of some few slaves, who occupie themselves in
manuring it ; and two barkes, which he imployeth in bring
ing the fruit it giveth to Panama, it is sayd to bee worth
him every weeke, one with another, a barre of silver, valued
betwixt two hundreth and fiftie or three hundreth pezos;
which in English money, may amount to fiftie or three-
1 Mound or hillock.

32G

PANAMA.

sect, lxviii. score pounds : and for that which I saw at my being in
Panama, touching this, I hold to be true.
In our course to fetch the port of Panama, wee put our
selves betwixt the iland and the maine : which is a goodly
channel, of three, foure, and five leagues broad, and with
out danger, except a man come too neare the shoare on any
side ; and that is thought the better course, then to goe a
sea-boord of the ilands, because of the swift running of the
tydes, and the advantage to stop the ebbe : as also for
succour, if a man should happen to bee becalmed at any
time beyond expectation, which happeneth sometimes.
The seventh of July wee had sight of Perico : they are
two little ilands which cause the port of Panama,1 where all
the shippes used to ride. It is some two leagues west north
west of the cittie, which hath also a pere2 in itselfe for small
barkes ; at full sea it may have some sixe or seaven foote
water, but at low water it is drie.
The ninth of July wee anchored under Perico, and the
Spaniards, generall presently advised the Audiencia of that which had
succeeded in his journey : which, understood by them,
caused bonfires to be made, and every man to put lumina-

The gene
ral! certe-
fieth the
Audienciaof his
successe.

The great
joy of the

1 Sir Richard Hawkins was at old Panama, the city destroyed by
Morgan in 1671. When it was rebuilt the site was removed about four
miles. The tower of the church of San Geronimo, in the ruins of the
old town, still rises above the forest, but the place is entirely abandoned
and overgrown. The harbour is formed by several islands called Isla de
Naos, Perico, and Flamencos, and the anchorage is called Perico be
cause it is in front of the second island.
Old Panama was one of the richest cities in Spanish America. It had
eight monasteries, two splendid churches and a cathedral, a fine hospital,
200 richly furnished houses, nearly 5000 houses of a humbler kind, a
Genoese chamber of commerce, 200 warehouses, and was surrounded by
delicious gardens and country houses, now all covered by a dense and
impervious forest. After three weeks of rapine and murder, the buc
caneer marched out of the ruined city on February 24th, 1671, with 175
laden mules and over 600 prisoners. In 1673 Don Alonzo Mercado de
Villacosta founded tho present city of Panama. s Pier.

LETTERS SENT HOME. 327
ries in their houses. The fashion is much used amongst the Sect-"TI"-
Spaniards in their feasts of joy, or for glad tidings; placing
many lights in their churches, in their wihdowes, and
gaUeries, and corners of their houses ; which being in the
beginning of the night, and the cittie close by the sea-shore,
showed to us, being farre of, as though the cittie had been
on a light fire.
About eight of the clocke, all the artiUery of the citty
was shott off, which wee might discerne by the flashes of
fire, but could not heare the report ; yet the armado being
advised thereof, and in a readinesse, answered them like
wise with all their artillery ; which taking ende, as all the
vanities of this earth doe, the generall settled himselfe to
dispatch advise for the King, for the vice-roy of Peru, and
for the vice-roy of the Nova Spana, for hee also had beene
certified of our being in that sea, and had fitted an armado
to seeke us, and to guard his coast.
But now for a farewell (and note it), let me relate unto Note.
you this secret, how Don Beltran shewed mee a letter from
the King, his master, directed to the vice-roy, wherein he
gave him particular relation of my pretended voyage; of
the ships, their burden, their munition, their number of
men, which I had in them, as perfectly as if he had seene
all with his own eyes : saying unto me, " Heereby may you
discerne whether the King, my master, have friends in
England, and good and speedie advice of all that passeth."
Whereunto I replyed : " It was no wonder, for that hee
had plentie of gold and silver, which worketh this and more
strange effects : for my journey was publique and notorious
to all the kingdome." Whereunto hee replyed, that if I
thought it so convenient, leave should be given mee to
write into England to the Queens Majestie, my mistresse,
to my father, and to other personages, as I thought good ;
and leaving the letters open, that he would send some of
them in the King's packet, others to his uncle Don Bodrigo

328 the "daintie" re-named.
sect.Lxvm. de Castro,1 cardinaU and archbishoppe of Sevill, and to other
friends of his ; not making any doubt but that they would
be speedily in England." For which I thanked him, and
accepted his courtesie; and although I was my selfe un
able to write, yet by the hands of a servant of mine, I wrote
three or foure coppies of "one letter to my father, Sir John
Hawkins ; in which I briefly made relation of all that had
succeeded in our voyage.
The dispatches of Spaine and New Spaine, went by
ordinary course in ships of advise ; but that for the Peru,
was sent by a kinseman of the generalls, called Don Fran
cisco de la Cueva.2
Which being dispatched, Don Beltran hasted all that
ever hee could to put his shippes in order, to returne to
Lyma. Hee caused the Daintie to be grounded and trimmed;
for in those ilands it higheth and falleth some fifteene or
sixteene foote water.
And the generall with his captaines, and some religious
men being aboord her, and new naming her, named her the
Visitation, for that shee was rendred on the day on which
they celebrate the visitation of the blessed Virgin Mary.3
In that place, the ground being plaine and without vantage,
whereby to helpe the tender sided and sharpe ships, they
are forced to shore them on either side. In the midest of
their solemnity, her props and shores of one side fayled, and
so shee fell over upon that side suddenly, intreating many
of them which were in her, very badly ; and doubtlesse, had
shee bin like the shippes of the South sea, shee had broken
out her bulge :* but being without mastes and empty (for in
1 The Cardinal Rodrigo de Castro was a son of Beatriz, Countess and
sole Heiress of Lemos, by her second husband, Don Alvaro Osorio, of
the house of Astorga. Rodrigo entered holy orders, became Bishop of
Zamora, then of Cuenca, and was Cardinal of the Basilica and of the
Twelve Apostles. Finally, he became Archbishop of Seville. His
mother, by her first husband, Dionis of Portugal, had a son, Fernando
Ruiz de Castro, Count of Lemos, the father of Don Beltran de Castro.
2 See page 337. 3 The 2nd of July. * Bilge.

conclusion. 329
the South sea, when they bring a-ground a shippe, they sect.Lxvm.
leave neither masts, balast, nor any other thing abourd,
besides the bare hull), her strength was such as it made no
great show to have received any damage; but the feare shee
put them all into was not little, and caused them to runne
out of her faster than a good pace.
In these ilands is no succour nor refreshing; onely in
the one of them is one house of strawe, and a little spring
of small moment. For the water, which the shippes use
for their provision, they fetch from another iland, two
leagues west north-west of these, which they call Taboga,1
having in it some fruite and refreshing, and some fewe
Indians to inhabite it.
What succeeded to mee, and to the rest during our im
prisonment, with the rarities and particularities of the Peru
and Terra Firme, my voyage to Spaine, and the successe,
with the time I spent in prison in the Peru, in the Tercera,
in Sevill, and in Madrid, with the accidents which befell me
in them, I leave for a second part of this discourse, if God
give life and convenient place and rest, necessary for so
tedious and troublesome a worke : desiring God, that is
Almightie, to give his blessing to this and the rest of my
intentions, that it and they may bee fruitefull to His
glory, and the good of all : then shall my desires
be accomplished, and I account myselfe
most happie. To whom be all
glory, and thankes, from
all eternitie.

1 A charming island about twelve miles from Panama, which belonged
to the Canon Fernando Luque, the partner with Pizarro and Almagro
in the project for the conquest of Peru.

SPANISH ACCOUNT

THE NAVAL ACTION

BETWEEN-

SIR RICHARD HAWKINS

DON BELTRAN DE CASTRO.

A
SPANISH ACCOUNT OF THE NAVAL ACTION
BETWEEN
SIB RICHARD HAWKINS AND DON BELTRAN
DE CASTRO.

[From the Ilechos de Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, Cuarto Marques
de Canete ; por Dr. Don Christobal Suarez de Figueroa (Madrid,
1614), Lib. v.]
Several ships, commanded by English pirates, entered the
South Sea in the time of former Viceroys, whose audacity
was rewarded with success in the shape of prizes and notable
plunder. The first who, entering by the Strait of Magellan,
coasted along the land from south to north, was Francisco
Draque. His Queen, Isabel, sent him with three ships well
armed and provisioned. Each ship had a crew of two hun
dred men, besides ten young gentlemen, who wished to per
form the voyage with the object of seeing the world, and of
showing their valour on such occasions as might offer them
selves. He left the port of Plemua1 to pass into the South
Sea, and seek the above strait.
Having reached the strait after various events which have
already been related by others, he passed it alone in the
Oapitana.2 While he was ranging over those seas and be
fore he arrived at Callao, the port for which he was making,
he fell in with a ship of Arica, the port of Potosi. She was
coming from Callao, unarmed, and not expecting the appear
ance of pirates, laden with bars of iron and some gold.
Draque boarded her,8 and giving good treatment to all, he
1 Plymouth. ¦ The Admiral's ship. ' February 1578.

334 SPANISH ACCOUNT OP THE NAVAL ACTION
asked the master, named San Juan de Anton, for the invoice
ofthe cargo; who delivered up what he had got, item by item,
without omitting anything, for which he received from
Draque a receipt in full as his discharge. Observing that
the others were sad, he consoled them by saying that they
should cast off all care, seeing that they lived in so good
and rich a land. With this he left them in their vessel, and
went to Callao,1 where he came to amongst the other ships.
Being there unknown, the people rose in arms, in conse
quence of which he made sail and proceeded to the coast of
Nicaragua. On an island called Del Cano, on the coast of
Costa Rica, there is abundance of wood and water. Here
he Careened the ship, and, without hurrying himself,2 he
then shaped a course towards the west.
Owing to this incursion, which the Englishman made
with such promptitude and audacity, Don Francisco de
Toledo,8 then Viceroy of Peru, and in all time an able ad
ministrator, whose orders, as being both just and convenient,
still retain observance in those parts as municipal laws,
despatched ships under the command of Pedro Sarmiento
de Gamboa, with Anton Paulo Coros, as chief pilot, who
had already fought with the English pirate on other occa
sions ; that they might despoil him, if possible, of the great
plunder he had taken from the lands and ships of the king.
They set sail in search, with suitable instructions, on a Sun-
' February 15th, 1579.
2 He was at the Isla del Cano from March 16th to 24th, 1579. For
mention of this island, see Funnel's account (Dampier, iv, p. 89). It
lies S.E. of the Gulf of Nicoya.
3 Francisco de Toledo was a younger son of the Count of Oropesa,
and a relation of the Duke of Alva. He became Viceroy of Peru in
1569, and held the office till 1581. Toledo was an able administrator,
and his Ordenanzas formed the basis of the code of Peruvian laws during
Viceregal times. He especially attended to legislation respecting the
mines and coca plantations. But his memory is execrated in Peru, be
cause, from motives of policy, he ordered the judicial murder of the
gallant young Tupac Amaru, the last of the Yncas.

BETWEEN HAWKINS AND BELTRAN DE CASTRO. 335
day, the 11th of October, 1579. After having traversed the
straits, and tarried a little in unknown ports, describing
and surveying them with care, they proceeded (according to
orders) on their way to Spain, to give a complete and full
account of the position and character of the strait, of its
narrow parts, and of all that navigation. Thus laden with
new information, they reached Cape San Vicente.1
Draque continued his voyage, and arrived at the Malucos.
He anchored at Ternate,2 where he had trade in cloves, and
made a treaty of perpetual friendship with the king and
queen. He then sailed for the. coast of Guinea and Cape
Verde, and continuing his course to his native land, he
arrived there in triumph,3 with two ships laden with silver,
£old, spices, and other riches. He delivered all to the
Queen, without being richer by his robberies nor more
esteemed by reason of his acts.
After this, in the time of Don Fernando de Torres, Conde
de Villar and Viceroy of Peru,4 the Englishman, Thomas
1 Sarmiento first went in chase of Drake as far as Panama, but,
supposing that the English ship was returning by the way he came, the
Spanish commander then made for the Straits of Magellan. Sarmiento
had orders to make a minute and careful survey of the straits and of all
the approaches. The instructions were drawn up with minute care by
the Viceroy Toledo, and journals were kept in accordance with them.
One of these journals was published in 1768 — Viaje al estrecho de
Magallanes por el Capitan Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa en los anos 1579
y 1580. Sarmiento sighted Cape St. Vincent on August 15th, 1580,
and on his arrival in Spain he proposed to Philip II that the straits
should be fortified, to prevent the English from passing. His plan was
approved. A great fleet was despatched from Seville, under the com
mand of Diego Flores de Valdes, and Sarmiento went in one of the ships
to plant a colony in the straits. It was not until 1584 that Sarmiento
landed with four hundred men and thirty women ; but he was soon
afterwards driven out of the strait by a gale, leaving the colonists on
shore. He was taken prisoner by the English and brought to London
in 1585, but was liberated by order of the Queen. Sarmiento was
afterwards serving in the Philippine Islands.
* November 3rd, 1579. 3 September 26th, 1580.
* Don Fernando Torres y Portugal, Count of Vilkr, succeeded to the

336 SPANISH ACCOUNT OF THE NAVAL ACTION
Candi, entered by the same strait.1 He anchored in the port
of Valparaiso (which is the principal port of the kingdom of
Chile), and was attacked by a troop of Spaniards.2 They
caught the English off their guard, and, killing fourteen,
obliged Tomas to continue his voyage with much despite.
He seized some vessels at anchor, on whose crews he
avenged himself for the recent attack. The Viceroy was
presently informed of his arrival, and he armed three good
ships, which were sent in chase. Other precautions were
takenfor the pursuit of the pirates, and for giving notice by
land and sea. The Audiencia of Quito sent soldiers to
Guayaquil, where, finding the enemies on shore, six more
were killed.3 This ship departed full of alarm at this second
misfortune, and the ships of Lima, after a fruitless search,
arrived at Panama. The Englishman sailed along the coast
of Nicaragua, and went thence to the Cape of San Lucas of
California, in a height of 22|° N.4 There he waited for the
ship Santa Ana, that was coming from the Filipinas with a
rich cargo. He found her (that sea being pacific) without a
sword, and quite secure from such a mishap. Candi went
viceregal chair in 1586, and was succeeded by the Marquis of Cafiete in
1590. 1 Thomas Cavendish sailed from Plymouth on July 21st, 1586, with
three ships, the Desire (120 tons), Content (sixty tons), and Hugh Gal
lant (forty tons). Cavendish found the colony left in the straits by
Sarmiento, but all were dead except eighteen. He cruelly left the sur
vivors to their fate, and proceeded on his voyage. On March 18th,
1587, he arrived at Quintero, close to Valparaiso.
3 It was on the 1st of April that the watering party of Cavendish was
attacked by two hundred Spanish horsemen ; and the English acknow
ledged to the loss of twelve men.
* Cavendish was at anchor off the island of Puna, in the Gulf of
Guayaquil. Twenty of his men were on shore, scattered about, when
they were suddenly attacked by Spanish soldiers who had landed on the
other side of the island. Seven of the English were killed, two were
drowned, and three taken prisoners. This was on June 2nd, 1587.
4 Cape San Lucas, the southern point of California, is in 22° 52' N.
and 109° 53' W.

BETWEEN HAWKINS AND BELTRAN DE CASTRO. 337
on board, seized on everything, and landed all the crew ex
cept a priest whom he hanged.1 He then examined all the
cargo, item by item. He found a large sum in gold, and,
selecting the most valuable part of the cargo, he threw the
rest into the sea. Lastly, he set fire to the ship, and sailed
on towards the Filipinas, where he seized an Indian who
showed him a passage by which he passed between the two
islands of Taprobane and Java Major, a strait called Fundia.2
Finally, he arrived at London with his sails made of green
damask, and all his sailors dressed in silk, to the general
delight of that city.3
Such were the results of the two first entries of these
pirates whom (envious of their good luck) Ricardo Aquines,
also an Englishman, desired to imitate. This man, with a
famous ship called the Linda,1 entered by the strait, in the
narrows of which he lost two other vessels which came with
him, in the year 1594. He arrived at Valparaiso in need of
provisions and other necessaries. Here he found five vessels
off their guard, laden with provisions, cordage, and other
stores. They surrendered without offering any resistance.
He enjoyed himself for some days in this port, and at the
' The English accounts say nothing about hanging priests.
2 Sunda.
3 According to the English account, the prize, taken off Cape San
Lucas by Cavendish, made a gallant resistance. She. was captured on
November 14th, 1587. Her cargo consisted of 122,000 pesos of gold,
satins, silks, and musk. Cavendish landed the crew and passengers,
numbering 190 souls, at Aguada Segura, a port near Cape San Lucas.
He then set the ship on fire and sailed away, but the unfortunate
people, who had been put on shore, managed to extinguish the flames,
and they escaped in her to Acapulco. (See Torquemada, Monarquia
Indiana, v, cap. 48.) The Content parted company with Cavendish's
ship, the Desire, soon afterwards, and was never heard of again. The
Desire sighted the Philippines on January 14th, 1588. Cavendish re
turned to Plymouth on June 20th, 1588. The English account of the
voyage of Cavendish is written by F. Pretty (Hakluyt, iii, p. 800).
Nautical remarks were also made by T. Fuller (Hakluyt, iii, p. 827).
• The Dainty.

338 SPANISH ACCOUNT OP THE NAVAL ACTION
end of them, wishing to depart, he came to an agreement
with the people regarding the ransom of their vessels; with
out considering that he was setting those at liberty who
could give notice of his arrival. Such was the opinion he
had of his ship (as being so well armed and manned), and
so cheap did he hold the maritime resources of all Peru.
The Viceroy, Don Garcia, received news of this with all
despatch, and although the tidings found him in bed, suffer
ing from an attack of illness, he rose up at once, his first
care being to send orders to collect the guards of lances and
arquebuses at the port of Callao, to the end that it might
be secure. He also gave commissions, as captains, to three
soldiers who were experienced in martial affairs. Their
names were Pulgar, Manrique, and Plaza. They had orders
to raise a hundred soldiers each, and to man tbe ships
which were being fitted out with all despatch. The Mar
quis, not altogether relying upon the diligence of the officers
whom he had sent, went himself with a few attendants, on
the following day, to see after everything, in spite of a fit
of gout which he was suffering from at the time.
He made arrangements, on his arrival, for all necessary
stores being provided for the equipment of the ships, and
caused a packet to be despatched at once to convey the
news, with all diligence, from port to port, so that the
enemy might take no one unawares, and then to proceed
onward to Guatemala and Mexico. He sent another vessel
to Panama, that Don Fernando de Cordova might be ready
with his squadron to hinder the Englishman if he should
attempt to pass that way. Having made these arrange
ments by sea, the Viceroy sent various chasquis (who are
very swift Indian couriers on foot) up the coast, ordering
them also to go inland, so that all people might be on the
look out for the pirate, and that he might not be able to
escape by any means.
Ho then put Lima in a state of defence, for he desired

BETWEEN HAWKINS AND BELTRAN DE CASTRO. 339
above all things to take advantage of this occasion to prove
his power. Callao was left, by the Viceroy, in charge of
Doctor Alonzo, a native of Castile, and senior Judge of the
Royal Audience of Lima, as his lieutenant. The Doctor
was distinguished for his learning and virtue, and fit for
any charge that might be entrusted to him, careful, active,
and efficient. Every afternoon two companies of guards
entered the city, the recruits being exercised in the use of
arms almost every day. Besides these and other import
ant preparations, three strong ships were fitted out with
everything necessary for the work they were to do. Sixty
bronze pieces were divided between the Capitana and the
Almiranta; four others being assigned as a broadside for
the galleon San Juan, The three above-named captains,
having raised their men, proceeded with them to the port,
ready to embark the moment the order was given. Besides
this body of three hundred men, several young gentlemen
volunteered for the service, among whom were Lorenzo de
Heredia, who embarked with ten soldiers maintained at his
own cost ; and Don Francisco de la Cueva,1 with almost as
many raised on the same terms.
The Viceroy nominated Don Beltran de Castro y de la
Cueva,2 as commander of the expedition, a son of the Count
of Lemos, and his own brother-in-law. Don Beltran was an
officer of distinguished talent and capacity equal to the
greatest undertakings; as was proved by his former ser
vices. He was at Milan in the days when that province
was governed, with so much ability, by his uncle, Don
Gabriel de la Cueva, Duke of Albuquerque.3 Knowing his
1 A kinsman of the General Don Beltran de Castro. See p. 326.
2 Castro was his paternal surname, and La Cueva that of his mother.
3 Don Beltran's mother, the Countess of Lemos, was Dofia Leonora
de la Cueva, a daughter of Don Beltran de la Cueva, third Duke of
Albuquerque ; and sister of Francisco, the fourth Duke. The wife of
the fourth Duke was Constance de Leyva, daughter of Antonio de

340 SPANISH ACCOUNT OF THE NAVAL ACTION
talent, the Duke appointed him, when only twenty-two
years of age, to the command of an army which was sent by
order of His Majesty to take Final. The selection of Don
Beltran, by the Viceroy, as General of the expedition, was
approved by all, and he was not long before his deeds justi
fied the appointment. He was scarcely appointed before
he set out for the port, and devoted himself to the prepara
tion of the fleet, without ever leaving the sea shore, morn
ing or evening.
He completed the fitting out with marvellous rapidity, so
that in the course of eight days all was ready, a thing almost
incredible when the amount cf work to be done is considered.
The Viceroy was of opinion that, of the two kinds of war,
the offensive is always better than the defensive. He was
accustomed to say that the assailant finds himself prepared,
and provided with everything necessary for the encounter ;
while he who waits to be attacked is generally unready,
because he has to make preparations and defend himself by
force. He would add too that, after a long march, there is
deterioration in all the equipment of soldiers, in provisions,
artillery, and stores, and everything else necessary for de
fence ; while the men on the defensive, are not working of
their own accord but from necessity. Moreover, the towns
that are threatened suffer infinitely from constant fear of
life, without any hope of gain.
At last the three galleons were ready and weU provided
;with soldiers, priests, arms, stores, and provisions, and they
only waited for favourable weather to make sail. In the
meanwhile the Marquis wished to honour the expedition with
his presence. He, therefore, went to Callao and, getting
into his baot, pulled towards the ships. On his approach
the ships fired off all their pieces, and very high mountains
of smoke ascended, while cheers resounded on all sides.
Leyva, Prince of Asculi, Governor of Milan, and Captain- General of
Italy.

BETWEEN HAWKINS AND BELTRAN DE CASTRO. 341
The Viceroy visited them all, inciting the men and cheering
them with his speeches. Finally, he returned to the shore,
and, according to custom, the last gun was fired, and the
ships sailed shortly afterwards, the three keeping company
until they were out of sight.
Don Beltran had scarcely disappeared when the Viceroy
received the news that Ricardo had appeared off Arica, with
three ships. A fisherman brought this intelligence, from
whom the pirate had taken a supply of fish, and then given
him his liberty.1 It was supposed that the two other vessels
might be the Almiranta, and another that was reported to
have been lost in the straits. It, therefore, seemed good to
the Viceroy to take some further precautions. He, there
fore, prepared a "galizabra",3 built by his orders at Callao,
together with another galleon and a brigantine. These were
supplied with all necessaries, and their duty was to protect
the thirty ships and packet boats that were in that port, so
entirely without defence that one small vessel might almost
have taken them all. The new vessels would also be in a posi
tion to reinforce the first fleet, and to fill up vacancies caused
by any accidents. The coast was garrisoned, and all
watched with such diligence that the pirate had scarcely
been seen before the news had been announced to each
port, being sent from one to the other by means of flaming
beacons. This constant vigilance was the reason why Aquines did
not venture on shore, being fearful of destruction, as he saw
the beaches crowded with cavalry, which was what caused
most dismay to the enemy. Thus he had to continue his
voyage without being able to do any harm, until he arrived
1 Sir Richard gives an account of the capture of this fisherman.
See p. 251.
2 The Dictionary of the Spanish Academy describes a "zabra" as a
kind of small frigate used in the Bay of Biscay. The compound word,
" galizabra" is not given.

342 SPANISH ACCOUNT OF THE NAVAL ACTION
off Chincha,1 which is a place at a distance of thirty leagues
from Lima. Thence a runner set out to the Viceroy with
the news, which was at once forwarded to his brother-in-
law. During the twelve days that he had been at sea Don
Beltran had not been able to obtain any news of Ricardo":
so that, when the intelligence reached him, he altered his
course with great joy, and steered towards the land. It was
at dawn, one day, that he discovered the pirate under the
land ; but the enemy had got the first sight of our fleet,
and strove to escape with all speed, by hauling his wind.
Don Beltran wished to get the wind, but it was impossible,
because a storm arose almost at the same time. Neverthe
less he did his best to follow in spite of a heavy sea, until
the gale increased and, losing sight of tbe chase, it was as
much as he could do to save his own ships. This storm was
considered to have been the greatest that had ever been
encountered in those parts. It obliged the fleet, which was
to follow Ricardo, to return to the port whence they had
sailed, where they arrived in a very damaged condition.
Nor did the tempest spare the fugitive, for those on board
were obliged to throw part of the cargo overboard in order
to save her.
On his arrival at Callao, Don Beltran was easily able to
refit, owing to the preparations that had been made by the
Viceroy. He got ready to sail again without loss of time,
but it was necessary to make some change in the vessels.
The ship which had previously been the Almiranta was
selected for Gapitana, while the Galizabra, a small but
beautiful vessel, was chosen for Almiranta. To these was
added a launch for use in seeking out creeks and anchorages.
Miguel Anjel Filipon accompanied the General. He was a
famous pilot and, although a stranger, was a man of great
trust. On the day when the embarkation commenced there
1 The rich coast valley of Chincha is between those of Cafiete and
Pisco. The distance from Lima is correctly stated in the text.

BETWEEN HAWKINS AND BELTRAN DE CASTRO. 343
was a heavy sea, so that the work was performed with diffi
culty, as the beach is full of large pebbles. There were
many accidents, and people were killed and hurt in going
off to the ships. The Viceroy, in great anxiety, rode up
and down the seashore on horseback, watching the em
barkation, and he saw one man in extreme peril. His
humanity would not allow him to neglect his accustomed
office, so, getting off his horse, and rushing into the water
up to his knees, he strove to save the man. Fired by his
example, others dashed into the sea without regard to their
costly clothes, and the soldiers of the guard doing the same
with their halberds, the man was rescued from his perilous
position. The embarkation was completed at a distance of
two musket shots above the port.
At the first favorable wind the fleet sailed again, approach
ing the shore whenever there was a chance, to see whether
Aquines was cruising under the land, or was at anchor in
any bay or creek. A point had scarcely been doubled on a
certain day, being the vespers of Santa Isabel,1 at about
four in the afternoon, when the enemy was discovered in
the bay of San Mateo, which is on the coast of Esmeraldas.2
Aquines saw the two ships and, supposing that they were
not men of war, but suited for plunder, he prepared to
capture them. He only had one ship and a launch, for con-
1 This is a mistake. Sir Richard tells us that the surrender took place
on the day of the Visitation of the Virgin Mary, which is the 2nd of
July. This, no doubt, is correct ; but, in other respects, Sir Richard,
when he wrote his book, had lost account of the dates. He gives the
date of the action as June 22nd. Suarez de Figueroa is wrong about
the vespers of Santa Isabel, which are on the 18th of November.
2 On the coast of the province of Quito. Cape San Francisco is a
high bluff, clothed with tall trees. The land then trends north to Galera
Point, and thence N.N.E. Atacames is a small town, twelve miles from
Point Galera, in 0° 57' BO" N, and fourteen miles N.E. is the entrance
to the Esmeraldas river. Verde Point is a cliffy bluff, thirteen miles
east of Esmeraldas, and the intervening coast forms the bay of San
Mateo, in about 1° 10' N. latitude.

344 SPANISH ACCOUNT OF THE NAVAL ACTION
sidering that the two other ships, with which he appeared
at Arica, would be a hindrance to his voyage, he had brought
them no further.1 The pirate, without leaving his position,
sent his captain to reconnoitre the vessels that had come in
sight. He did so, and approached within a little less than
a cannon shot. Don Beltran, at the same time, had ordered
his Admiral Lorenzo de Heredia to advance with the Ga
lizabra to meet the enemy. He also gave instructions that,
as his vessel was small, he should take up a position inshore,
while, at the same time, Don Beltran selected a station to
seaward of the enemy. The Almiranta fired off three pieces
which, without doing any harm to the reconnoitring vessel,
merely served to warn him that the strangers were enemies.
The English captain returned, with sails and oars, to where
Ricardo was waiting for him ; and delivered a brief report
of what had happened. Instantly weighing his anchors, and
sounding a loud trumpet, Ricardo then came forth to do
battle with the strangers. As he approached, the Gapitana
discharged the guns on the port side, and then going about
fired two guns, from the poop, the shot from which hit the
English ship. Presently the Galizabra came up, and dis
charging six guns at one time, the mizen was cut away and
fell into the sea. The pirate sheered off, and again opening
fire, two negros and two sailors on board the Gapitana, who
were on the poop hauling aft the sheet, were cut in two
near the bitts. This discharge was followed up so quickly
by another that the ship of Don Beltran de Castro was
hardly pressed. At this time the Galizabra, which had been
chasing the launch, came up with the intention of running
into the enemy, but the attempt turned out badly ; for
Ricardo defended his ship with renewed valour, shooting
away the main mast of his assailant and killing fourteen
men. The ships then sheered off from each other somewhat and,
1 This is a mistake. He had no other ships with him at Arica.

BETWEEN HAWKINS AND BELTRAN DE CASTRO. 345
the night coming on, those of the King followed Aquines,
keeping a good look-out, and firing off their guns from time
to time. At dusk they began the work of attending to the
wounded, and of throwing the dead into the sea. The Ga
lizabra rigged a jury main mast, and in the morning (being
the day of the Visitation), she opened fire on the enemy,
with all her guns and muskets. Presently Don Beltran came
up, also firing off his pieces, but the enemy replied with so
terrible a discharge that one ball shot away the figure head
and another entered the dead wood, passing out on the other
side without doing any harm. Having exchanged these
shots, the vessels came along side each other and were so
close that the gallant Hawkins himself seized the royal
standard by means of a bowline knot which he threw over it.
But the attempt failed, as Diego de Avila, Juan Manrique,
Pedro de Reinalte, Juan Velazquez, and others came to
the rescue, and defended it valorously. The Englishman
paid for his audacity by two wounds, one in the neck and
the other in the arm, both received from gun shots. At
this moment the Galizabra attempted to run alongside, but
the enemy hurled two harpoons into her sails, and four in
board, killing the Oondestable and two sailors. The men
in the Galizabra were not, however, dismayed; but, per
severing in their attempt, they grappled the enemy and
boarded her. The first to reach her deck were Juan Ban-
tista Montanes and Juan de Torres Portugal, both valiant
soldiers. The captain of the ship opposed the entry of
Torres with a shield and sword, but, after some blows and
wounds dealt on both sides, the Englishman fell on his back,
giving place to the Spaniard to pass onwards. Meanwhile,
Juan Bantista had killed two and driven others backwards
until they were forced into the cabin under the poop, where
they continued their resistance with signal courage. Finally
they received quarter, the Gapitana having also boarded,
and sent her men into the enemy's ship.

346 SPANISH ACCOUNT OF THE NAVAL ACTION
The prize was a ship of 400 tons, most beautiful in all her
parts. She carried for arms on the stern a negress with
gilt ornaments. Miguel Anjel Filipon repaired her that night,
lest she should go to the bottom, as she was badly damaged,
for this purpose heaving her to. Captain Pulgar1 captured
Ricardo, who was sent on board the Gapitana with others
of highest rank. They arrived at Panama on tbe following
day,2 \yhere they were well received by Don Francisco de
Cardenas,3 the President of that Chancery. The wounded
were brought into the city, some in litters and others on
horseback, while those who were unhurt remained with the
prisoners, in the street of the caulkers.4. The victorious
Don Beltran caused the refit of the ships to be hurried
forward, and he sent forward the news of his success to the
Viceroy. Finally, he departed for Lima and, on arriving
at Payta, he received an order from the Marquis that
Captain Plaza should bring the English prisoners to Callao
in a ship that was waiting there. In all there were 120.
Out of these ninety escaped out of the battle, and of these
seventeen were wounded. In the Gapitana there were five
kiUed and four wounded.. In the Galizabra twenty-three
were killed, twelve wounded, and six burnt or scorched.
In this action two things happened which are worthy of
memory. One was that while the enemy was playing on
the Gapitana with his artillery, a ball hit the port main tack
and then kiUed a gunner who was loading a piece, and
1 Pedro Alvarez de Pulgar, "a principal captain brought up long
time in Flanders", as Sir Richard tells us.
2 The distance from the bay of San Mateo to Panama is five hundred
miles ; and the passage must have occupied nearer a fortnight than a
day. San Mateo is in 1° 10' N. and 80° 35' W. Panama in 9° N. and
79° 28' W. Sir Richard tells us that they did not sight the Pearl Islands
until the twelfth day. Ihey anchored off Panama on July 9th.
8 The Licentiate Francisco de Cardenas was the tenth President and
Governor of Tierra Firme. He died at Panama in 1594.
' Calle de los calafates.

BETWEEN HAWKINS AND BELTRAN DE CASTRO. 347
passing onwards it struck another and carried away nearly
all the skin of his belly. This last man was a Biscayan of
the age of sixty years, named Encinel. Undismayed by seeing
his own intestines lost to him, and without assistance, he
gathered them back, fastened them in with a pocket hand
kerchief, and turning to finish the duty on which he was
engaged, he fired off the piece with as much spirit and vigour
as if he had not been wounded. The other was that, when
they were boarding the enemy's ship a certain Italian, named
Jorje, received a musket wound in the left hand. He looked
on the hand with indignation, and without desisting from
his intention, he entered the ship; where he fought despe
rately with his right hand, and dashed the socket of the left
against those he encountered, covering the bodies and faces
of the enemy with blood.1
All Peru rejoiced at this victory, and that the enemies of
our holy faith should have been captured in that sea, a thing
which had never before happened. The general dread in
which the enemy used to be held was lost, and all the good
fortune was attributed to the wonderful promptitude and
resolution displayed by the Marquis. He at once sent a
report of the victory to his Majesty, who replied in a letter,
also containing other matters, the tenor of which was as
follows: —
" The King.
" Marquis of Cafiete, — The letters which you have written
to me on the 15th of May, 1590, and the 20th of January
of the present year, both on subjects relating to war, have
been received, and in this I shaU reply to them.
1 These two memorable acts are celebrated by Doctor Pedro de
Peralta Barneuvo, in his Lima Fundada, I, Canto v-lx. p. 193 (Lima,
1732) :— " Assaltara sin manos la osadia
Peleara descubiertas las entrafias."

348 SPANISH ACCOUNT OF THE NAVAL ACTION
" I have felt much satisfaction on receiving the news of
the success which Don Beltran de Castro obtained over the
English General Ricardo who entered that sea by the strait
of Magellan. The event is of great importance, as well
because his designs were frustrated, as that from this time
the enemy will hesitate to undertake similar enterprises from
dread of loss and punishment. I highly appreciate the dili
gence with which you caused him to be followed, and sent
the news to me ; and I also approve of the good service of
Don Beltran, and that which he did for me in foregoing the
claim he might have to a share of the ship and artillery. You
will say this to him from me, and that I will keep the one and
the other in memory, for showing him favor when an oppor
tunity occurs.
"As regards the punishment of the General and of the
others who were captured in the said ship, you inform me
that they have been claimed by the Inquisition, but that as you
had no instructions from me as to their disposal, you have put
off compliance with the requisition of the Holy Office, and
the delivery ofthe said General to the ' auto'.1 Tou under
stand that he is a person of quality. In this matter I desire
that justice may be done conformably to the quality of the
persons. " You inform me that, on this occasion of the capture of
the English ship, the gunners who were in the fleet per
formed their duties very well. You should arrange to re
tain their services. With reference to the General Miguel
Angel Filipon, whom you also report to have worked well on
the above occasion, I shall give orders that a note may be
made with a view to rewarding him when an opportunity
1 Tribunals of the Inquisition were established at Lima and Mexico
in 1571, on the model of the Tribunal in Spain. The Royal Order,
signed by Philip II, was dated at Madrid on August 16th, 1570.
Another was afterwards formed at Carthagena. For an account of these
Tribunals, see Solorzano Polit. Ind., lib. iv, cap. xxiv.

BETWEEN HAWKINS AND BELTRAN DE CASTRO. 349
offers. Touching the other captains and soldiers who, as
you say, distinguished themselves in the action, you will
send me a special report as to their various merits, that I
may make such arrangements .concerning them as may seem
convenient. " You say that, it being necessary to repair the Gapitana,
being the ship to which the English surrendered, you have
ordered the Captain Andres Gomez, the master of her (who
fought well and was among the first who boarded the
enemy's ship), to repair her. Although he made an agree
ment respecting this work, yet he produced a very strong
galleon on which he spent his own money and that of his
friends. The great expense to which he has been put was
represented to you, to the Audience, and to the royal
officers, but you have not determined to grant the remuner
ation he seeks. You, therefore, apply for orders. In this
matter you will, jointly with the Audience, ascertain what
grant it will be just to make to the said Andres Gomez, and
report to me, that I may, on receiving a statement of the
merits of the case, grant the reward that may be proper.
From Madrid on the 17th of December, 1595.
"I, the King.
"By order of the King, our Lord, Juan de Ibarra."

THE JOURNALS or
CAPTAIN WILLIAM HAWKINS
(JUNR.)

I.— JOURNAL OF THE VOYAGE UNDER CAPTAIN FENTON, 1582
(MS., Oiho, Eviii).
II.— JOURNAL IN THE HECTOR, IN THE THIRD E.I.C. VOYAGE, 1606
(MS., Eobriok, 2100).
III.- RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING HIS RESIDENCE
IN INDIA, 1608
(PVBCHAS).

Journal of William Hawkins, Lieutenant-General in
Fenton's Voyage, intended for the East Indies, 1582.

[British Museum MS., Otho E. viii. Manuscript much mutilated by
fire.-]
 x]ixth of Maye 1582 we departed from 
The seconde of Juyfi 1582 wee departed out of 
into woh porte wee came by meanes of a contra[rie 
theare the generall wolde have left behind hym Mr. T.
 Blackcoller Pilatte wth Capiteyne Drake, Will-
yam  and the barke flrancys : saying that he
had better ma  wyth imborde then auny of those,
and that yf neede weare  put in wth ffalmouth for
as good as they. The company  sayed, that
they wold not go to sea wythout them, by 
knewe the voyage must be perfourmed, and made mar
 Then they seeing the Bark ffranncys comyng
towardes  they did cast about.
After my comyng aborde agayne, because I lefte Kyrk-
man  me for querelling I had not from that tyme
till my comyng  any good countenaunce.
The xvith of Juyfi 1582 wee had sight of the Canaries.
The xxvith of the same monethe we fell with Bonavista
one of the Islandes of Cape de Verde wheare we might haue
watered, but they wolde not staye.
The xxth of Julye 1582 we fell wth the coast of Guynny :
the wether was heave, so fowle as for foure or fyve daies we
colde not take the heigthe.

354 JOURNAL OF THE VOYAGE
The xth of August 1582 we ankered in Soraleon Riuer1 at
night and the seconde of September we departed out of this
harborough. The fourthe of Septembre 1582 we came in agayne to the
same harbrough (sic) the pretence whearof as yet not
knowen to me (I was not made acquaynted wyth our comyng
yn). All the buesines woh wee did in this place might
haue been doon in lesse than xxt9 daies, Mr. Walker
preacher, Mr. Evans marchant, Mr. Fayrewether, and Will-
yam Hawkins were more enuied at then annye of the rest
wtt daylie reproache of spightfull wonrdes.
 the xxvith of Septembre 1582  [Mr.
Wa]lker tolde me that he had a matter to let me 
wolde not make it knowen : saying that the voya[ge]
 in was broken cleane, and that from oure first
depa[rture  they weare determyned not to pro-
ceede in that ace  in : but in an other woh sholde
be more profytable  and of theire owne devising.
I aunswering saied that  be a good voyage of
their device wch never weare out of the  owne
chymbneys, or from their mothers pappes in respect of
 In replie whearof he sayed that the generall
was determyn  in St. Helena and to possesse the
same, and theare to be p  kyng, promysing great
rewardes to all the well willers  consent to the
same: as first Capen Warde 10,000Z. C  5,000,
Com' Walker 2,000 Comr Maddocks 2,000  pay
ment of this money he was determyned to haue taken the
 Armathos yf he colde.
I aunswered, will the generall make so light of or artycles
as  in this ordre wch weare set down by so many
good vertuous  and those wch we aught, wyth all
reverence to follow and obey in  dements for
that they are for the benefyte and profyte of the coition
1 Sierra Leone.

UNDER CAPTAIN FENTON. 355
w  also oure profyts. (Let vs travayle thearin
as honest men : and  to the dyscredyt of others
that do the contrarye.)
Walker (replying) aunswered : well there is nowe no
remedie  must be content as wee all are: but
w1* gods assistaunce I w[ill]  wythin thiese two
daies what I can do wth my Cap11 toching this ma[tter].
Mr. Walker being in great agonye aboutes this matter,
came to his Capn  the daye following being in
his Cabyon, and fell downe upon his. knees and besought
hym for god sake that he wolde not geeve his consent to
thi[s] determynacon, and with teares made Mr. Warde to
promyse him, that he wolde proceede in the voyage wee
weare sent in let generall do what he wolde. Saied Capn
Warde to morrowe I will go to the generall and knowe his
minde what he meaneth to do and will tell hym playne my
mynde. The generall being not hable to do this feat wthout
Capen Warde, saied then that he wolde go back agayne to
the Islands of Cape de Verde to fetche some wyne, wch was
onelye a device to pick and steale.
 seconde of October 1582 we departed 
The first of Nouembre we past the equinoctiall lyne

The first of Decembre we Ankered in a Baye in 
 to the Sonthwardes of the lyne. Theare oure gene
rall  a Barck to be taken woh we sawe at sea.
The xiith of the same moneth they departed out of that
 determynacon (in outwarde shewe) of the
generall and  for the Straightes. But in verye
deede (as it afterwards  nothing at all ment,
bat dissembled for a further pollycye  blynde
their company e).
For in truthe, this make'th the sayinge of some of our
companye  thought true, which saied that this

356 JOURNAL OP THF, VOYAGE
honourable voyage (the more  the pyttie) was
baught and solde by the Spanyards frendes or sp 
themselfes before oure comyng out of Englande. Wee
think tha[t] they canne scarce aunswere it at their comyng
home wch did it:  but some of them care not
whether ever they see England, or no.
The xixth of Decembre 1582 we weare in 33 de
grees £.
The same xixth of Decembre the generall called Capen
Warde wth the rest to thinck what was best to be doon in
or proceedings : the matter being longe before determyned
by thro or foure of them. Then casting a doubt of the
Spanyshe Fleete, and of meeting them being as wee after-
wardes vnderstoode to be to the northewarde of us 150
legues. This they made a suffycyent cawse to breake of
the voyage, alleaging also that they wanted many things
the woh they wolde supplye in St. Vincents. This color of
oure want and to refreshe, it was nothing but becawse they
wolde go back agayne (as we after found it most true) for
traffique for sugar, and being in St. Vincents he was
not hable longer to deteyne the matter, but it all bu'st
out what myne opynyon was toching oure going back
agayne. For my parte (the wants of our victuells every way con
sidered, as of water-casks, wyne, and other necessaryes) we
are inforced with gods assistaunce to geeve th' adventure
through the Straigtes of Magalan into the South Sea, in
hoape of a good releefe for our money : whereas going by
Cap Bona speransa, or back agayne for Brasel. There was
no hoape to speed for money or love, becawse the contrey
 also the chiefe time of the yeare 
gods help, and in his feare to proceede  obiec-
tion to the contrarye to be alleaged  Bon spe
ransa or back home agayne, I thinke  and other
defaltes we as neyther waye hable to 

UNDER CAPTAIN FENTON. 357
The names of those woh semed willing . .
 of Decembre to go through the
Straights  in two dayes weare
cleane turned the  yet to vs un
known : are
The GeneraU. The Edwards two 
Luke Warde. The Mr of the E 
Nich^ Parker
Richard Maddock Preacher
Chr^ofer Hall Mr of the Gallyon
The names of such as gaue not their con-
sen [t]  go back : becawse they
knewe that yf the oport  and time
of the yeare weare neglected :  not
possible oure voyage sholde be made for
 Molocos j becawse or men and
victuells weare  „. everye daye to
decaye.
Willra. Hawkins
John Walker mynyster
ThomasThomas Blackoller
Mathew Talbuthe
John Drake
Richard Farewether Mr of the ffrancys.
The xxth of Decembre 1582 oure Generall Bare vp w*11 St.
Vincents being in heigth 33 degrees £. The next daye the
wynde was contrarye to go to the northwardes and so con-
tynued three 
xith and xii ofthe clock 
XXth of Januarye we ankered in 
In the harbrough the Portingales daylie reported 
 that they weare nowe the King of Spayne his Subjects
 fore they durst not neyther wolde they traffique

} Pilots

358 JOURNAL OF THE VOYAGE
wyth v  Notwythstanding the vice Roye pro-
mysed vs soche loves  as sholde be a good re-
fresshing : But this fell out in the  but delayes
for a further myschief: we had nothing heere 
hogge and a small Bullock.
The xxiiiith theare came into vs Thre Spanysh shippes
w  determyned to have taken vs wch afterwardes
we vnderstoode  of theire owne menne : Thiese
shippes were sent from Don  generall of the
Spanysh Fleete to searche the coast, and yf they 
fynde vs to take vs.
Theare weare in thies three shippes .670 and odde menne,
and they weare in burthen as foUoweth. The Admyrall
.500 tonnes. The vice admyrall 400. The thirde being in
burthen .600 tonnes was worthe bothe the other : she was a
newe ship. They began to fight wyth vs aboutes tenne of
the clock at night, and contynued verye extreame till noone
the next daye : Their vice admyrall wee did sink : Theare
weare of our menne slayne in bothe shippes six or eight ;
and more then twenty hurte. They had of theirs slayne
above Cth (100) menne and manye wounded. This we
vnderstoode at Spirito Sancto of the Portingales when we
watered theare.
Being afterwardes at Sea our Generall wrauget soch ordre
bearing vp before euerye wynde that blewe : His mynde was
so trobled that wee weare 25 dayes and more ere wee did
get to the northwards 200 leagues, woh wolde not haue re
quired halfe the tyme (he tooke this on hym for a vayne
glorye, being laughed at of every man almost becawse all
knewe that he vnderstoode not what he did).
The xxiith of ffebruarye we ffell wyth lande being the
Lande of Spirito Sancto.
The same night we ankered in the mouth of the River.
 dayes after wee weare  for King
Phillip : yet they span  of thre halfe-pence the

UNDER CAPTAIN FENTON. 359
pounde : ffor  things we had theare, the mar-
chants saied that w  tymes the vallewe good
marchants to bring a m 
When we weare reddy to departe the proffered 
... for 500 Rooves of Sugar, but no more wch was 
poUycye to deferre the tyme till the Spanyardes sh[oulde]
 vs : and some of their companye did tell vs as
moche tha[t]  wolde be thre shippes wythin
foure dayes wch sholde come  Januarie. This
tretcherye was like to that woh they sh[ewed] vs in St.
Vincent. They also did tell vs that theare was of late killed in
 Vincent .100 Spanyards, woh indeed was true,
for  selves had done it though we made no boast
thearof theare 
Sugar was worth in Spirito Sancto 2 ducats \ 
Roove, being for the most parte in poulder.
The iiiith of marche theare came a Portingale bark 
 the Roade by vs from Januarie as they saide, but
 from San Eta in St. Vincent as afterwards they
confessed 
The same daye the Generall received two sheetes of pap[er]
full wrytten from the vice Roye of Sancto Spirito sub
scribed] wyth the handes of six or seuen severall men
woh I judge to [be] the Assistants of the saide vice Roye :
but what it toched I do not knowe. Albeit the Portingales
forewarned vs to looke to our selfes.
The fyveth of march in the morning we departed out of
Spirito Sancto Roade heigthe .20d and ¦§•.
In this harbrough what our generall did he kept to hym-
selfe many [let]tres weare sent, received, and aunswered.
The second day of this march I craved leave of the Generall
to go a shore to the watering-place to take the Soone, but
he denyed me, and at 

360 JOURNAL OF THE VOYAGE
The xiiiith of Juyfi 1583 we arryved in Ireland 
stayed ten dayes in Kynsale, and theare was I d 
being requested by divers noble men of the contr[ie]
  them for the space of one howre : and also
wrytten for by  Sent leger, and required by
Capen Bartlet and xiiii6n more gentlemen of good credyt.
The xxvii of Juyfi we ankered in the downes wheare I
wa[s]  reserved wyth Irons from the shore least
I sholde go to my lorde  the letter wcl1 I had
wrytten to my lorde in that place was opened a 
kept from sending by the generall. And two dayes before
that [the] generall coming from the poope comaunded me
in his anger to the Bilbowes wythout any cawse whye : at
woh manyfest wrong  shewed, perceiving hym to
have no reason in hys dealinge, kneeling uppon my knees I
appealed to the Queenes matie praying hym also to followe
her mate Comyssion or ells I said vnto hym that he must
looke to aunsweare this wronge : at wch appeale I called the
whole ship to wytnes : whearat he made but a tushe, ney
ther putting of his cap or vsing anny other reverence at all :
but with vile speches towardes me sayed That yf I spoke
one worde more he wolde dashe me in the teethe, and called
me villeyn sclave, and errant knave, wyth many more vile
wourdes, the wytnessing whearof I referre to the whole
companye. The same xxvii of Juyfi the generall went into my cabban
and tooke from me all my Daggs, one of them being charged
uppon an occasion of two shippes wh gaue vs chace in lykli-
hoode to laye us aborde : comaundement being geven xii
howres before both by the generall and Parker that everye
man sholde be in a reddynes. The great ordynaunces
being prymed, and all or small shot being reddye.
 dynner  of his gentrie abusing as
good as  it was borne. The generall taking
 was more busyer then I needed I aunswered

UNDER CAPTAIN FENTON. 361
 this buesines I do nothing but my duetie, for I
 doth belynge to thys voyage then those such as
he is  was I sent in yt. The generall aunswer-
ing, sayd  a companyon. I knowe yow wel-
ynough I knowe tbe  make tbe voyage, and go
neyther by Cape Bonsperansa  by the straites
of Malegan (sic) and said in further choller 
had three strings to his Bowe wch I knewe not of. I
 I did not knowe one string (yet is it none of
yors). Let vs  oure comyssion, and those
directions woh we have to follow  Counsell and
wee shall do welynough : but as for yo(ur)  I
feare me they will fall out to be made of rotten stuffe
 think. Naye Sr saide he: ffor Sr ffrancys
Drake  knows it as well as he himselfe or anny
of yo» that are h[is]  and I knowe that he is not
hable to do the like againe. He played the Pirate and
Thiefe, do you think I will  Naye I knowe howe
to make my voyage wythout anny of  advise,
thearto saide I yf you string that waye I care 
lesse for yor strings and the sequell show eth that one of
 Imagyned stringes was like to be the dystruc-
tyonofvs  yf god had not been on owre sides :
The Gallyons sides to [wit]  of it, and some of
our menne are slayne, and many wounded. And before
that being at the Sea he asked me : what is the 
Molocos ? I saied those things woh wee are sent for,
 sortes of spices, but specyally cloues. Qd he,
will you and yor companyons assure me w° shal be hable to
lade our shippes when we come thither. Nay (qd I) that is
more then I was demanded of in Englande. Qd he except
you and the rest will insure it me, I will not go thither.
Qd I : Then do  not that yo11 weare sent for, and
I think that it will not be so easelie aunswered as you make
accompt of.

362 JOURNAL OP THE VOYAGE
[Gen]eral. Do thies matters trouble ye 
Hawkins. Generall yor ordre is good I  made
it at the begynnyng : but being doon  weare
home it makes the companye in an vproar  is an
honourable accon overthrowen, yet I thank God that
 lyeth not in me but wheare as it is, when wee
come  the Counsell will pearcive it welynough.
Gen. Yea  It is overthrowen because I wolde
not play the theefe as  the last voyage. Haw.
When God sendeth vs home  ffrauncys and you
must ende that matter, for I haue  to do wyth
it howbeit I gaue more in action than  perhaps
you knowe of, and that maketh me to speake, for 
undoon by the overthrowe of it : but heare for yor place
 I do reverence you, but when we come home,
yf you call  Theefe, I will see howe you canne
justyfie it : for when we  came both fourthe wee
weare gentilemen alike. Gen. Th[ou] shalt not be so good
as I, so long as thou lyvest. Hawkins. What make you of
me then ? Gen. A knave, villeyn, and a Boye. Haw. If I
weare at home, I wolde not be afearde to foUowe you in
anny grounde in Englande : but heare in this place for
quyetness sake I let it passe and will beare every wronge
be it never so great. Gen. Wilt thowe so ? Haw. Yea,
truelye. Then the general wolde have drawen his longe
knyfe and have stabbed Hawkins, and intercepted of that,
he tooke vp his longe staffe and thearwith was ronnying at
Hawkins, but the Mr (Master), Mr Bannester, Mr Cotton, and
Symon Fernando stayed his ffurye. Haw. Truely generall
in this place yore a justice, and this becommeth a governo1
to be a dysordre to the hole. If you canne fynde anny just
cawse agaynst me punysh me by yore ordre whiche is pre
scribed, and let yore weapons passe tille till wee come in
place wheare : for he that cannot holde his handes heare is
not wourthie of the place, I knowe this is but yore olde
quarrell renewed, and so let it go.

UNDER CAPTAIN FENTON. 363
had for the perform  ffor woh speache the gouer
 haue and whensoeuer he did see 
to absent hymself out of the Generall  quyetness
of the hole as all the compa[n]ye  will wytnes
of my side I doubt not.
Wrytten by me willyam hawkins this vi d[ay]
 1583, woh do not desire of myselfe to be
justy  do willingly reserue myselfe to the
report of the companyes of the GaUion, and of the
other two shipp[es]. By me William Ha[wkins],

II.
" A Journal kept by m[e William Hawkins in] my
voyage to the East I[ndies, beginning the 28 of] March
a0 1607, concerning all [that happened vnto] the good
Ship called the [Hector in the saied] Viage, I
being Captaine t[hereof]."

[Egerton MS., 2100.]
1607. March 28. The ship wherin I was Captaine was
[anchored in the downs] wth the dragon Admirall for that
viage, [where we rode till the] 1st day of Aprill and then
wth an Easterly winde we [weighed anchor] and put to sea ;
and vpon the 13th of Aprill we [arrived in Plymouth]
sound, and there anchored till the 16th of Aprill : [when the
Dragon] came thither vnto vs, of whom before we had [lost
the sight].
Aprill 16. The 16th of Aprill at 2 of the clock we sett
saile wth [a prosperous] and faire winde wch blew Easterly,
and hauing sayld clere out of [the] sound, 2 or 3 houres
after we hoysted in or boates and vpon [the] 1 7th of Aprill
we lost the sight of the landes end, the wind north wth a
small gale.
Apr. 20. We had a West and north west winde and found
orselues to be in the height of the north cape and then held
or course South west and by south.
Apr. 21. We obserued the sonne and found or selues to be
24 degrees and steered S.S.W.
Apr. 22. We steered S. and by W. wth a N. and N.W.
wynde and then found or selues to be 40 degrees od
minutes.

JOURNAL in the "hector". 365
Apr. 27. We wth a N. winde steered S. and by W. and
found the sunne to be 55 degrees and 25 minutes.
Apr. 28. We wth a N. winde and a small gale obserued
the sunne and found it in 31 degrees and 26 minutes and
helde S.S.W.
Apr. 29. Saluages. We had sight of a small Island called
the Saluages and upon the sight wherof we altered or course
and steered S. and by E.
Apr. 30. Tenerife. We had a sight of Tenerife and held
S. [and about] evening we found [the] grand canaries to be
on or broad side.
May 1, 2, 3. We steered S.W. and by S. and S.S.W.
and obseruing  about t[hat]  at noon
we found or selves to be entered the [tropic of cancer].
May 6. We still continuing our course in the m [ornin]g
 we saw an Island called bona Vista and about
4 of the clock [the same day] we saw Mayo, and the 7th day
we anchored there to see if there w[e could] find any fresh
water and victalles as goates woh that Island only affordeth
to refreshe or men, where we bought some, but found no
water to serve our turns.
May 8. We set sayle and continued in or course wth
variable wind and severall 
May 25. Course held as tyme served till the 25th of May
and then or course S.W. wth a small E. wynde we observed
the sonne to be  the equinoctiall line.
May 29. Wth a scant winde, so that we could hold but E.
and E. [by North] and tooke the sonne and found or selves
to be und[er 2 degrees].
June 2. Wth an E. wynde as before we found that we
[had p] 
June 6. We had a calme wth a small E. wynde and th'day
[we passed a] small Island called Firnando Larania at sight
[whearof] 
June 7. We observed the sunne and found or selves to

366 JOURNAL IN THE "HECTOR",
 he un[der]  minutes to the South
ward of the equinoctiall 
June 8. Were in 5 degrees and 48 minutes.
June 10. The winde scanting came up to the 
found that we held or course to mu[ch]  to, the
coast of Brasill and so ta[ckt about]  close
E.N.E. till 4 of the clock and  [coming] more
Easterly and steering S. and by East wth a gusty wynde
and [much] rayne wch made us spring or maine top mast and
fowle weat[her] all that night and so sayling forward till the
[morning] wth a slack S.W. wynde we sayled so long till we
spyed a small [sail] bearing S.E. of us, so th* we were in
good hope th* it had bin or [pinnace], but at last toward
night she left us and stood in for the shoare of Brasill.
[We had] the winde Ely and layd S. and by W. and about
evening we saw land woh by or observacon we thought to be
cape St. Augustine8 upon the coast of Brasill, bearing on
or broade side, and the winde being scant we tackt about at
night and stood to seaward.
June 16. Having stood 10 howers to seaward at 4 of the
clock in the morning we tackt about agayne j the wynde
still at E.S.E. and at 12 of the clock the generall sounded
and had ground at 21 fadome whereupon he presentely tackt
about finding that to try to windward upon that coast of
Brasill was dangerous by reason of the currant and the winde
likely to continew.
June 17. There was no hope to advantage or selves, and
the 17 or 18 dayes holding to seaward agayne, upon the 18
day we found or selves to be in 8 degrees and 13 minutes.
June 19. The next day in 7 degrees 31 minutes.
June 20. The 20 day we plyed to gett or selves more to
the Eastward because upon the coast of Brasill, and from
there all the way hitherto, we have a mighty currant woh
setteth to the N.W.
June 23. The wynd continewing S.E. and E.E. we plyed
to windward and were under 4 degrees.

IN THE THIRD E.I.C. VOYAGE. 367
June 25. The generall and we consulted about or course
and in regard of the west windes and great currant woh had
drawn us farre to leeward of the small Island called Larania
where or generall fully intended to water and to refresh or
men we consulted what course we were best [to hold] for re
couery thereof because the winde being likely to continue
[the want of] water and refreshing for our men would compel
us [to some extr]emity before we could gett the cape wh con
sidered we determined] upon or course for recouery thereof
if it were possible  sayle till the 30th of June
and held Southward, the wind scanting upon us and that
morning we lookt out to descry the Island being by obser
vation in the latitude and longitude thereof [and observing]
the sunne found or selves in 4 degrees 25 minutes and [so
continued] till night but could not find the Island being yet
to south wardes of it I 7 minutes whereby we found that the
great currant had drawen us more westerly then we expected,
and that night about [6] of the clock we tackt about to
bring or selves to the latitude of the Island againe and so
stoode that night. In the morning we cast about againe to
Southward the wind E. and by N. and we laye S.E. and by
S. and about 10 of the clock not being able to weather
Larania, we tackt about eastward, the wind at S.E. and
S.E. and by S. and held or course so till the 7th day.
July 8. The winde continewing found orselves then to be
in 10 minutes to the southward of the equinoctiall, and the
8th day the wind [S.E.] and by E. we stood eastward and
found orselves to be 40 minutes [to the] northward of the
equinoctiall. July 14. 1 4th day the wind at S. and S. by E. The gene
rall and we  wth the Mr and Mr'9 mates what
course was fittest [to be ta]ken, who finding themselves
wthin 140 leagues or there [about from the sjholes of St.
Anne gave their opinions that to stande  did
24 howers could not be preiudiciall but gainfull unto

368 JOURNAL IN THE "HECTOR",
them, the wind hanging as it did, wh [ereunto we assented
and then to] stand againe to sea was or deterrainacon, and
the next day the wind continewing as it did we found
orselves in 4 degrees and 40 minutes. Whereby we per-
ceaved that wee were entered into currant woh setteth into
the barre of Ethiopia, and it being very dangerous for us to
continue upon that tack, finding the currant very strong we
tackt about p[rese]ntly and layd close by S.W.
July 16. We layd close by plying to the eastward, and
obtaining the sunne found that we were in 4 degrees 46
minutes of the north latitude ; whereupon we cast about
and layd close by S.W.
From the 16a day to the 30* day of July we continued
or course as wind and wether served still sayling to and fro,
and were under 3 degrees 15 minutes, 4 degrees 36 minutes,
4 degrees 8 minutes, 4 degrees 11 minutes, and 3 degrees
56 minutes, 3 degrees 50 minutes, 4 degrees 53 minutes, 4
degrees 46 minutes, and upon the 29 and the 30 day the
wind being still flatt against us, and having little hope, the
wynde continewing still in that place to find Larania, or any
other good place of refreshm' of or weak men being then in
5 degrees and 24 minutes, we consulted wth the generall
about the 'weakness of or men and or want of water, and
after cOuncill taken amongst us, the generall opinion was,
that to stand Iong[er] for Larania was in vaine, for that
though the wind should somthing favor us, and should take
the benefitt thereof in hope to recover Larania, and then
should find the winde southerly, woh is the generall expected
wind, as we find by experience, then that course would
peiudice the viage, and extend to or utter overthrow, in re
gard whereof after we had nominated and thought upon
divers places, we all agreed that Sera Lion1 if it might [be]
obtained wth any posible safety, were the fittest place of
refreshment, wh lyeth in the latitude of 8 de[grees] woh place
if it might be obtayned, according to expectation] wee sayd
1 Sierra Leone.

IN THE THIRD E.I.C. VOYAGE. 369
would prove more convenient th[an] the Isl[and of Larania]
becaus if we gott to Larania, we could not h[ave] a wynd
[for] or turns till October, but if we found refreshment at
Sera [Lion] we might from thence put to Sea at pleasure
and take the benefit [of] the first winds, for that or ship
drew much water we determined to sound wth a boate, be
fore or ship at the entr[ance] thereof for avoyding of dangers,
but if it so fell ou[t that] we should be taken short wth a
wind off the shoare [stormy] and tempestuous wch that
shoare is subject unto  we might be frustrate of
or purpose, we determined to steer] for Cape Verde where
there is an Island called [the Island of] safety where all
ships both english and french [come, so our] trust was that
we should find releife at these [places ?] but because we
were in doubt that we were [the]  shoales of
St. Anne then they made account of [we thinking it] dan
gerous for us to stand longer in being in [the latitude] that
the shoales lye, we thought it fitt to sou[nd] 
and found no ground at 8 score fadoms and therefore we
stood in] still that night, and the 31st we observed [the
sunne and found orselves] to be in 5 degrees 15 minutes,
and thereupon [wanting room for] avoyding the shoales of
St. Anne [we steered N.E. and by N. ?].
August 1 . Wth the wind at S. we were in 6 degrees 25
minutes and sounded [and] found no ground and lying by
the lee we iudged orselves to be clear to the Northward of
the shoales of St. Anne, and then we hove in for Sera Leon
and steered E.N.E.
Aug. 2, 3, 4. The wind somewhat westerly we were
under 7 degrees 15 minutes and then altering 2 points and
steered E. and sounded but found no ground, and being in
7 degrees and 45 minutes and sounded twice, at last wee
found 27 fadoms ground, and continuing or course as before
wth more leades out, we found it to shoale very fast
upon us.

We anchor
in Sera
Leon.

370 JOURNAL IN THE "HECTOR",
Aug. 5. The 5 of August being a league a head of or Ad
mirall, wee made land, won rising not in that form as for
merly it had risen at or comming to that place, we bore hard
in to make the land more certaine, in woh Roming we had
17, 15, and 12 fadoms and at last but 7 fadoms, then having
made the land certain we found it to be a small Island bear
ing of us N.E. rising like a sugar loafe, then coming by the
lee to stay for or Admirall we steered in for the porte of
Sera Leon, and steered N.E. and by N. and as we neared
the land we haled more Northerly. In this roming we found
diversity of depthes, for between a cast of lead we found 3
fadoms shoaling, in this roming we had from 7 to 14 fadoms,
then we found orselves to be upon the edge of a sandy bank,
lying to the southward of us, and the Channell lyeing to the
northward, and having brought orselves into 14 fadoms, we
steered N. and N. and by E. and never had lesse than 10
fadoms, and having brought the Islands on or broade sides
we came to an anchor in 17 fadoms, where we ridd very
well all night.
Aug. 6th. The 6th day we weighed, the wind at S., a fine
top sayle gale and steered 15, 11, 12, and 13 fadoms, and
coming wthin 2 leagues of the head land we descryed the
breach of a rock, lying a mile to seawards of the point, here
our pinnaces being mannd and under sayle sounded before
or ship and we boare wthin 2 cables lenght of the rock
having right against it 12 fadoms. Then we shott wthin the
point, and never had less than 14 fadoms untill we came to
an anchor woh was at 13 fadoms, w^in 2 cables lenght of the
shoare, where staying [until] the 13th of Septembrwe bought
certen henns, lymes to make water, and nothing els for
there was nothing els there to be had for refreshm* of
or men, only some fish which we fished for, and having had
some conference divers tymes wth the contry people and
laden as much fresh water as served or turne wch being
done we hoysted ankers, and before we went from thence,

IN THE THIRD E.I.C. VOYAGE. 371
upon a faire stone at the watering place, where all ships
water that come to that place, we graved or names, the
yeare of the Lord, and the month wherein we departed, as
,we had sene Sr ffran8 drake and Cap' Candish that had been
there before us had don,1 and being under sayle the winde
at E., we put to Sea steering W. and W.S.W., untill the
tide of flood was come, and then came to anchor at 10
fadoms, having sayled about 7 leagues.
September 14. We weighed anchor and sayled from morn
ing till 4 a clock in the afternoon the wind N.N.E. and
anchored at 13 or 15 fadoms wtna [variable wind, we sayled
to and fro holding divers courses as the [wind served
and] at last sounded and found 25 and 23 fadoms and then
[30 and 35] fadoms and at the evening we could find no
ground, and then [held  ] divers courses with variable
winds, we steered S.S.W. [we then] found orselves upon
the 23th day to be under 9 degrees.
Sept. 29. Upon the 29 we sterred S.S.W. with a northerly
winde and were [in] 6 degrees 33 minutes.
Sept. 30. We were in the latitude of 6 degrees with the
winde southerly.
October 2. The wynd a little at large we held our course
S.S.W. and by S. and under 5 degrees 40 minutes and the
3 day the wynd slacking we were under 5 degrees 49
minutes and sayling still with variable windes.
Oct. 7. Till the 7th day we found o'selves to be under 4
degrees 34 [minutes], from the 7th day to the 20th day we
had still variable wyndes and were forced to hold severall
courses, and found o'selves out of sight of the Dragon,
upon the day, but not long after had the sight of her againe,
and then found orselves to be under 4 degrees 33 minutes,
the next day under 4 degrees 5 minutes, the 14th 3 degrees
44 minutes, the 15tn in 3 degrees 23 mte, the 17th- in 2 de-
1 See Captain Keeling's account of this stone, at page 114 of the
Hakluyt Society's volume of 1877 (Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, etc.)

372 JOURNAL IN THE "HECTOR",
grees 17 mte, the 18th in one degree 33 mte, the 19 in one
degree 6 minutes, and the [20th] day lyeing S. and S. and by
W. we were under 16 mts N. latitude and that evening we
crost the lyne about 9 of the clock being the third tyme be
tween England and the Cape bona Speranca, and we had 6
degrees \ variation and the Dragon had a degree lesse
Oct. 24. The 24th day the wynde at E. and by S. we lay
S. and were in 3 degrees.
Oct. 25. 35mt8 and the next day 4 degrees 15mts, the same
course the 26th we were in 5 degrees llmts, the same course,
the 27, in 6 degrees 30mts our course S.E.
Oct. 28. The 28 having an E. and by N. winde and lying
as before, the Dragon came unto us, to speake with us, the
a colder reason was for that we were then drawing into a colder
climate. _ °
climate, which would preiudice [the health of or men, if pro
vision of warme clothes were not made [for] them whereof
some of his men had allready complayned, and then he
opened a packe of clothes of the lowest prizes for to [serve]
the mens turnes, and willed me to do the like, that day [we
were] in 7 degrees 46mt8.
Oct. 30. The 30th day the wynd at N.E. we sterred S.E,
and by [E. being in] the latitude of 9 degrees 50mts.
November 1. The first day the wynd at N.E. we sterred
as before and [were in the] latitude of 12 degrees.
Nov. 2. We were in the latitude of 12 degrees 50 minutes.
Nov. 3. We were in 14 degrees 28 mts, the winde N.E.
Nov. 4. We were in 15 degrees 40mts, easterly winde.
Nov. 5. Had 17 degrees.
Nov. 12. The winde at N.E., we sterred S.E., and had
the latitude [of 24 degrees] 8 minutes.
Nov. 19. The winde at N.N.W., we layd E. and by S. and
E. among  the latitude of 31 degrees Urn*8.
Nov. 23. The wynd N.W., we sterred E. and were in 33
degrees 
Nov. 24. We were in 33 degrees 42 mts.

IN THE THIRD E.I.C. VOYAGE. 373
Nov. 25. We were in 34 degrees 54 m*8.
Nov. 27. Having a calm the generall dined with me, and
there order was by us taken, that in regard that our viage ^l*™^'
was like to prove somewhat long, to avoyd scarsity of vic-^eg£|hma
tuaUs homeward bound from that day forward 2 meales of
flesh every week should be abated and in steed thereof
other meat allowed, which would not so well keepe as the
fleshe. Nov. 29. The wynde being northward, we bare E.S.[E,
and] E. and by S., and were in 33 degrees 42 m*8
Nov. 30. We were in 34 degrees.
December 5. We were in 35 degrees 24 mts.
Dec. 11. We sterred for the Cape E. and by N., the wind
westerly. Dec. 14. It was calm this day the generall and I con
sulted together what was fitt to be don in so much as we
esteemed orselves to be about 130 leagues from the Cape,
and we agreed by consent, that if the wind were likely to
favour us we would go forward and not touch at any place
till we came to the Island of St. Laurence, although our
long continuance at Sea required speedy meanes of refresh
ment for strenghtning of or men, which we purposed to do
at Saldania if the wind favoured us not, but in regard of
the former consideration, as also for supply of water and
expectation of hearing somewhat of the pinnasse.
Dec. 15. The wynde being at W.N.W., we steered E. and
by S.
Dec. 17. We had a fresh gale of wind at W., and we
were under 34 degrees and 32 minutes, and steered E.
and by N., and that day at 2 of the clock we saw land Land.
bearing E. of us, and we steered in to make the land, and
having don, we steered in to double the Cape E.S.E.,
whereupon the men of the Admirall were desirous to put
into Saldania, which the generaU hearing, he bare up, the
helme, and stood iu for the shore. The Master of the ship

374 JOURNAL IN THE "HECTOR",
seeing that cofhended his course iudging it to be the safest
course for the good of the viage, his reasons were that if in
case standing alongst we should meete with S.E. wyndes,
which that time of the yeare usually blow and so be forced
to lye to and againe or men already weake with overlong
being at Sea and having expected refreshmen' there, would
in one fortnight, partly by reason of discontent for not
putting in there and by the scanting of our allowance
which our smaU spare of water, wold enforce us to be so
cast downe, as it might worke the utter overthrow of the
viage. Dec. 18. Saldania. In the morning we put into Saldania
bay, and came to an anker in 4 fadoms and a halfe water,
the Sugerloffe bearing of us W.S.W. and the table S.S.W.,
in that Roade we found Cap* Middleton's name graven upon
a stone, who had bene there in that roade the 24 of July
last past before our coming thether 1607, where remaining
for the space of 14 dayes we refreshed or men with fresh
victualles, for there while we lay attending wind and
weather, and filling or vessels with fresh water, we bought
453 sheepe, 2 oxen, 8 calves, 18 steres, and 47 cowes, and
all for 200 Iron hoopes, which cattell were equally divided
between both our Shipps, which don and our people well
refreshed, upon the
January 1. The first of January the wind being southerly,
fitt to cary us forth of the baye, we hoysted anker and sett
sayle. Jan. 3. The wind being large we sterred S.S.E., and were
in 34 degrees 50mts latitude.
Jan. 4. We were under 35 minutes 53 degrees.
Jan. 5. The wind scanted and we were lying close by
N.E., were in latitude of 35 degrees 50mt\
Jan. 6. Were in the latitude of 35 degrees 44mt8.
Jan. 8. The wynd S.W., we were in the latitude of 36
degrees 4mts.

IN THE THIRD E.I.C. VOYAGE. 375
Jan. 10. The wynde Easterly we lay close by the N., and
were in latitude of 35 degrees, in the afternoone land was
descryed, which bare N. of us, and it was very high land,
this land our Master iudged to be St. Brasse', other sayd
no, the master's reason was that a currant had sett us to
the westward, and there we tackt about to the Southward
and S.S.E.
Jan. 12. With a hard W. wynd we steered E. and E. and
by North, and were under 36 degrees 20 minutes.
Jan. 13. We were in 35 degrees 41 mt8 latitude.
Jan. 14. We were in 35 degrees 45 m*8 latitude.
Jan. 15. We were in 36 degrees latitude.
Jan. 16. The wynd continewing westerly we were in 35
degrees 16 minutes latitude.
Jan. 17. The wynd being E., we stood to the northward
and lay N.N.E. and after noone we sounded and had ground
at 65 fadoms, after that, we tackt about and lay S.E. and
S.S.E., and that night we had 6 degrees £ variation. t6ton?varia"
Jan. 18. The wynd northerly, we lay E.S.E. being in the
latitude of 34 degrees 56 mts and had 6 degrees £ variation.
Jan. 19. We were in 35 degrees £, the wynd Wly our ship
labouring extreamly by reason of the great Seas.
Jan. 20. We held our course N.E., and toward night we
saw lande and thereupon we sterred E.N.E., the land bearing
of us N.E.
Jan. 21. From the top of our ship we descryed 2 head
landes, the one bearing N.W., th'other N.E, from us weg£*'"to-
held a course E. and by N., and E.N.[E.]
Jan. 22. The wynd at S. we were in the latitude of 34
degrees 11 m*a [sterring] E.N.E., that euening we had
variation 6 degrees £ wherby we understood the currant
hindered us very much.
Jan. 23. The 23 in the morning it was calme and we had
sight of land againe which bare of us N.N.W., we were 6th. flm
then in the latitude of 34 degrees 14mts, and 6 degrees 9mts variation.

376 'JOURNAL IN THE
[variation] : This land was iudged to be Punto Primero, or
els Baia del Agua.
Jan. 24. We were in 34 degrees 44 m'a.
Jan. 25. Being under 34 degrees 51 m*8 latitude our
variation was 6^ 33 m*8.
Jan. 26. We were in So6* 45mte latitude.
Jan. 29. Being under 36** 5mts latitude stering E. and by
N. we had 8ds variation.
Jan. 30. With a variable winde, we were under 36ds 34
m8 latitude.
February 2. With a S.S.W. wynde, we layd E., and by
N. we were in the [latitude of] 35d8 57 ms.
Feb. 3. With a small gale northerly we layd E. and by
S., and were in [latitude] of 35ds 57 m8.
Feb. 4. The wynde at S. and by W., we held E.N.E. and
N.E. and by E. and 
Feb. 5. The wynde continewing thereabout, we sterred
as before and were in [latitude] of 33d8 37™*-
Feb. 6. The wynde N.E. and by N., and sterring as be
fore we were in 32dB [56mt3].
Feb. 7. The wynde N^, we held N.E., and were in 31^
4,™ latitude.
Feb. 8. The wynd small and E'^ we layd close S.E., and
were in [the latitude] of 30ds 49™ in our course before when
we kept nere the s[hore we had] a currant against us
which hindered us much so that [when we thought] or selves
farre from the land, we were in sight [thereof 
having stood of and meeting with a faire wynd [which
 a weeke : we gest we had found a currant that
[furthered us much]  having found by tryall,
that he which standeth nere the shore  and is
bound to the eastward worketh in vayne.
Feb. 9. The wynd Ely we stood southward till noone
lyeing S.E., southerly and S.E. and by S., and being aboord
the Admirall we conferred about keeping orselves in a good

IN THE THIRD E.I.C VOYAGE. 377
birthe. The wyndes contrary lest we should hinder o'selves,
by meeting with a contrary currant, at noone, we went
about to the northwarde and lay N. and N. and by E.
Feb. 10. We lay Southward with a E'r wynd and were in
the latitude of 29"* 50m.
Feb. 11. The wynd E* we were in 29ds 5m and lay N.E.
Feb. 12. The wynd E'y we were in 27ds 22™".
Feb. 1 3, 14, 15. We with an E^ wynd, sometymes calm,
we sterred Southwards S.E., and then N.E., for St. Laurence,
having before sounded often but could find no ground.
Feb. 16. With a S^wynd we sterred N.E. and by E. till
noone and then being under 25ds 251118 latitude we sterred
E. and E. by N., and sounded but found no ground.
Feb. 17. The wynde continewing with a stifle gale we
lay E. and E. and by N. about 4 of the clock after dinner
we descryed land, bearing of us E. and by S., which we
iudged to be the land lyeing between St. Justa and cape
Augustin, and having stood in to make the land, we tackt
about and stoode of till one of the clock, and then stood in
for the land againe.
Feb. 18. The wynd continewing a faire gale, and having
borne in with the land and haling the Admirall went rome
for the bay of St. Augustin, and about noone lay by the Lee,
and the Admirall stood in nere the shore, where there was
a litle Island, of which Island dew N. lyeth a great breach
or rise, and E.N.E. of the Island lyeth a Sandy Shoale or
Island, and having made the land and being the latitude of
23d8 37ms we came to an anchor. (The Admirall first spring
ing his loofe, and which observing stood out againe.) In
the offining the Island bearing of us S. and by W. we stood
as we had anchored, we consulted with the generall, whether
they iudged us to be in the latitude of St. Augustin, and
whether the going in that we saw was in their iudgm*6 the
port ; all of us agreed in one that it was the same place,
the Admirall after our opinions whether it was best to touch

378 JOURNAL IN THE "HECTOR",
there, or to go forwarde, the tyme of the yeare being then
come, that S.E. windes do ordinarily blow, the answere was
that some write, the wyndes may yet favor us 2 monthes,
other that they may continew a month, but sayd we be
cause we have hitherto found no certenty in reporte, but
rather wyndes favoring us at such tymes as all mens
opinions were contrary, and because we were not certaine
how to find the wyndes standing to the northward, there
fore having fallen with that place in faire weather, we
thought it very necessary (both for knowledge of the place
to the intent we might have it to frend if need required us,
also for supply of water and other things we stood in need
of) to put into the baye, these reasons considered, we
concluded to weigh anchor betymes in the morning, and to
stand in if wynd favored. And as we then lay at anker, a
hummockle lyeing upon the head land to the Northward,
rysing like Westminster Abbey, boare of us N.E. and by
E. and the bay whether we intended to put in boare of us
E. and by N. here we haue 16 variation.
Feb. 19. The wind at E.N.E. we lay at anker till noone,
about which tyme we had the breese of the Sea, and then
we waighed and stood in for the baye in 8 and 10 fadome
awhile, but more wythin we had a greater depth in some
places 100 fadome, and after we anchored in the Bay where
we had ozie ground, and very uncertaine depthes, for in
some places we had 2 and 23 fadome and hard by 60, in
some places more, and there we stayed and bought of the
countrie people, 5 calves, 2 sterres, 3 cowes, 3 sheep, and 1
lambe, which was all we could get, and those cost us
198, there we gott water and wood to serve or turnes as
well as we could, and in the meane tyme the Admirall lost
an anker and a new cable, being galled asunder, and by
reason of the deepe water, the anker lay in the oze and
could not be recouered. This place spent us 2 ankers, such
benefitt did it afford. us, which was so highly comended and

IN THE THIRD E.I.C. VOYAGE. 379
had we not touched at Saldania out of doubt our viage had
ben in great hazard.1
Feb. 28. We weighed anker having a very small gale of
the shoare wherewith we stood to seaward, tiU the breese
came, and the 29, we sterred N. and N. and by W. before
the winde.
March 1, 2, 3, and 4. With variable wynd and wether
stormy, we kept to and fro at Sea.
March 5. In the morning, the wynd large, we lay N. and
by E., and then we saw land, bearing of us E. and by S.
and then we observed the sonne and found [our]-selues in
22ds 26m8 which was but a small distance from St. Augustin
for [6 days] sayling.
March 6. We stered N. and by E. the winde S., and
were under 21ds 4m8.
March 7. The wynd Sly we were in IS48 47ms and stered
N. and by W.
March 8. The wynd Sly we steered N. and W. and N. and
were in the latitude of 16ds 47ms and then we stered N. and
by E., and by or recouring the Island of John de Nova,2 was
some 20 leagues Eastward of us on our broad side.
March 9. The winde Sly we stered N.N.E. and N.E. and were
in the latitude of 16^ 40ms. That day wh (we) lookt into
of plots, our Master's plot being a portingale plot, which
generall and Mr Shippon desired to see, because of certaine
shoales that appeared in it, which were not sett downe- in
theirs, which being viewed, we agreed to hold our course
N.N.E., and N. and by E. and not to touch any where, be
fore we came [to] Sokotora, unless need required, but
allwayes provided to haue Zanzibar and the Islands of
Comoro to frend.
March 10. With a SIy wynd we steerd as before or latitude,
being 15^^ variation and then we found 1 5^ 2 31118 variation.
1 This was the Bay of St. Augustine on the S.W. coast of Mada-
2 Johanna.

380 JOURNAL IN THE "HECTOR",
March 12. The wynd at N.E. we lay close by N.W. and N.
and by W., and in the morning we descryed land, being the
coast of Mozambike, and after none we nered the same,
which lay on or broad side. Then we consulted with [the]
generall, that if we wanted wynde to carry us of we would
stand nere the shoare, and come to anker, untill such tyme
as we should haue wyndes to serve or turne, and after that
we sounded, and had no ground in 180 fadome, and anone
after within to (two) houres we had ground at 
Then we stood of expecting a land turne to set us to
 night we lay to and againe, nere the shoare
the wynd [being easterly].
March 13. With litle wynd, we were in the latitude of
15ds 45ms  wyn(J gj]^ a smaJl gal6j amJ yet we
went againe to the  as we p[er]ceived, the
cause whereof we iudged to be a tyde in as much [as] we
were nere the shoare.
March 14. With a storme at S.E., but not long, we were
under [lo]48 30m latitude].
March 15. The wynd S17 we were in 15"18 56™ having ben
strangely hin[dered] by a currant, for we had a fresh gale of
wynde f[or] t[he last] 24 howers, and gained nothing, but
rather gon a sterne.
March 16. With a S'r wynd, we saw land bearing of us
N.W., wh[ereupon we] agreed to steere N.W., and now in
15ds 15™ Mr Ship[pon iudged] the land to be the first we
had se(e)n upon that C[oast] .
March 17. We were in latitude of 15ds 3ms and brought
the land  to beare of us, N.W. and by W., and
now we iudged o[urselves to be out of the] currant, and lay
close by N.W. and by W. and W.N. W.
March 18. The wynd N.W. and by N., we lay close N.E.
and by N., with [our larboard] a bord, some dozen leagues
Northward of the high land we had seen 2 dayes before.
This day we saw 6 hommocks, and being in the latitude of

IN THE THIRD la.l.C. VOYAGE. 381
14 degrees and a halfe, we iudged the land we saw, to be
the going into Mozambike.
March 19. We were in latitude 14ds.
March 21. The wynd Sly we stered N. and by E., and
being in the latitude of ll48 [30™] we descryed 3 or 4
Islands, nere the maine, the Southerlyest of them boare of
us W. £ point Southerly.
March 22. The wind S17 we were in the latitude of
gda 58ms_
March 24. We determined to put into Zanzibar hoping
there to find some good refreshm*, which having missed at
St. Augustins, and or men being weake and standing in
great need thereof, we thought it most expedient to do, as
well for recovery of some sicke men as also setting up
or pinnasse.
March 26. We found our selves in the latitude of 5^
20™ and we descryed the Island of Pemba a head, the
Southerlyest point thereof, boare of us N.W. and by W.
wherefore p'cieving or selves shot to the northward of Zan
zibar, and the wynd Southerly, we boare up and stered
away N.E. and by E. for the Island of Sokotora.
March 27. We were in the latitude of 3d8 19™ whereby
we iudged or selves entered into a currant which helped us.
March 28. We were in latitude of 2** 4m and had 1 138 J^&j^-
24™ variation.
March 29. We were becalmed, and found or selves to be
in ld 46m.
April 1. The wind calme we descryed the coast of Mag-
gadoza along on or broad side, and after that we were in
27m of the N. latitude, and having nered the shoare, the
wynd dulling, we stered E.
April 2. Being calme, we out of sight of land, we stered
N.W. and were in 44m.
April 3. We were in the latitude of ld 26m and we againe
had sight of the coast.

382

JOURNAL IN THE "HECTOR

Variation.

7ds. 15m.
variation.

April 4. A Sly wynd we went E.N.E. and were in sight
of the Shoare, or latitude ld 54m.
April 5. The wynd Sly or course as before, or latitude was
2<is 44ms
April 6. The wynd as before, we stered N.E. and by E.
or latitude 3d8 55m.
April 7. As before the wether very calme.
April 8. Or latitude was 4ds 57m.
April 9. The 9th we were in 5** 23m with a S.E. wynd.
April 10. The wynd Wly we had 6^ 18m latitude, and
that evening or variation was 17dB 23™.
April 11. The wynd at S.W., or course N.E. and by E.,
or latitude was 74s 4m [our] variation was 1748 50m.
April 12. The wynd Ny we held N.W. or latitude 7d834m.
April 13. The wynd Ely we lyeing N. and by W. we had
171s 29m variation.
April 14. Oc latitude was 7dB 24m the wynd Sly.
April 15. We agreed to steere more Wy because we
could not see the coast, so that we doubted that a currant
had put us to Leaward, and then towards night we steered
N.W., and then or latitude was 74s 49™.
April 16. The wynd Sly we steered N.W., standing for
the coast, or latitude was then 8** 33m.
April [17]. We stered N.W., the wynd Sly, or latitude
9dB and 3m, then againe storing W.N.W. to haue the coast,
which we descryed about 2 of the clocke bearing W.N.W.
with us, and then we sterred away N.N.E. and N.E. and by
E., for the Island of Socotora. This evening we had 17ds
16m variation.
April 18. The wynd S.W., we held or course as before,
and were in the latitude of 9^ 51m, and not long after we
saw land, which bare of us N.N.W., which we iudged to be
some point of the cape Dortny,1 the southern point thereof
did rise like the lizard upon the coast of England, we being
1 Dorfu, in the Journal of the Dragon, p. 116.

IN THE THIRD E.I.C. VOYAGE. 383
then some 7 leagues S.E. from it, and had 1748 15m varia
tion. April 19. The wynd S.S.E., we stered N.E. and by E.,
and then descryed an Island to the northward, which we
iudged to be Adelcuria, and being in the latitude of ll48
30m we saw another Island, bearing of us N.E. and by E.,
and after that another that bare E. and by N., northerly,
and then we lay up B. and by S. and when we came nere
the Islands called Los Hermanos,1 between them we had
sight of Socotora, then we kept our loofe awhile purposing
to wether the westerlyest point of the Hermanos, but could
not and therefore bore up and went to leeward thereof, and
being westward thereof about a league, had 1748 16m varia- ^j^*™-
tion. April 20. Being to the northward of the westerlyest of
the Hermanos, and with all near Socotora, we lay close
E.S.E. with a S.W. wynd, seeking to wether Socotora but
could not, and therefore we hove up and went to the west
ward thereof, between Socotora and a rocke lyeing to the
westward thereof, between Socotora and a rocke lyeing to
the Westward with [3] hummocks, and about noone came to
an' anker to the northward of the westerlyest point of the
Island, in 10 fadoms water ; in an open Roade, the rocke
with 3 hummocks called Savoniza bearing of us N.W. and
by W. There we finding no fresh water, we ankered there
all night.
April 21. We set sayle againe along the N. side of the
Island and stered N.E., and then there opened another bay
wherein apeared some low land and we stood in with or ships,
and there had 5 fadoms and 4 fadoms and a halfe; and
about 5 a clock we ankered in the bay right against the
towne wherein there was a Churche with a Portingall
Crosse. April 23. We lay at anker but could gett no refreshing,
1 The Brothers : two islands S.W. of Socotra.

384 JOURNAL IN THE "HECTOR",
at night the wind Ely, we weighed and stood to Seaward,
storing N. and N. and by E., the latitude of this roade was
1248 39m.
April 24. With a northerly wynd we standing eastward,
we opened a very deepe bay, and having stood in a while to
make searche for fresh water and could find none but 2
ponds of brackysh water, in that bay we saw a Church with
a portingall Crosse upon it.
April 25. The wynd Ely we lay close E.S.E., then the
wynd coming W7 we still stood E. for the point, and when
we had weighed we opened some low land to the Eastward
thereof, upon which was a building like unto a fort, between
the Sea side and it was a grove of trees and a town.
April 26. We ankered against the Towne which we took
for the fort bearing of us S.Wlyin 11 fadoms water. There
we had 10 goates given us.
April 27. We had fresh water brought by slaves from the
shoare upon [their] backes. There we spake with a Guze-
rat ship and understood [them to say] that if we had run 10
or 20 leagues to the Southward we should haue fayled of
wyndes either to carry us to Aden or  gotten to
that Island againe : The G uzerat  Moonesone
began there the 5th or 10th of May  4 monthes
at least, and therefore wished us [not to staye]  
at the furthest there.
April 28. We took in fresh water, and bought 20 goates,
15 shepe [and 2 cowes of the] Arabians.
April 29. We weighed anker, and put to Seaward with a
land tour[ne, the wind] at W.S.W. and were close by N.W.
May. From the first of May to the 15th we kept to and
fro at [sea]  divers windes, and the 13tn day
the wynd continewing  and we lyeing at anker
before Socotora in the westerlyest  ".... place, we
tooke counsell with us whether it was best for 
continew there at anker or to weigh, and to go to sea and

IN THE THIRD E.I.C. VOYAGE 385
 Deliza,1 which is a good roade lyeing to the
Eastward  place where we had watered, and I
was of advice  our best way to ryde it out, that
we might be ready to take  slent of wynd when
it came, but or generall was of an [other] opinion, and sayd
if we ryde it out, it would danger him anothfer] cable and
an anker, and or Master sayd it would do as much to us if
the wynde wexed more westerly. And for these reason, as
also for that o'" shipe grew light and we must take in more
ballast, the next morning we weighed, and sett sayle for
Deliza. May 14. The wynd Sly we put to Sea and that day
ankoured before the towne of Tamery,2 there we were ad-
uised nof to ryde in that place, for the violence of wyndes
euery day expected, but as [soon] as we had watered, to put
for Deliza the next baie.
May. 19. We hoysted saile, and made to Deliza where the
same day we anchored at 9 fadoms water not farre from the
shoare. The point of the land to us westward, bearing
N.W. and by W. of us, and the point of land to the eastward,
bearing S.E. and by E. of us and there we bought 24 or 25cwti
of alloes, and there we stayed till the 4 of August, and then
weighed anker, the wynd Wly we took or course for Cam-
baya N.E. and by N. and being out at Sea we sterred N.E.
and by E.
August 5. We stered N.E. by E. with the same wynd.
Aug. 6. The wind continewing we held or former course,
the wynd still encreasing, we took in or maine saile and
went under or foresayle, thereby to spend that forcible
weather and bad gale before we came upon the Coast of
Cambaya. Aug. 7. By reason the sunne, the daye before, was our
Zeneth, and the wether such as ov Master could niether ob
serve sunne nor starre, I askt the Master and his mates
1 Bandar Delishi. s Tamarida.

386 JOURNAL IN THE "HECTOR",
advice, how they thought it best to work. They sayd con
sidering the weather, it was best to spend some tyme at
Sea, before we came nere the Lee shoare ; whereupon the
Master put the ship a hull, that night we came into white
water. Aug. 10. Continewing our course as before, we found
o* selves to be in 1948 23m latitude, and then we layd S. and
S. and by E., with a strong gale of wynd at S.W. and the
weather hasie, so as the Master durst not put the ship any
nerer a Lee shoare till he saw cleare weather and more
temperate windes, and because at Surat, we were to ride
without the barre, and by all likelyhood open to the Sea
and wynde, which being there we feared would be uneasy
ryding, being heavy laden with lead and Iron, and' the ship
not able to endure it, we went to spend some tyme at Sea,
till the weather broke up.
Aug. 11, 12. We continewed or course as before.
Aug. [14]. Then we observed the sunne, and found that
we were under 20da 12m latitude, then we altered our course,
and stered for Diu, E.S.E., and at night E. and by N., and
sounding found no ground.
Aug. 16. The same wynd we stered E. for Diu, and
sounding found 22 fadoms water, and then stood in to see
the land, N. and by E., but saw it not, then we ran in till
we came at 17 fadoms, and then held of S.E. and by E.
sounding all night and 16 or 17 fadoms.
Aug. 17. We came to an anker about 2 leagues from the
shoare, in 9 fadoms and J ozie ground, but presently
or cable brake and or ship drove a mile before we had
another ready, the land we fell withall was low land at the
sea shore and full of trees, and within high land.
Aug. 1 9. We weighed anker, and went up with the tide
of flud about 5 leagues, and the flud being spent we came
again and anchored, then when floud came we weighed and
had 18 or 14 fadoms. And as we nered the shoare 10, 11,

IN THE THIRD E.I.C. VOYAGE. 387
or 12 fadoms at last we came into 8 fadoms, and saw [on]
the shoare [a] white building which we tooke to be the
Banians Church the Guzerat told us of, the which seeing in
8 fadoms water was the tokens they told us of by which we
should know when we were nere the barre and where
they advised us to anchor, and because at 8 fadoms we
found hard and rough ground, we stood of till we came in
9 fadoms and \ ozy ground, where we anchored safely, there
I caused a peece of Ordinance to be shot of, for a boate to
come from the shoare [to us] as the Guzerat had informed
me was the manner in that place. That don, we saw the
breach from the shoare to Leaward  we could
see, which we surely thought to be the barre of [Surat]
according to the quantity of leagues the boate told us which
was [12 leagues]. Then the Master said it was a danger
ous place, and sayd that he durst [not] stire with the ship,
till he had a pilott from Surat.
Aug. 20. I sent or Pinnas to Suratt with direcons to
keepe aloofe to Leaward and to sound all the way, and
when he had the depth of the Barre then to shape his course
to the shoareward for Suratt, which by estimacon as it was
told us was 6 leagues.
Aug. 21. We saw a boate at sea, and out of her gott a"
pylott, which told us, that there we roade in a most danger
ous place ;_ among shoales and sande and that we were 30
leagues short of the barre of Suratt, and advised us to put
to Sea into 20 fadoms water, where we should haue good
ground and be in faire way to ply for Surat, as the tides
would give leave, whereupon we weighed, and at night
anchored againe at 17 fadoms water.
Aug. 22. We weighed and plyed up the flud within 5
leagues of Damon and anchored at 15 fadoms water.
Aug. 23. We anchored with a N.W. wynde in 11 fadoms
water. Aug. 24. The wynd scant, we sayled till we came in

388 JOURNAL IN THE "HECTOR".
sight of the pa[goda] or Banians IdoU, being 4 leagues of
us a head, our ship came to anker in 7 fadoms water, the
land at our broadside being 2 leagues from us. The pylott
told us that there was the place where all our great ships
did lade and unlade. The pylott having brought us to the
place where we should ryde bad me shoot of a peece. or 2
of ordenance for a boate to come aboard us, or pylott told
us for or better directions, that we should have a speciall
care to fall with the point of Diu, and then to shape
or course E. for Daman which [must] be the first land we
must see, coming from Socatora [but] contrary to directions,
hauing the wynd allways large [we went] to Leeward very
nere 8 leagues, and were in danger of a [wreck ?] which
caused the Infidell to say, that or God loued vs [in giuing
vs such ?] an escape in so dangerous a place, at th [at time
of the year].
Aug. 28. I embarked my selfe for Suratt in our pinnace
 from thence where we anchored, was thought
 the downes, which cost vs 2 tydes, being de
ceased by the directions we] took.

III.

Captaine Williame Hawkins, his Relations of the
Occurrents which happened in the time of his residence in
India, in the County (sic) of the Great Mogoll, and of
his departure from thence; written to the Company.

[From Purchas, "His Pilgrimes", Lib. Ill, Chap, vii (p. 206J.]

§1.
His barbarous usage at Surat by Mocrebchan : The Portingals and
Jesuits treacheries against him.
At my arrivall vnto the Bar of Surat, being the foure and captain
twentieth of August, 1608, I presently sent vnto Surat ne nad\ept
, x ./ company to.
Francis Buck, Merchant, with two others, to make knowne f«therat
J ' 7 the voyage
vnto the Gouernour, that the King of England had sent me ^"ani
as his Embassadour vnto his King, with his Letter and to°oee re-"11
Present : I received the Gouernour's answere, both by them, the Roade of
Delisa in So-
and three of his Seruants sent me from Surat, that he and c»m».
3 whence on
what the Country afoorded, was at my command : and that ci^JstT
I should be very welcome, if I would vouchsafe to come on p^retedfnde"
shore. I went aocompanied with my merchants, and others, as yotThaue
heard ; the
in the best manner I could, befitting for the honour of my other in the
_ ° J Hector for
King and Country. At my comming on shore, after their Surat (the
barbarous manner I was kindly receiued, and multitudes of ^pin^se'
people following me, all desirous to see a new come people, fourth of
much nominated, but neuer came in their parts. As I was hauing're-ceiued from
neere the Gouernours house, word was brought me that he tneGenerau
3 "a duplicate
was not well, being I thinke, rather drunke with anion or miss?on'om,
opion, being an aged man. So I went vnto the chiefe Seaxseaie,
Customer, which was tho onely man that Sea-faring causes meth on

390 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
280Tl.uhe belonged vnto (for the gouernment of Surat belonged
gust, ieo8. vnto two great Noblemen; the one being Vice-Roy of
chanohana. Decan, named Chanchana ; the other Vice- Roy of Cambaya
Mocreb- an(J Surat, named Mocrebchan, but in Surat hee had no
chan. '
command, saue onely ouer the Kings Customes) who was
the only man I was to deale withall. After many comple
ments done with this chiefe Customer, I told him that my
comming was to establish and settle a Factory in Surat, and
that I had a Letter for his King from His Maiesty of Eng
land, tending to the same purpose, who is desirous to haue
league and amitie with his King, in that kind, that his
Subiects might freely goe and come, sell and buy, as the
custome of all Nations is : and that my ship was laden with
the commodities of our land, which by intelligence of
former trauellers, were vendible for these parts. His
answere was, that he would dispatch a Foot-man for Cam
baya, vnto the Nobleman his Master : for of himself he
could doe nothing without his order. So taking my leaue,
I departed to my lodging appointed for mee, which was at
the Custome-house : In the morning, I went to visit the
Gouernour, and after a Present giuen him, with great
grauity and outward shew of kindnesse, he entertained me,
bidding me most heartily welcome, and that the Countrey
was at my command. After complements done, and en-
tring into the maine affaires of my businesse, acquainting
him wherefore my comming was for these parts : he
answered me, that these my affaires did not concerne him,
because they were Sea-faring causes, which did belong
vnto Mocrebchan, vnto whom hee promised me to dispatch
a Footman vnto Cambaya, and would write in my behalfe
both for the vnlading of my shippe, as also concerning a
Factorie. In the meane while, he appointed me to lodge
teme^oFthe ln a Merchant's house, that vnderstood the Turkish, being
Si^Edward a^ that time my Tronch-man, the Captaine of that shippe
bometooke. which Sr Edward Michelborne tooke.

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 391
It was twentie daies ere the answer came, by reason of
the great waters and raines that men could not passe. In
this time, the Merchants, many of them very friendly,
feasted me, when it was faire weather that I could get out
of doores : for there fell a great raine, continewing almost Excessive
the time the Messengers were absent, who at the end of
twenty daies brought answer from Mocrebchan, with Licence
to land my goods, and buy and sell for this present voyage :
but for a future Trade, and setling of a Factorie,.he could
rot doe it without the Kings Commaundement, which he
thought would be effected, if I would take the paines of
two monthes trauell, to deliver my Kings Letter. And
further, he wrote vnto his chiefo Customer, that all, what-
soeuer I brought, should be kept in the Custome-house,
till his Brother Sheck Abder Rachim came, who should
make all the hast that possibly could bee, for to chuse such
goods as were fitting for the King : (these excuses of
taking goods of all men for the King, are for their owne
private gaine). Vpon this answere, I made all the hast I
could, in easing our shippe of her heauy burthen of Lead,
and Iron, which of necessitie must be landed. The goodes
being landed, and kept in the Customers power, till the
comming of this great man ; perceiuing the time precious,
and my ship not able long to stay, I thought it conuenient
to send for three Chests of Money, and with that to buy
Commodities of the same sorts, that were vendible at Pria-
man and Bantam, which the Guzerats carry yearely thither,
making great benefit thereof. I began to by against the
will of all the Merchants in the Towne, whose grumbling
was very much, and complaining vnto the Gouernour and
Customer, of the leaue that was granted me, in buying
these Commodities, which would cut their owne throates at
Priaman and Bantam,, they not suspecting that I would buy
Commodities for those parts, but onely for England.
At the end of this businesse, this great man came, who

392 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
gaue me licence to ship it : before the shipping of which I
called a Councell, which were the Merchants I had, and
those that I thought fitting for the businesse I pretended,
demanding euery ones opinion according to his place, what
should be thought conuenient for the deliuery of his Maies
ties Letter, and the establishing of a trade. So generally
it was agreed and concluded, that for the effecting of these
waighty affaires, it neither would, nor could be accomplished
by any, but by my self, by reason of my experience in my
former trauels and language : as also I was knowne to all,
to be the man that was sent as Embassadour about these
affaires. After it was concluded, and I contented to stay,
I made what hast I could in dispatching away the ship, and
to ship the goods. This done, I called Master Marlow, and
all the company that was on shore before mee, acquainting
them with my pretence, and how they should receiue for
their Commander Master Marlow : willing them that they
obey and reverence him, in that kind as they did me. This
done, I brought them to the water side, and seeing them
imbarke themselues, I bad them farewell.
The next day, going about my affaires to the great mans
brother, I met with some tenne or twelue of our men ; of
the better sort of them, very much frighted, telling me the
heauiest newes, as I thought, that euer came vnto me, of the
Bartataken takhig of the Barkes by a Portugal Frigat or two; and all
tugSs.^d g°ods and men taken, onely they escaped. I demanding in
inVe6!^611 what manner they were taken, and whether they did not
fight, their answer was no : Mr. Marlow would not suffer
them, for that the Portugals were our friends : and Bucke,
on the other side, went to the Portugall without a pawne,
and there he betrayed vs, for he neuer came vnto vs after.
flghtxng Indeed> Bucke went vpon the oath and faithfull promise of
dedtXuf *he Captaine, but was neuer suffered to returne. I presently
Spans' e sent a letter vnto the Captaine Maior, that he release my
with much , _ _ J
disgrace, men and goods, for that we were -Englishmen, and that our

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 393
Kings had peace and amity together. And that we were sLnoe ra-
^ o couered
sent vnto the Mogols countrey by our King, and with his ^i^"
letter vnto the Mogol, for his subiects to trade in his Coun- wHh the'8
trey: and with his Maiesties Commission for the gournment PortugaU-
of his subiects. And I made no question, but in deliuering
backe his Maiesties subiects and goods, that it would be
well taken at his Kings hands : if the contrary, it would be
a meanes of breach. At the receit of my letter, the nroud The Jntoier-
J ' sr able pride
Rascall braued so much, as the Messenger told me, most ?u*afi car"-
vilely abusing his Maiestie, tearming him King of Fisher- taine"
men, and of an Island of no import, and a fart for his Com
mission, scorning to send me any answer.
It was my chance the next day, to meete with a Captaine
of one of the Portugal Frigats, who came about businesse
sent by the Captaine Maior. The businesse as I vnderstood,
was that the Gouernour should send me as prisoner vnto
him, for that we were Hollanders. I vnderstanding what
he was, tooke occasion to speake with him of the abuses
offered the King of England and his subiects : his answer
was, that these Seas belonged vnto the King of Portugal!,
and none ought to come here without his license. I told
him, that the King of Englands license was as good as the
King of Spaines, and as free for his Subiects, as for the
King of Spaines, and he that saith the contrary, is a traytor,
and a villaine, and so tell your great Captaine, that in
abusing the King of England, he is a base villaine, and a
traytor to his King, and that I will maintaine it with my
sword, if he dare come on shore. I sending him a challenge,
the Mores perceiuing I was mooued, caused the Portugal
to depart. This Portugal some two houres after, came to
my house, promising me that he would procure the libertie
of my men and goods, so that I would be liberall vnto him.
I entertained him kindly, and promised him much, but be
fore he departed the Towne, my men and goods were sent prhiso^ofslsh
i- /-, sent f orGoa.
lor Goa.

394 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
I had my goods readie, some fiue dayes before I could be
cleare, and haue leaue, for they would not let them be
The third of shipped vntill this great man came, which was the third of
Tartea? de' October : and two dayes after, the ship set sayle ; I re-
wmiamM' maining with one Merchant William Finch, who was sicke
anThis ser- the greater part of his time, and not able to stirre abroad to
Countrey. doe any businesse : the rest were two seruants, a Cooke,
and my Boy. These were the companie I had to defend
our selues from so many enemies, which lay lurking to
destroy vs : aiming at me for the stopping of my passage
to the great Mogol. But God preserued me, and in spight
of them all, I tooke heart and resolution to goe forwards on
my trauels. After the departure of the ship, I vnderstood
that my goods and men were betrayed vnto the Portugal,
The perfidy \yy Mocreb-chan, and his followers : for it was a plot laid
and treason j > x
chan°andb' by the Jesuite and Mocreb-chan to protract time till the
Peniero?'6 Frigats came to the Bar, and then to dispatch me : for till
then, this dogge Mocreb-chan his brother came not : and
the comming of these Frigats was in such secrecy, that till
they had taken vs, we heard no newes of them.
After the departure of my ship, I was so misused, that it
was vnsufferable, but so long as my ship was at the Bar, I
was flattered withall. But howsoeuer, well vsed or ill, it
was not for mee to take thought for anything, although re
maining "in a heathen Countrey, inuironed with so many
enemies, who daily did nothing else but plot to murther me,
and cosen me of my goods, as hereafter you shall understand.
First, misused by Morcreb-chan, as to haue possession of
my goods, taking what he pleased, and leauing what he
pleased, giuing me such a price as his owne barbarous con
science afforded : that from thirtie fiue he would giue but
eighteene, not regarding his brothers bil, who had full autho
ritie from him : and how difficult it was to get money from
his chiefo seruant, after the time expired, as it is best
knowne to vs, who tooke the paines in receiuing a small

CAPTAIN HAWKINS 8 RESIDENCE IN INDIA. 395
part thereof, before his comming to Surat : and after his
comming, I was barred of all : although he outwardly dis
sembled, and flattered with me almost for three moneths,
feeding me with faire promises, and other kindnesses. In
the mean time, he came to my house three times, sweeping
me cleane of all things that were good, so that when he saw
that I had no more good things left, he likewise by little and
little degraded me of his good lookes. Almost all this time,
William Finch was extreame sicke of the Fluxe, but thankes
be to God recouered past all hope, I, on the other side,
could not peepe out of doores for fear of the Portugals, who
in troops lay lurking in by-wayes, to giue me assault to
murther me, this being at the time that the Armada was
there. The first plot laid against me, was : I was inuited by The first
... plot of the
Hogio Nazam to the fraughting of his ship for Mocha, as ^j4]^18
the custome is, they make at the fraughting of their ships
great feasts, for all the principallest of the Towne. It was
my good hap at that time, a great Captaine belonging to
the Vice-Roy of Guzerat resident in Amadauar,1 being sent
about affaires vnto Surat, was likewise inuited to this feast,
which was kept at the water side : and neere vnto it, the
Portugals had two Frigats of their Armada, which came to
receiue their tribute of the shippes that were to depart, as
also refreshment. Out of these Frigats, there came three
gallant fellowes to the tent where I was, and some fortie
followers Portugals, scattering themselues along the Sea
side, ready to giue an assault when the word should be
giuen. These three Gallants that came to the tents, armed
with coats of Buffe downe to the knees, their Rapiers and
Pistols by their sides, demaunded for the English Captaine :
vpon the hearing of which, I arose presently, and told them
that I was the man, and perceiuing an alteration in them,
I laid hand vpon my weapon. The Captaine Mogol per
ceiuing treason towards me, both he and his followers drew
1 Ahinedabad.

396 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
their weapons : and if the Portugals had not been the swifter,
both they and their scattered crew (in retiring to their
Frigats) had come short home.
piotsecona Another time, they came to assault me in my house with
a Friar, some thirty or fortie of them : the Friars comming
was to animate the soldiers, and to giue them absolution.
But I was alwaies wary, hauing a strong house with good
doores. Many troopes at other times, lay lurking for me
and mine in the streetes, in that kind, that I was forced to
goe to the Gouernour to complaine, that I was not able to goe
about my businesse, for the Portugals comming armed into
the Citie to murther me : which was not a custome at other
times, for any Portugals to come armed as now they did.
He presently sent word to the Portugals, that if they came
into the city armed againe, at their owne perils be it. At
Padre Mocreb-chan his comming, with a Jesuite named Padre Pineiro
Peneiroa D
paterne of *n ^s company (who profered Mocreb-chan fortie thousand
sanctitie!1 Rials of eight, to send me to Daman, as I understood by
wouid'the certaine aduise giuen me by Hassun Ally, and Ally Pom-
Jesuites . . , . . _
haue bin to mory) I went to visit him, giuing him a Present, besides
Priests'086 the Present his brother had : and for a time, as I haue
butttiifty6 aboue written, I had many outward shewes of him, till the
thepric0rof time I demanded my money. After that his dissembling
those but of was past, and he told me plainely, that he would not giue
lmgs (and) mee twentie Mamadies per Fare, but would deliuer me
six pence x 3
whereas6 ? hack my cloath. Vpon which dealings, I dissembled as
'fferstety well as I could with him, intreating leaue for Agra, to the
Eoyais (who King, telling him that William Finch was the man that I
them Roy- left as my chiefe in this place : and in what kind soeuer his
all Mer- J r
chants?) at pleasure was to deale with me, he was the man to receiue
foure Bhil- A 3
JSgpenced) either money or ware. Vpon which answer, he gaue me his
the piece. iicense an(j letter to the King, promising me fortie horse
men to goe with me,, which hee did not accomplish. After
license receiued, the Father put into Mocreb-chan his head,
that it was not good to let me passe : for that I would

captain Hawkins's residence in indta. 397
complaine of him vnto the King. This he plotted with p„??y6a
Mocreb-chan to ouerthrow my iourney, which he could not Lme.Jestut'
doe, because I came from a King : but he said, that he
would not let me haue any force to goe with me. And what
else hee would haue him to doe, either with my Treuchman
and Coachman, to poyson or murther me, if one should
faile, the other to doe it : this inuention was put into
Mocreb-chans head by the Father. But God for his mercie
sake, afterward discouered these plots, and the Counsell of
this Jesuite tooke not place. Before the plotting of this,
the Jesuite and I fell out in the presence of Mocreb-chan,
for vile speaches made by him of our King and Nation, to
bee vassals vnto the King of Portugall : which words I
could not brooke, in so much, that if I could haue had my
will, the Father had neuer spoken more, but I was pre-
uented.

§ II-
His Journey to the Mogoll at Agra, and entertay(n)ment at Court.
Now finding William Finch in good health, newly re-
couered, I left all things touching the Trade of Merchandiz
ing in his power : giuing him my rembrance and- order,
what he should doe in my absence. So I began to take vp
Souldiers to conduct mee, being denyed of Mocreb-chan,
besides Shot and Bow men that I hired. For my better
safety, I went to one of Chanchanna his Captaines, to let mee
haue fortie or fiftie Horsemen to conduct me to Chanchanna,
being then Vice-Roy of Decan, Resident in Bramport, who
did to all his power all that I demanded, giving me valient
Horsemen Pattens,1 a people very much feared in these
parts : for if I had not done it, I had beene ouer-throwne.
For the Portugals of Daman had wrought with an ancient
friend of theirs a Raga, who was absolute Lord of a Pro-
uince, (betweene Daman, Guzerat and Decan) call Cruly,
1 Patans.

398 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
to be ready with two hundred Horsemen to stay my pass
age: but I went so strong and well prouided, that they durst
not incounter with vs : so likewise that time I escaped.
another Then at Dayta, another Prouince or Princedotne, my Coach-
provmc. maii being drunke with certaine of his kindred, discouered
the Treason that hee was hiered to murther me : he being
ouer-heard by some of my Souldiers, who at that present
came and told me, and how it should be done in the morn-
They vse to ing following, when we begin our trauell : (for wee vse to
before day trauell two houres before day) vpon which notice, I called
the Coachman vnto me, examining him, and his friends, be
fore the Captaine of the Horsemen I had with mee : who
could not deny; but he would rieuer confesse who hired
him, although hee was very much beaten, cursing his fortune
that he could not effect it : for he was to doe it the next
morning, so I sent him Prisoner vnto the Gouernour of
Suratt. But afterward by my Broker or Truchman, I vnderstood
The Jesnites that both hee and the Coachman were hired by Mocreb-chan,
bloudie plot J
v1irtus6and' Dut Dy the Fathers perswasion, the one to poyson me, and
X'jesuita the other to murther me : but the Truchman receiued no-
reqmra thing till he had done the deed, which hee neuer meant to
doe, for in that kind hee was alwayes true vnto mee : thus
m. Hawkma G0d preserued me. This was fiue dayes after my departure
actthfnrst from Suratt, and my departure from Suratt was the first of
i6<»ebrua17 February 1608. So following on my trauels for Bramport,
some two dayes beyond Dayta, the Pattans left me, but to
be conducted by another Pattan Captaine, Gouernour of
that Lordship, by whom. I was most kindly entertained.
His name was Sherchan, being sometime a Prisoner vnto
the Portugal, and hauing the Portugall Language perfect,
was glad to doe mee any seruice : for that I was of the
Nation that was enemie vnto the Portugall. Himselfe in
person, with fortie Horse-men, went two dayes iourney with
mee, till "he had freed mee from the dangerous places : at

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 399
which time he met with a troupe of Out-lawes, and tooke
some foure aliue, and slew and hurt eight, the rest escaped.
This man very kindly writ his Letter for me, to haue his house
at Bramport, which was a great curtesie, otherwise I could
not tell where to lodge my selfe, the Towne being so full of
Souldiers : for then began the Warres with the Decans.
The eighteenth of the said Moneth, thankes be to God, I
came in safetie to Bramport, and the next day I went to the His airmail
r J at Bram-
Court to visit Chanchanna, being then Lord Generall and P°rt-
Vice-Roy of Decan, giuing him a Present ; who kindly tooke
it : and after three houres conference with him, he made
me a great Feast, and being risen from the Table, inuested
me with two Clokes, one of fine Woollen, and another of
Cloth of Gold : giuing mee his most kind Letter of favour
to the King, which aualyed much. That done he imbraced
me, and so we departed. The Language that we spoke was
Turkish, which he spake very well. I remained in Bram- He stayeth
r J m Bram
port vnto the second of March ; till then I could not end eecondofhe
my businesse of Monies that I brought by exchange, staying arch'
likewise for a Carrauan ; hauing taken new Souldiers, I fol
lowed my Voyage or iourney to Agra : where after much
labour, toyle, and many dangers, I arriued in safety the six- ^'^"J™"**1
teenth of Aprill, 1609. Being in the Citie, and seeking out g^/^
for an house in a very secret manner, notice was giuen to
the King1 that I was come, but not to bee found : He pre
sently charged both Horsemen and Footmen in many troupes,
not to leaue before I was found, commanding his Knight
Marshall to accompany mee with great state to the Court, as
an Embassador of a King ought to be : which he did with a
great traine, making such extraordinary haste that I admired
much : for I could scarce obtayne time to apparell my selfe
in my best attyre. In fine, I was brought before the King, Became^
I came with a slight present, hauing nothing but cloth, and Kins-
1 The Emperor Jehiingir, who succeeded his father Akbar in 1605,
and died in 1627.

400 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
that not esteemed : (for what I had for the King, Mocreb
chan tooke from me, wher-with I acquainted his Maiestie.)
After salutation done, with a most kind and smiling coun
tenance, he bade me most heartily welcome, vpon which
speech" I did my obeysance and dutie againe. Hauing his
Maiesties Letter in my hand, he called me to come neere
vnto him, stretching downe his hand from the Seate Royall,
where he sate in great Maiestie something high, for to be
seene of the people : receiuing very kindly the Letter of me,
viewing the Letter a prettie while, both the Seale, and the
manner of making it vp, he called for an old Jesuite that
was there present to reade it. In the meane space, while
the Jesuite was reading it, hee spake vnto mee in the
kindest manner that could bee, demanding of mee the con
tents of the Letter, which I told him ; upon which notice,
presently granting and promising me by God, that all what
the Kirjg had there written, he would grant and allow with
all his heart, and more if his Maiestie would require it.
jeBuiticaii The Jesuite likewise told him the effect of the Letter, but
Chantie. discommending the stile, saying it was basely penned,
writing Vestra without Maiestad : my answere was vnto the
King, and if it shall please your Maiestie, these people are
our enemies : how can this letter be ill written, when my
King demandeth favour of your Maiestie ? he Said, it was
true.
TheMogoU Perceiuing I had the Turkish Tongue, which himselfe
skilfuU in ° a '
the Turkish we]j understood, hee commanded me to follow him vnto his
tongue. Chamber of Presence, being then risen from that place of
open Audience, desiring to haue further conference with me:
in which place I stayed some two houres, till the King came
forth from his women. Then calling mee vnto him, the first
thing that hee spake, was that he vnderstood that Mocreb
chan had not dealt well with mee, bidding, mee bee of good
cheere, for he would remedie all. It should seeme, that
Mocreb-chans enemies had acquainted the King with all his

captain Hawkins's residence in India. 401
proceedings : for indeed the King hath Spies vpon every spy93 uP°n
Nobleman. I answered most humbly, that I was certaine Nobleman
all matters would goe well on my side, so long as his
Maiestie protected me. Vpon which speech he presently
sent away a Post for Suratt, with his command to Mocreb
chan, writing vnto him very earnestly in our behalfes : con-
iuring him to bee none of his friend, if hee did not deale
well with the English, in that kind, as their desire was.
This being dispatched and sent by some Messenger, I
sent my Letter to William Finch, wishing him to goe with
this command to Mocreb-chan : at the receit of which hee
wondred that I came safe to Agra, and was not murthered,
or poysoned by the way, of which speech William Finch
aduertised me afterward.
It grew late, and hauing had some small conference with
the King at that time, he commanded that I should daily
be brought into his presence, and gaue a Captaine named
Houshaberchad charge that I should lodge at his house,
till a house was found conuenient for mee : and when I
needed anything of the King, that he should bee my
Solicitor. According to command, I resorted to the Court,
where I had daily conference with the King. Both night
and day, his delight was very much to talke with mee, both
of the Affaires of England and other Countries, as also many
demands of the West Indies, whereof hee had notice long m. wai.
' ° Hawkins
before, being in doubt if there were any such place, till he Jjf*w™t in
had spoken with me, who had beene in the Countrey. indies.
Many dayes and weekes being past, and I now in great
favour with the King, to the griefe of all mine enemies,
espying my time, I demanded for his Commandement or
Commission with Capitulations for the establishing of our
Factory to be in mine owne power. His answere was,
whether I would remayne with him in his Court, I replyed,
till shipping came ; then my desire was to goe home, with
the answere of his Maiesties Letter. Hee replyed againe,

402 RELATION OP OCCURRENCES DURING
that his meaning was a longer time, for he meant to send
an Embassador to the. King of England, at the comming of
the next shipping : and that I should stay with him vntill
some other bee sent from my King, to remayne in my place,
saying this : Thy staying would be highly for the benefit of
thy Nation, and that he would giue me good maintenance,
and my being heere in his presence, would bee the cause to
right all wrongs that should be offered vnto my Nation :
and further, what I should see beneficiall for them, vpon
my petition made, hee would grant : swearing by his
Fathers Soule, that if I would remayne with him, he would
grant me Articles for our Factorie to my hearts desire, and
would neuer goe from his word. I replyed againe, I would
consider of it. Thus daily inticing me to stay with him,
alleaging as is aboue written, and that I should doe seruice,
both to my naturall King and him, and likewise he would
stipendafy ahow me by the yeare, three thousand and two hundred
honorable1 pounds sterling for my first, and so yeerely, hee promised
his Nobles, mee to augment my Liuing, till I came to a thousand Horse.
So my first should be foure hundred Horse. For the
Nobilitie of India haue their Titles by the number of their
Horses,1 that is to say, from fortie to twelue thousand, which
pay belongeth to Princes, and his Sonnes. I trusting upon
his promise, and seeing it was beneficiall both to my Nation
and myself, being dispossessed of that benefit which I should
haue reaped, if I had gone to Bantam, and that after halfe
a doozen yeeres, your Worships would send another man of
sort in my place, in the meane time, I should feather my
Neast,.and doe you seruice : and further perceiuing great
iniuries offered vs, by reason the King is so farre from the
Ports, for all which causes aboue specified, I did not think
it amisse to yeeld vnto his request. Then, because my
1 The Emperor Akbar established 66 munsubs or commands of cavalry,
the Munsubdars commanding from ten to 10,000 ; but only the king's
sons had munsubs above 5,000. (See Gladwin's. %m Akbari, i, p. 210.)

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 403
name was something hard for his pronuntiation, hee called
me by the name of English Chan,1 that is to say, English
Lord, but in Persia it is the Title for a Duke, and this
went currant throughout the Countrey.
Now your Worships shall vnderstand, that I being nowe
in the highest of my fauours, the Jesuites and Portugalls
slept not, but by all meanes sought my ouerthrow : and to
say the truth, the principall Mahumetans neere the King,
enuyed much that a Christian should bee so nigh vnto him.
The Jesuite Peneiro being with Mocreb-chan, and the ohriJtS
Jesuites here, I thinke did little regard their Masses and ltie'
Church matters, for studying how to ouerthrow my Affaires:
aduice being gone to Goa by the Jesuites here, I meane in
Agra, and to Padre Peneiro at Surat or Cambaya, hee work
ing with Mocreb-chan to be the Portugals assistance, and T£| ^^'e
the Vice Roy sending him a great Present, together with against our
many Toyes vnto the King with his Letter. These presents
and many more promises, wrought so much with Mocreb
chan, that he writeth his Petition vnto the King, sending
it together with the present, aduertising the King, that the
suffering of the English in his land, would be the cause of
the losse of his owne Countries, neere the Sea-Coasts, as
Suratt, Cambaya, and such like : and that in any case he
entertaine me not, for that his ancient friends the Portugalls
murmured highly at it : and that the same is spread amongst
the Portugalls, that I was Generall of ten thousand Horse- ^fs^ta.
men, readie to giue the assault vpon Diu, when our shipping seme-
came. The Vice-Royes Letter likewise was in this kind : the
Kings answere was ; that he had but one English-man in M»g
his Court, and him they needed not to feare, for hee hath
not pretended any such matter; for I would haue giuen
him Liuing neere the Sea ports, but he refused it, taking it
neere me heere. This was the Kings answere, upon which
1 Inglis Khiin.

404 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
answere, the Portugalls were like madde Dogges, labour
ing to worke my passage out of the World. So I told the
King what dangers I had passed, and the present danger
wherein I was, my Boy Steuen Grauoner instantly depart-
yfflet°la8 1D£> tms World, my man Nicholas Vfflet extreame sicke, and
this was all my English Company, my selfe beginning to
fall downe too. The King presently called the Jesuites,
and told them if I dyed by any extraordinary casualtie, that
they should all rue for it. This past, the King was very
earnest with me to take a white Mayden out of his Palace,
who would giue her all things necessary, with slaues, and he
would promise mee she should turne Christian : and by this
meanes my meates and drinkes should be looked vnto by
them, and I should liue without feare. In regard she was a
Moore, I refused, but if so bee there could bee a Christian
found, I would accept it. At which my speech, I little
thought a Christians Daughter could bee found. So the
slm anXr6 ^lnS caued to memorie one Mubarique Sha1 his Daughter,
Christian. wh° was a Christian Armenian, and of the Race of the most
ancient Christians, who was a Captaine, and in great fauor
EkberPad- with Ekbar Padasha,2 this Kings Father. This Captaine
dyed suddenly and without will, with a Masse of Money,
and all robbed by his Brothers and Kindred, and Debts that
cannot be recouered : leauing the Child only a few Jewels.
I seeing she was of so honest a Descent, hauing passed my
word to the King, could not withstand my fortunes. There-
He taketh a fore I tooke her, and for want of a Minister, before Christian
Christian gentle- Witnesses, I marryed her: the Priest was my man Nicholas,
woman to > j J >
clmeou?/ whicl1 * thought had beene lawfull, till I met with a
teEn^ Preacher that came with Sir Henry Middleton, and hee
land, but he , • , ¦, T , „
dying by shewing me the error, 1 was new marryed agayne : for euer
she was' after I liued content and without feare, she being1 willing to
after mar- no
Tower*,?*1' goe where I went, and liue as I liued. After these matters

1 Mubarik Khan is given in the list of Munsubdars of 1,000 in Glad
win's Ayin Akbori, i, p. 218. 2 Akbar.

captain hawkins's residence in india. 405
ended, newes came hither that the Ascention was to come
by the men of her Pinnasse, that was cast away neere Suratt, ^MraoYthe
vpon which newes, I presently went to the King and told casfaway
him, crauing his Licence, together with his Commission, suratt.
for the setling of our Trade : which the King was willing to
doe, limiting me a time to returne, and be with him againe.
But the Kings chiefe Vizir Abdal Hassan, a man enuious
to all Christians, told the King that my going would be the
occasion of warre : and thus harm might happen vnto a
great man who was sent for Goa, to by toyes for the King.
Vpon which speech, the Kings pleasure was I should stay,
and sent away his Commission to my chiefe Factor at Surat, j^^feg8,,
and presently gaue order, that it should be most effectually Suour of
written, so firmely for our good, and so free as heart can ii?h vnder
wish. This I obtained presently, and sent it to William seaiewithgolden Let-
Finch. Before it came there, newes came that the Ascen- ters.Ascention
tion1 was cast away, and her men saued, but not supposed to cast away-
come into the Citie of Surat. Of that likewise I told the
King, who seemed to be very much discontented with that
great Captaine Mocreb-chan my enemy : and gaue me an
other Commandement for their good vsage, and meanes to
be wrought to saue the goods, if it were possible. These
two commandments came almost together, to the great ioy
of William Finch and the rest, admiring much at these
things. And now continuing these great fauours with the
King, Being continually in his sight, for one halfe of foure
and twentie houre seruing him day and night, I wanted not
the greater part of his Nobles that were Mahumetans, to be ^f^'
mine enemies. ForNit went against their hearts, that aNobf|sare
Christian should be so great and neere the King : and the tans!™6"
more, because the King had promised to make his Brothers some of the
children Christians. Awhile after came some of the Ascen- £°mP£nyAlexander
1 See the Voyages of Sir James Lancaster to the East Indies, etc. ^e^GeM-
(Hakluyt Society), pp. 120-130, for an account of the loss of the ^ame te
Ascension.

406 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
tions Company vnto me (whom I could haue wished of
better behaviour, a thing pryed into by the King). In all
this time, I could not get my debts of Mocreb-chan, till at
length he was sent for vp to the King, to answere for many
faults, and tyrannicall In-justice, which he did to all people
in those parts, many a man being vndone by him, who
petitioned to the King for Justice.
Now this Dogge, to make his peace, sent many bribes
to the Kings Sonnes and Noble-men, that were neere
the King, who laboured in his behalfe. After newes
came that Mocreb-chan was approached neere, the King
presently sent to attach all his goods, which were in that
abundance, that the King was two moneths in viewing
them, every day alloting a certaine quantitie to be brought
before him : and what he thought fitting for his owne turne
he kept, and the rest deliuered againe to Mocreb-chan.
In viewing of these goods, there came those Peeces and
Cortlet, and Head-peece, with other Presents, that he tooke
from me for the King of mine owne, not suffering mee to
bring them my self: at the sight whereof, I was so bold to
tell the King what was mine. After the King had viewed
these goods, a very great complaint was made by a Banian,
how that Mocreb-chan had taken his Daughter, saying she
was for the King, which was his excuse, deflowering her
himself: and afterwards gaue her to a Brammen, belong
ing to Mocreb-chan. The man who gaue notice of this
Child, protested her to passe all that euer he saw for
beautie. The matter being examined, and the offence done
by Mocreb-chan found to be true, hee was committed to
prison, in the power of a great Nobleman : and commande-
ment was giuen that the Brammene his priuy members
should be cut off.
Before this happened to Mocreb-chan, I went to visite
him diuer times, who made me very faire promises, that he
would deale very kindly with mee, and be my friend, and

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 407
that I should haue my right. Now being in this disgrace,
his friends daily soliciting for him, at length got him cleere :
with commandement, that he pay euery man his right, and
that no more complaints be made of him if he loved his life.
So Mocreb-chan by the Kings command, paid euery one his
due, excepting me, whom he would not pay, but deliuer me
my cloath, whereof I was desirous, and to make, if it were
possible, by faire meanes and end with him : but he put me
off the more, delaying time till his departure, which was
shortly after. For the King had restored him his old place
againe, and he was to goe for Goa, about a faire ballace
Ruby,1 and other rare things promised the King.

§111,
The Mogols inconstancie, and Captaine Hawkins departure with Sr
Henrie Middleton to the Bed Sea: Thence to Bantam, and after
for England.
All my going and sending to Mocreb-chan for my Money
or Cloath was in vaine, I being abused so basely by him,
that I was forced to demaund Justice of the King, who com
manded that the money be brought before him ; but for all
the Kings commaund he did as he listed," and doe what I
could, he cut me off twelve thousand and five hundred Mama-
dies.2 For the greatest man in this Kingdome was his friend,
and many others holding on his side, murmering to the
King, the suffering of English to come into his Countrey :
for that we were a Nation, that if we once set foot, we would
take his Countrey from him. The King called me to make
answere to that they said : I answered his Maiestie, that if
1 Baias ruby ; or a ruby from Balakhsh or Badakshan. (See Yule's
Marco Polo, i, 169.)
2 The Mahmudi was a gold coin of Gujra.t. The Muhammadan
Dynasty of Gujrat nourished from a.d. 1376 to 1572, when that
country was annexed to Akbar's empire. (See Thomas's Pathan Kings,
p. 852.)

408 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
any such matter were, I would answere it with my life : and
that we were not so base a Nation, as these mine enemies
reported. AU this was because I demaunded my due, and
yet cannot get it. At this time those that were neere
fauourites, and neerest vnto the King, whom I daily visited,
and kept in withall, spake in my behalfe : and the King
holding on my side, commanded that no more such wrongs
be offered me. So I thinking to vse my best in the recouery
of this, intreting the head Vizir that he would be meanes
that I receiue not so great a losse : answered me in a
threatening manner : that if I did open my mouth any
more, hee would make me to pay an hundred thousand
Mamadies, which the King had lost in his Customes, by
entertaining me, and no man durst aduenture by reason of
the Portugall. So by this meanes I was forced to hold my
tongue, for I know this Money was swallowed by both
these Dogges. Now Mocreb-chan being commaunded in
publicke, that by such a day he be ready to depart for
Guzerat, and so for Goa, and then come aud take his leaue,
as the custome is : in this meane time, three of the princi-
pallist Merchants of Surat were sent for by the Kings
commaundement, and come to the Court about affaires
wherein the King or his Vizir had imployed them, being
then present there when Mocreb-chan was taking his leaue;
a Letter this being a plot laid both by the Portugals, Mocreb-chan,
Se East°in- an,I the "Vizir. For some six daies before a Letter came
Moguiihe vnto the King from the Portugal Vice-roy, with a Present
English. e of many rare things. The Contents of this Letter were,
how highly the King of Portugall tooke in ill part the
entertaining of the English, he being of an ancient amitie,
with other complements : and with all, how that a Merchant
was there arriued, with a very faire ballace Ruby, weighing
three hundred and fiftie Rotties,1 of which stone the pattern
1 Rati (corruptly Ruthee), the seed of Abrus precatorius, used as the
basis of weights for gold and silver. 8 Rati = l Masha, 12 Masha = \
Tola, 5 Tola = l Chitak, 16 Chitak=\ Sir, a -S'iV=21bs. 6 oz.

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 409
was sent. Upon this newes Mocreb-chan was to be hast
ened away, at whose comming to take his leaue together
with Padre Pineiro, that was to goe with him, the aboue
named Merchants of Surat being then there present, Mocreb
chan began to make his speech to the King, saying, that a speech of
_ Mocreb-
this and many other things he hoped to obtaine of the Por- ck.ant°the
tugall, so that the English were disanulled : saying more, ^uah'118
that it would redound to great losse vnto his Maiestie and
Subiects, if hee did further suffer the English to come into
his parts. Vpon which speech he called the Merchants be
fore the King, to declare what losse it would be, for that
they best know. They affirmed, that they were like to be
all vndone because of the English, nor hereafter any toy
could come into this country, because the Portugal was so
strong at sea, and would not suffer them to goe in or out of
their Ports : and all their excuse was, for suffering the
English. These speeches now and formerly, and lucre of this stone,
and promises by the Fathers of rare things, were the causes
the King overthrew my affaires; saying, Let the English ^^^
come no more : presently giuing Mocreb-chan his com- j^, into"
mandment, to deliuer the Viceroy to that effect, that he against the
. English.
would neuer suffer the English to come any more into his
ports. I now saw that it booted me not to meddle vpon a sudden,
or to make any petition vnto the King, till a prety while
after the departure of Mocreb-chan ; and seeing my enemies
were so many, although they had eaten of me many Pre
sents. When I saw my time, I made my petition vnto the
King. In this space I found a toy to giue, as the order is :
for there is no man that commeth to make petition, who Ne°tn8™f0e
commeth empty handed. Vpon which petition made him, ^S*
he presently graunted my request, commanding his Vizir to gent? Pre"
make me another commandement in as ample manner as my
former, and commanded that no man should open his mouth

410 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
to the contrary : for it was his pleasure that the English should
come into his Ports. So this time againe I was a floate.
Of this alteration, at that instant the Jesuite had notice :
for there is no matter passeth in the Mogols Court in secret,
but it is knowne halfe an houre after, giuing a small matter
to the writer of that day : for there is nothing that passeth,
but it is written, and writers appointed by turnes, so that
the Father, nor I, could passe any businesse, but when we
would we had notice. So the Jesuite presently sent away
the most speedy messenger that could be gotten, with his
Letter to Padre Pineiro and Mocreb-chan, aduertising them
of all that had passed. At the receit of which, they con
sulted amongst themselues, not to go forward on their voy
age to Goa, till I were ouerthrowne againe. Wherefore
Mocreb-chan wrote his petition vnto the King, and letters
vnto his friend, the head Vizir, how it stood not with the
Kings honour to send him, if he performed not what he
promised the Portugal : and that his voyage would be ouer
throwne, if he did not call in the commandement he had
giuen the Englishman. Vpon the receiuing and reading of
this, the King went againe from his word, esteeming a few
toyes which the Father had promised him more than his
honour. Now beeing desirous to see the full issue of this, I went to
Hogio Tahan, Lord General of the Kings Palace (the second
man in place "in the Kingdome) intreating him that he
would stand my friend. He very kindly, presently went
vnto the King, telling him I was very heauy and discontent,
that Abdall Hassan would not deliuer me my commande
ment, which his Maiestie had graunted me. The King
answered him (I being present, and very neere him), saying,
It was true, that the commandement is sealed, and ready
to be deliuered him : but vpon letters receiued from Mocreb
chan, and better consideration by me had on these my
affaires in my Ports in Guzerat, I thought it fitting not to

CArTAiN Hawkins's residence in india. 411
let him haue it. Thus was I tossed and tumbled in the
kind of a rich Merchant, aduertising all he had in one bot-
tome, and by casnaltie of stormes or pirates, lost it all at
once. So that on the other side, concerning my liuing,
I was so crossed, that many times this Abdall Hassan his
answere would be vnto me ; I know wel euough you stand
not in such need, for your Master beareth your charges, and
the King knew not what he did in giuing it to you, from
whom he should receiue. My answer was, that it was the
Kings pleasure, and none of my request ; and seeing it is
his Maiesties gift, I had no reason to loose it : so that from
time to time he bade mee haue patience, and he would find
out a good liuing for me. Thus was I dallied withall by
this mine enemie, in so much that in all the time I serued
in Court, I could not get a liuing that would yeeld anything,
giuing me my liuing still, in places where Out-lawes raigned:
only, once at Lahor by an especiall commandement from
the King, but I was soone depriued of it : and all that 1
receiued from the beginning, was not fully three hundred
pounds, a great part whereof was spent vpon charges of
men sent' to the Lordships. When that I saw that the
liuing which the King absolutely gaue me, was taken from
me, I was then past all hopes : for before, at the newes of
the arriuall of shipping, I had great hope that the King
would performe former grants, in hopes of rare things that
should come from England. But when I made Petition
ynto the King concerning my liuing, he turned me
ouer to Abdall Hassan : who not only denied me my
liuing ; but also gaue order, that I be suffered no more to
enter within the red rayles : which is a place of honour, ^red
where all my time was placed very neere vnto the King, in ^
which place there were but fiue men in the Kingdome be
fore me.
Now perceiuing that all my affaires were ouerthrowne, I
determined with the Councell of those that were neere me,

412 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
to resolue whereto to trust, either to be well in or well out.
Vpon this resolution I had my petition made ready, by which
I made known vnto the King, how Abdall Hassan bad dealt
with me, hauing himselfe eaten what his Maiestie gaue me :
and how that my charges for so long time (being by his
Maiestie desired to stay in his Court, vpon the faithful pro
mises he made me) were so much, that it would be my vtter
ouerthrow : therefore I besought his Maiestie that he would
consider my cause, either to establish me as formerly, or
giue me leaue to depart. His answere was, that he gaue
me leaue, commanding his safe conduct to bee made mee,
to passe freely without molestation, throughout his King
doms. When this commandment was made, as the custome
is, I came to do my obeysance, and to take my leaue,
intreating for an answere of my King's Letter. Abdall
Hassan comming vnto me from the King, in a disdainfull
manner utterly denyed me : saying, that it was not the cus
tome of so great a Monarch, to write in the kind of a Letter,
vnto a pettie Prince, or Gouernour. I answered him, that
the King knewe more of the mightinesse of the King of
England, then to be a petty Gouernour. Well, this was
mine answere, together with my leaue taken.
I went home to my house, studying with all my endeauours
to get all my goods and debts together, and to buy com
modities with those monies that were remayning, vsing all
the speed I could, to cleere my self of the countrey : stay
ing only for Nicholas Vfflet, to come from Lahor, with a
wm. Finch remainder of Indico, that was in William Finches power,
determined ir 3
o^Irfand6 W^° determined to goe ouer land, being past all hopes for
f°n(Jng" euer imbarking our selues at Surat : which course I also
would willingly haue taken, but that as it is well knowne,
for some causes I could not trauell thorow Turkie, and espe
cially with a woman. So I was forced to currie fauour with
the Jesuites, to get mee a safe conduct, or Seguro, from
the Vice Roy to goe to Goa, and so to Portugall, and from

CAPTAIN HAWKINS'S RESIDENCE IN INDIA. 413
thence to England — thinking, as the opinion of others was,
that the Vice Roy giuing his secure Royall, there would be
no danger for me. But when my Wifes Mother and
kindred saw that I was to carry her away, suspecting that
they would neuer see her any more, they did so distaste me
in these my trauels, that I was forced to yeeld vnto them,
that my Wife go no further than Goa, because it was India:
and that they could goe and come and visit her, and that,
if at any time I meant to goe for Portugall, or aDy other
where, that I leaue her that portion, that the custom of
Portugall is, to leaue to their Wiues when they dye : vnto
which I was forced to yeeld to giue them content, to preuent
all mischiefes. But knowing that if my Wife would goe
with me, all would bee of no effect, I effected with the
Jesuites to send for two Secures, the one concerning my
quiet being and free liberties of conscience in Goa, and to
be as a Portingall in all Tradings and Commerce in Goa :
(this was to shew my Wifes Parents). The other was an
absolute grant for free passage into Portugall, and so for
England, with my Wife and Goods, without any disturbances
of any of my Wiues friends : and what agreements I made
with them to be void and of none effect, but I should stay
or goe, when I pleased, with free libertie of conscience for
my self. This last Seguro I should receaue at Cambaya,
which at my departure for our shippes were not yet come,
but was to come with the Carrauan of Frigats.
This and much more the Fathers would haue done for
me, only to rid me out of the Country ; for being cleare of
me, they should much more quietly sleepe. About this
time, I had notice of the comming of three English ships
that were arriued at Mocha, and without faile their de
termination was to come for Surat, at the time of the yeare ;
hauing this Aduertisement by Nicholas Bangham from
Bramport, who departed from me some weekes before,
both for the recouery of certain Debts, as also with my

414 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
Letter to our shipping, if it were possible to send it, -aduer
tising them of my proceedings.
In this time of my dispatching, newes came of Mocreb-
chans returne from Goa, with many gallant and rare things,
which he brought for the King. But that Ballace Ruby
was not for his turne, saying it was false, or at the least,
made his excuse for feare, that if he should giue the Por
tugall his price, and when it came into the King's power,
it should bee valued much lesse (which ouerplus he should
bee forced to pay, as hee had done in former times for
other things), hee left it behind him. And besides, I
vnderstood, the Mocreb-chan had not his full content as he
expected of the Portugalls. And likewise, at thi3 instant
the Vizir, my enemy, was thrust out of his place, for many
complaints made of him, by Noblemen that were at great
charges and in debt, and could not receiue their liuings in
places that were good, but in barren and rebellious places :
and that he made a benefit of the good places himselfe and
robbed them all. For these complaints and others, he had
much ado to escape with life, being out of his place, and
sent to the wars of Decan. Now one Gaihbeig1 being the
King's chief Treasurer (a man that in outward shew made
much of me, and was always willing to pleasure me, when
I had occasion to vse him) was made chiefe Vizir; and his
Daughter marryed with the King, being his chiefe Queen
or Paramor.2 The Vizir's sonne and my selfe were great
friends, he hauing beene often at my house, and was now
exalted to high Dignities by the King. Perceiuing this
alteration, and being certified of the comming of shipping,
by certain aduice, sundry wayes. Knowing the custom of
these Moores, that without gifts and bribes nothing would
1 Mirza Ghiyas, son of a native of Tehran, who rose from great
poverty to a position of trust under Akbar.
2 The celebrated Nur Jehdn. Her father Mirza Ghiyas, was made
chief minister by Jehangir.

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 415
either goe forward or bee accomplished, I sent my
Broker to seeke out for Jewels, fitting for the King's Sister
and new Paramour ; and, likewise, for this new Vizir, and
his sonne.
Now after they had my Gifts, they beganne on all sides
to solicite my cause ; at which time newes came to Agra, by
Banians of Diu, how that off Diu, three English ships were
seene, and three dayes after other newes came, that they
were at the Barre of Surat. Vpon which newes the great
Vizir asked me what toy I had for the King, I showed
him a Ruby Ring that I had gotten, at the sight of which he
bade me make readie to goe with him at Court time, and he
would make my Petition to the King, and told me that the
King was alreadie wonne. So once more comming before
his Greatnesse, and my Petition being read, he presently
granted mee the establishing of our Factorie, and that the
English come and freely trade for Surat ; willing the Vizir
that with all expedition my commandement be made, vpon
which grant the Vizir made signe vnto mee, to make obey-
sance, which I did, according to the Custome. But now
what followed ?
A great Nobleman and neerest fauourite of the King,
being the dearest friend that Mocreb-chan, and likewise
Abdall Hassan had, brought vp together from their child
hood, and Pages together vnto the King, began to make a
speech vnto the King : saying, that the granting of this
would be the vtter overthrow of his Sea Coasts and people,
as his Maiestie had beene informed by petition from diuers
of his Subiects : and besides, that it stood not with his
Maiesties honour to contradict that which he had granted
to his ancient friends the Portugals, and whosoeuer
laboured for the English, knew not what he did; if knowing,
hee was not his Maiesties friend. Vpon the speech of this
Nobleman, my businesse once againe was quite ouer
throwne, and all my time and presents lost : the King

416 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
answering, that for my Nation, hee would not grant Trade
at the Sea Ports, for the inconuenience that diuers times
had been scanned vpon. But, for my selfe, if I would
remayne in his seruice he would command, that what he
had allowed me should be giuen me to my content : which
I denyed, vnlesse the English should come vnto his
Ports according to promise, and as for my particular main
tenance, my King would not see me want. Then desiring
againe answere of the Kings Letter, he consulted a-while
ethfrom*' W1th his Vizirs, and then sent mee his denyall. So I tooke
refondof my leaue and departed from Agra, the second of Nouember
leu. 1611. Being of a thousand thoughts what course I were
best to take : for I still had a doubt of the PortingaUs that
for lucre of my goods they would poyson me. Againe, on
the other-side, it was dangerous by reasone of the Warres
to trauell thorow Decan vnto Masulipatan : by land, by
reason ofthe Turkes, I could not goe; and to stay I would
not amongst these faithlesse Infidels.
I arriued at Cambaya, the last of December 1611, where
I had certaine newes of the English ships that were at Surat.1
Immediately I sent a Footman vnto the ships with my
Letter, with certaine aduice, affirmed for a truth, by the
Fathers of Cambaya, unto me, that the Vice-Roy had in
readinesse prepared to depart from Goa, foure great ships,
with certaine Gallies, and Frigats for to come vpon them,
and Treasons plotted against Sir Henry Middletons person ;
poucterf of which newes, I was wished by the Fathers to aduise Sir
esuites. jjenry : which I found afterwards to bee but their policie,
to put him in feare, and so to depart, and withall, I wished
them to be well aduised. And as for me my shifts were to
goe home, by the way of the Portugalls, for so I had promised
my Wife and her Brother, who at that present was with me :
and to delude him and the Fathers till I had notice for
1 See the Voyages of Sir James Lancaster to the 'East Indies, etc.
(Hakluyt Society, 1877), p. 195.

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 41 7
certaine, that I might freely get aboord without feare, which
I was assured to know at the returne of my Letter ; in the
meane time I did all I could to dispatch her Brother away :
who within two dayes after departed for Agra, not suspecting
that I had any intent for the ships. Nicholas Ufflet now
departing from mee to survey the way, beeing two dayes
iourney on his way, met with Captaine William Sharpeigh,
Master Fraine, and Hugh Greete, sent by Sir Henry to
Cambaya vnto mee, which was no small ioy vnto mee. So
vnderstanding of the place (which was miraculously found
out by Sir Henry Middleton, and never knowne to any of
the countrey) I admired and gaue God thankes : for if this
place had not beene found, it bad been impossible for mee
to haue gotten aboord with my goods. Wherefore making
all the haste that I could, in dispatching my self away, I
departed from Cambaya, the eighteenth of January 1611,
and came vnto the ships the six and twentieth of the said ^"j0™^
moneth, where I was most kindly receaued by Sir Henry Fleet."
Middleton. From this place we departed the eleuenth of p^/wlth
February 1611, and arriued at Dabul the sixteenth of the Fleet 'from
same : in which we tooke a Portugall ship and Frigat, out Dabuii.
& r ° A Portugal
of which we tooke some quantitie of goods. And from thence ship taken.
we departed the lift of March 1611 for the Red Sea, with Sufauiie
an intent to revenge vs of the wrongs offered vs, both theRedSea.
by Turkes and Mogols : at which place wee arriued the
third of Aprill 1612. Here we found three English ships, ofi. join
their General was Captaine John Saris. Hauing dispatched
our businesse in the Red Sea, wee set sayle from thence
the sixteenth of August 1612, and arriued in Tecu m^/f
Sumatra the nineteenth of October 1012, and hauing ended |uc~t^_
our businesse there, we departed in the night, the twentieth
of November 1612, and came on ground the same night,
three leagues off, vpon a Bed of Corall, in three fathome
water, or thereabouts, and by the great mercie of God we
escaped : but were forced to returne backe againe to stop

418 RELATION of occurrences during
her leakes, the goods being taken out, and some damage
receiued.1 Now her leakes being somewhat stopped, and
her goods in, not losing an houre of time, wee departed
riue'at Ban- from thence the eight of December 1612, and arriued at
ber, 1612. Bantam the one and twentieth of the same : where Sir
Henry Middleton not finding the Trade sufficient to goe
home that yeare, was forced to stay and carine her. Hauing
ended account with him, as himself liked best, I tooke my
goods and shipped them in the Salamon, which came for
our Voyage, for sauing of a greater Fraight : but I could
not be admitted to goe in her myselfe ; Captaine Saris, I
thank him, accommodated me in the Thomas, and it was
agreed, that the Salamon and wee should keepe company
together.2 From thence we set saile on the thirtieth of January
ditfonlr6" 1612, and arriued in Saldania Road, the one apd twentieth
saidaiua. day of April 1613, and comming neere some two hundred
Many ad- leagues from the Cape, we had much foule weather and
uises of the ° L
teu'chm^ contrary windes. Here we found foure sayle of Hollanders
ffan^ac1-" that departed Bantam a moneth before vs. There was
i haue6 °' great kindnesse betwixt vs, especially to me, in regard that
not so fit- they had heard much of my great estate in India, by an
ting euery _ j a j
Eye. Agent of theirs, that was Lieger at Masulipatan. Some
eight dayes after the Expedition came in, and brought mee
a Letter from your Worships, and deliuered it vnto mee two
days after their arriuall. The wind comming faire, we
departed from Saldania the one and twentieth of May 1613.
1 See page 209 of the Voyages of Sir James Lancaster to the East
Indies (Hakluyt Society's vol., 1877). Tiku (Tecu) was one of the
principal Sumatran ports for pepper on the west coast.
2 See Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, etc., p. 218. The Thomas was
a ship in the fleet of Captain Saris.

Their de
parturefrom Salda
nia.

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 419

§IV.
A briefe Discourse of the strength, wealth, and Goucrnment, with
some Customes of the great Mogol : which I haue both seene and
gathered by his chiefe Officers, aud Ouer-scers of all his Estate.
First, I begin with his Princes, Dukes, Marquesses,
Earles, Viscounts, Barons, Knights, Esquires, Gentlemen,
and Yeomen. As Christian Princes vse their degrees by
Titles, so they haue their Degrees and Titles by their
number of Horses : vnlesse it bee those that the King most
fauoureth, whom he honoureth with the Title of Chan and
Trumirza. None haue the title of Sultan but his Sonnes.
Chan in the Persian Language, is as much as Duke,
Trumirza is the title of the King's Brother's Children.
They that be of the Fame of twelve thousand Horsemen
belong to the King, and his Mother, and eldest Sonne, and
one more, who is of the blood Royal of Vybeck, named vybeck.
Chan Azam. Dukes be nine thousand Fame, Marquesses
fiue thousand Fame, Earles three thousand, Viscounts two
thousand, Barons a thousand, Knights four hundred,
Esquires an hundred, Gentlemen fifty, Yeomen from twenty
down wards. All they that haue these numbers of Horse
men are called Mansibdars,1 or men of Liuings or Lordships. Mansib-
3 or <jars-
Of these there are three thousand, that is to say, foure be
of twelve thousand Horse a-piece, and they be the King,
his Mother, Sultan Peruis, Prince and Chan Azam. Of
nine thousand Horsemen there bee three, that is to say,
Sultan Choran, the King's third Sonne, Chanchanna, and
Kelich Chan. Of fiue thousand there be eighteene, named
Hasuff Chan, Chan Tchan, Abdula Chan, Raga Manzing
Ray Durga, Raga Sursing, Ramadus Rechuna, Raga Bassu,
Emirel Vinera, Mahabet Chan, Chan Dowran, Sedris Chan,
Hogio Bey Mirza, Mirza Cazi, Etlebar Chan, Abulfet De-
1 See Gladwin's Ayin Akbari.

420 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
kenny Selem Cully Chan, Sheik Serid. Of three thousand
there be two and twentie, to wit, Chan Alem Mirza Ereg,
Mirza Doreb, Hogio Sahan, Hogio Abdal Hassan, Mirza
Gaysbey, Mirza Shemchadin, Mirza Chadulla, Seffer Chan,
Kazmy Chan, Mirza Chin Kelich, Saif Chan, Lalla Ber-
singdia, Mirza Tyeady, Mirza Ally Ecberchuly, Terbiat
Chan, Mirza Laschary, Mirza Chamcogly, Mirza Rustem,
Ally Merdon Badur, Tasbey Chan, Abulbey. The rest bee
from two thousand downwards till you come to twentie
Horses, two thousand nine hundred and fiftie. Of Horse
men, that receiue pay monethly, from sixe Horse to one,
there bee fiue thousand, these bee called Haddies. Of such
Officers and men as belong to the Court and Campe, there
be thirtie sixe thousand, to say, Porters, Gunners, Water
men, Lackeyes, Horse-keepers, Elephant-keepers, Small
shot, Trasses, or Tentmen, Cookes, Lightbeares, Gardiners,
Keepers of all kind of Beasts. All these be payd monethly
out of the King's Treasure, whose Wages be from ten
to three Rupias.
All his Captaines are to maintaine at a seuen-nights'
warning, from twelue thousand to twentie Horse, all
Horsemen three Leckes,1 which is three hundred thousand
Horsemen: which of the Incomes of their Lordships allowed
them, they must maintayne.
The Kings yeerely Income of his Growne Land is fiftie Cror
of Rupias, every Oror is an hundred Leckes, and every
Leek is an hundred thousand Rupia3.
The compasse of his countrey is two yeares trauell with
candahar. Carrauan, to say, from Candahar to Agra, from Loughtare
in Bengala to Agra, from Cabul to Agra, from Deccan to
Agra, from Surat to Agra, from Tatta in Sinde to Agra.
Agra is in a manner in the heart of all his kingdomes.
His Empire is diuided into fiue great Kingdomes, the
1 Lakhs.

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 421
first named Pengab, whereof Lahor is the Chiefe Seate ; the
second is Bengala, the Chiefe Seate Sonargham : the third
is Malwa, the Chiefe Seate is Ugam :l the fourth is Decan, the
Chiefe Seate Bramport : the fifth is Guzerat, the Chiefe
Seat is Amadauer :2 The Chiefe Citie or Seat Royall of the
Kings of India is called Delly, where hee is established King :
and there all the Rites touching his Coronation are per
formed. There are sixe especiall Castles, to say, Agra, Guallier,3
Neruer, Eatambore, Hassier, Roughtaz. In euery one of
these Castles he hath his Treasure kept.
In all his Empire there are three Arch-enemies or Rebels,
which with all his Forces cannot be called in, to say,
Amberry Chapu4 in Decan: in Guzerat, the Sonne of Muzafer,
that was King, his name is Bahador of Malwa, Raga Rahana.
His Sonnes be fiue, to say, Sultan Coussero,5 Sultan Peruis,6
Sultan Chorem,7 Sultan Shariar,8 and Sultan Bath. Hee hath
two yong Daughters, and three hundred Wiues, whereof
foure be chiefe as Queenes, to say, the first, named Padasha
Banu, Daughter to Kaime Chan : the second is called Noore
Mahal, the Daughter of Gais Bijge :9 the third is the
Daughter of Seinchan : the fourth is the Daughter of
Hakim Hamann, who was Brother to his Father Ecbcr
Padasha.
His Treasure is as foUoweth : The first is his seuerall Coine
of Gold.
In primis, of Seraffins Ecberi, which be ten Rupias a
piece, there are sixtie Leckis. Of another sort of Coyne, of
1 Ujain. 2 Ahmedabad. s Gwalior.
4 Malik Amber, the famous Minister of Ahmadnagar.
6 Khuzru, who rebelled and passed the rest of his life in captivity.
6 Parwi'z, a drunkard.
7 Khurram, who succeeded as Shah Jehan. s Shahryar.
" See note at p. 414.

422 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
a thousand Rupias a piece, there are twentie thousand
pieces. Of another sort, of halfe the value, there are ten
thousand pieces. Of another sort of Gold, of twenty Tolas1
a piece, there are thirtie thousand pieces. Of another sort
of five Tolas, which is this Kings stampe, of these there be
fiftie thousand pieces. Of Siluer as foUoweth :
In primis, of Rupias Ecbery, thirteene Cror (euery Cror is
an hundred Leckes, and every Lecke an thousand Rupias) or
one thousand three hundred Leckes. Of another sort of Coine
of Selim Sha this King, of an hundred Tolas a piece, there are
fortie thousand pieces. Of twentie Tolas a piece, there are
thirtie thousand pieces. Of ten Tolas a piece, there are
twentie thousand pieces. Of fiue Tolas a piece, there are fiue
and twentie thousand pieces. Of a certaine Money that is
called Sauoy, which is a Tola \, of these there are two
Leckes. Of Sagaries, whereof fiue make sixe Toles, there
is one Lecke. More should haue beene coyned of this
stampe, but the contrary was commanded.
Here foUoweth of his Jewells of all Sorts.
In primis. Of Diamantes 1£ Battmann, there be rough, of
all sortes and sizes, great and small ; but no lesse than
2§- Caratts. The Battman is fiftie pound waight, which
maketh eightie two pounds \ weight English. Of Ballace
Rubies little and great, good and bad, there are single two
thousand pieces. Of Pearle of all sorts, there are twelue
Battmans. Of Rubies of all sorts, there are two Battmans.
prectou,sa ^ Emeraudes of all sorts, fiue Battmans. Of Eshime,
minlfrcmx which stone commeth from Cathaia, one Battman. Of
aya" stones of Emeu, which is a red stone, there are fiue thousand
pieces. Of all other sorts as Corall, Topasses, etc., there is
an infinite number. 1 See note at p. 408.

CArTAiN Hawkins's residence in india. 423
Here foUoweth ofthe Jewells wrought in Gold.
Of Swords of Almaine Blades, with the Hilts and Scab
bards set with diuers sorts of rich stones, of the richest sort,
there are two thousand and two hundred. Of two sorts of
Poniards, there bee two thousand. Of Saddle Drummes,
which they vse in their Hawking, of these there are very
rich ones of Gold, set with stones, fiue hundred. Of Brooches
for their heads, whereinto their Feathers be put, these be
very rich, and of them there are two thousand. Of Saddles
of Gold and Siluer set with stones, there are one thousand.
Of Teukes there be fiue and twentie ; this is a great
Launce couered with Gold, and the Fluke set with stones,
and these instead of their colours, are carryed, when the
King goeth to the warres, of these there are five and twentie.
Of Kittasoles1 of state, for to shaddow him, there bee twentie.
None in his Empire dareth in any sort haue any of these
carryed for his shadow but himself, of these, I say, there
are twentie. Of Chaires of Estate there bee fiue, to say,
three of Siluer, and two of Gold : and of other sorts of
Chaires, there bee an hundred of Siluer and Gold, in all an
hundred and fiue. Of rich Glasses, there bee two hundred.
Of Vases for Wine very faire and rich, set with Jewels,
there are an hundred. Of Drinking Cuppes fiue hundred,
but fiftie very rich, that is to say, made of one piece of
Ballace Ruby, and also of Emerods, of Esliim, of Turkish Eshim
J ' 3 3 stones of
stone, and of other sorts of stones. Of Chaines of Pearle, Cathar-
and Chaines of all sorts of precious stones, and Ringes with
Jewels of rich Diamants, Ballast Rubies, Rubies and old
Emerods, there is an infinite number, which only the keeper
thereof knoweth. Of all sorts of Plate, as Dishes, Cups,
Basons, Pots, Beakers of Siluer wrought, there are two
thousand Battmans. Of Gold wrought, there are one
thousand Battmans. 1 QuitaMoli's — State umbrellas.

424 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
Here foUoweth of all sorts of Beasts.
Of Horses there are twelue thousand. Whereof there bee
Or Kismire. of Persian Horses foure thousand, of Turkie Horses six
thousand, and of Kismire two thousand : all are twelue
thousand. Of Elephants there bee twelue thousand, whereof fiue
thousand bee teeth elephants, and seuen thousand of shee
ones, and yong ones, which are twelue thousand. Of
Camels there be two thousand. Of Oxen for the Cart, and
all other seruices, there bee tenne thousand. Of Moyles1
there be one thousand. Of Deere, like Buckes, for game
or sport, there be three thousand. Of Ounces for Game,
there be foure hundred. Of Dogges for hunting, as Grey
hounds and other, there be foure hundred. Of Lions tame
there be an hundred. Of Buffaloes, there be fiue hundred.
Of all sorts of Hawkes there bee foure thousand. Of
Pidgeons for sport of flying, there bee ten thousand. Of
all sorts of Singing Birds, there be foure thousand.
Of Armour of all sorts at an houres warning, in a
readinesse to arme fiue and twentie thousand men.
His daily expense for bis owne person, that is to say, for
feeding his Cattell of all sorts, and amongst them some few
Elephants Royall, and all other expences particularly, as
Apparell, Victuals, and other petty expenses for his house
amounts to fiftie thousand Rupias a day.
The expenses daily for his Women by the day, is thirtie
thousand Rupias. All this written concerning his Treasure,
Expenses and monethly pay is in his Court or Castle of
Agra : and euery one of the Castles above nominated,
haue their seuerall Treasure, especially Lahor, which was
not mentioned.
£freMt0ogoU The Custome of this Mogoll Emperour is to take posses-
eueryman. sion of kis Noblemens Treasure when they dye, and to
1 Mules.

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 425
bestow on his Children what he pleaseth : but commonly
he dealeth well with them, possessing them with their
Fathers Land, diuiding it amongst them ; and vnto the
eldest Sonne, hee hath a very great respect, who in time re-
ceiueth the full title of his Father. There was in my time a
great Indian Lord or Prince, a Gentile named Raga Gaginat, Raga Gagi-
vpon whose goods the Kings seizing after his death, he was wealth.
found (besides Jewels and other Treasure) to haue sixtie
Maunes in Gold, and euery Maune is fiue and fiftie pound
waight. Also his custome is, that of all sorts of Treasure,
excepting Coine, to say of all sorts of Beasts, and all other
things of value, a small quantitie is daily brought before
him. All things are seuerally diuided into three hundred
and sixtie parts, so that hee daily seeth a certaine number,
to say, of Elephants, Horses, Camels, Dromedaries, Moyles,
Oxen, and aU other : as also a certaine quantitie of Jewels
and so it continueth all the yeere long: for what is
brought him to day is not seene againe, till that day twelue
moneth. He hath three hundred Elephants Royall, whioh are Elephants
Elephants whereon himselfe rideth : and when they are
brought before him, they come with great iollitie, hauing
some twentie or thirtie men before them with small Stremers.
The Elephants Cloth or Couering is very rich, eyther of
Cloth of Gold, or rich Veluet : hee hath following him his
shee Elephant, his Whelpe or Whelpes, and foure or fiue
yong ones, as Pages, which will be in number some sixe,
some seuen, and some eight or nine. These Elephants and
other Cattell, are dispersed among his Nobles and men of
sort to ouer-see them, the King allowing them for their ex
penses, a certaine quantitie : but some of them will eate a
great deale more then their allowance commeth vnto. These
Elephants Royall eate tenne Rupias euery day in Sugar,
Butter, Graine, and Sugar Canes. These Elephants are
the goodliest and fairest of all the rest, and tame withall, so

420 RELATION of occurrences during
managed, that I saw with mine eyes, when the King com
manded one of his young Sonnes named Shariar (a Childe
of seuen yeeres of age) to goe to the Elephant to bee taken
vp by him with his snout : who did so, deliuering him to
his keeper that commanded him with his hooke: and hauing
done this vnto the Kings Sonne, he afterwards did the like
to many other Children. When these Elephants are shewed,
if they who haue the charge of them bring them leane, then
are they checked and in disgrace, vnlesse their excuse bee
the better : and so it is with all things else in that kinde,
that euery man striueth to bring his quantitie in good liking,
although hee spend of his owne.
When hee rideth on Progresse or Hunting the compasse
The Kings 0f ^{g Tents may bee as much as the compasse of London
Touts as J r
compasse an(* morej and I niay say, that of all sorts of people that
as London. f0viow the Cainpe, there are two hundred thousand : for hee
is prouided, as for a Citie. This King is thought to be the
greatest Emperour of the East, for Wealth, Land, and force
of Men : as also for Horses, Elephants, Camels, and Drome
daries. As for Elephants of his owne, and of his Nobles,
>;'"i'ty there are fortie thousand, of which the one halfe are trayned
thousand ' ¦>
Elephants. j]iepiiaufcs for the Warre : and these Elephants of all beasts,
are the most understanding. I thought good here to set
downe this one thing, which was reported to me for a cer
tainty, although it seemed very strange. An Elephant
hauing iourneyed very hard, being on his trauell, was mis
used by his Commander, and one day finding the fellow
asleepe by him, but out of his reach, hauing greene Canes
brought him to eate, split the end of one of them with his
teeth, and taking the other end of the Cane with his snowt,
reached it toward the head of the fellow, who being fast
asleepe, and his turbant fallen from his head (the vse of
India being to weare their haire long like Women), he
tooke hold with the Cane on bis haire, wreathing it therein,
and withall, haling him vnto him, vntill he brought him

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 427
within the compasse of his snowt, he then presently killed
him. Many other strange things are done by Elephants.
He hath also infinite numbers of Dromedaries, which are promedar-
3 ies swift-
very swift, to come with great speed, to giue assault to any ness-
Citie, as this Kings Father did : so that the enemies thought
he had been in Agra, when he was at Amadauar : and he
came from Agra thither in nine daies, vpon these Drome- From Agra
° . r toAmada-
daries, with twelue thousand choyce men, Chan-channa JPF ^ nine
being then his Generall. The day being appointed for the
battell, on a suddaine newes came of the Kings arriuall,
which struck such a present feare into the Guzerats, that
at that time they were ouerthrowne and conquered. This
King hath diminished his chiefe Captaines, which were
Rasbootes,1 or Gentiles, and naturall Indians, and hath pre
ferred Mahumetans (weak spirited men, void of resolution)
in such sort, that what this mans Father, called Ecber
Padasha, got of the Decans, this King Selim Sha, beginneth Seiimsre-
to loose. He hath a few good Captaines yet remaining,
whom his father highly esteemed, although they be out of
fauor with him, because that vpon his rebellion against his
father, they would not assist him, considering his intent
was nought : for he meant to haue shortened his Fathers
daies, and before his time to haue come to the Crowne.
And to that purpose, being in Attabase, the regall seate of
a Kingdome called Porub, hee arose with eighty thousand
horse, intending to take Agra, and to haue possession of the
Treasury, his Father being then at the warres of Decan :
who vnderstanding of his Sonnes pretence, left his conquer
ing there, and made hast to come home to saue his owne.
Before the Kings departure to the warres, hee gaue order
to his Sonne to goe with his Forces vpon Aranna, that or Ra-
great Rebel in Malwa, who comming to parle with this
Rebel, be told the Prince, that there was nothing to bee
gotten by him but blowes : and it were better for him, now
1 Rajputs.

428 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
his Father was at Decan, to goe vpon Agra, and possesse
himselfe of his Fathers treasure, and make himselfe King,
for there was no man able to resist him. The Prince fol
lowed his counsell, and would haue prosecuted it, but his
Fathers hast before, vpon notice being giuen, preuented
his purposes : at whose arriual at Agra hee presently sent
unto his Sonne, that he make choyce either to come and fall
at his feete, and be at his mercie to doe with him as he
pleased, or to fit himselfe for the battell and fight it out.
He well considering the valour of his Father, thought it
meetest to submit himself, and to stand to his Fathers
mercy : who after affronts shewed him and imprisonment,
was soone released and pardoned, by reason of many friends,
his Mother, Sisters, and others.
This Selim Padasha being in rebellion, his father dis
possessed him, and proclaimed heire apparent, his eldest
Sonne Cossero1 being eldest Sonne to Selimsha :2 for his
owne Sonnes younger Brothers to Selim, were all dead in
Decan and Guzerat : yet shortly after his Father dyed, who
in his death-bed had mercy on Selim, possessing him
c"-tsaro againe- But Cossero, who was proclaimed heire apparent,
proclaimed, stomached his father, and rose with great troopos, yet was
not able to indure after the losse of many thousand men on
both sides : but was taken, and remaineth still iu prison in
the Kings Pallace, yet blinde, as all men reporte : and was
Heowasnot so commanded to be blinded by his father. So since that
blinded •*
ta^you1106 tlme' heing now eight yeares after, he had commanded to
sirTho6 m put all his sonnes confederates to death, with sundry kinds
tions) de- of death ; some to be hanged, some spitted, some to haue
liiLcrcd out
of prison, their heads chopped off, and some to bee torne by Elephants.
Since which time hee hath raigned in quiet, but ill beloued
of tho greater part of his Subiects, who stand greatly in
feare of him. His custome is euery yeare to be out two
moneths on hunting, as is before specified. When he
1 Khuzru. 2 Jehanghir.

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 429
meaneth to begin his iourney, if comming forth of his
Pallace, hee get vp on a Horse, it is a signe that he goeth
for the warres : but if he get vpon an Elephant or Palan-
kine, it will bee an hunting voyage. My selfe in the time
that I was one of his Courtiers, haue seene many cruell
deeds done by him. Fiue times a weeke, he commaundeth
his braue Elephants to fight before him : and in the time
of their fighting, either comming or going out, many times
men are killed, or dangerously hurt by these Elephants.
But if any be grieuously hurt (which might very well escape)
yet neuerlesse that man is cast into the Riuer, himselfe
commanding it, saying : dispatch him, for as long as he
liueth, he will doe nothing else but curse me, and therfore
it is better that he dye presently. I haue seene many in
this kind. Againe hee delighteth to see men executed
himselfe, and torne in pieces with Elephants. He put to
death in my time his Secretary, onely vpon suspicion, that
Chan-channa should write vnto the Deccan King, who being
sent for and examined about this matter, denied it : where
upon the King not having patience, arose from his seate,
and with his sword gaue him his deadly wound, and after
wards deliuered him to bee torne by Elephants.
Likewise, it happened to one who was a great friend of seuenty.
mine (a chiefe man, hauing vnder his charge the Kings
Wardrobe, and all Woollen Cloath, and all sorts of mercery,
and his China dishes) that a faire China dish (which cost
ninetie Rupias, or fortie fiue Rials of eight) was broken, in
this my friends time, by a mischance (when the King was
in his progresse) being packed amongst other things, on a
Cammell, which fell and broke all the whole parcell. This
Nobleman knowing how dearly the King loued this dish
aboue the rest, presently sent one of his trusty seruants to
China-machina, ouer land to seeke for another, hoping that China-
' A macmna.
before he should remember the dish, he would returne with
another like vnto it : but his euill lucke was contrarie. For

430 relation of occurrences during
the King two yeares after remembered the dish, and his
man was not yet come. Now, when the King heard that
the dish was broken, he was in a great rage, commanding
him to be brought before him, and to be beaten by two
men, with two great whips made of cords : and after that
he had receiued one hundred and twenty of these lashes, he
commanded his Porters, who he appointed for that purpose,
to beate him with their small Cudgels, till a great many of
them were broken : at the least twenty men were beating
of him, till the poore man was thought to bee dead, and
then he was haled out by the heeles, and commaunded to
prison. The next day the King demaunded whether he was
liuing, answer was made, that he was : whereupon he com
manded him to be carried vnto perpetuall prison. But the
Kings Sonne being his friend, freed him of that, and
obtained of his Father, that he might bee sent to his owne
house, and there be cured. So after two moneths, he was
reasonably well recouered, and came before the King, who
presently commanded him to depart the Court, and neuer
come againe before him, vntill he had found such a like dish,
china- an,3 that hee trauell for China-machina to seeke it : the King1
machma. o
allowed him fiue thousand Rupias towards his charges ; and
besides, returning one fourth part of his liuing that he had
before, to maintaine him in his trauell. He being departed,
and fourteene moneths on his trauell, was not yet come
home : but newes came of him, that the King of Persia had
the like dish, and for pitties sake hath sent it him, who at
my departure was on his way homeward.
Likewise, in my time it happened that Pattan, a man
of good stature, came to one of the King's Sonnes, named
lerSs Sultan Peruis, to intreat him to bestow somewhat on him,
by petition deliuered to one of the Princes chief men, at the
deliuery whereof, the Prince caused him to come neere :
and demanding of him whether hee would serue him ; he
answered, No, for he thought that the Prince would not

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 431
grant him so much as he would aske. The Prince seeing
him to be a pretty fellow, and meanly apparelled, smiled,
demanding what would content him : hee told him plainly,
that hee would neither serue his Father nor him, vnder a ?r0lia „
3 demand.
thousand Rupias a day, which is 100 pound sterling. The
Prince asked him what was in him that he demanded so
much; he replyed, make tryall of me with all sorts of
weapons, either on horsebacke, or on foote, and for my
sufficient command in the warres, if I doe not performe as
much as I speake, let mee dye for it. The houre being
come for the Prince to go to his Father, he gaue ouer his
talk, commanding the man to be forth comming. At night
the kings custome being to drinke, the Prince — perceiuing
his Father to be merry, told him of this man : so the King
commaunded him to be brought before him. Now while he
was sent for, a wilde Lyon was brought in, a very great one,
strongly chained, and led by a dozen men and keepers : and
while the King was viewing this Lyon, the Pattan came in,
at whose sight the Prince presently remembered his Father.
The King demanding of the Pattan whence he was, and of
what parantage, and what valour was in him, that he should
demand so much wages : his answer was, that the King
should make tryal of him. That I will, saith the King, goe Cruen com-
wrastle and buffuet with this Lyon. The Pattans answere
was, that this was a wild beast, and to goe barely vpon him
without weapon, would be no triall of his man-hood. The
King not regarding his speech, commanded him to buckle
with the Lion, who did so, wrastling and buffeting with the
Lyon a pretty while : and then the Lyon being loose from
his keepers, but not from his chaines, got the poore man
within his clawes, and tore his body in many parts : and
with his pawes tore the one halfe of his face, so that this
valiant man was killed by this wilde beast. The King not
yet contented, but desirous to see more sport, sent for ten
men that were of his horse-men in pay, being that night on

432

relation of occurrences during

Bloody ex
periments.

Costly en
tertainment.

the watch : for it is the custome of all those that receiue
pay, or liuing from the King, to watch once a week, none
excepted, if they be well, and in the Citie. These men, one
after another, were to buffet with the Lyon, who were all
grieuously wounded, and it cost three of them their Hues.
The King continued three moneths in this vaine, when he
was in his humors, for whose pleasure sake many men lost
their hues, and many were grieuously wounded. So that
euer after, vntill my comming away, some fifteene young
Lyons were made tame, and played one with another before
the king, frisking betweene mens legs, and no man hurt in
a long time.
Likewise, he cannot abide, that any man should haue any
precious stone of value, for it is death if he know it not at
that present time, and that he hath the refusall thereof.
His Jeweller, a Banian named Herrauand, had bought a
Diamond of three Mettegals, which cost one hundred thou
sand Rupias : which was not so closely done, but newes
came to the King : Herrauand likewise was befriended,
beeing presently acquainted therewith, who before the King
sent for him, came vnto him, and challenged the King that
he had often promised him that he would come to his house :
the King answered that it was true. Herrauand therefore
replyed, that now was the time, for that he had a faive Pre
sent to bestow vpon his Maiestie : for that he had bought
a stone of such a weight. The King smiled and said, Thy
lucke was good to prevent me. So preparation was made,
and to the Bannians house he went. By this meanes, the
King hath ingrossed all faire stones, that no man can buy
from fiue Carats vpwards, — without his loaue : for he hath
the refusall of all, and giueth not by a third part so much
as their value. There was a Diamant cutter of my acquaint
ance, that was sent for to cut a Diamant of three Mettegals
and a halfe, who demanded a small foule Diamant to make
powder, wherewith to cut the other Diamant. They brought

captain Hawkins's residence in indta. 433
him a Chest, as he laid, of three spannes long, and a spanne maDfeerich
and a halfe broad, and a spanne and halfe deepe full of Diamonds
Diamants of all sizes and sorts : yet could he find neuer any
one for his purpose, but one of fiue Rotties, which was not
very foule neither.
He is exceeding rich in Diamants, and all other precious
stones, and vsually weareth euery day a faire Diamant of
great price, and that which he weareth this day, till his
time be come about to weare it againe, he weareth not the
same ; that is to say, all his faire Jewels are diuided into a
certaine quantitie or proportion to weare euery day. He
also weareth a chaine of Pearle, very faire and great, and
another chaine of Emeralds, and ballace Rubies. Hee hath
another Jewell that commeth round about his turbant, full
of faire Diamants and Rubies. It is not much to bee won- 2^ o£ 80
dered, that he is so rich in Jewels, and in Gold and Siluer, weat '
when he hath heaped together the Treasure and Jewels of
so many Kings, as his forefathers haue conquered, who
likewise were a long time in gathering them together ; and
all came to his hands. Againe, all the money and Jewels
which his Nobles heape together, when they die come all
vnto him, who giueth what he listeth to the Noblemans
wiues and children; and this is done to all them that
receiue pay, or liuing from the King. India is rich in
siluer, for all Nations bring Coyne, and carry away commo
dities for the same ; and this Coyne is buried in India, and
goeth not out : so it is thought, that once in twentie
yeeres it commeth into the Kings power. All the lands in
his Monarchie are at his disposing, who giueth and taketh
at his pleasure. If I haue lands at Lahor, being sent vnto Those lands
r *-" which are
the warres at Decan, another hath the lands, and I am to l^^
receiue mine in Decan, or thereabouts, neere the place ^he pnf-
where I am, whether it be in the warres, or that I be sent those which
, , he giueth in
about any other businesse, for any other countrey. And f^°™
men are to looke well vnto their doings ; for if they be maineth to

434 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
in'auaS' f°ull(I tardie in neuer so little a matter, they are in danger
moredfertiie of loosing their lands ; and if complaints of Iniustice which
innsdomoai1 they doe bee made vnto the King, it is well if they escape
Dominions, with losse of their lands.
He is very seuere in such causes, and with all seueritie
punisheth those Captaines who suffer out-lawes to giue
assault vnto their Citie, without resisting. In my time
there were some eight Captaines, who had their liuing vpon
the borders of Bengala, in a chiefe Citie called Pattana,1
which was suffered to be taken by out-lawes, aud they all
fled; but that Citie was againe restored by a great Cap
taine, who was Commander of a Countrey neere there
abouts, who took all those Captaines that fled, and sent
Punishment them to the Kins', to vse punishment vpon them at his
of Cowards. °' r r
CitiWelii d pleasure- So they were brought before the King in
Pattana. chaines, and were presently commanded to be shauen, both
head and beard, and to weare womens apparel, riding vpon
asses, with their faces backwards, and so carried about the
Citie. This being done, they were brought before the King
againe, and there whipped, and sent to perpetuall prison ;
and this punishment was inflicted vpon them" in my sight.
He is seuere enough, but all helpeth not, for his poore
Riats or Clownes complaine of Iniustice done them, and cry
for Justice at the Kings hands. They come to a certaine
place, where a long rope is fastened vnto two pillars neere
vnto the place where the King sitteth in Justice. This
rope is hanged full of Bels, plated with gold, so that the
rope beeing shaken the Bels are heard by the King ; who
sendeth to know the cause, and doth his Justice accord
ingly. At his first comming to the Crowne, he was more
seuere then now he is, which is the cause that the Coun
trey is so full of outlavves and theeues, that almost a man
cannot stirre out of doores, throughout all his Dominions,
without great forces ; for they are all become Rebels.
1 Patna.

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 435
There is one great Ragane1 betwixt Agra and Ama- JJ* a»"<j£
davar, who commandeth as much land as a good King- ^Hhose3
dome : and all the forces the Mogol hath cannot bring subiection,'
him in, for his forces are vpon the mountains. He is haps some
r of them
twentie thousand strong; in Horse, and fiftie thousand strong were free
& 3 a Kings, as
in Foote, and many of these Rebels are in all his Domi- j^e^"
nions : but this is one of the greatest. There are many ^y
risen at Candahar, Cabul, Moldun,2 and Sinde, and in the cessorof
King/dome of Boloch : Bengala likewise, Decan, and Guzerat wnom'Aiex-
6 " ' ander con-
are full, so that a man can trauell no way for out-lawes. g»erea.
' ^ He is now
Their Gouernment is in such a barbarous kind, and cruell *T™ffi °'
exacting vpon the Clownes, which causeth them to be so theysayT
head-strong. The fault is in the Chiefe, for a man cannot to acknow-
.... . . . ledge tri-
continue half a yeere in bis lining;, but it is taken from him onte to the
J . . Mogol.
and giuen vnto another: or else the King taketh it for
himselfe (if it be rich ground, and likely to yeeld much)
making exchange for a worse place : or as he is befriended
of the Vizir. By this meanes he raketh the poore, to get
from them what he can, who still thinketh euery houre to
be put out of his place. But there are many, who continue a
long time in one place, and if they remaine but sixe yeeres,
their wealth which they gaine is infinite, if it be a thing of
any sort. The custome is, they are allowed so much liuing
to maintaine that Port which the King hath giuen them,
that is to say, they are allowed twentie Rupias of euerie
horse by the Moneth, and two Rupias by the Moneth for
euery horse Fame, for the maintenance of their Table. As
thus : A Captaine that hath fiue thousand horse to main
taine in the warres, hath likewise of Fame other fiue thou
sand, which he is not to maintaine in the warres, but onely
for his Table, allowed vpon euery horse by the Moneth two
Rupias, and the other fiue thousand, twenty Rupias by the
Moneth: and this is the pay which the greater part of them
are allowed. ' Tho liana of Udaipur. 2 Multan.

436 RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING
So" ofnis ^°w ^ere ¦*¦ meane to speake a little of his manners and
some"™?- customes in the Court. First, in the morning about the
author™ a breake of day, he is at his Beades, with his face turned to
the Westward. The manner of his praying when he is in
Agra, is in a priuate faire roome, vpon a goodly set stone,
hauing onely a Persian Lambe-skinne vnder him : hauing
also some eight chaines of Beads, euery one of them con
taining foure hundred. The Beads are of rich Pearle,
ballace Rubyes, Diamonds, Rubyes, Emeralds, Lignum
Aloes, Eshern, and Corall. At the vpper end of this Jet
stone the Picture of our Lady and Christ are placed, grauen
in stone : so he turneth ouer his Beads, and saith three
thousand two hundred words, according to the number of
his Beads, and then his Prayer is ended. After he hath
done, he sheweth himselfe to the people, receiuing their
Salemes or good morrowes, vnto whome multitudes resort
euery morning for this purpose. This done, hee sleepeth
The great two houres more, and then dineth, and passeth his time
histimef with his Women, and at noone hee sheweth himselfe to the
people againe, sitting till three of the clocke, viewing and
seeing his Pastimes, and sports made by men, and fighting
of many sorts of beasts, euery day sundry kinds of Pastimes.
Then at three of the clocke all the Nobles in generall (that
be in Agra, and are well) resort vnto the Court, the King
comming forth in open audience, sitting in his Seat-Royall,
and euery man standing in his degree before him, his
chiefest sort of Nobles standing within a red Rayle, and the
rest without. They are all placed by his Lieutenant Gene
rall. This red Rayle is three steppes higher then the place
where the rest stand : and within this red Rayle I was
placed, amongst the chiefest of all. The rest are placed by
Officers, and they likewise be within an other uery spacious
place rayled : and without that Rayle, stand all sorts of
horseman and souldiers that belong vnto his Captaines and
all other commers. At these Bayles there are many doores

The red
rayle.

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 437
kept by many Porters, who haue white rods to keepe men in
order. In the middest of the place, right before the King,
standeth one of his Sheriffes, together with his Master
Hangman, who is accompanied with forty hangmen, wearing
on their heads a certaine quilted cap, different from all
others, with an Hatchet on their shouldiers : and others
with all sorts of Whips, being there readie to do what the
King commandeth. The King heareth all causes in this
place, and stayeth some two houres euery day (these Kings
of India sit daily in Justice euery day, and on the Tuesdayes
doe their executions). Then he departeth towards his priuate
place of Prayer : his Prayer beeing ended, foure or fiue
sorts of uery well dressed and roasted meats are brought
him, of which as he pleaseth, he eateth a bit to stay his
stomache, drinking once of his stronge drinke. Then hee
commeth forth into a priuate roome, where none can come
but such as himselfe nominateth (for two yeeres I was one of Hawkins
his attendants here). In this place he drinketh other fiue together68
cupfuls, which is the portion that the Physicians alot him. the great
Mogol.
This done, he eateth opium, and then he ariseth, and being
in the height of his drinke, he layeth him downe to sleepe,
euery man departing to his owne home. And after he hath
slept two howres they awake him, and bring his Supper to
him, at which time he is not able to feed himselfe ; but it is
thrust into his mouth by others, and this is about one of
the clocke : and then he sleepeth the rest of the night.
Now in the space of these sixe cups, he doth many idle
things : and whatsoeuer he doeth, either without or within,
drunken or sober, he hath writers, who by turnes set downe
euery thing in writing which he doth : so that there is no
thing passeth in his life time, which is not noted ; no, not
so much as his going to the necessary ; and how often he
lieth with his women, and with whom : and all this is done
vnto this end, that when he dieth, these writings of al his
actions and speeches, which are worthy to be set downe,

438 relation of occurrences during
might be recorded in the Chronicles. At my being with
makesUs1 him, ^e made his brother's children Christians ; the doing
chMren whereof was not for any zeale he had to Christianitie, as
the Fathers, and all Christians thought ; but upon the
tdanitieis8 prophecie of certaine learned Gentiles, who told him that
ciaymed, the sonnes of his body should be disinherited, and the chil-
thenbuta dren of his brother should raigne. And therefore he did it
tricke, rather of to make these children hatefull to all Moores, as Christians
6ensualitie,
uotionOT6" are °dious in their sight : and they being once Christians,
btate- when any such matter should happen, they should find no
subiects : but God is omnipotent, and can turne the making
of these Christians vnto a good ende, if it be his pleasure.
This King, amongst his children, hath one called Sultan
Shariar, of seuen yeeres of age, and his Father on a day
being to goe some whether to solace himself, demanded of
him whether hee would goe with him : the child answered,
That if it pleased his Highnesse, he would either goe or
stay, as the Pleasure of his Father was. But because his
answer was not that with all his heart he would waite vpon
his Maiestie, he was very well buffeted by the King, and
that in such sort, that no child in the world but what would
haue cryed ; which this child did not. Wherefore his
Father demanded why he cryed not ; he answered, that his
Nurses told him that it was the greatest shame in the world
for Princes to cry when they were beaten : and euer since
they nurtured me in this kind, saith he, I neuer cryed, and
nothing shall make me cry to the death. Vpon which
speech, his Father being more vexed, stroke him againe,
and caused a bodkin to bee brought him, which he thrust
through his cheeke ; but all this would not make him cry,
although he bled uery much, which was admired of all, that
the Father should doe this vnto his child, and that he was
so stout, that hee would not crie. There is great hope of
this child to exceed all the rest.
Two feasts. This Emperour keepeth many feasts in the yeare, but two

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 439
feasts especially may be nominated; the one called the
Nourous,1 which is in honour of the New Yeares day. This
feast continueth eighteene daies, and the wealth and riches
are wonderfull, that are to be seene in the decking and
setting forth of euery mans roome or place where he
lodgeth, when it is his to watch : for euery Nobleman hath
his place appointed in the Palace. In the middest of that
spacious place I' speake of, there is a rich Tent pitched, but An exceed-
so rich, that I thinke the like cannot bee found in the world. Tent'
This Tent is curiously wrought, and hath many Seminans
ioyning round about it, of most curious wrought Veluet,
embroidered with Gold, and many of them are of Cloath of
Gold and Siluer. These Seminans be shaddowes to keepe
the Sunne from the compasse of this Tent. I may say, it
is at least two acres of ground, but so richly spread with
Silke and Gold Carpets, and Hangings in the principall
places, rich as rich Veluet imbroydered with Gold, Pearies,
and precious stones can make it. Within it fiue Chaires of
Estate are placed, most rich to behold, where at his pleasure
the King sitteth. There are likewise priuate rooms for his
Queenes, most rich where they sit, and see all, but one not
seene. So round about this tent, the compasse of all may
bee some fiue Acres of ground. Euery principall Nobleman
maketh his roome, and decketh it, likewise euery man
according to his ability, striueth who may adorne his roome
richest. The King, where he doth affect, commeth to his
Noblemens roomes, and is most sumptuously feasted there :
and at his departure is presented with the rarest Jewels and
toyes that they can find. But because he will not receiue
any thing at that time as a present, he commandeth his
Treasurer to pay what his praysers valew them to bee worth,
which are valewed at half the price. Euery one, and all of
his Nobles prouide toyes, and rare things to giue him at this
feast : so commonly at this feast euery man his estate is aug-
1 Nau Rdz. The Persian New Year's Day, at the vernal equinox.

440

RELATION OF OCCURRENCES DURING

The feast of
his Birth
day.

See hereof
Sir Thorn.
Roe.

Voluntary burning of
women with
their dead
husbands.

mented. Two daies of this feast, the better sort of the
Women come to take the pleasure thereof: and this feast
beginneth at the beginning of the Moone of March. The
other feast is some foure moneths after, which is called the
feast of bis Birth-day : This day euery man striuetb who
may be the richest in apparell and Jewels.
After many sports and pastimes performed in his Palace,
he goeth to his mothers house, with all the better sort of his
Nobles, where euery man preseDteth a Jewell vnto his
Mother, according to his estate. After the bancket is ended,
the King goeth into a uery faire roome, where a ballance of
beaten Gold is hanged, with one scale emptie for him to
sit in; the other scale being filled with diuers things,
that is to say, Siluer, Gold, diuers sorts of Grain a
little, and so of euery kind of Mettall a little, and with
all sorts of precious stones some : In fine, he weigheth
himself with these things, which the next day are given to
the poore, and all may be valued to be worth ten thousand
pounds. This day, before he goeth vnto his mothers house,
euery man bringeth him his present, which is thought to
be ten times more worth, than that which he giueth to the
poore. This done, euery man departeth vnto his home.
His custome is, that when you petition him for any thing,
you must not come empty handed, but giue him some toy
or other, whether you write or no : by the gift you giue
him, he knoweth that you would demand some thing of him :
so after enquiry is made, if he seeth it conuenient, he
granteth it.
The custome of the Indians is to burne their dead, as you
haue read in other Authors, and at their burning, many of
their Wiues will burne with them : because they will bee
registred in their bookes, for famous and most modest and
louing Wiues, who leauing all worldly affaires, content them
selues to liue no longer then their Husbands. I haue seene
many proper Women brought before tbe King, whom (by

captain Hawkins's residence in india. 441
his commandement) none may burne without his leaue and
sight of them, I meane those of Agra. When any of these
commeth, hee doth perswade them with many promises of
gifts and liuing if they will liue : but in my time no per
swasion could prevaile, but burne they would. The King
seeing that aU would not serue, giueth his leaue for her to
be carried to the fire, where she burneth her selfe aliue
with her dead husband. Likewise his custome is, when any
great Nobleman hath been absent from him two or three
yeares, if they come in fauour, and haue performed well, he
receiueth them in manner and forme following.
First, the Noble-man stayeth at the gate of the Pallace, ^rtata-18)
till the Vizir and Lieutenant Generall, and Knight Martiall \f^J^
come to accompany him vnto the King : then he is brought
to the gate of the outermost rayles, whereof I haue spoken
before, where hee standeth in the view of the King in the
middest betweene these two Nobles ; then he toucheth the
ground with his hand and also with his head, very grauely,
and doth this three times. This done, he kneeleth downe
touching the ground with his fore-head, which being done,
he is carried forward towards the King, and in the midway
he is made to do this reuerence againe : then he commeth
to the doore of the red rayles, doing the like reuerence the
third time : and hauing thus done, he commeth within the
red rayles, and doth it once more vpon the Carpets. Then
the King commandeth him to come vp the staires or ladder
of seauen steppes, that he may embrace him ; where the
King most louingly embraceth him before all the people
whereby they shall take notice, that he is in the Kings
fauour. The King hauing done this, he then commeth
downe, and is placed by the Lieutenant Generall according
to his degree. Now, if he come in disgrace, through ex
clamations made against him, he hath none of these honours
from the King, but is placed in his place till he come to his
tryall. This King is very much adored of the Heathen Com-

442 captain Hawkins's residence in india.
monality, insomuch, that they will spread their bodies all
vpon the ground, rubbing the earth with their faces on
both sides. They vse many other fopperies and supersti
tions, which I omit, leauing them for other Trauellers, which
shall come from thence hereafter.
After I had written this, there came into my memory
feast ra-11 another Feast, solemnized at his Fathers Funerall, which is
rather? ls kept at his Sepulchre, where likewise himselfe, with all his
posterity, meane to be buried. Vpon this day there is great
store of victualls dressed, and much money giuen to the
poore. This Sepulchre may be counted one of the rarest
Monuments of the world. It hath beene this foureteene
yeeres a building, and it is thought it will not be finished
these seuen yeares more, in ending gates and walls, and
other needfull things, for the beautifying and setting of it
forth. The least that worke there daily, are three thousand
people : but thus much I will say, that one of our Worke-
le°uteh?es men Wl11 dispatch more then three of them. The Sepulchre
is some f of a mile about, made square : it hath seauen
heights built, euery height narrower then the other, till you
come to the top where his Herse is. At the outermost gate
before you come to the Sepulchre, there is a most stately
Palace building : the compasse of the wall ioyning to this
gate of the Sepulchre and garding, being within, may be at
least three miles. This Sepulchre is some foure miles
distant from the Citie of Agra.1
1 Mr. Fergusson says that Akbar's tomb at Secundra is quite unlike
any other tomb built in India either before or since, and of a design
borrowed from a Buddhist model. The tomb stands on a raised platform,
pf pyramidal form. The lower storey is pierced by ten great arches on
each face, and is thirty feet high. On this terrace stands another far
more ornate, and a third and fourth stand on this, all of red sandstone.
The tomb itself is a splendid piece of the most beautiful Arabesque
tracery.

INDEX.

Abdul Hassan, Vizier of Jehanghir,
inimical to Captain Hawkins, 405 ;
his treatment of Hawkins, 412
Abrohlos, on the Brazilian coast, 171
Adecia (Adexe) port in Teneriffe, 11
Agra, Captain W. Hawkins arrives at,
xlv, 399 ; departs from, 416
Aguja, Punta de, on the coast of Peru,
'261
Akbar, Emperor of India, rebellion of
his son Selim, 427 ; his tomb, 444
Albatross, 187, 188
Albuquerque, Don Beltran de la Cueva,
Duke of, 339
Alcatrarsa island, 15, 152
Algiers, expedition of Sir W. Hawkins
against, xxxix
Alligators, in Rio de la Hacha, account
of, 40, 41 ; in the Guayaquil river,
263
Alverstoke, a house at, called Pryvett,
belonging to Sir R. Hawkins, xxxix,
xlix
Ambergris, 155, 156
Anchors, buoying of, 198 ; loss of, 214 ;
repair of, 214 ; substitute for an
eye of, 215 ; used in the South Sea,
234
Anne of Austria, 118
Anthony, William, 106
Aquines (see Hawkins, Rd.)
Araucana of Ercill'a, 229 (m.)
Araucanian Indians, 227, 228, 229 ;
valour of, 242
Arequipa, 254
Arica, 240, 251, 341, 344
"Ark Royal", . in danger from bad
caulking, 115 (see Fleet)
Armada (Spanish), defeat of, xiv, 162,
222
Armour, use of onboard ship, 303, 304
Arrows, use in muskets, 322
Artillery, first in the South Sea,
brought over land, 234 ; overcharg
ing of guns, 252, 253 ; question as
to length of ordnance, 277 ; direction
of shot, 286 ; use after boarding,

293 ; comparison between guns of
" Dainty" and Spanish ships, 300 ;
use of short arrows for muskets, 322
"Ascension" wrecked near Surat, 406;
some of the crew come to Hawkins
at Agra, 405
Atacames bay, xxvi ; taste of brim
stone in water of the river at, 147 ;
account of, 265 (».); settlement of,
267 (».)
Azores (see Flores, Corvo, Terceira)
Bahia, 144 (».)
Baker, Mr., master shipwright, enemy
of Sir J. Hawkins, xiii
Baldivia (see Valdivia)
Balparaiso (see Valparaiso)
Banana (see Plantain)
Bantam, 391
Bark (see Winter's Bark)
"Bear" (see Fleet)
Beef, salt, 226
Berehaven, arrival of J. Davis at, xxv
Bethencourt, Jean de, discoverer of
the Canary Isles, 125
Bethune, Admiral C. R. Drinkwater,
C.B., editor of the first edition, i
Bezoar stone, 156
Birds, like a swan, caught with hook
and line, 187 ; abundance in Magel
lan's Strait, 187, 192 (see Albatross,
Ducks, Gannets, Gulls, Penguins)
Blackcoller, pilot in Fenton's voyage,
nearly left behind, 354 ; unwilling
to return, 357
Blanch, Wm., master's mate with Sir
Rd. Hawkins, xxv(».), 200 ; fires a
shot which carries away the main
mast of the Spanish Vice-Admiral,
299
Blanches Bay, in Magellan's Strait,
200, 211
Blanco, Cape, 14 (Fishery), 125, 126
Boarding, question as to, 222 ; Spanish
attempts at, 283, 284, 345 ; policy
in resistance of, 286 ; use of artillery
after, 293

444

index.

Boatswain, duties of, 275
Boa Vista, one of the Cape de Verdes,
sighted in Fenton's voyage, 353 ;
sighted by Wm. Hawkins, 365
Bonitoes, 61, 148 ; account of, 149
" Bonner", ship in the voyage of W.
Hawkins, senior, 212
Bontemps, Captain of the " Green
Dragon", 25 (see Green Dragon")
Borough, Wm., work on variation of
compass, 183
Borowe, Mr., quoted by Sir J. Haw
kins, xiii
Borrow, Sir John, 93
Bramport, Capt. W. Hawkins arrives
at, 399
Brava Isle, Cape Verdes, account of,
131
Brazil, voyage of W. Hawkins to, i, 3 ;
visit of a King of, to London, 4 ;
Rd. Hawkins approaching coast of,
143 ; Indians of, look out kept by,
172 ; customs of Indians, 180, 181,
182 ; sighted by Wm. Hawkins, 366
Brimstone, taste of in water, 147
Bronfield, Mr., adventurer in 'J. Haw
kins's second voyage, 5
Buccaneers,' coast of Quito frequented
by, xxvi
Buck, Francis, merchant sent to Surat
by Captain Hawkins, 389
Burhurata, 30
Burleigh, Lord (see Cecil)
Burney, Admiral, notice of the voyage
of Sir Richard Hawkins in work of,
xii
Bymba, Negro town, 21
Cabo de la Vela, 37
" Cacafuego", Drake's great prize, xxvi
Cacao, 178
Cssar, Sir Julius, correspondence with
Sir J. Hawkins, xiii
Caicos bank, 7
Callao, 258, 338 ; put in a posture of
defence, 339 ; English prisoner to
be sent to, 346
Callowsa river, 21
Cambay, " Mocreb Chan", Viceroy of,
390 (whom see)
Canaries, voyages of John Hawkins to,
5 ; Richard Hawkins at, 123 ; ac
count of, 123 ; sighted in Fenton's
voyage, 353 (see Ferro, Gomera,
Teneriffe)
Candish, Master J., ship of, capsized
in the Thames, 96 ; complaint of
sailors, 110 ; his men killed by In
dians, 171 ; deserted by his consort,
185, 212 ; one of his pinnaces

grounded, 199 ; his voyage round
the world, 336, 337
Cafiete, Marquis of, Viceroy of Peru,
xxvii ; life of, xxviii ; notice of, 255
(n.) ; news of Hawkins brought to,
338 ; preparations for the defence
of Callao by, 338 ; sayings of, 340 ;
inspects the fleet, 340 ; further
news of Hawkins received by, 341 ;
further preparations by, 341
Cafiete, Spanish and English fleets off,
256
Cannibals (see Carribs)
Capitulation "de buena guerra", 311,
320, 321
Captains (see Commanders)
Cardenas, Don Francisco de, President
of Panama, 346
Carlet, David, captain ofthe "Minion",
8, 35
Carpenter of a ship, duties, 275
Carribs of Dominica, 25 ; their cruelty,
29
Cartagena, 73
Cassava bread, 176, 177
Casseroes, river of, 23
Castro, Don Beltran de la Cueva de,
his honour compromised by the de
tention of Richard Hawkins, xx,
xxvii, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, 226, 235,
279 ; receives the surrender of the
"Dainty", 310; his family, 311 (».);
kindness to Rd. Hawkins, 312 ;
promises to give lives and good
treatment to officers and crew of
"Dainty", and to send all home,
311 ; kindness to sick and wounded,
316 ; his conversations with Rd.
Hawkins, 321 ; named to command
the fleet, 339 ; in sight of the Eng
lish fleet, 342 ; return to Callao,
342 ; arrival at Lima. 346 ; Philip
II on his victory, 348
 Dona Teresa de, Vice-Queen
of Peru, 235
 Cardinal Rodrigo de, 328 ; ac
count of, 328 («.)
Cattle, abundance in Curacoa, 36
Catwater, 106, 119
Caulking, of "Dainty", 114, 200 ; fire
caused by negligence, in, 114
Cecil, Secretary, letter of Sir J. Haw
kins to, on return from third voy
age, vii ; correspondence of, dis
proves accusation against Sir J. Haw
kins, ix, x (».) ; submission of official
reports, etc., to, by Sir J. Hawkins,
xiii, xiv ; letters to, respecting the
imprisonment of Sir R. Hawkins,
xxxii

INDEX.

445

Cecil, Sir Robert, expected visit of,
to Sir Rd. Hawkins's ship, 94
" Chanohana", Viceroy of the Deccan,
390, 397 ; visit of Captain Hawkins
to, 399
Charles V, anecdote of, 221
Chasquis, or messengers, sent over
Peru with tidings of the appearance
of Rd. Hawkins's ship, 338
"Chatham, chest at", forerunner of
Greenwich Hospital, xv
Chester, John, in J. Hawkins's second
voyage, 64
Chilca, xxv, 255
Chile, people of, 229 ; Richard Haw
kins on the coast of, 225-235 ;
Cavendish on coast of, 336
Chincha, Rd. Hawkins off, 342
Cockeram, Martin, left a hostage in
Brazil, 3
Cocoa nut trees, account of, 132
Commander of a fleet, qualifications of,
100, 276 ; against covetousness in,
244 ; how far he may trust his offi
cers, 271 ; should periodically hold
surveys on stores and provisions,
273 ; must keep station, 289
Compass, variation of, 183
Concepcion in Chile, 231
Contreras, Captain Juan, 235
Cooke, Richard, messenger of Sir R.
Hawkins, xxxii
Coquimbo in Chile, 237
Cordova, Don Fernando de, with a
squadron at Panama, news of R.
Hawkins sent to, 338
Cornish, Hugh, master of the "Dainty",
xxv(«.), 106 ; a good officer, 235 ; one
eye and half his face shot away, 294
Corvo Isle, 288
Couston, Henry, xxv (n.), 106, 218 ;
slain, 294
Crabby Cove in Magellan Strait, 210
Crocodiles (see Alligators)
Cuba, J. Hawkins off the coast of, 46
Cueva, Don Francisco de la, a volun
teer in the Spanish fleet, 339
Cumberland, Earl of, 93, 213 ; notice
of, 109 (n.)
Curacoa Island, 36
Currents in the West Indies, force of,
43, 44, 45 ; off Florida, 49 ; effects
p of, 134, 135 ; observations of, 136, 137
Cuzco visited by Captain Ellis, xxx
" Dainty", name given by Queen Eli
zabeth to ship of Richard Hawkins,
xxiii, xxv, 93 ; weighs and goes
down the Thames, 95 ; at Harwich,
97 ; Portland, 98 ; Dartmouth, 104;

Plymouth, 105 ; to be brought into
Catwater, 106 ; loss of mainmast,
107 ; sails from Plymouth, 112 ;
bad caulking of, 114 ; routine on
board, 126 ; morning and evening
prayers on board, 134 ; in danger on
Brazilian coast, 164 ; prize taken by,
176 ; caulked in Magellan's Straits,
200 ; on a rock in the Straits, 208 ;
got off with the flood, 209 ; loss of
one of her boats, 231 ; prepared to
fight Spanish fleet, 257 ; in Ataca
mes Bay, 266 ; action with Spanish
fleet, 271 to 283 ; neglect of the gun
ner, 272 ; crew of seventy-five men
and boys, 278 ; finer ship than the
karrak she took in 1592, 288 ; reso
lution of her officers to fight it out,
299 ; surrender, 310, 345 ; main
mast falls by the board, 312 ; in a
sinking state, 313 ; saved and re
paired, 313 ; name changed at Pana
ma, 328 ; falls on one side, 328 ;
tonnage, 346
Daman, 396, 397
Dampier, Capt., frequents the coast of
Quito, xxvi
Davis, John, discovery of the Falkland
Islands, xxv
Deacon, A., messenger of Sir Rd. Haw
kins, xxxii
Deliza (Delishi), port of Socotra, 385
Deptford, Church of St. Nicholas,
monument to Wm. Hawkins, xiii ;
monument to Capt. Fenton, xliv (n.)
Desertion, 184, 185, 186
Desire, Cape (now Pillar), 219, 223
Discipline at sea, neglect of, 99 ;
among the Spaniards, 279, 282
Diu, 386
Dockyards, abuses in, exposed by John
Hawkins, xiii
Dolphins, 61 ; account of, 148
Dominica Island, 25, 72
Dover Harbour, project for improving,
xiii
"Dragon", E.I.C. ship, in company
with the "Hector" (Capt. W. flaw-
kins), 364
Drake, Sir Francis, birth and early
life, vi ; first serves with J. Haw
kins, vi ; his last voyage with Sir
John Hawkins, xvi ; ship of, cap
sized at St. Domingo, 96 ; sacks
Santiago, 130 ; information to Rd.
Hawkins as to the navigation of
Magellan's Straits, 224 ; reaches the
south point of Tierra del Fuego,
224 ; at Mocha Island, 227 ; voy
age wherein he died, 236 ; passes

44G

INDEX.

Magellan's Straits, 333; in the South
Seas, 334 ; voyage round the world,
334
Duckett, Sir Lionel, adventurer in
Hawkins's first voyage, 5
Ducks, 195
East India Company, negotiations be
tween Sir Rd. Hawkins and, xxxviii
"Edward Cotton", a ship lost on the
Brazilian coast, from error in reckon
ing, 135
Elephants, 424, 425, 429
Elizabeth, Queen, her remark on re
port of Sir John Hawkins, xv ; fur
nished ships for the last voyage of
Sir J. Hawkins, xvi ; letter of Sir
Rd. Hawkins to, xxxii : christens
the "Dainty", 93, xxiii ; contributed
two ships to Fenton's voyage, xliii
" Elizabeth" of London, Captain Wal
ters, 121
" Elizabeth Jones" (see Fleet)
Elizabeth Island in Magellan's Straits,
199
Ellis, Captain John, 106 ; his account
of the discovery of Hawkins's Mai
den Land, xxv ; his journey to
Cuzco, xxx
Encinel, a Biscayan in Spanish Ad
miral's ship, his heroic conduct, 347
English Bay in Magellan's Straits, 207
Equator (sec Line)
Ercilla, Don Alonzo de, his " Arau-
cana", 229
Esmeraldas, coast of, 343
Essex, Eari of, his " Island Voyage",
xxxi (n.)
Evans, Mr., merchant in Fenton's
voyage, 354
Fairweather, Mr., in Fenton's voyage,
354 ; unwilling to return, 357
Falkland Islands, question of disco
very, xxv
" Fancy", pinnace of Sir Rd. Hawkins,
xxv, 107 ; takes a prize, 170 ; mas
ter of deserts Hawkins, 184 ; in
structions to, 198
Furnambuea (see Pernambuco)
Fenton, Captain Edward, notice of,
xiii ; absurd instructions to, xliii ;
death, xliv (n) ; cause of the failure
of his voyage, 212 ; journal of his
voyage, 353, 363 ; accused of an in
tention to break off the voyage, 354;
wish to give up the voyage, 357 ;
bears up for St. Vincent, 357 ;
fight with a Spanish fleet, 358 ;
arrives at Kinsale, 360 ; his violent

abuse of William Hawkins, 360,
361, 362
Ferro Island, tree dropping water, 1 3, 1 24
Ferroll, J. Hawkins at, in the 2nd voy
age, 9
Figueroa, Dr. Don Christobal Suarez
de, his life of the Marquis of Cafiete,
his life and writings, xxviii (n) ; his
account of the sea-fight between
Rd. Hawkins and Beltran de Castro,
333
Field, Captain, of the "Salomon",
lost, 22
Filipon, Don Miguel Angel, second in
command of the Spanish fleet, 279,
342 ; saves and repairs the "Dain
ty", 313, 346 ; enquiry by as to use
of short arrows by the English, 322 ;
reward of, 348
Finch, William, lands at Surat with
Capt. W. Hawkins, 394 ; Hawkins
entrusts all business at Surat to,
397 ; letter to, from Hawkins at
Agra, 401, 405 ; determines to go
home overland, 412
Fire on board ship, danger of, 144 ;
causes, 145, 146
Fishery off Cape Blanco, 14, 126 (see
Whales, Pearls)
Fitzwilliam, Mr., agent of Sir J. Haw
kins at Madrid, viii, x (n ) ; in J.
Hawkins's second voyage, 64
Fleets, order of sailing, 9, 100, 101 ;
importance of giving instructions to
ships of, 113 ; taunt ships better
than those low built, "Elizabeth
Jones", "Triumph", and "Bear",
more formidable than "Ark Royal",
or "Victory", 287
Flemings, fleet of , in Portland Roads, 9 8
Flores, isle of, 102, 288
Florida, 49 ; John Hawkins on coast
of, 51 ; account of, 52, 53 ; French
colony in, v, 56, 65 to 69 ; pro
ducts, 58 to 63 ; treachery of Span
iards at, 296
Flying fish, 61, 152
"Foresight", ship of Captain Vava
sour, 103 ; finer ship than the car-
rak she took in 1592, fouls the
" Rainbow" off Flores, 288
' ' Francis' ' , bark, in Fenton's voyage, 353
Frenchmen in Florida relieved by
John Hawkins, 65 to 69 ; fleet of,
sack Santiago, 130
Frio, Cape, 104, 171
Frobisher, Sir Martin, xiv, 93
Froward, Cape, 191, 199, 216
Fruits, 169 ; in Peru, 240 (sec Oranges,
etc.)

INDEX.

447

Fuego (Cape Verdes), account of, 130
Galapagos Isles, 264
Gannets, 15 ; as food, 167, 195
Garrard, Mr. Anthony, information as
to voyages to Brazil, 4
Gold in Peru, 241 ; shares of de
manded by crew of " Dainty", 243
Gomera, Island, 70, 125
Gomez, Captain Andres, in Spanish
fleet, question of reward, 349
Gonson, Benjamin, adventurer in the
first voyage of J. Hawkins, iii, 5 ;
father-in-law of Sir J. Hawkins,
account of family of, iii (n) ; Ka
tharine, first wife of Sir John Haw
kins, iii
Granada Island (Grenada), 25
Gravoner, Stephen, Captain W. Haw
kins's boy, died at Agra, 404
" Great Harrie", 96 (n)
" Green Dragon" of Newcastle, unable
to water at Grenada Island by
reason of the cannibals, 25
Grenville, Sir Richard, his famous ac
tion with the Spaniards, 102, 103
(n) ; man wounded by a shark on
board ship of, 151
Grey, Thomas, servant of Sir Rd.
Hawkins, saw water take fire, 146
Guamanga, Captain Ellis at, xxx
Guayaquil, men of Candish's ship
killed at, 336
Guayaquil River, 262
Guinea coast, J. Hawkins off, 6, 15 to
24, 71 ; unexpectedly sighted by Rd.
Hawkins, 134; sighted in Fenton's
voyage, 353
Gulls, 195
Gunner of the "Dainty", his neglect,
272 ; suspected of treachery, 273 ;
duties, 275
Gunston, or Gonson (see Gonson)
Gujerat merchants, their complaints
against trading operations of Capt.
W. Hawkins at Surat, 391
Hacha, Rio de la, 38, 39, 72
Hakluyt, Richard, his account of
Wm. Hawkins (senr.), ii ; transla
tion of Laudonniere's work on
Florida, v (») ; published the nar
ratives of English captives in
Mexico, viii
Hall, Christopher, master of the gal
leon in Fenton's voyage, 357
Hampton, Thomas, Capt. of the
"Swallow" in first voyage of J.
Hawkins, goods confiscated, iv, 6 ;
General of a fleet of rafters, 116

Hartop, Job, escape from Mexico, his
narrative, viii
Havanna, 47, 48
Hawkins, Rev. B. D., notice of, li
Hawkins, Catharine, first wife of Sir
John, iii, xviii
Hawkins, Charles, son of Wm. Haw
kins (senior), xiii (n)
Hawkins, Christopher Stuart, Hi
Hawkins, Giles, xiii (re)
Hawkins, Joan, daughter of Sir Rd.
Hawkins, 1
Hawkins, Sir John, his birth and early
voyages, iii ; undertakes his first
Guinea voyage, iv, 5 ; second Guinea
voyage, v, 8 to 64 ; his responsibility
for slave trade, iv, v ; Dr. Lingard's ac
cusation disproved, ix ; arms granted
to, xi ; civil employment, xii ;
attacks upon, xiii ; his activity, xiv ;
serving against Spanish Armada,
pays off the fleet, xiv ; his fund for
wounded sailors, xv ; described by
Spenser, xv ; his death, xvi ; cha
racter, xvi ; tomb, xvii ; his epi
taph, xviii ; portraits, xx, xxi ; Ar
rangements for keeping company at
sea, 9, 101 ; relieves Frenchmen in
Florida, 56, 65-69 ; treachery of
Spaniards to, at San Juan de Ulloa,
76, 77, 162 ; return, 80, 81 ; lands
part of crew on Mexican coast, 80 ;
voyage in the " Revenge' ' ; takes
leave of his son, 95 ; receives news
from his son at Plymouth, 105 ;
forces a Spanish ship to lower her
flag at. Plymouth, 118; saves his
ship from fire, 145 ; rules as to
prizes, 250 ; chase of a French ship
by the " Hope " in the fleet of, 288
Hawkins, John, eldest son of Sir Rd.
Hawkins, xlvi, xlvii, 1 ; his descen
dants, 1
Hawkins, Commodore John Croft,
notice of, li
Hawkins, Lady Judith, wife of Sir
Richard Hawkins, xxiv ; death, xl,
xlvii ; executrix, xlix
Hawkins, Katherine (see Catharine)
Hawkins, Lady Margaret, second wife
of Sir John Hawkins, xiv, xvi, xvii ;
christens her step-son's ship, 90 ;
her family, xiv, 90 (re) ; her epitaph
to herself and husband, xvii
Hawkins, Margaret and Mary, daugh
ters of Sir Richard, 1
Hawkins, Nicholas, xiii (re)
Hawkins, Sir Richard, birth, iv ; early-
years, xxi ; commands " Swallow",
xxii ; marriage, xxiv ; character,

448

INDEX.

xxiv ; voyage to South Sea, xxv ;
sea-fight, xxvii, xxviii ; prisoner in
Peru, xxix ; captivity in Spain,
xxxi; letters to the Queen, xxxii,
xxxiii ; release, xxxix ; settles at
Slapton, xxxv ; knighted and vice-
admiral of Devon, xxxviii ; scheme
for another voyage of discovery,
xxxviii ; expedition against Algiers,
xxxix ; death, xxxix ; will, xxxix,
xlvii ; descendants, 1 ; resolved to
undertake a voyage of discovery, 89;
objects of his voyage, 89 ; employed
fitting out, 9 4 ; takes leave of his
father, 95 ; ready to sail for Ply
mouth, 106 ; danger of his ships in
Plymouth Sound, 107 ; sails from
England, 112 ; conduct during voy
age to West Indies with his uncle
William, 212 ; in command of the
"Swallow" at defeat of Spanish
Armada, 222 ; at Seville, 290 ; at
Terceira, xxx, 290, 305 ; receives six
wounds, 294 ; officers propose to
him to surrender, 294 ; his speech,
295 ; reply of his officers, 297 ; Re
solution to fight it out, 299 ; agrees
to surrender, 308 ; conditions of his
surrender, 311 ; seizes the royal
standard of Spain, 345 ; orders of
Philip II respecting, 348 ; courteous
reception of by Spanish Admiral,
312 ; at the pearl fishery of Mar
garita, 314 ; his views respecting
piracy, 318, 319 ; and as to capitu
lation " de buena guerra", 320 ;
arrives at Panama, 326 ; intention
to relate events of his captivity in
a second part, 329 ; the publication
of his works, xl ; notices of it, xii
Hawkins, Richard, second son of Sir
Richard, xlviii, 1; his descendants, Iii
Hawkins, Robert Samuel, portrait of
Sir John Hawkins in possession of,
xxi ; notice of, li
Hawkins, William, father of Sir John,
ii ; his wife and sons, iii ;.his voy
ages to Brazil, ii, 3
Hawkins, William, brother,of Sir John,
voyage to the West Indies with his
nephew, Richard, xxii, 212 ; notice
of, xii ; monument, xiii
Hawkins, William, son of William,
Lieutenant - General in Fenton's
fleet, xiii, 353, 354, 357 ; abused by
Fenton, 360, 361, 362, xliv ; captain
of E:I.C. ship "Hector", xliv;
journal of " Hector", 362 to 388 ;
his name on a stone at Sierra Leone,
376 ; at Saldanha Bay, 371 ; sights

Isle of Pemba, 381 ; at Socotra, 383 ;
off Surat, 387 ; feasted at Surat,
391 ; bis license to load and sell
goods, 391 ; appoints Capt. Marlow
to command "Hector", 392 ; trouble
with the Portuguese, 392, 393 ; re
mains at Surat, 394 ; plots against,
394, 395 ; sets out from Surat, 398 ;
arrival at Agra, xiv, 399 ; his inter
view with Jehanghir, 399 ; in favor
with Jehanghir, 401 ; marries an
Armenian girl at Agra, 404 ; cheated
by Mocreb Chan, and demands jus
tice, 407 ; leaves Agra, 416 ; em
barks with his wife, 417 ; passage
home, 418 ; death, xiv ; his widow's
second marriage, xlvi
Hawkins's Maiden Land, 189, 190
Hazlelocke, Master John, saw water
take fire at Venice, 146
Health, precautions on board ship, 126 ;
at Cape Verde Islands, 128 ; in
fluence of the moon on, 128
" Hector" ship of Captain Wm. Haw
kins, 364
Heredia, Lorenzo de, volunteer in the
Spanish fleet, 339 ; admiral, 344
Hides, as merchandize, 7
Hispaniola, negroes fetch good prices
at, 5 ; J. Hawkins at, 6
Hoe, people of Plymouth assembled
on the, to witness departure of Rd.
Hawkins, 112
Holstock, Mr., Comptroller of the
Navy, succeeded by J. HawkinB, vii
" Hope", H.M.S., chase of French ships
by, 288
Hostage (see Cockeram)
Howard, Lord Thomas, his fleet at the
Azores, 103 (n.) ; notice of, 109 (re.)
Howard, Lord William, obliges the
fleet of Philip II to lower their
flags, 118
Ieloffs (Jaloffs) of Senegal, 14
Imprests, 94, 110 ; inconvenience of,
111 ; true use of, 111
Indians of the Peruvian coast, fond of
English, 253, 254 (see Brazil, Arau-
canians)
Ingram, David, escape from Mexico,
his narrative, viii
Inquisition, cruelty to men landed by
J. Hawkins, vii ; at Lima, claims
Sir Rd. Hawkins, xxix
Isabella, in Hispaniola, 6
Jaggard, Mr. John, publisher of the
work of Sir Rd. Hawkins, xl
Jamaica, 43, 45

INDEX.

419

Jehanghir, or Selim Shah, xiv ; inter
view of Captn. W. Hawkins with,
399, 400 ; finds a wife for Hawkins,
404 ; his nobles, 402 ; he is set
against the English, 412 ; rebellion
against his father, 427 ; rebellion of
his son Khosru, 428 ; cruelty of,
429, 431 ; his covetousness, 432 ;
wealth, 433 ; punishment of cowards,
484 ; mode of passing his time, 436 ;
drinking bouts, 437 ; tortures his
son Shariar, 438 ; richness of his
tent, 439 ; feast, 440 (see Mogol the
Great)
Jeronimo River, in Magellan's straits,
199
" Jesus of Lubeck", John Hawkins's
ship in his second and third voyage,
v, 8, 119 ; lost at San Juan de
Ulloa, 77 ; treachery of Spaniards,
92 ; in danger of being burnt, 145
"John Baptist", voyage of, to Guinea, 8
" Jonas", a vessel in J. Hawkins's first
voyage, 6
Juan Fernandez Island, 231, 252
"Judith", Drake's ship, vii ; escape
of, from San Juan de Ulloa, 79
Jorge, an Italian in Spanish Admiral's
ship, his heroic conduct, 347
Keelinge, Captain in third E.I.C.
voyage with William Hawkins, xliv
Kirtling («ee North, the Lords)
Khosru, Prince, his rebellion against
Jehanghir, 428
Kinsale, Captain Fenton's ship arrives
at, xliv, 360
Lacy, Edward, in -J. Hawkins's second
voyage, 64
Lancaster, Sir James, his scheme to
send a ship by Magellan's Straits,
xxxviii
Laudonniere, M., in Florida, v, 54 ;
his account of the French colony
being relieved by J. HawkinB, 65-69
Lemos, Conde de, 311, 321, 339
Leophares, Negroes, near Cape Verde,
14
Lightning, men killed by, 285
Lima, 231 ; Richard Hawkins at, xxix ;
Captain Ellis at, vt"t ; put in a pos
ture of defence, 338
Lime juice, use of for scurvy, 141
" Linda", Spanish name for the
" Dainty" (which see)
Line, best time for crossing the, 158
Lingard, Dr., his accusation against Sir
John Hawkins disproved, viii, ix, *.
Linschoten, Jan Huygen, his account

I of the sea fight of Sir Richard Gren-
ville, 103 (».)
Lobos, Isles of, on coast of Peru, 262
Lodge, Sir Thomas, adventurer in first
voyage of J. Hawkins, 5
Longitude, no certain rule for finding,
135
Lucas, Master, condemned to the gal
leys, xxxi
Macana, club, 279
Madagascar (see St. Augustine, Bay of)
Maddock, Richard, preacher in Fen
ton's voyage, xliii ; ready to return,
357
Madeira Me, sighted by J. Hawkins,
10 ; and by Rd. Hawkins, 122
Madrid, Rd. Hawkins at, 329
Magellan's Straits, xxxviii ; approach
to, 190 ; narrowest part, 199 ; wood
and water in, 200, 234 ; WTestern
extremity, 205 ; bad weather in,
206, 210, 211 ; pearls in, 216 ; Eng
lish ships in, 334 ; survey of, by
Sarmiento, 335 ; colony left by Sar
miento, found destitute by Caven
dish, 336
Maires, Hugh, a master's mate of the
" Dainty", xxv (re.) ; wounded, 310
Malabrigo, on the coast of Peru, 261
Malucos, 335
Manrique, Captain, 336
Mansell, Sir Robert, commands fleet
sent out against pirates, xxxix
Margarita Island, 25, 314
Mariner [see Sailor)
Markham, Gervase, his poem on the
sea tight of Sir Richard Grenville,
103 (re.)
Markham, William, master of the
" Francis" in Fenton's voyage, xliii
Marlow, Captain, appointed by Capt.
W. HawkinB to command the "Hec
tor", 392
Marseval, Martin de, xxxii
Master of a ship, his duties, 275
Maynarde, his estimate of the charac
ter of Sir John Hawkins, xvi
Mendana, Alvaro de, his expedition to
the Salomon Isles, 260 (».)
" Merlin" of London, bound for
Guinea, 8
Mexico, Viceroy of, at San Juan de
Ulloa, 75 ; English sailors landed
on coast of, 80 ; their dreadful fate,
vii ; escape of survivors, x
Michelborne, Sir Edward, Capt. W.
Hawkins lodges at Surat, with the
captain of a vessel captured by, 390
Middleton, Captain, name found en-

450

INDEX.

graved on a stone in Saldanha Bay,
374 ; at Surat, xiv, 417 ; proceeds
to Bantam, 418
"Minion", Queen's ship, met by J.
Hawkins, 8 ; mishaps of, 35 ; escape
of, from San Juan de Ulloa, vii, 77,
.78
Miranda, Count of, procures the re
lease of Sir Richard Hawkins, xxxiv ;
notice of, xxxiv (re.)
Mocha Island, off the Chilian Coast,
225 ; account of, 226, 227
Mocreb Khan, Viceroy of Cambay,
Lord of Surat, 390 ; plot with Por
tuguese against Capt. W. Hawkins,
394, 395 ; Jehanghir enquires how
Capt. Hawkins had been treated by,
400 ; summoned to Agra to answer
accusations, 406 ; activity of his
friends, 40 7 : machinations against
the English, 409
Mogol, the Great, his nobles, 419 ;
extent of his empire, 420 ; divisions,
420 ; treasure castles, 421 ; his sons,
421 ; wives, 421 ; treasureand jewels,
421, 422 ; horses and elephants,
424, 425 ; heir to all properties
of deceased men, 424 ; his tents,
426 ; dromedaries, 427 (see Akbar,
Jehanghir)
Monge (Mugia), 101
Monson, Sir William, on the services
of Sir John Hawkins, xii
Montanes, Juan Bautista, first to
board Sir Richard Hawkins's ship,
345
Monte Christi, in Hispaniola, 6
Moon, influence in hot climates, 128
Mozambique, coast sighted by W. Haw
kins, 380
Mubarek Khan, daughter married to
Captain W. Hawkins at Agra, xiv,
404
Mutineers, treatment of, 223
Names for ships, 90, 91, 92
Negroes, profitable merchandize in, 5 ;
shipped by J. Hawkins, 6, 24, 71 ;
Tribes near Cape Verde, 14; of
Senegal, 14 ; their towns, 18, 19 ;
sale of, at Burburata, 31, 33 ; price
of, 176; fugitives (called Symarons)
on the isthmus of Darien, 323, 324 ;
(see Leophares, Jalofts, Supies, Sam
boses, Tangomangoes)
Nevill, Sir Henry, Ambassador at
Paris, letter of Sir jfcd. Hawkins to,
xxxiii
Nicopolis, Battle of, cause of the dis
aster, 279

Norman, Robert, on variation of the
compass, 184
North, Lords, portrait oi Sir John
Hawkins at Kirtling, the seat of,
xxi
Nottingham, Earl of, prudence in not
boarding Spanish ships, 222
Nur Jehan, wife of Jehanghir, 414 (re.)
Obedience, importance of on board
ship, 220, 221
Oleron, the laws of, concerning pillage,
247
Oranges, virtues of, 163
Oxenham, John, treachery of Spa
niards to, 296 ; account of, 322, 323
Pacheta (La), Isle of, 325
Palmer, Sir flenry, modesty of, 99
Palmito trees, account of, 131, 168, 174
Panama, xxvii, 262, 313, 317 ; supply
of fruit to, 325 ; arrival at, 326 ;
account of the old Panama, 326 (re.) ;
rejoicings at, 327
Parker, Nicholas, in Fenton's voyage,
357
Parkhurst, Anthony, in second voyage
of John Hawkins, 64
Passaos, Cape, near to the Equator, 264
Patagonians, their stature, 183
Patna, 484
Payta, on the coast of Peru, xxix, 262,
346
Pearls, Isles of, 325
Pearls, 6, 59 ; in Magellan's Straits,
216 ; origin of, 216 ; fishery, 314 ;
places where found, 315 ; a famous
pearl, 315 (re.); mother-of-pearl, 176
Pemba Island, sighted by W. Hawkins,
381
Penguins, Island of, 192 ; account of,
194
Percy's Reliques (see Spanish Lady's
Love)
Perico, Island of, near Panama, 210,
313, 326
Pernambuco, 144 (n. )
Perrot, Sir John, notice of, 91 (n. )
Peru, "Dainty" on the coast of, 243
to 262 ; Drake on the coast of, 333,
334 ; coast, Indians of, 253, 254 (see
Lima, Cuzco, Arica, Payta)
Pett, Mr. Peter, quarrel with Sir J.
Hawkins, xiii
Philip II, 118 ; orders respecting Rd.
Hawkins, xxx, 347, 348
Philips, Miles, escape from Mexico, vii
Pillage (see Prize)
Pilot, duties on board ship, 275
Pineda, Juan Gomez de, Spanish

INDEX.

451

pilot, a prisoner, sent to negotiate
Eurrender of " Dainty", 310, 311
Pineiro, Portuguese Jesuit at Agra,
396,403
Pinnace, duties of, 122 ; reconnoitres
Spanish fleet, 267 ; engaged, 268
(see "Fancy")
Piracy, question as to, 317, 318, 319 ;
Algerines, xxxix
Pisco, on Peruvian coast, 255
Plantain, account of, 131
Plaza, Captain, 338 ; to bring English
prisoners to Callao, 346
Plymouth, provisions cheaper than in
London, 94 ; "Dainty" at, 105 to
112 (see Catwater, Hoe) ; property
of Sir Rd. Hawkins at, xlviii
" Pole" of Plymouth, name of the
ship of the elder Wm. Hawkins, 3
Pole, or Poole, near Slapton, the
house of Sir Rd. Hawkins, xxxix,
xlviii
Polygamy, 180
Ponte, Peter de, Governor of Tene
riffe, J. Hawkins's interview with, ii
Port Plata, in Hispaniola, 6
Porto Santo, 122
Portugal, Juan de Torres, second man
to board the "Dainty", 345
Portuguese, on the coast of Guinea,
21, 22, 23 ; seize the boats of Capt.
Wm. Hawkins, 392 ; their plots
against Hawkins, 394, 395, 396, 403 ;
W. Hawkins obtains a pass from,
413 ; prize taken by Captain Mid
dleton, 417 (see Pineiro, Serades)
Prickly pears, 169
Priaman, 391
"Primrose"of London, fire on board, 145
Prize taken by the " Dainty", 176 ; on
the coast of Peru, 252, 259 ; aban
donment, 255 ; laws of Oleron con
cerning, 247 ; what should be so
considered, 242 ; rules of Sir J.
Hawkins as to, 250
Pryvett, a house at Alverstoke, be
longing to Sir Richard Hawkins,
xxxix, xlix
Pulgar, Pedro Alvarez de, sent to es
cort Rd. Hawkins on board the
Spanish Admiral, 312, 347 ; com
mission of captain given to, 338
Puna, Me of, in the Gulf of Guaya
quil, 262 (see Guayaquil)
Purchas, His Pilgrimes, accounts given
by the fellow captives of Rd. Haw
kins in, xxx ; Relations of Capt.
Wm. Hawkins in, 389 ; Observations
of Sir Richard Hawkins, xl
Purslane, a herb good for salad, 168

Quintera, Bay of, near Valparaiso, 239
Quito, kingdom of, coast of frequented
by English, xxvi ; " Dainty" off the
coast of, 264 to 269, 343 ; settlement
of province of Atacames in, 267 (re.)
"Rainbow", ran foul of the "Fore
sight" off the Azores, 288
Raleigh, Sir Walter, expected to visit
ship of Rd. Hawkins, 95 ; his ac
count of the sea fight of Sir R.
Grenville, 103 (n.)
Rats in a ship, 217
Raymond, Captain George, 110, & note
"Repentance", name given to ship of
Richard Hawkins by his step-mo
ther, xxiii ; loss of, 92 ; name
changed by the Queen, 93
" Revenge", unlucky ship, her history,
91 ; famous action, 102 (re.), 103,
294,, 305
Ridley, William, his poem on the
voyage of Richard Hawkins, xii
Rio Janeiro, 172
Routine, on board ship, 126
Rudder (spare) carried in Spanish
ships, 239
Sailors, difficulties in getting them on
board before sailing, 108 ; offences
of, 109 ; placed in watches, 126 ;
routine, 126 ; divine service for,
134 ; sickness and scurvy among,
138 to 143, 170 ; punishment for
swearing, 147 ; dismayed at the
weather in Magellan's Straits, 212 ;
occupations in the Straits, 215 ;
murmuring of, 218 ; love of plun
der, 232 ; too fond of wine, 236 ;
defrauding of wages, 245 ; laws of
pillage, 247 ; unadvised courage of,
270 ; Spanish sailors, 280 ; qualifi
cations, 273, 280 ; Sir J. Hawkins's
fund for wounded sailors, xv
Saldanha Bay, Capt. Wm. Hawkins
touches at, xiv, 373, 374
"Salomon" ships, 5, 8, 16, 418 (see
Solomon)
Salt water, distilling of, 164
Salutes, custom respecting, 116, 117,
118,119
Sambuses, negro tribe, 17
Sambula Island, 16, 18
Santa Anna Island, Brazilian coast, 167
San Antonio, Cuba, 46
San Augustin, Cape, Brazilian coast, 1 67
St. Augustine Bay, Madagascar, 377
Santa Catalina Island, Brazilian coast,
183
Santa Clara Island, Gulf of Guayaquil,
262

45:

INDliX.

Santa Elena Point, 263
San Francisco Cape, xxvi, 147, 264,
264 (».)
Santiago, Cape Verdes, 129, 130
Santiago, in Chile, 232
San Juan de Ulloa, vii, 73, 74, 76, 77,
162, 296
San Mateo Bay, xxvi, xxvii, 267 (re.),
343
Santa Maria Island, coast of Chile, 231
Sangallan, Peruvian coast, 255
San Sebastian, Brazilian coast, 171
St. Vincent's, 356, 357
Santa, Peruvian coast, 259, 260
Sapies, negro tribe, 17
Saris, Captain, fleet of, in the Red
Sea, 417
Sarmiento, Pedro, 191, 334, 335 (re.)
Sarsaparilla, virtues of, 263
Saunders, Thomas, servant of Rd.
Hawkins, xxv (re.), xxvii (re.) ; his
letters in Purchas, xxx : sent with
offer of surrender, 308
Scurvy, description and causes of, 138,
139 ; remedies,'140, 141, 142
Scurvy Committee, absurd conclusions
of, 142 (re.)
Sea wolves, 196
Seals (see Sea wolves)
Seamen (see Sailors)
Selim (see Jehanghir)
Serades, Manuel, a Portuguese, sacked
Santiago, 130
Sestos, Rio, 3
Seville, collision of Spanish ships in
river of, 290 ; Rd. Hawkins at, xxxi,
xxxii, 329
Sharks, 22,150, 151
Sharpeigh, Captain, sent to meet Wm.
Hawkins at Cambay, 417
Sheathing of ships, 202, 203
Sherley, Sir Anthony, 130 (re.)
Ships : importance of good names for,
90, 91 ; caulking of, 114, 115 ; cus
tom of salutes, 116, 117 ; routine on
board, 126 ; sheathing of, 202, 203 ;
very few hands on board ships on
Peruvian coast, 259 ; question as to
tautness for merchant ships, 286 ;
and for men-of-war, 287 ; keeping
station, 288 ; advantage of large
over small ships, 291 ; defence of,
306 ; disadvantage of being to lee
ward, 307
Sierra Leone, J. Hawkins at, 6, 23, 71 ;
Fenton's ships at, 354 ; Capt. Wm.
Hawkins at, 369, 371
Slave trade, responsibility of Sir J.
Hawkins, iv, v
Socotra Island, 383

Solomon Islands, Mendana's expedi
tion (re.) (see Salomon)
Sotomayor, Don Alonzo de, Governor
of Chile, praise of, 236
Southampton, merchants of, under
take voyages to Brazil, 4
Spanish Government, well supplied
with information, 339 ; fleet sights
the English off Cafiete, 256 ; returns
to Callao, 258 ; sights Rd. Hawkins
off San Mateo Bay, 269, 343 ; beaten
off, 278 ; officers in, 281 ; arrogance
of a general, 290 ; vain glory of
Spaniards, 292 ; losses, 340 ; flight
with Fenton's ship, 358
Spaniards, treachery at San Juan de
Ulloa, 76, 77, 162, 296 ; care of in
steering, 165 ; good discipline of,
185 ; offer quarter to Rd. Hawkins
and his crew, 295 ; more temperate
than the English, 303
Spanish Lady's Love, ballad in Percy's
Reliques, question as to the hero of,
xxxiii (re.)
Sparke, John, wrote the account of
second voyage of J. Hawkins, 64
Spenser, Edmund, description of Sir
John Hawkins, xv
Spermaceti whale, 155
Steering, 164, 165
Stevens, Dr., "his water" a cure for
scurvy, 141
Steward of a ship, duties, 275
Stow's Chronicle, character of Sir John
Hawkins given in, xvi
Suffolk, Earl of, 109 (see Howard, Lord
Thomas)
Surat, Wm. Hawkins at, 387, 388 : F.
Buck, a merchant sent to by Capt.
Hawkins, 389 ; belonged to the
Viceroy of the Deccan, 390 ; and to
" Mocreb Chan", 390 ; trading ope
rations, 391 ; W. Finch at, 394, 397
" Swallow", Bhip in first voyage of J.
Hawkins, 5 ; in second voyage, 8,
9 ; ship of Rd. Hawkins in the fleet
against the Spanish Armada, xxii,
222
Swearing, punishment for, 147
Sword-fish, fight with whale, 153
Symarons (see Negroes)
Taboga Isle, 329
Tagarin, on coast of Guinea, 6, 23, 29
Tamarida, port of Socotra, 385
Tangomangoes, Negro tribe, 24
Tecu, 417
Teneriffe, J. Hawkins at, 6, 9, 10 ;
peak of, 13, 123, 124; sighted by
Capt. Wm. Hawkins, 365

INDEX.

453

Tennyson, Mr., his ballad of the "Re
venge", 103 (re.)
Terceira, one of the Azores, Rd. Haw
kins a prisoner at, xxxi, 290, 305,
329
Ternate, 335
Tharlton, Robert, Master of the
" Fancy", his base desertion, xxv
(re.), 184
"Thomas", E.I.C. ship, Capt. W.
Hawkins on board, xiv, 418
Thomson, Master, pilot of Harwich, in
the " Dainty", 98
Thrashers, fights with whales, 153
"Thunderbolt", unfortunate name for
a ship, 92
Thynn, Sir Henry, money due from,
to Sir Rd. Hawkins, xlix
Tides, importance of knowledge of in
navigation, 105 ; on west coast of
South America, 262 ; at Panama,
328
"Tiger", a ship in second voyage of
J. Hawkins, 5, 16 ; ship of Sir R.
Grenville, 151
Tobacco, question of first introduction
into England, vii (re.) ; virtues of,
57 ; fires caused by, 145
TobiaB Cove, in Magellan's Straits,
208
Toledo, Don Francisco de, Viceroy of
Peru, notice of, 334 (re. )
Tortuga Island, 29
Towerson, Captain Gabriel, marries
the widow of Capt, Wm. Hawkins,
xlvi
" Triumph" (see Fleet)
Truxillo, 259
Turner, Dr., named "Winter's Bark",
215
Ufflet, Nicholas, servant of Captain W.
Hawkins, very ill at Agra, 404 ;
performs the marriage service for
Wm. Hawkins and his Armenian
bride at Agra, 404 ; precedes Haw
kins on journey to Surat, 417
Unicorn horns in Florida, 59
Valdivia in Chile, 223
Valdivia, Pedro de, notice of, 225 (re.)
Valparaiso, three ships seized at, 232 ;
origin of name, 232 (re.) ; bay of,
228, 229, 337

"Vanguard", last ship of Sir Rd.
Hawkins, xxxix
Variation of the compass, 183
Vavasour, Captain, of the " Fore
sight", 103
Verde, Cape, 14, 70 ; islands, 125 ;
unhealthiness, 127; remedy, 128;
account of, 129 (see Santiago,
Brava)
Victoria, Brazilian port, 159 (re.); Pro
visions obtained at, 160
" Victory" (see Fleet), Sir J. Hawkins's
ship, xiv
Vigo, 80, 81
Villar, Conde de, Viceroy of Peru, S35
" Visitacion", name given to the
"Dainty" by the Spaniards, xxvii,
328

Wafter (Whaftage), ships so called,
92 (re.), 117, 290
Walker, Mr., preacher in Fenton's
voyage, 354, 355, 357
Warde, Captain Luke, in Fenton's
voyage, xliii, 355, 357
Water, property of, in taking fire,
146; taste of brimstone in, 147 ;
distilling from salt water, 164 ;
contagious, 169
Watering in Magellan's Straits, 200,
204
Wattes, Master (of London) takes
home letters for R. Hawkins, 121
Welshmen in America, names, 193
Whales, fights with sword fish and
thrasher, 153 ; fishing for, 1 54 ;
spermaceti, 155, 157
Will of Sir Richard Hawkins, xxxix,
xlvii
Wilson, Edward, General in "Thun
derbolt", slain, 92
Wine, bad effects of, 236, 237, 302 ;
Spaniards more temperate than
English, 303
Winter, Sir William, quarrel with Sir
John Hawkins, xiii ; adventurer in
the first voyage of J. Hawkins, 5
Winter's bark, 215
Worms, warning against, 201
Woorley, Thomas, in second voyage of
J. Hawkins, 64
Yuca plant, 179

3 9002 00581 1352

£2

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